{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, they face political resistance from short-run losers, including the companies and sectors that existing rigidities protect. Moreover, in order to ensure that such reforms ultimately benefit everyone, there must be a strong culture of trust and a determination to prevent more flexible arrangements from leading to abuses. Finally, structural reforms require time to take effect. This is particularly true in the eurozone, whose members abandoned a crucial tool for accelerating the process – exchange-rate adjustments to account for different economies’ productivity levels – when they adopted the common currency. ECB President Mario Draghi recently argued that, because individual EU countries’ growth-retarding policies have negative external effects, perhaps they should not have unimpeded control in certain policy areas. Though member countries’ financial supervisory authority is already being limited through centralization of bank regulation and resolution mechanisms, Draghi’s suggestion is more far-reaching. One wonders if Draghi’s proposal is politically feasible in the EU context. Even if it were, would it be necessary? All economies have sub-units across which economic productivity, growth, and dynamism vary considerably. Indeed, differentials in the quality of governance and policies seem persistent, even in economies that perform pretty well overall. Perhaps part of the answer is to prevent sub-units – in the EU’s case, member countries – from falling short on reforms. But centralization carries its own costs. Given the risk inherent in betting on policy convergence, labor mobility – which enables highly valuable human capital, especially well-educated young people, to leave lagging regions for those that offer more and better employment opportunities – could prove to be a critical tool for adjustment. As it stands, labor mobility is imperfect in the EU. But, with language training and the implementation of something like the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs (which aimed to create an innovative “learning economy,” underpinned by inclusive social and environmental policies), mobility could be enhanced. But more fluid labor mobility is no panacea. As with every other element of a growth strategy, mutually reinforcing efforts are the only way to achieve success. Half a loaf may be better than none, but half the ingredients do not translate into half of the hoped-for results.", "zh": "首先，它们面临来自短期输家的政治抵制，包括得到现有僵化结构保护的公司和部门。 此外，为了确保这些改革最终能让所有人受益，必须有强大的��任文化和决心以防止更灵活的安排导致滥用。 最后，结构改革需要时间才能见效。 欧元区尤其如此。 加入共同货币区时，欧元区成员国放弃了加速过程的关键工具 — — 调整汇率以契合不同经济体的生产率水平。 欧洲央行行长德拉吉最近指出，因为个体欧盟国家的拖累增长的政策产生了消极外部效应，也许它们不应该成为某些政策领域的核心政策。 尽管成员国的金融监督权已经因为银行监管和破产清算机制的集中化而受到了限制，但德拉吉的建议仍具有深远意义。 你也许会质疑德拉吉的建议在欧盟环境下是否具有政治可行性。 即使答案是肯定的，也还有必要性问题。 所有经济体都有次结构，这些次结构的经济生产率、增长和活力彼此大不相同。 事实上，治理质量和政策差异似乎是持久存在的，即使总体表现相当漂亮的经济体也是如此。 也许一部分答案在防止次结构 — — 在欧盟的例子中就是成员国 — — 在改革方面落后。 但集中也有其成本。 押注于政策趋同有其内在风险，因此劳动力流动性 — — 它让宝贵的人力资本特别是教育程度较高的年轻人离开落后地区，前往能提供更多更好就业机会的地区 — — 能成为调整的关键工具。 目前的情况，劳动力流动性在欧盟并不完美。 但是，随着语言培训和类似于里斯本增长和就业战略（旨在创造创新型“学习经济 ” ， 以包容性社会和环境政策为基础）的政策的实施，流动性能够得到强化。 但增强劳动力流动性并非万灵丹。 与其他所有增长战略要素形成互相强化效应是实现成功的唯一办法。 有半个面包也许比什么都没有更好，但只有一半要素是无法产生一半的想要结果的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“一直担心你这小子本性太过善良，容易吃亏…男儿横行当有术，区区莽夫难登天，如今我倒是放心不少。” 话落，整个人影又如同水波般晃动，在晃动中悄然消失得无影无踪。 东来大殿蜡炬摇影，宋扶跟在苗毅身后一前一后站定在了大殿内，外面的黑炭已经站了起来，似乎察觉到了什么打了个响嚏。 苗毅面无表情地盯着自己的宝座，负手背对宋扶，一声不吭。 两人之间的气氛有点压抑，宋扶等了会儿，终于忍不住问道：“洞主召我何事？” 苗毅语气阴沉道：“宋扶，你可知罪？” 宋扶嘴角露出讥讽，瞥了眼一旁矮桌上的酒菜，淡然道：“此事绝非我等所为，宋扶何罪之有？” “我问的不是这个！”", "en": "“Brat, I’ve always been worried that you were too kind-hearted, and easily taken advantage of… A boy must rampage with wit, a reckless brute will not reach the heavens. I am now quite reassured.” As he said this, his figure’s shape oscillated like waves, and he quietly disappeared amidst the oscillations, with not a trace to be seen. The candles in the East Arrival Grand Hall danced about as Song Fu followed behind Miao Yi and stood still within. Outside, Charcoal had already stood up, and as though sensing something was about to happen, it sneezed loudly. Miao Yi expressionlessly glanced at his own prized seat, his hands behind his back as he faced Song Fu. He stood there without uttering a sound. The atmosphere between the two was slightly tense, and Song Fu waited for a moment, before finally asking, “What does Cave Master ask of me?” Miao Yi asked in a solemn tone, “Song Fu, are you aware of your sins?” Song Fu had a trace of mockery on the corner his lips. Looking at the dishes on the short table to the side, he said indifferently, “This incident was not my doing, what sin do I bear?” “I am not asking about this!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "People who live longer while not being in employment want to enjoy their lives. A plethora of magazines tell pensioners what they can do. Advice ranges from sex in old age to tourism. Tourism, in particular – cruises as well as more adventurous trips – has become a favorite pastime for the elderly. At the same time, images of life in our own societies are shifting. No one is surprised to see grey-haired people dancing and singing and petting. For many of them, life seems to become an almost permanent holiday. To be sure, the impression is deceptive. Old people who have families are often found in a new role as educators of the young. While their sons and daughters go to work, they become the real parents of the next generation. Today’s young children often see more of their grandmother than of their mother. One may well wonder what this means in terms of social values. The impression of a generation on permanent holiday is deceptive in another respect. Much public debate is devoted to child poverty and how to relieve it. However, there is at least as much old-age poverty. The point is that it is less visible. Occasionally, newspapers report that an old person has been found dead after days, having suffered a lonely demise from illness or even starvation. For the most part, old-age poverty is hidden, often by the victims themselves, who are too proud to talk about their condition. This is in part the explanation for the failure of the “Greys,” that is, of political groups catering to the interests of the elderly. While such interests do exist, they do not lead older people to close ranks and organize themselves. If they are poor or otherwise disadvantaged, they are most likely to regard this as their personal, almost private destiny. Like the unemployed, they do not want a political party devoted to their plight. Beyond that, the key feature of an aging society is the independence of the elderly. Their vote is precisely not an expression of group interest. They make up their own minds and contribute to the unpredictability of modern elections. In that sense, too, an aging society adds to the responsibilities of the young.", "zh": "长寿而又无需工作的老年人希望能享受生活，于是大量面向退休人员，告诉他们该做些什么的杂志应运而生。 其中的建议可谓五花八门，从老年性生活到老年旅游无所不包。 特别值得一提的是，旅游已经成了老年人最为喜爱的消遣娱乐，其中包括漫游和探险之旅。 与此同时，我们自己的社会生活也发生了改变。 看到满头银发的老年人载歌载舞、嬉笑调情，再也没有人感到吃惊。 对很多老人来讲，生活似乎成了永无休止的假期。 可以肯定的讲，这种印象是有欺骗性的。 生活在家庭中的老年人通常会负担起教育年轻人的责任。 子女们忙于工作，他们就成了下一代真正的父母。 今天的小孩与祖母待在一起的时间常常比母亲多。 人们尽可以质疑这在社会价值领域究竟意味着什么。 从另一个方面讲，老年人无休止度假的印象也是错误的。 很多公众辩论都围绕着如何才能消除儿童贫困，但老年人的贫困问题实际也同样严重，只不过没有那么显著。 我们偶尔会在报纸上读到报道，说老年人死了几天才被人们发现，死前忍受着病痛甚至是饥饿的折磨。 在多数情况下，老年贫困问题是隐形的，常常被受害者自己所掩盖，这些老年人太骄傲，他们不愿提到自己的困境。 这在一定程度上解释了“灰党 ” ， 也就是迎合老人利益的政党为什么会在选举中失败。 尽管上述利益确实存在，但却没有拉近老年人的距离、使他们形成共同的组织。 如果他们穷困潦倒、身处困境，他们最有可能还是把这当作自己个人、甚至是隐秘的命运。 和失业工人一样，他们并不希望出现专注于自身命运的政党。 除此以外，老龄化社会的重要特点就是老年人的独立。 他们的投票肯定不是群体利益的反映。 他们有着自己的想法，增加了现代选举的不确定性。 从这种意义上，老龄化社会赋予了年轻人更多的责任。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the case of the financial crisis, low- and middle-income borrowers were convinced to take out subprime (high-risk) loans with low “teaser” interest rates. But those rates would, after a set period, increase substantially – often to levels that the borrowers could not afford. In extreme cases, banks even granted so-called NINJA (no income, no job, and no assets) loans. When the crisis struck, many of these high-risk borrowers lost their homes. In the case of the opioid crisis, pharmaceutical companies offered free samples and savings coupons to doctors, who then prescribed to patients who often were not made fully aware of the addictive nature of the substances they were consuming. Many of these patients then became addicted to opiates, with a large number of them eventually dying from drug overdose. While asymmetric information and irresponsible incentives were major causes of both crises, other factors helped to amplify their effects. In the case of the financial crisis, one such factor was securitization, the process whereby subprime loans were pooled and sold as asset-backed securities, which created a powerful incentive to originate increasingly risky loans. When the mortgage bubble burst, the market for mortgage-backed securities collapsed, and undercapitalized banks that had loaded up on them found themselves struggling to survive. During the opioid crisis, the major amplifying mechanism has been illegal opiates. Patients become addicted to prescribed painkillers, which, while dangerous, comprise known ingredients and, when used properly, have predictable dosages. But eventually those prescriptions dry up, inducing addicted patients to turn to illegal alternatives, which are even more likely to lead to fatal overdose. So far, much more has been done to counter the mechanisms behind the financial crisis than those fueling the opioid crisis. As of February 2018, lawsuits against banks had resulted in an estimated $243 billion in fines and settlements. By contrast, as of May 2018, pharmaceutical companies and prescription drug distributors had faced only about $953 million in fines and settlements (mostly, but not only, against Purdue Pharma), though many lawsuits are still pending. The regulatory response has been similarly lopsided. On the financial front, the US Congress has created the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau to oversee financial products and services that are offered to consumers.", "zh": "在金融危机中，中低收入借款人被说服承担“诱导性”低利率的次级（高风险）贷款。 但这些利率在经过了一段时期后，会大幅提高 — — 通常会升高到借款人无法承担的地步。 在极端情形中，银行甚至会发放所谓的“忍者 ” （ 无收入、无工作、资产）贷款。 当危机爆发时，许多高风险借款人失去了房子。 在阿片危机中，制药公司为医生提供免费样品和折扣券，随后，医生为通常并不了解他们所用的物质的致瘾特性的患者开出处方。 许多患者因此成瘾，其中大部分最终死于用药过量。 两场危机的主要原因都是不对称信息和不负责任的激励，但其他因素也有放大效果的作用。 在金融危机中，这类因素之一便是证券化，次级贷款被集中起来，作为资产支持证券出售，这就形成了发起越来越危险的贷款的强大激励。 当按揭泡沫破裂时，按揭支持证券市场崩盘，大量持有这些证券资的不抵债的银行难以生存下去。 在阿片危机中，主要放大机制是非法阿片。 患者对处方止痛药上瘾。 这些处方止痛药固然危险，但成分已知，如果使用得当，剂量可以预测。 但最终，这些处方会耗尽，导致上瘾的患者转向更容易达到致命剂量的非法阿片。 到目前为止，我们为解决金融危机背后的机制已经做了很多，而对助长阿片危机背后的因素则否。 2018年2月，针对银行的诉讼已经导致了约2,430亿美元的罚款和和解金。 相反，到2018年5月，制药公司和处方药分销商只面临大约9.35亿美元罚款和和解金（主要是Purdue Pharma，但并非只有这一家 ） ， 尽管许多诉讼仍在进行中。 监管反应也差不多。 在金融领域，美国国会成立了消费者金融保护局（CBFP）来监督向消费者提供的金融产品和服务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That's huge. That means that architecture is shaping us in ways that we didn't even realize. That makes us a little bit gullible and very, very predictable. It means that when I show you a building like this, I know what you think: You think \"power\" and \"stability\" and \"democracy.\" And I know you think that because it's based on a building that was build 2,500 years ago by the Greeks. This is a trick. This is a trigger that architects use to get you to create an emotional connection to the forms that we build our buildings out of. It's a predictable emotional connection, and we've been using this trick for a long, long time. We used it [200] years ago to build banks. We used it in the 19th century to build art museums. And in the 20th century in America, we used it to build houses. And look at these solid, stable little soldiers facing the ocean and keeping away the elements. This is really, really useful, because building things is terrifying. It's expensive, it takes a long time, and it's very complicated. And the people that build things -- developers and governments -- they're naturally afraid of innovation, and they'd rather just use those forms that they know you'll respond to. That's how we end up with buildings like this. This is a nice building. But it doesn't have much to do with what a library actually does today.", "zh": "真的太久了。 建筑在我们不曾意识到的 多个方面形塑我们。 那让我们很容易受骗， 也非常，非常可以预测。 当我将这个建筑展示给你的时候， 我知道你在想什么： 你想到\"权力\" 和 \"稳定\" 还有\"民主\"。 我知道因为这个建筑 是希腊人于2500年前建造的。 这是个骗局。 也就是说，建筑 能够让你创造出那些 我们想通过建筑物表达含义的 情感连结。 这是个可预测的情感连结， 我们使用这个诡计 很多很多年了。 我们用这个方法 [200] 年前 建造银行。 我们19世纪建造艺术博物馆。 在20世纪的美洲， 我们用它来建筑房屋。 看着这些坚固的小士兵 面朝大海，挡住这些东西。 这真的非常非常有效， 因为建造东西真的很麻烦。 非常昂贵，耗时，而且很麻烦。 建筑房屋的人 ──发展商和政府── 他们天生就害怕创新， 他们宁可选用这些你已熟知的风格。 这就是为什么这样的建筑存在。 这是个漂亮的建筑物。 但这和现代图书馆的理念不大一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "His sectarian, authoritarian behavior polarized his country to such a degree that even the army’s chief, General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, known for his Islamist sympathies, withdrew his support from the man who had appointed him. Likewise, the revival of the Shia-Sunni civil war in Iraq largely reflects the sectarian rule of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Nor has Hamas’s rise to power in Gaza ushered in inclusive, democratic governance. After having failed to reverse Hamas’s electoral victory by military means, the PLO agreed with its Islamist rivals on a plan for national reconciliation; but this pact remains a dead letter. As for Syria, the revolt against one of the most secular autocracies in the Arab world has degenerated into a fight to the death between Sunnis and Shia that is spilling over to other countries in the region. A Sunni jihad has now been launched against the Baath regime and its Shia allies, Iran and Hezbollah. Neighboring Lebanon, with its fierce Sunni-Shia divide, is already being directly affected. The struggle between religion and state in the Maghreb is less violent, but potentially explosive nonetheless. Tunisia, where the Arab Spring began, is now caught between secularists and religious fundamentalists. The Islamist Ennahda party leads the government, but it faces a serious challenge from the ultra-conservative Salafists of Hizb Ut-Tahrir. In Morocco, King Mohammed VI did not conceal his support for the Egyptian coup, but the Islamist Justice and Development Party, which leads his government, denounced it.", "zh": "他的宗派主义独裁行为导致了埃及的极化，以至于以同情伊斯兰教著称的军队首脑西西（Abdul Fattah al-Sisi）将军也不再支持任命了他的穆尔西。 类似地，伊拉克什叶派-逊尼派战争的死灰复燃在很大程度上是拜总理马利基的宗派统治所赐。 哈马斯在加沙地带的崛起和掌权也没有带来包容性的民主治理。 在试图以军事手段推翻哈马斯的选举胜利失败后，巴解组织与其伊斯兰教对手就国民和解问题达成了一致，但这份契约无异于废纸一张。 再看叙利亚，针对阿拉伯世界最世俗的独裁政权之一的革命退化为一场逊尼派和什叶派之间的殊死斗争，并且可能溢出到中东地区的其他国家。 如今，一场针对社会复兴党政权及其什叶派盟友伊朗和真主党的逊尼派圣战已经打响。 存在严重逊尼派-什叶派冲突的邻国黎巴嫩已经受到了直接影响。 马格里布（Maghreb）的宗教和国家之争没有那么暴力，但也具有爆发性潜力。 阿拉伯之春的起源地突尼斯如今也有世俗派和原教旨主义者纠缠不清。 伊斯兰复兴运动党（Islamist Ennahda）领导着突尼斯政府，但它面临来自极端保守的沙拉菲派伊斯兰解放党（Hizb Ut-Tahrir）的严重挑战。 在摩洛哥，国王穆罕默德四世毫不隐瞒他对埃及政变的支持，但领导摩洛哥政府的伊斯兰正义和发展党（Islamist Justice and Development Party，JDP）意见相反。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "小彩最近一直在暗中保护着宋书航的父母，监视有没有心怀不轨的道友接近父母。到目前为止，还没有发生异状。 准备妥当后，宋书航抱起缩小后的龟前辈，将葱娘塞入口袋，然后和苏氏阿十六一起离开药师大楼。 刚一踏出家门时，宋书航就看到一对学生模样的情侣，正在药师大楼前不远处，似乎发生了争吵。 “小姿，你相信我。我和其他女人只是逢场作戏，我真正爱的人只有你一个。”那位男子一脸认真道。 呸，竟然是个情场老手。 而且这台词是哪部电视剧的？他差点以为是自家功德蛇美人跑出来抢人台词来着。 “嗯……这家伙我揍过。换了个发型，差点认不出来。”苏氏阿十六突然传音道。 宋书航轻轻一笑，不由回忆起和苏氏阿十六初见的场面。 而这时，那男子正好看到宋书航身边的苏氏阿十六。他脸色微微一变，然后又认真的对女友道：“我心中只有你，相信我，我绝对不会辜负你。如若我心中还有其他女人，天打五雷轰！”", "en": "Little Cai had been secretly protecting his parents, keeping watch on them and seeing if there were any malicious fellow daoists who tried to approach them. So far, no abnormalities had occurred. When everything was prepared, Song Shuhang picked up the shrunken Senior Turtle, stuffed Lady Onion into his pocket, and left Medicine Master’s building with Sixteen. As soon as he stepped out of the house, Song Shuhang saw a couple who looked like students not far from Medicine Master’s building; they seemed to be arguing. The man said seriously, “Little Zi, you have to believe me. That other woman and I were just acting out a scene. The only person I love is you.” Ptui, it was actually a love affair. Also, which TV show was that line from? Song Shuhang almost thought the virtuous lamia had come out to snatch someone’s lines. Sixteen suddenly said, “Hm… I beat this guy up before. He changed his hairstyle, and I almost didn’t recognize him.” Song Shuhang smiled lightly, recalling his first meeting with Sixteen. At this moment, the man happened to see Sixteen beside Song Shuhang, and his expression changed slightly. He then immediately said to his girlfriend in a serious tone, “I only have you in my heart. Believe me. I will never let you down. If there are other women in my heart, may the heavens strike me down with five bolts of lightning!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Other shared problems – such as corruption, poverty, and social underdevelopment – would be similarly difficult to address together. And it seems that the BRICS may not even be willing to try. Although Wen Jiabao, in his final address as Prime Minister, highlighted the enduring obstacles to China’s economic development (many of which its fellow BRICS share), China’s new president, Xi Jinping, insists that his country will not sacrifice its “sovereignty, security, or development interests” for the sake of more trade. Meanwhile, Russia’s impaired democracy and resource-driven economy are a poor example for its fellow BRICS – and, in fact, could serve as a warning to the others about the risks of excessive reliance on the state. And Brazil, like India a genuine democracy, also seems sui generis. Despite the commodities boom of the last decade, its industrial output relative to GDP is no higher than it was when the effort to create a BRICS bloc began. The BRICS’ ambitions – and the world’s expectations for them – may yet be fulfilled. But shared potential does not translate into collaborative action. On the contrary, each of the BRICS will have to pursue its goals, and confront its challenges, individually.", "zh": "其他共同问题 — — 比如腐败、贫困和社会欠发达 — — 也难以一并纠正。 且金砖国家可能根本不愿意一试。 尽管温家宝在其作为总理的最后一次讲话中强调了中国经济发展所面临的顽固障碍（其中许多也存在于其他金砖国家中 ） ， 但中国新国家主席习近平坚持中国不会牺牲“主权、安全和发展利益”来追求更多的贸易。 与此同时，俄罗斯的不完善民主和资源驱动型经济为其他金砖国家树立了不好的榜样 — — 事实上，俄罗斯可以称为一个警示信号，过度以来政府会产生风险。 与印度同属真正民主国家的巴西也是自成一格。 尽管过去十年中经历了商品繁荣，但其工业产出占GDP的比重并没有比金砖国家名词诞生前高。 金砖国家的雄心 — — 以及全世界寄予它们的厚望 — — 或许能够实现。 但共同潜力并不会转变为合作行动。 相反，金砖国家中的每一个都必须追求自己的目标，直面自己的挑战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "韦小宝看了一遍便已记得，练了七八次，自以为十分纯熟，说道：“练熟啦！”海老公坐在椅上，左臂一探，便往他肩头抓去，韦小宝伸手挡格，却慢了一步，已被他抓住肩头。海老公道：“熟什么？再练。”韦小宝又练了几次，再和海老公拆招。海老公左臂一探，姿式招数仍和先前一模一样。韦小宝早就有备，只见他手一动便伸手去格，岂知仍是慢了少许，还是给他抓住了肩头。海老公哼了一声，骂道：“小笨蛋！”韦小宝心中骂道：“老乌龟！”不住练那格架的姿式，到得第三次拆解，仍是给他抓住，不禁心下迷惘，不知是什么缘故。海老公道：“我这一抓，你便再练三年，也避不开的。我跟你说，你不能避，我来抓你肩头，你就须得用手掌切我手腕，这叫做以攻为守。”", "en": "Trinket had memorized it at first glance. He practised it seven or eight times and reckoned he had it down to perfection. 'I've mastered that one!' he exclaimed. From where he sat in his chair, Old Hai shot out his left arm and gripped Trinket by the shoulder. Trinket tried to parry with his hand, but was much too slow, and the old eunuch held him fast. 'Mastered it, eh?' croaked Old Hai. 'Practise it again.' Trinket practised it several more times on his own, and then tried it again with Old Hai, who shot out his left arm and followed the exact same sequence of moves as before. This time Trinket was prepared, but try as he might, when he parried he was still far too slow, and the old eunuch had him once more by the shoulder. Old Hai humphed: 'Clot!' 'Turtle!' thought Trinket to himself. He went on practising, but when on the third try he found himself outclassed yet again, he began to feel a sense of helpless despair. 'You could practise for three years and still not learn how to parry that snatch of mine,' said Old Hai. 'You have to counter with a sideways cut across my wrist. That's called defence through attack.'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "New Battlegrounds in Development Finance PRETORIA – The popularity of public-private partnerships (PPPs) to support infrastructure development in emerging countries is growing worldwide. The G-20 backs PPPs to boost global growth and create jobs. The BRICS economies (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) see them as a way to build essential infrastructure quickly and cheaply. The United Nations hopes that infrastructure PPPs will provide the means to realize its post-2015 global development agenda. PPPs’ new appeal may redefine not just development economics, but also the overall relationship between rich and poor countries – though not necessarily for the better. The PPP bandwagon has three essential components: an explosion in infrastructure finance (backed by pension and other large funds); the creation of “pipelines” of lucrative mega-PPP projects to exploit countries’ raw materials; and the dismantling of environmental and social safeguards. Each must be carefully monitored as the use of PPPs expands. The World Bank is already seeking to double its lending within a decade by expanding infrastructure projects. Its new Global Infrastructure Facility (GIF) will mobilize global pension and sovereign wealth funds to invest in infrastructure as a specific asset class. The emerging world has also been active. The BRICS recently announced plans for a New Development Bank (NDB) for infrastructure and sustainable development. Its first Regional Center for Africa will be based in South Africa. China will launch a new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.", "zh": "发展金融的新战场 比勒陀利亚—新兴国家公私合作支持基础设施开发的风潮正在走向世界。 二十国集团支持公私合作提振全球增长和就业创造。 金砖经济体（巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非）将公私���作视为迅速廉价地建设关键基础设施的方法。 联合国希望基础设施公私合作能成为实现其2015年后全球发展日程的途径。 公私合作的新诉求不仅可能重写发展经济学，还可能重塑整个富国与穷国的关系 — — 尽管未必朝积极的方向发展。 公私合作风潮有三个关键组成部分：基础设施金融大爆发（背后是退休基金和其他大资金 ） 、 为有吸引力的大型公私合营工程创造“渠道”利用各国原材料；以及对环境和社会保护措施的破坏。 在公私合作的扩张过程中，每一项都必须仔细监控。 世界银行计划在十年内通过扩大基础设施工程让其贷款规模增加一倍。 其新成立的全球基础设施便利（Global Infrastructure Facility，GIF）将动员全球退休基金和主权财富基金投资作为具体资产类别的基础设施。 新型世界一直相当积极。 金砖国家最近宣布了成立新开发银行为基础设施和可持续发展服务的计划。 其首个非洲地区中心将坐落于南非。 中国将成立新的亚洲基础设施投资银行（Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump will also be checked by the American political system’s separation of powers, relatively independent government agencies such as the Fed, and a free and vibrant press. But the market itself will be Trump’s biggest constraint. If he tries to pursue radical populist policies, the response will be swift and punishing: stocks will plummet, the dollar will fall, investors will flee to US Treasury bonds, gold prices will spike, and so forth. If, however, Trump blends more benign populist policies with mainstream pro-business ones, he will not face a market fallout. Now that he has won the election, there is little reason for him to choose populism over safety. The effects of a pragmatic Trump presidency would be far more limited than in the radical scenario. First, he would still ditch the TPP; but so would Hillary Clinton. He claimed that he would repeal NAFTA, but he will more likely try to tweak it as a nod to American blue-collar workers. And even if a pragmatic Trump wanted to limit imports from China, his options would be constrained by a recent World Trade Organization ruling against “targeted dumping” tariffs on Chinese goods. Outsider candidates often bash China during their election campaigns, but quickly realize once in office that cooperation is in their own interest. Trump probably will build his wall on the Mexican border, even though fewer new immigrants are arriving than in the past. But he will likely crack down only on undocumented immigrants who commit violent crimes, rather than trying to deport 5-10 million people. Meanwhile, he may still limit visas for high-skill workers, which would deplete some of the tech sector’s dynamism. A pragmatic Trump would still generate fiscal deficits, though smaller than in the radical scenario. If he follows the Congressional Republicans’ proposed tax plan, for example, revenue would be reduced only by $2 trillion over a decade. To be sure, the policy mix under a pragmatic Trump administration would be ideologically inconsistent and moderately bad for growth. But it would be far more acceptable to investors – and the world – than the radical agenda he promised his voters.", "zh": "特朗普还将受到美国政治制度中权力分割、美联储等相对独立的政府机构，以及的生机勃勃的新闻自由的制衡。 但市场本身才是特朗普最大的约束。 如果他试图追求激进的民粹主义政策，将导致迅速的惩罚性的反应：股票暴跌、美元贬值、投资者逃向美国国债、金价暴涨，等等。 但是，如果特朗普将温和民粹主义政策和主流亲商政策打成一片，他就不会面临市场的反对。 既然他已经赢得选举，没有理由会选择民粹主义比安全更重要。 务实的特朗普总统所带来的影响将远远比激进的特朗普有限。 首先，他仍然会放弃TPP；但希拉里·克林顿也会这样做。 他宣称他将废除NAFTA，但他更有可能调整NAFTA，以此作为对美国蓝领工人的让步。 而即使务实的特朗普想要限制中国进口品，其选择也将受到世贸组织最新裁决 — — 反对向中国商品征收“针对性倾销”关税的限制。 外部候选人常常会在选战中抨击中国，但一旦开始执政，就会迅速认识到合作才符合自身利益。 特朗普也许会在墨西哥边境建起他的高墙，即使新移民的数量将比以前更少。 但他可能将只驱逐有过暴力犯罪记录的无证移民，而不是试图驱逐500—1,0000万人。 与此同时，他可能仍将限制高技能员工签证，这将让高科技部门失去一些活力。 务实的特朗普仍将带来财政赤字，尽管要比激进情形小一些。 比如，如果他遵循国会共和党提出的税收计划，十年中税收收入将只减少2万亿美元。 诚然，务实的特朗普征服的政策组合在意识形态上可能会出现不一致，并对增长略微不利。 但对投资者 — — 以及全世界 — — 来说，这比他向选民所许下的激进日程更加容易接受多了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Iran’s Quest A major shortcoming in today’s world is the persistence of a zero-sum sense of geopolitics. The world expected something different in the post-Cold War era to promote peace and stability. Instead, after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, momentum swung toward a “global war on terror” that, in practice, became the rationale for maintaining a Cold War mentality and supporting strategies of preemptive war and regime change that have intensified insecurity, instability, and international terrorism. Consider my country, Iran, which has not invaded any country in the past 250 years. After decades of struggle against dictatorship and foreign domination, we secured our freedom and independence in 1979 by establishing a political system of our own choosing. But instead of establishing friendly relations with Iran based on this new reality, the United States has consistently sought to restore its domination, even providing massive diplomatic, financial, and military support to Saddam Hussein in his war against my country during the 1980’s. The current dispute over Iran’s peaceful and legal nuclear program is part of this pattern, replete with unfounded accusations, double standards, and moral and legal inconsistency, all hidden behind the alleged threat of proliferation. But Iran’s peaceful nuclear program originates from the late 1960’s and 1970’s. Iran’s energy demand will exceed its supply, possibly reducing or even eliminating its oil export capacity in the near future. Thus, Iran urgently needs to produce 20,000 megawatts of nuclear power by 2020. As long ago as 1973, the US government itself saw that Iran would need nuclear power. Indeed, the US expected that Iran would be capable of generating 20,000 megawatts by 1994. Despite the encouragement of Iran’s civil nuclear program by the US, Britain, Germany, and France, they all ultimately reneged on their contractual commitments after our revolution in 1979. Today, some of these governments are even questioning Iran’s need for nuclear energy – a matter that was obvious to them 30 years ago. Iran does not need nuclear weapons to protect its regional interests, and such weapons have no place in Iran’s security strategy. It seeks to win the confidence of its neighbors and has remained within the confines of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).", "zh": "伊朗的求索 当今世界的一大弊端是地缘政治挥之不去的“零和”感。 世界期望能有一些不同的东西在后冷战时代推动和平与稳定。 然而，自从2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击之后，局面的发展转向了一场“全球的反恐战争 ” 。 实际上，它成为了维持冷战思维和支持先发制人的战争和政权变更战略的根本原因，从而进一步加深了不安全、不稳定和国际恐怖主义。 再看看我的国家，伊朗，它在过去的250年里没有侵略过任何一个国家。 经过数十载与独裁政权和外国控制的斗争，我们通过建立自己选择的政治制度，在1979年获得了自由和独立。 然而美国非但没有基于这个新的现实与伊朗建立友好的关系，反而一直企图重建它对伊朗的控制，甚至在1980年代萨达姆•侯赛因对我国发动的战争中对其提供了大规模的外交、财政和军事支援。 当前关于伊朗和平合法的核计划的争端就是这种政策模式的一部分。 它充满了毫无根据的指控、双重标准和道德与法律上的自相矛盾，而这一切都隐藏在所谓核扩散威胁的幌子后面。 但伊朗的和平利用核能计划开始于1960年代末期和1970年代。 伊朗的能源需求会超过其供给，甚至可能在不久的将来使我们降低甚至丧失石油出口能力。 因此，伊朗急需在2020年以前发展2万兆瓦的核电。 早在1973年，美国政府自己就预见伊朗将会需要核电。 美国当时估计伊朗在1994年时会具备2万兆瓦的核电发电能力。 尽管美国、英国、德国和法国都鼓励伊朗发展民用核计划，但在我们1979年的伊斯兰革命以后，它们最终都单方面违背了契约承诺。 现今，它们当中的一些政府甚至质疑伊朗对核能的需求—这一在它们30年前看来是显而易见的事实。 伊朗不需要核武器来保护其地区利益，这种武器在伊朗的安全战略中没有一席之地。 伊朗力图赢得邻国的信任并一直遵守《核不扩散条约 》 （ NPT）的规定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "These entire female population was excluded, and only one-quarter of the male population was eligible to vote. Inevitably, Wahhabi Islamists did best. The al-Saud face two threats: one from violent Islamists, and the other from liberal reformers. There is every indication that they fear the reformers far more. Perhaps the princes believe that it is easier to kill “terrorist” criminals than to crush demands for social justice. Indeed, killing violent Islamists and al-Qaeda affiliates is applauded by the international community, especially the United States, as success in the “war on terrorism.” But as they hunt down and kill violent domestic extremists, they are quietly tightening the noose around all those who want moderate reform. This repression of liberal reformers passes unnoticed in the wider world, with America’s silence particularly noticeable. This silence is vital to the princes, for what the al-Saud care about most is US support. As things stand in Saudi Arabia, the US administration has no credible ally for change outside of the existing regime. So, unlike in Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgizstan, and Lebanon, it does nothing to encourage popular opposition. As long as the Saudi regime meets America’s oil needs and fights Islamist radicals, it will continue to receive US support and silence – and hence its tacit consent. But turning a blind eye is shortsighted, for America and for the Saudis. Those who make peaceful revolutions impossible make violent revolutions inevitable. The liberal reformers who have been jailed could have paved the way for a peaceful transition to a reformed Saudi Arabia. By jailing them, the regime has made it clear that violence is the only avenue open to those seeking change.", "zh": "所有女性被排除在投票选举之外，并且只有四分之一的男性具有投票权。 毫无疑问，只有瓦哈比伊斯兰分子（Wahhabi Islamists）才会做得最好。 绍德家族现在面临两大威胁：一个来自崇尚暴力的伊斯兰分子，另一个来自自由改革者们。 很明显，他们更惧怕改革者。 也许亲王们认为，比起镇压要求社会正义的呼声，除去“恐怖主义”罪犯要容易得多。 事实上，消灭暴力的伊斯兰分子和基地组织分子会被当作反恐战争的胜利受到国际社会的嘉奖，尤其是美国。 但是当他们一路追寻并要除去国内的极端分子时，他们也悄悄地收紧了那些布在想要温和改革的人周围的套索。 这种对自由改革的镇压就这样伴随着美国尤为明显的沉默，在世界范围内悄无声息地通过了。 这种沉默对亲王们至关重要，因为邵德家族最为在意的正是美国的支持。 在沙特阿拉伯当前的情形下，除了当前的政权，美国政府没有其他可信任的同盟。 因此，与乌克兰、格鲁吉亚、吉尔吉斯和黎巴嫩不同，美国支持强烈反对派毫无意义。 只要沙特���权能够满足美国的石油需求并对抗伊斯兰激进分子，它将会继续收到美国的支持和沉默 — — 以及它心照不宣的默许。 但是，对美国和沙特阿拉伯来说，视而不见并非长久之计。 那些抹杀和平革命可能性的人将会使暴力革命在所难免。 那些被囚禁的自由改革者们可能已经为通向一个改革一新的沙特阿拉伯的和平演变铺平了道路。 当局通过囚禁这些人已经明确表明，暴力是那些寻求改变者唯一可用的途径。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "These things were within Mr. Jarvis Lorry’s knowledge, thoughts, and notice, when he rang the door-bell of the tranquil house in the corner, on the fine Sunday afternoon. “Doctor Manette at home?” Expected home. “Miss Lucie at home?” Expected home. “Miss Pross at home?” Possibly at home, but of a certainty impossible for handmaid to anticipate intentions of Miss Pross, as to admission or denial of the fact. “As I am at home myself,” said Mr. Lorry, “I’ll go upstairs.” Although the Doctor’s daughter had known nothing of the country of her birth, she appeared to have innately derived from it that ability to make much of little means, which is one of its most useful and most agreeable characteristics. Simple as the furniture was, it was set off by so many little adornments, of no value but for their taste and fancy, that its effect was delightful. The disposition of everything in the rooms, from the largest object to the least; the arrangement of colours, the elegant variety and contrast obtained by thrift in trifles, by delicate hands, clear eyes, and good sense; were at once so pleasant in themselves, and so expressive of their originator, that, as Mr. Lorry stood looking about him, the very chairs and tables seemed to ask him, with something of that peculiar expression which he knew so well by this time, whether he approved?", "zh": "这个晴朗的星期日下午，在贾维斯·罗瑞揿着这个街角小屋的门铃时，上述种种他都知道、想到，也都注意到。 “曼内特医生在家么？” 正等他回来。 “露西小姐在家么？” 正等她回来。 “普洛丝小姐在家么？” 也许在家。但是女仆却完全无法估计普洛丝小姐的意向，是会客，还是不承认在家。 “我在这儿跟在家里一样，”罗瑞先生说，“我自己上楼去吧！” 医生的女儿尽管对自己出生的国度一无所知，却似乎从那个国家遗传来了少花钱多办事的才能。这原是那个国家最有用处、也最受人欢迎的特点。这屋的家具虽简单，却缀满了小饰物。这些东西花钱不多，却表现了品位和想象力，因而产生了令人愉快的效果。室内诸物的安排从最大件到最小件，它们的色调搭配，高雅的变化和对比（那是通过节约小笔小笔的开支，再加上巧妙的手、敏锐的目光和良好的鉴赏力所取得的）都令人赏心悦目，体现了设计者的雅趣。因此，当罗瑞先生站在屋里四面打量的时候，就连桌子椅子都似乎带着一种他现在已颇为熟悉的特殊表情在征求他的意见：是否满意？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We can visualize the future. We can see the big picture. We can make long-term plans. And he wants to take all of that into account. And he wants to just have us do  whatever makes sense to be doing right now. to be doing things that are easy and fun,  like when you're having dinner or going to bed  or enjoying well-earned leisure time. That's why there's an overlap. Sometimes they agree. But other times, it makes much more sense  to be doing things that are harder and less pleasant,  for the sake of the big picture. And that's when we have a conflict. And for the procrastinator,  that conflict tends to end a certain way every time,  leaving him spending a lot of time in this orange zone,  an easy and fun place that's entirely out of the Makes Sense circle. I call it the Dark Playground. Now, the Dark Playground is a place  that all of you procrastinators out there know very well. It's where leisure activities happen  at times when leisure activities are not supposed to be happening. The fun you have in the Dark Playground  isn't actually fun, because it's completely unearned,  and the air is filled with guilt, dread, anxiety, self-hatred --  all of those good procrastinator feelings. And the question is, in this situation, with the Monkey behind the wheel,  how does the procrastinator ever get himself over here to this blue zone,  a less pleasant place, but where really important things happen?", "zh": "我们可以预见未来。 我们可以顾全大局。 我们可以做长期打算。 而且他想把这些都考虑进去。 他想让我们做 任何值得现在去做的事儿。 有时做简单快乐的事 是有意义的， 比如吃饭、睡觉 或者享受应得的休闲时光。 这就是为什么即时满足猴子 和理性的决策制定者之间有重合。 有时他们意见一致。 但是有时，更有意义的是 去做那些比较难 而且不那么让人享受的事情， 这是出于全局的考虑。 此时二者之间会产生冲突。 对于拖延者来说， 每次冲突都以这种方式结束， 就是他在橙色区域 花费了大量时间， 这是那个简单又快乐， 但是又没有意义的那个区域。 我把这片区域称为黑暗的操场。 黑暗的操场是一个 所有拖延者都很了解的地方。 这里是在本来不应该休闲的时候 的休闲娱乐的活动场所。 在黑暗的操场得到的快乐 其实并不是快乐， 因为它完全是不劳而获的， 这会带来内疚、恐惧、 焦虑、自我憎恨 这是所有拖延者的感受。 而且问题是，在这种情况下， 由猴子掌控着方向盘， 怎么能让拖延者把自己 带去蓝色区域那边呢， 那边虽然没那么舒适， 但是有很多重要的事情要做。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, even with progress there, the problems created by the threat of nuclear weapons development in North Korea and Iran will remain. American and European diplomatic engagement with Iran is welcome. But what happens if this brings either no Iranian commitment to refrain from weaponizing nuclear power, or no acceptance of tough monitoring of such a pledge? China and Russia seem unlikely to support any further sanctions against Iran if diplomacy fails. China’s energy relationship with Iran grows ever stronger, and Russia continues to see its mission internationally as making trouble wherever it can. This is just a little of what 2010 perhaps has in store – and no mention yet of Israeli settlement building on the West Bank, Pakistan’s struggle against murderous extremists, and NATO’s bloody difficulties in propping up a discredited and corrupt Afghan regime in order to prevent the country from falling back into the hands of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Still, however gloomy the outlook, we do stagger on – the flowers still bloom, the breeze stirs the trees, the birds sing, and children laugh. The rest of us can enjoy life while Obama does the heavy lifting.", "zh": "不过纵使大会取得了进展，朝鲜与伊朗核武器研发威胁所带来的问题却依然存在。 美欧与伊朗的外交接触受人欢迎；但若外交接触无法令伊朗就不将核能用于军事目的作出承诺，或无法使伊朗同意就此承诺的履行状况接受严格监督的话，情况又会变成什么样呢？ 如果外交努力失败，中俄两国看起来不太可能为针对伊朗的进一步制裁提供支持。 中国与伊朗的能源关系正愈发紧密，而俄国继续将尽力在一切可能的地区制造麻烦视为其国际使命。 以上仅仅是2010年可能正在等着我们的巨大麻烦之冰山一角，还有很多问题没有谈到，比如以色列在西岸的定居点建设问题、巴基斯坦对抗嗜杀成性的极端分子的斗争、以及北约为支撑起一个声名狼藉、且腐化成风的阿富汗政权（此举旨在防止阿富汗重新落入塔利班与基地组织之手）所需面对的血腥困难等等。 然而无论前景多么黯淡，我们蹒跚前行的脚步却不能停下 — — 因为鸟语花香、清风拂树之景如常，笑容也依旧会绽放在孩子们的脸上。 当奥巴马担起重负之时，其他人尽可享受生活。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One possible explanation is that the relationship between GDP growth rates and a country’s current-account position is not linear. Compared to countries with very slow growth rates, countries with reasonably high growth rates should borrow. But when a country’s growth rate continues to increase, its saving rate would increase faster than its investment rate, so it is more likely to run a current-account surplus. For “catch-up” countries, like China, rapid growth is often accompanied by brisk structural change that moves factors of production, especially labor, from low-productivity activities to economic sectors with much higher productivity. This adds to the surplus by increasing firms’ profitability. China’s exchange-rate policy is problematic not because it promotes exports, but because it has forced the country to accumulate a huge pile of wasteful foreign reserves. The Chinese government’s reluctance to allow faster exchange-rate appreciation may reflect its aversion to large, unforeseeable fluctuations, particularly given its determination to make the renminbi an international reserve currency. While China’s economy is hampered by structural difficulties, the US is not free of similar challenges. Frankly, I am always struck by US economists’ reluctance to discuss the structural problems that caused the current crisis, and that hinder America’s recovery. Most seem to believe that the crisis result from bad monetary policy and lax financial-sector regulation; some even blame the savings accumulated by Asian countries, especially China. That may be true of the immediate causes of the crisis. But its eruption was far more deeply rooted in the American version of capitalism, which aims at high levels of competition, innovation, returns, and compensation. While this model has, of course, helped the US to become the world’s leading economy, it has also delivered severe structural problems. For example, to sustain high innovation, the US has maintained the most flexible labor market among mature economies. But this does not come without costs. Companies often lay off a whole department of scientists to shift to a new product, destroying not only human capital, but also human lives. Moreover, flexible labor markets imply adversarial labor relations, particularly when compared to northern European countries. These countries are less innovative than is the US, but their economies and societies may be more resilient.", "zh": "一个可能的原因是，GDP增长率与一国经常项目状况之间的关系并不是线性的。 与增长率极低的国家相比，增长率较高的国家应该举债。 但若一国经济增长率继续增加，其储蓄率将以快于投资率的速度增长，因此更有可能产生经常项目盈余。 对于中国这样的“赶超”国家，快速增长通常伴随着活跃的结构性变化，促使生产要素（特别是劳动力）从低生产率部门向高生产率部门转移。 这增加了企业的盈利能力，从而进一步提高了盈余。 中国的汇率政策之所以有问题，不在于它刺激出口，而在于它迫使中国积累了数量巨大但毫无必要的外汇储备。 中国政府不愿人民币快速升值可能是因为其厌恶不可预知的大幅波动，特别是在其准备将人民币推向国际储备货币地位的时候。 中国经济受着结构性问题的妨碍，而美国也面临着类似的挑战。 坦白讲，有一点我一直感到颇为诧异，那就是美国经济学家不愿意讨论引起当前危机并阻碍美国复苏的结构性问题。 似乎大部分美国经济学家都认为危机的原因是货币政策失当和金融部门监管过松；一些人甚至指责亚洲国家（特别是中国）的储蓄引起了危机。 这也许是危机的直接原因。 但危机的爆发自有其深层根源 — — 旨在提升竞争、创新、回报和报酬水平的美国资本主义。 诚然，这一模���助美国成为世界第一经济体，但它也造成了严重的结构性问题。 比如，为了维持高水平创新，美国的劳动力市场在成熟经济体中是最灵活的。 但这并不是没有成本的。 公司为了转向新产品而砍掉整个部门的科学家稀松平常，这不仅伤害了人力资本，也有损于人民生活。 此外，灵活的劳动力市场意味着对立的劳动关系，这一点在与北欧国家作比较时最为明显。 北欧国家的创新性不及美国，但经济和社会更具韧性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "New Global Rules for a Fairer Food Future GENEVA – This year, governments can ensure that better international rules help get us back on track toward a fairer and more sustainable agricultural trading system, and overcome recent setbacks in our efforts to tackle hunger and malnutrition. The United Nations Food Systems Summit in September, the UN climate conference (COP26) in November, and the World Trade Organization ministerial conference starting later that month provide policymakers ample opportunity to deliver. The COVID-19 pandemic, economic downturns, climate change, and conflict have all contributed to an increase in hunger and malnutrition. And the recent report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is the latest in a series of warnings that show why governments must take immediate bold action to address the challenges we face. In particular, governments should focus on correcting and reducing the distortions currently burdening food and agricultural markets. If policymakers can improve how these markets function, vulnerable producers and consumers stand to benefit the most. Clearly, business as usual is not an option. According to recent estimates from UN agencies, between 720 million and 811 million people faced hunger in 2020. Moreover, moderate or severe food insecurity has climbed slowly for the past six years, and now affects nearly one in three people globally. We must change course if we are to achieve the Sustainable Development Goal of ending hunger and malnutrition by the end of this decade. The expected increase in the world’s population to nearly ten billion by 2050 adds a further element of urgency.", "zh": "保证更公平的粮食未来的新全球规则 日内瓦—今年，各国政府可以确保更好的国际规则帮助我们回到更公平、更可持续的农业贸易体系的轨道上，并克服我们最近在应对饥饿和营养不良方面所遇到的挫折。 9 月的联合国粮食体系峰会、11 月的联合国气候大会 (COP26) 以及当月晚些时候开始的世界贸易组织部长级会议为政策制定者提供了充分的实现机会。 新冠疫情、经济衰退、气候变化和冲突都导致了饥饿和营养不良的增加。 政府间气候变化专门委员会的最新报告为一系列警告再续新篇，说明了为什么政府必须立即采取果断行动来应对我们面临的挑战。 特别是，政府应重点纠正和减少令当前粮食和农产品市场不堪重负的扭曲。 如果政策制定者能够改善这些市场的运行，那么脆弱的生产者和消费者将受益最大。 显然，一切照旧不在选项之列。 据联合国机构的最新估计，2020 年有7.2亿到8.11亿人面临饥饿。 此外，中度或重度粮食不安全状况在过去六年中缓慢攀升，现在影响到全球近三分之一人口。 如果我们要在这个十年末实现消除饥饿和营养不良的可持续发展目标（SDG ） ， 就必须改变方向。 预计到 2050 年，世界人口将增加到近100亿，这进一步增加了紧迫性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But resentment of northerners’ perceived dominance of national politics runs deep in the south, particularly in the Niger Delta, where 50 years of uncontrolled oil production has resulted in polluted farmlands and deepening poverty. The ethnic minority groups that inhabit the area complain that the current revenue-allocation formula, which leaves Nigeria’s oil-producing states with only 13% of oil revenue, is grossly unfair and insufficient compensation for the damaged ecology they endure. In January 2006, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), a violent organization led by angry Delta youth, began to attack oil installations and the soldiers guarding them. MEND and other local groups are demanding that the country return to “true federalism” in the spirit of 1960, and that 50% of oil revenue be retained by the region’s inhabitants. Ken Saro-Wiwa, a writer and founder of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), a grassroots movement in Ogoniland, had called for this as well, before he was hanged by General Sani Abacha’s junta in 1995. Leading voices in the region have come out strongly in Jonathan’s support, and have asked him to ignore northern politicians who insist that the PDP’s power rotation arrangement be respected. Delta leaders point out that 2011 is the ‘minorities’ turn to govern the country after being sat upon by the larger ethnic groups since the end of colonial rule in 1960. It is not yet clear whether Goodluck Jonathan will be able to translate this sectional support into enough votes in the party primaries and beyond to retain the presidency. He has the advantage of a massive war chest, given that Nigeria’s leaders have always done with the public treasury what they liked. But General Babangida also has deep pockets. Besides, PDP’s powerful governors, in control of 28 of the country’s 36 states, see Jonathan as an upstart who came from the middle of nowhere to become president. The powers of the Nigerian presidency are extensive, and Jonathan’s handlers have been dropping loud hints that they will deploy them to whip the governors – including the northerners – into line.", "zh": "但是北方这种自以为掌控着国内政治的做法换来的却是南方的极力抵制，特别是在尼日尔三角洲地区 — — 在该地区，50多年的滥采石油已经导致了耕地污染，贫穷加剧的恶果。 世代居住在那里的少数民族指责当前的利润分配方式非常不公平，而且不足以弥补生态破坏给他们带来的灾难。 根据当前的利润分配模式，尼日利亚各产油州仅能获得石油工业总利润的13 % 。 在2006年1月，由愤怒的三角洲地区青年人组成的尼日利亚三角洲解放运动组织（一个武装暴力组织，简称MEND）开始袭击炼油厂和军方守卫。 MEND和其他当地组织要求国家回到根据1960年精神建立的“真正联邦制 ” ， 并把石油开发利润的50%留给产油区民众。 而在1995年，肯萨罗维瓦，这位作家兼奥戈尼人民生存运动（这是一场爆发在奥戈尼兰地区的草根运动）发起人在被萨尼·阿巴查将军的军政府绞死之前，也提出过同样的要求。 不过，尼日利亚的主流媒体都坚定地支持乔纳森，并要求他不要理会那些要求他遵守人民民主党党内轮流执政协定的北方派。 而三角洲地区的首脑则指出，自1960年殖民统治结束开始，少数民族一直被多数民族排除在政权之外，2011年也该是“少数民族”主政的时候了。 但目前我们还不清楚，古德勒克能否在党内初选和党派间竞选中把这些支持转变为选票并取得连任。 鉴于尼日利亚的总统们总是能随心所欲地支配公共财产，拥有大量的竞选资源是他的优势。 但是，巴班吉达将军同样也财大气粗。 此外，那些人民民主党内的实力派 — — 他们掌控了全国36个州中的28个 — — 只不过把乔纳森看作是从蛮荒之地爬到总统之位的政治新人。 尼日利亚总统的权力是很大的，而乔纳森的助手们也一直暗示他们将会利用这些权力来迫使国内各州执政者 — — 包括北方 — — 站到他们那边来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Maxim threw his cigarette away, a quarter smoked, into the empty grate. 'I did not kill her,' he said. 'I watched her, I said nothing, I let her laugh. We got into the car together and drove away. And she knew I would do as she suggested: come here to Manderley, throw the place open, entertain, have our marriage spoken of as the success of the century. She knew I would sacrifice pride, honour, personal feelings, every damned quality on earth, rather than stand before our little world after a week of marriage and have them know the things about her that she had told me then. She knew I would never stand in a divorce court and give her away, have fingers pointing at us, mud flung at us in the newspapers, all the people who belong down here whispering when my name was mentioned, all the trippers from Kerrith trooping to the lodge gates, peering into the grounds and saying, \"That's where he lives, in there. That's Manderley. That's the place that belongs to the chap who had that divorce case we read about. Do you remember what the judge said about his wife…?\" '", "zh": "迈克西姆把只抽了四分之一的烟扔进了空炉膛里。 “我没有杀死她，用眼睛注视着她，什么也没说，任她在一旁狞笑。后来我们一起上了汽车，驶离了悬崖。她知道我会对她言听计从，敞开曼德利接待四方来客，让世人称颂我们的婚姻是本世纪最美满的婚姻。她知道我宁愿牺牲尊严、荣誉、个人感情或世间的任何东西，也不愿在结婚一个星期之后便在亲朋好友面前丢人现眼，把她告诉我的那些丑事公布于众。她知道我绝不会上法庭离婚，揭露她的真面目，因为那样会招致流言蜚语，引来报界的恶语中伤，左邻右舍听到我的名字便会嚼舌头根，克里斯的游客会拥到大门口朝里偷瞧，议论纷纷地说：‘这儿是他住的地方。这就是曼德利，主人就是我们在报上看到的那个闹离婚的家伙。至于他的妻子，你还记得法官说的那席话吗？’”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我国存量建筑有500多亿平方米，每年新建建筑约有20亿平方米，建筑能耗在我国能源消费中比重不断提升。进一步加强建筑节能工作，在达到同样舒适程度的同时有效控制建筑能耗过快增长。行动内容包括：（一）大幅提升新建建筑能效。编制绿色建筑建设标准，提高建筑节能标准要求，严寒及寒冷地区城镇新建居住建筑加快实施更高水平的地方建筑节能强制性标准，逐步扩大绿色建筑标准强制执行范围。实施绿色建筑全。产业链发展行动，推进高水平高性能绿色建筑发展，积极开展超低能耗或近零能。耗建筑（小区）建设示范。推进建造方式绿色化，推广装配式住宅，鼓励发展现代钢结构建筑。推动绿色节能农房建设试点。引导绿色建筑开发6单位及物业管理单位更加注重绿色建筑运营管理，实现绿色设计目标，加快培育绿色建筑消费市场，定期发布绿色建筑信息。到2020年，城镇新建建筑能效水平较2015年提升20%，城镇绿色建筑占新建建筑比重超过50%，比2015年翻一番。", "en": "Our country has a stock of over 50 billion square meters of buildings, with approximately 2 billion square meters of new construction each year. The proportion of building energy consumption in our country's energy consumption is continuously increasing. To further strengthen energy-saving work in buildings, we aim to effectively control the rapid growth of building energy consumption while achieving the same level of comfort. The action plan includes: (1) significantly improving the energy efficiency of new buildings. Developing green building construction standards, raising energy-saving requirements for buildings, and accelerating the implementation of higher-level local mandatory energy-saving standards for new residential buildings in cold and cold regions. Gradually expanding the scope of mandatory implementation of green building standards. Implementing actions to develop the entire green building industry chain, promoting the development of high-level and high-performance green buildings, actively carrying out demonstrations of ultra-low energy consumption or nearly zero energy consumption buildings (communities). Promoting the greening of construction methods, promoting the use of prefabricated housing, and encouraging the development of modern steel structure buildings. Promoting pilot projects for green and energy-saving rural housing construction. Guiding 6 units involved in green building development and property management units to pay more attention to green building operation and management, achieve green design goals, accelerate the cultivation of green building consumer markets, and regularly release green building information. By 2020, the energy efficiency level of new urban buildings will be increased by 20% compared to 2015, and the proportion of green buildings in new urban construction will exceed 50%, doubling the figure from 2015."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是专注于大型固定翼长航时无人机系统成体系、多场景、全寿命的整体解决方案提供商，主要从事无人机系统的设计研发、生产制造、销售和服务。 公司产品主要包括翼龙-1、翼龙-1D、翼龙-2等大型固定翼长航时无人机系统，具备长航时、全自主多种控制模式、多种复合侦察手段、多种载荷武器集成、精确侦察与打击能力和全面灵活的支持保障能力。 其中：翼龙-1是国内第一型实现军贸出口的中空长航时察打一体大型无人机；翼龙-1D是国内第一型全复材多用途大型无人机；翼龙-2是国内第一型实现军贸出口的涡桨动力大型无人机，具备全天时、全天候、全疆域遂行任务能力。 公司的翼龙系列无人机系统已成为“中国制造”的一张名片，产品及其相关技术获得了第五届中国工业大奖表彰奖、国防科技进步奖一等奖、二等奖及三等奖等奖项。 无人机系统及相关产品。", "en": "The company is a provider specializing in the overall solutions for large fixed-wing long-endurance unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) systems, with multiple scenarios and full lifecycle. It is mainly engaged in the design, research and development, manufacturing, sales, and services of UAV systems. The company's products mainly include the Wing Loong-1, Wing Loong-1D, Wing Loong-2, and other large fixed-wing long-endurance UAV systems. These systems have long endurance, multiple autonomous control modes, various composite reconnaissance methods, payload weapon integration, precise reconnaissance and strike capabilities, and comprehensive and flexible support capabilities. Among them, the Wing Loong-1 is the first domestically developed large hollow long-endurance UAV with reconnaissance and strike capabilities to achieve military trade exports. The Wing Loong-1D is the first domestically developed large multi-purpose UAV made of all composite materials. The Wing Loong-2 is the first domestically developed large turboprop-powered UAV to achieve military trade exports, with the ability to perform missions in all weather conditions and throughout the entire territory. The company's Wing Loong series of UAV systems has become a symbol of \"Made in China\". The products and related technologies have received awards such as the Fifth China Industry Award, National Defense Science and Technology Progress Award (First, Second, and Third Prizes), and other awards. UAV systems and related products."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Food for All LONDON – With food prices having doubled in the past decade, food security is back on the international agenda. How can the world produce more to feed the next billion people? How can agricultural yields be raised? What is the best way to develop aquaculture? Unfortunately, this focus on the supply side misses half the problem. The world already produces more than twice the number of calories that the human population requires. An estimated one-third of global food production is wasted. In poor countries, food is lost due to inadequate storage and gaps in the supply chain (for example, a lack of refrigeration); in rich countries, food is also wasted in the supply chain, and consumers throw a lot of food away. Moreover, in many cases, it is poverty, not lack of food in the market, that drives hunger and nutritional deficiency. Millions of people simply cannot afford to buy the food that they need, which could still be the case if supply were increased. Fixing the demand side to get nutritious food to the poor – particularly to the mothers and children who are most vulnerable – is one of the most pressing food-security imperatives. A broad range of initiatives can contribute to a solution. For example, micro-level food security can be enhanced through programs that deliver free meals to vulnerable population groups. Schemes that provide free meals to schoolchildren not only help to feed the young; they also create an incentive for parents to keep their children in the classroom.", "zh": "人皆有食 伦敦 — — 随着过去十年里食品价格翻了一番，粮食安全问题又重新提上了国际议程。 世界怎样才能提高产量再养活10亿人？ 如何才能提高农业产量？ 怎样以最佳方式发展水产养殖？ 遗憾的是，关注供应并没有意识到问题的全部。 全球卡路里产量已经两倍于人类的需求。 据测算全球粮食产量的三分之一遭到了浪费。 贫困国家损失粮食是因为仓储能力匮乏和供应链衔接不善（比方说缺少冷藏设备 ） ； 富裕国家供应链也同样浪费粮食，而且消费者也扔掉大量的食物。 此外，许多时候导致饥饿和营养不良的是贫困，而不是市场上粮食匮乏。 成百上千万人根本买不起所需的食物，就算供应量增加情况可能也还是这样。 最迫切的粮食安全任务是整顿粮食需求，让穷人、特别是最脆弱的母亲���儿童得到有营养的食物。 解决问题可以采取一系列举措。 比方说，向弱势群体免费提供餐食的计划可以改善微观层面的粮食安全。 为学童提供免费餐食的计划不仅能养活年轻人；还能鼓励家长让他们的孩子留在课堂上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unburdening the Facebook Generation LOS ANGELES – Once again, young people have gotten the short end of the political stick. The outcome of the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum is but another reminder of a yawning generational divide that cuts across political affiliation, income levels, and race. Almost 75% of UK voters aged 18-24 voted to “Remain” in the European Union, only to have “Leave” imposed on them by older voters. And this is just one of several ways in which millennials’ economic future, and that of their children, is being determined by others. I am in my late fifties, and I worry that our generation in the advanced world will be remembered – to our shame and chagrin – as the one that lost the economic plot. In the run-up to the 2008 global financial crisis, we feasted on leverage, feeling increasingly entitled to use credit to live beyond our means and to assume too much speculative financial risk. We stopped investing in genuine engines of growth, letting our infrastructure decay, our education system lag, and our worker training and retooling programs erode. We allowed the budget to be taken hostage by special interests, which has resulted in a fragmentation of the tax system that, no surprise, has imparted yet another unfair anti-growth bias to the economic system. And we witnessed a dramatic worsening in inequality, not just of income and wealth, but also of opportunity. The 2008 crisis should have been our economic wake-up call. It wasn’t.", "zh": "不要拖累Facebook一代 洛杉矶 — — 年轻人再一次在政治上遭遇了不公平。 英国脱欧公投的结果仅仅是撕裂政治派别、收入水平和种族关系等不断扩大的代际鸿沟的另一种形式的提醒。 18到24岁的英国选民近75%投票留欧，但结果却是上了年纪的选民将“退欧”的结果强加给他们。 这只是别人决定千禧一代及其子孙经济未来的其中一种方式。 我本人是五零后，我感到羞愧和懊恼的是，我担心我们这代人在发达经济体将作为丧失经济主动权的一代被载入史册。 2008年全球金融危机前，我们享受着杠杆盛宴，越来越习惯于借助信用过超出我们能力的生活并承担过多的投机金融风险。 我们停止了对真正增长引擎的投资，任由我们的基础设施破败、教育体制落后、工人培训及重组计划遭到破坏。 我们坐视特殊利益群体绑架预算，从而导致税收体制碎片化并再次阻碍了经济体系的发展。 我们目睹了不平等大幅恶化，这种不平等不仅涉及到财富和收入，而且也涉及到机会。 2008年危机本应在经济上为我们敲响警钟。 但实际却并未起到这样的效果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The EU should establish a single European Border Guard and a single Asylum and Migration Agency. Fifth, a global response to the crisis, coordinated by the UN, must accompany the EU’s plan. This would distribute the responsibility for addressing the refugee crisis over a larger number of states, while helping establish global standards for dealing with the challenge of forced migration. Finally, to finance the plan, the EU could use its AAA borrowing capacity to issue long-term bonds. The burden of servicing the bonds would be assigned to member states in inverse proportion to the number of asylum-seekers they accept. Those countries that can successfully integrate refugees would reap an economic advantage; already, the German economy is growing significantly faster as a result of its willingness to accept Syrian refugees. The ongoing exodus from Syria and other war-torn countries was long in the making, easy to foresee, and eminently manageable. Fear-mongering nativists are taking advantage of the lack of a coordinated response to peddle a vision that runs counter to the values upon which the EU was built. Their vision, if realized, would violate European law; already, it threatens to divide and destroy the EU. For this reason, it is all the more urgent that the EU backs a comprehensive strategy to end the panic and stop the unnecessary human suffering.", "zh": "欧盟应该建立单一的欧洲边防局（European Border Guard）和单一的庇护和移民署（Asylum and Migration Agency） 第五，必须有联合国协调的全球危机响应方案配合欧盟的计划。 这将把解决难民危机的责任分散给更多国家，同时也有助于建立处理被迫移民挑战的全球标准。 最后，为了筹集计划资金，欧盟应该利用其AAA级借贷能力发行长期债券。 维持债券的负担应该按与接受寻求庇护者数量的反比关系分配给各成员国。 成功融合难民的国家将获得经济优势；德国经济之所以增长速度显著更快，便是因为它愿意接受叙利亚难民。 逃脱叙利亚和其他饱受战争摧残国家的难民潮酝酿时间漫长，很容易预见，也绝对是可以管理的。 炮制恐慌的本土论者利用协作应对方案缺失的机会鼓吹有悖于作为欧盟立盟价值观的愿景。 它们的愿景如果实现，将违反欧洲法；如今，这一愿景眼看就要令欧盟分裂和毁灭。 因此，欧盟支持全面战略结束恐慌、停止不必要的人道灾难迫在眉睫。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Éric Zemmour and the Revenge of Vichy NEW YORK – The French journalist, television celebrity, and possible presidential candidate Éric Zemmour is having great success with his extreme reactionary views. Zemmour has suggested that Muslims must choose between their religion and France, that the deportation of Muslim immigrants is feasible, and that non-French first names should be banned. He hates “cosmopolitans” and believes that liberalism is destroying French family life. Zemmour has been sentenced twice already for racial discrimination and inciting hatred. His book, The French Suicide, published in 2014, sold more than a half-million copies in France. Polls suggest that he might get as much as 16% of the vote in next year’s presidential election. Zemmour’s way of thinking stems from a tradition going back to the French Revolution of 1789. Catholic conservatives and right-wing intellectuals, who hated the secular republic that emerged from the revolution, have long fulminated against liberals, cosmopolitans, immigrants, and other enemies of their idea of a society based on ethnic purity, obedience to the church, and family values. They were almost invariably anti-Semitic. When Jewish army Captain Alfred Dreyfus was falsely accused of betraying his country in the notorious scandal of the 1890s, they were on the side of Dreyfus’s accusers Germany’s invasion of France in 1940 gave reactionaries of this kind the chance to form a French puppet-government in Vichy. Zemmour has had kind things to say about the Vichy regime. He also has expressed some doubt about the innocence of Dreyfus. None of these views would be surprising if they came from a far-right agitator like Jean-Marie Le Pen. But Zemmour is the son of Sephardic Jewish immigrants from Algeria who lived among the Muslim Berbers. Because of the French reluctance to make ethnic or religious distinctions between citizens, Zemmour’s background is often ignored. But it might help to explain why he arrived at his extreme opinions. There is of course no reason why a Jewish person should not hold conservative views. And many Jews are passionately patriotic about their countries. But nativism among Jews in the diaspora is exceedingly rare, for obvious reasons. (Israel is a somewhat different story.) Hostility to immigrants and insistence on national purity have never done Jews any good.", "zh": "埃里克·泽穆尔和维希的复仇 纽约—法国记者、电视名人兼可能的总统候选人埃里克·泽穆尔以其极端反动的观点取得了巨大的成功。 泽穆尔提出穆斯林必须在其宗教和法国之间作出选择，他认为驱逐穆斯林移民的做法可行，而且法国以外的名字应当被禁用。 他憎恶“世界主义者 ， ” 认为自由主义正在摧毁法国的家庭生活。 泽穆尔因种族歧视和煽动仇恨而被判刑已经是第二次了。 其著作法国的自杀于2014年出版，在法国的销量超过50万册。 民调显示，他可能会在明年总统大选中获得多达16%的选票。 泽穆尔的思维方式来源于1789年的法国大革命传统。 天主教保守派和右翼知识分子痛恨革命后出现的世俗共和国，长期以来猛烈抨击自由主义者、世界主义者、移民和反对其思想的其他敌人，崇尚以种族纯洁、服从教会和家庭价值观为基础的社会架构。 他们几乎无一例外是反犹太主义者。 当犹太裔军队上尉阿尔弗雷德·德雷弗斯在1890年代臭名昭著的丑闻中被诬告背叛国家时，他们支持德雷弗斯的指控者。 1940年德国入侵法国导致这类反动派有机会在维希组建法国傀儡政府。 泽穆尔为维希政权说了不少好话。 他也对德雷福斯清白与否持怀疑态度。 如果来源于让-玛丽·勒庞那样的极右翼煽动分子，这样的观点恐怕没什么值得大惊小怪的。 但泽穆尔却是来自阿尔及利亚的西班牙裔犹太移民的儿子，他们长期生活在穆斯林柏柏尔人之中。 因为法国人不愿区分公民的种族或宗教背景，外界经常忽视泽穆尔的背景。 但这可能有助于说明他为什么会抱有如此极端的态度。 犹太人当然没有理由不持有保守观点。 许多犹太人衷心热爱他们的国家。 但出于显而易见的原因，在散居海外的犹太人中，本土主义是极为罕见的。 （以色列的故事略有不同。 ）对移民的敌视和对民族纯洁的坚持从来没有为犹太人带来好处。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "震老师可就没有这么好运了，他也同样是刚与光星遭遇就发觉了不对，但由于他还控制着狂暴空间这个大魔法，所以魔法力应用就慢了一些，不得以，他只有撤回了攻击我的法力迅速发出一个大次元斩，虽然将光星完全收拾掉了，但他的脸色也一阵发白，显然是吃了点亏。 我浑身一轻，周围的压力消失了，虽然只有短短的几分钟，可我魔法力消耗的非常惊人，我一边喘着气一边拼命的吸收着光元素，争取尽快恢复魔法力的强度。 震老师苦笑着说道：“行啊，你这小子，刚才这个魔法控制的真漂亮，让我们两个老家伙都吃了亏。” 嘴上说着，手底下也没闲着，他不再用大魔法了，只是不断的挥出一个又一个小次元斩，迪老师也配合着发出光刃，形成一道魔法的大网向我罩了过来。 苦啊，我拼命的用尽全力抵挡着。 这样的进攻一直持续到我筋疲力尽为止。 当我躺在地上的时候发现不远处马克也遭到了同样的待遇。 这四个老家伙可真够狠的。 想到这里我已经晕了过去。 醒过来的时候浑身酸痛欲裂，魔法力到是恢复的差不多了，有颠峰状态８成左右。 从床上爬了起来我才发现马克也躺在我身边，只不过他还没有清醒过来。 几位老师都坐在一旁，谈着什么。 迪老师看到我醒过来了，说道：“长弓，醒了，来，先吃点东西。” 我从床上下来，先活动了活动筋骨，感觉好多了，跑到桌子旁，二话不说狂撮一顿。 饭毕，我满意的拍了拍鼓鼓的肚皮，发出一声满足的呻吟。 震老师笑着说道：“你小子真能吃啊，今天和我们进行魔法对练有什么感觉。”", "en": "Teacher Zhen was not as fortunate. He also felt something was wrong when his barrier came in contact with the light stars, but since he was actively controlling the Chaotic Space spell, his reaction speed was a bit delayed. He had to first withdraw his offensive spell on me before he could cast a large dimensional slash. It was obvious that the light stars were difficult for him to bear, he paled from the exertion even though he blocked the attack. My entire body lightened as the surrounding pressure disappeared. Even though it had been only a few minutes since the training began, my magic power was already mostly used. I hastily gathered light elements while I regained my breath to recover the strength of the magic spell as soon as possible. Teacher Zhen bitterly smiled, “That was great! Brat, your control on that magic spell was terrific! It actually made us suffer a little.” As he spoke, he didn’t cease casting his spells, but he didn’t use any strong magic spells. He just continuously cast small Dimensional Slash. Teacher Di cooperated and cast continuous amount of light blades at me. The magic spells formed a large net that came toward me. Ah! I did my best to resist the spells. This kind of attack continued until I was drained of power. As I lay on the ground, I saw that Ma Ke was in the same situation. ‘These four old mages are ruthless.’ As I thought that, I fainted. When I woke up, my whole body was in pain, but my magic power had mostly recovered. It had already recovered about eighty percent. When I sat up, I found that Ma Ke was lying beside me, but he showed no signs of awakening. The teachers were chatting in a corner of the room. Teacher Di saw that I had woken up and said, “Zhang Gong, you’re awake, Come and have some food.” I got up from the bed and stretched to loosen up my muscles. When I felt much better, I ran to the table and silently began to gobble up the food. I patted my stomach in satisfaction and sighed contentedly. Teacher Zhen laughed. “You really can eat! How are you feeling after today’s training?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But they did not push back, either, merely calling for all sides to remain calm. Likewise, in 2014, China refused to denounce Russia’s occupation and annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, or the Kremlin-organized plebiscite, unmonitored by any neutral body, that endorsed it. When the UN Security Council considered a resolution condemning the referendum, China abstained. Of course, China itself has been known to redefine territorial questions to its own benefit. But, unlike Russia, China has avoided brazenly crossing internationally recognized borders. Yes, it has pushed hard at boundaries in the Himalayas and the South China Sea. But it has reserved its harshest aggression for areas clearly within its territory, such as Hong Kong and the Xinjiang region, and its strongest threats for the one place, Taiwan, where the Cold War left some level of ambiguity. This is another legacy of the Manchurian Incident. The direct violation of an international land border remains an uncomfortable prospect for the Chinese. China’s remembrance of the Manchurian Incident raises one more question: How do its current leaders believe the international community should have responded? In general, they take the position that disputes should be settled through dialogue and negotiation, rather than military action. They pour scorn on American interventions, such as in Afghanistan. Given this, it is harder for China’s leaders to argue that, after the League of Nations’ attempts to dissuade Japan failed, the international community should have taken stronger military action in 1931. To be sure, America’s interventions in Afghanistan or Iraq had their own dynamics; they were by no means repeats of the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. But it is striking that, for China, the Manchurian crisis of 1931 remains such an important cause for national remembrance, but does not yield easy lessons for reflection, let alone obvious analogies for dealing with today’s geopolitical challenges.", "zh": "但他们也并未表示反对，只是呼吁各方保持冷静。 同样，在2014年，中国拒绝谴责俄罗斯从乌克兰占领和吞并克里米亚，同时也拒绝谴责由克里姆林宫组织、且不受任何有批准权的中立机构监督的全民公投。 当联合国安理会审议一项谴责该公投的决议时，中国投了弃权票。 当然，众所周知，中国会为其自身利益而重新定义领土问题。 但与俄罗斯不同的是，中国一直避免公然跨越国际公认的边界。 诚然，中国不遗余力地推进喜马拉雅和南中国海边境线。 但中国仅对明显在其领土范围内的地区，如香港和新疆，进行最严厉的侵略，而且，它将最严厉的威胁留给了台湾，冷战在那里遗留了某些模糊不清的问题。 这是满洲事变遗留下来的又一个现象。 直接侵犯国际陆地边境线仍然是令中国人不安的问题。 中国纪念满洲事变再次提出了一个问题：即中国现任领导人认为国际社会当时应采取何种措施？ 总体而言，他们的立场是通过对话和谈判来解决争端，而不是采取军事行动。 他们鄙视美国的干预，例如就阿富汗问题。 有鉴于此，中国领导人很难提出，在国联劝阻日本的尝试失败后，国际社会理应在1931年采取更强有力的军事行动。 可以肯定，美国对阿富汗和伊拉克的干预自有其驱动原因；它们绝非重演日本对满洲国的入侵。 但令人意想不到的是，对中国而言，1931年的满洲危机迄今仍然是如此重要的民族纪念日，但他们却并未总结出应对当今地缘政治挑战的显而易见的类比，甚至都没有总结出明确的反思教训。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Onshoring Myth? CAMBRIDGE – The decade that preceded the 2008 financial crisis was marked by massive global trade imbalances, as the United States ran large bilateral deficits, especially with China. Since the crisis reached its nadir, these imbalances have been partly reversed, with America’s trade deficit, as a share of GDP, declining from its 2006 peak of 5.5% to 3.4% in 2012, and China’s surplus shrinking from 7.7% to 2.8% over the same period. But is this a temporary adjustment, or is long-term rebalancing at hand? Many have cited as evidence of more durable rebalancing the “onshoring” of US manufacturing that had previously relocated to emerging markets. Apple, for example, has established new plants in Texas and Arizona, and General Electric plans to move production of its washing machines and refrigerators to Kentucky. Several indicators suggest that, after decades of secular decline, America’s manufacturing competitiveness is indeed on the rise. While labor costs have increased in developing countries, they have remained relatively stable in the US. In fact, the real effective exchange rate (REER), adjusted by US manufacturing unit labor costs, has depreciated by 30% since 2001, and by 17% since 2005, suggesting a rapid erosion of emerging markets’ low-cost advantage – and giving America’s competitiveness a substantial boost. Moreover, the shale-gas revolution in the US that took off in 2007-2008 promises to reduce energy costs considerably. And America’s share of world manufacturing exports, which declined by 4.5 percentage points from 2000 to 2008, has stabilized – and even increased by 0.35 percentage points in 2012. Upon closer inspection, however, the data for 1999-2012 present little evidence of significant onshoring of US manufacturing. For starters, the share of US domestic demand for manufactures that is met by imports has shown no sign of reversal. In fact, the offshoring of manufacturing increased by 9%. This trend holds even for those sectors dominated by imports from China, where labor costs are on the rise. Indeed, for sectors in which Chinese imports accounted for at least 40% of demand in 2011, the import share has increased at a faster pace than it has for manufacturing overall.", "zh": "在岸神话 美国剑桥—2008年金融危机前的十年是全球贸易失衡肆虐的十年，美国存在巨大的双边赤字，特别是于中国。 危机爆发以来，这些失衡被部分逆转，美国贸易赤字占GDP之比从2006年5.5%的峰值水平下降到2012年的3.4 % ， 与此同时，中国的盈余占GDP之比从7.7%下降到2.8 % 。 但这是暂时的调整，还是长期再平衡已经开始？ 许多人引用的一个再平衡持续进行的例子是此前被转移到新兴市场的美国制造业出现了“在岸化 ” （ onshoring ） 。 比如，苹果公司把新工厂设在了得克萨斯州和亚利桑那州，通用电气也计划将其洗衣机和冰箱生产线转移到肯塔基州。 一些指标表明，在经历了数十年的长期下降后，美国制造业竞争力事实上已开始增加。 发展中国家劳动力成本的上升，而在美国则维持相对稳定。 事实上，实际有效汇率（REER，经美国制造业单位劳动力成本调整）自2001年以来贬值了30 % ， 自2005年以来贬值了17 % ， 表明新兴市场正在迅速失去其低成本优势，也极大地提振了美国的竞争力。 此外，2007—2008年启动的页岩气革命让美国能够大幅降低其能源成本。 而美国制造业出口占世界总量之比曾在2000至2008年间下降了4.5个百分点，但现在已趋于稳定，2012年还上升了0.35个百分点。 但是，如若更���仔细地审视数据就能发现，1999—2012年美国制造业并未表现出多少在岸化的证据。 首先，美国通过进口满足的制造品内需并未表现出扭转之势。 事实上，制造业的离岸程度增加了9 % 。 这一趋势甚至在中国进口品占主导地位的部门也存在。 中国的劳动力成本正在上升。 事实上，对那些2011年中国进口品至少占需求40%的部门来说，进口比例比制造业总体水平上升得更快。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Chile’s Presidential Minuet BUENOS AIRES – Chile has been Latin America’s success story since the 1980’s, boasting rapid economic growth, successful integration into the world economy, solid democratic institutions, an effective state bureaucracy, and low levels of corruption. By most standards, the country is far better off than the rest of the region. Not surprisingly, Chileans have kept the ruling Christian Democrat-Socialist coalition (the Concertación ) in power for four consecutive terms since 1990, when democracy was restored after 17 years of General Augusto Pinochet’s repressive military rule. On December 13, however, voters in Chile’s presidential election are likely to make the Concertación candidate sweat. The Concertación is running Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei, the son of a former president who was president himself from 1994 until 2000. His opponent is Sebastián Piñera, a tycoon, former senator, and presidential runner-up in 2006 who represents the main opposition forces – Piñera’s moderately conservative Renovación Nacional (RN) and the more rightist Union Democrata Independiente (UDI). So far, nothing new: the RN and the UDI – which differ mainly in their attitude towards the military government from which they emerged (the RN being the more self-critical) – have been the main challengers in all the previous elections. But change is coming, in the form of a 36-year-old maverick with no traditional-party backing. Marco Enríquez-Ominami, with about 20% support in recent polls, is remarkably close to Frei (around 26%), and not terribly far from Piñera (roughly 38%). The young candidate’s unexpected popular support is rooted within the ruling coalition: his adoptive father is a prominent Socialist senator (his biological father, a leader of the revolutionary left in the 1970’s, was killed by Pinochet’s political police). Marco himself was elected deputy on the Socialist ticket, but he defected when the party denied him the chance to contest Frei’s nomination in a primary.", "zh": "智利的总统小步舞 布宜诺斯艾利斯 — — 智利从20世纪80年代起就一直是拉美的成功典范，实现了快速的经济发展、与世界经济的成功融合、建立了可靠的民主制度、高效的国家官僚体系并且拥有低水平的腐败。 按照多数衡量标准，智利的情况都远胜于其他拉美国家。 所以，智利人在奥古斯托·皮诺切特将军17年的残暴军事统治后，从20世纪90年代起允许执政的基督教民主社会联盟 （ Concertación） 连任四届并不值得大惊小怪。 但在12月13日这天，参加智利总统大选投票的选民可能会让基督教民主社会联盟紧张得汗流浃背。 基督教民主社会联盟的参选人爱德华多·弗雷是基督教民主党成员，也是前总统之子，其父曾在1994到2000年间担任总统一职。 他的竞争对手是前参议员兼企业巨头塞瓦斯蒂安·皮涅拉，皮涅拉代表偏于保守的 民主革新党 （RN）和更为右翼的 独立民主联盟 （UDI）等主要反对力量，他曾在2006年总统选举中获得第二高票。 到目前为止一切照旧：此次大选的主要挑战者和以往一样，仍然是民主革新党和独立民主联盟，这两党的主要区别在于对待同为其母党的军政府的态度不同（民主革新党更注重自我批评 ） 。 但是变化正在发生，这次大选出现了一名没有传统政党支持的36岁标新立异的候选人。 Marco Enríquez-Ominami在最新民调中获得了20%的选民支持，这与弗雷非常接近（弗雷的支持率约为26 % ） ，离皮涅拉约38%的支持率差距也不算太大。 这位年轻候选人出人意料的公众支持仍然植根于执政联盟：他的养父是知名的社会党参议员（而他的生父则是20世纪70年代被皮诺切特政治警察杀害的一名革命左翼领袖 ） 。 Marco本人曾被推选为社会党候选代表，但在一次社会党不批准他与弗雷竞争之后他脱离了社会党。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Making its geopolitical intentions clear, the EU emphasized that Ukraine would have to choose between Brussels and Moscow: It could not simultaneously join Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and sign an Association Agreement with the EU. On security policy, by contrast, division reigned. While the United States, the United Kingdom, and Poland had long favored Ukraine’s NATO accession, Germany, France, and Italy were opposed. From NATO’s Bucharest summit in April 2008 to the training and supply missions that followed Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014, the West continued to send mixed signals. These were too weak to deter Russia, yet too threatening for the Kremlin to ignore. Ambiguity became a formula for escalation. Security ambiguity alone may not have been fatal, had Europe pursued an effective financial strategy to complement its legal approach. An economically and financially stable Ukraine might have continued to gravitate toward the EU’s orbit, up to the point where NATO accession would have been bold but feasible, or perhaps even unnecessary. Domestic unrest, civil war, and with it the moment for Russia’s invasion might never have come. But the opposite occurred. At two crucial points when Ukraine most needed financial support, Europe left it out in the cold. First, like most of Eastern Europe, Ukraine received scant attention during the 2008 global financial crisis. With half of all Ukrainian pre-crisis loans denominated in foreign currency, a dollar or euro swap line would have gone a long way toward preventing a financial collapse.", "zh": "欧盟表明其自身的地缘政治意图，强调乌克兰必须在布鲁塞尔和莫斯科之间作出选择：它不能在加入俄罗斯的欧亚经济联盟的同时与欧盟签署 联合协议。 相比之下，在安全政策方面，分歧占据了上风。 尽管美国、英国和波兰一直支持乌克兰加入北约，但德国、法国和意大利却一直对此持反对态度。 西方不断发出复杂难解的信号，从2008年4月召开的北约布加勒斯特峰会到2014年俄罗斯入侵克里米亚后执行的训练和补给任务。 上述行动过于弱势无法威慑俄罗斯，但对克里姆林宫而言却颇具威胁性因而是无法忽视的。 模棱两可造成了不断升级的结果。 单纯是安全方面的模棱两可或许还不会致命，只要欧洲奉行有效金融战略来补充其法律方法。 一个经济和金融稳定的乌克兰可能会继续被欧盟轨道所吸引，直到加入北约的目标变得大胆却可行，甚至可能完全没有必要。 内乱、内战和随之而来的俄罗斯入侵时刻可能永远都不会到来。 但相反的情况却发生了。 在乌克兰最需要财政支持的两个关键时刻，欧洲却采取了置之不理的态度。 首先，像多数东欧国家一样，乌克兰在2008年全球金融危机期间几乎没有得到任何关注。 由于危机前乌克兰贷款总额的半数均以外币计价，美元或欧元的互换额度原本可以在防止金融崩溃方面发挥很大的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But Congress enacted legislation in 2020 and 2021 appropriating nearly $200 billion for the explicit purpose of helping states and localities support student performance during the pandemic. Since much of that money has not been spent, why not use it to provide bonuses to teachers who are willing to work after three o’clock, on Saturdays, and in the month of June to help students make up for lost learning? In addition, funding could be used for tutoring services for students who need extra help. Of course, teacher unions are likely to oppose such measures. But they have lost much of their credibility. After all, they have been responsible for a large share of the problem, insisting that it was unsafe for public-school teachers to return to work even after COVID-19 vaccines and treatments had become widely available. They have consistently put teachers’ desires ahead of students’ welfare and educational attainment. Their political allies need to start putting children first. The extent of pandemic learning loss is an educational, economic, and moral failure. We now have gold-standard evidence documenting its harm. It is not too late to reverse some of the damage. Addressing this national emergency should begin immediately.", "zh": "但国会在2020和2021年就曾通过法案拨款近2，000亿美元明确用于帮助各州和地方支撑疫情期间的学生成绩。 既然大部分资金都还没有花完，为什么不用来为愿意在3点之后周六和6月工作的教师发放奖金，协助学生们弥补学业损失？ 此外，还可以用这笔资金来为需要额外帮助的学生提供辅导服务。 当然，教师工会很有可能反对上述举措。 但它们已经失去了大部分公信力。 毕竟，他们对问题的很大部分负有责任， 坚持提出即使在新冠疫情疫苗和治疗方法已经广泛面世后，公立学校教师返回岗位依然是不安全的。 将教师欲望至于学生的福祉和教育成就之上是他们的一贯做法。 他们的政治盟友需要开始首先考虑孩子们的利益。 疫情导致学习损失到如此程度是教育经济和道德的失利。 现在已经有了记录其危害的黄金标准证据。 现在还为时不晚，可以扭转一些损失。 应对这国家紧急状况应当立即开始。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I learned during those two long days in Reykjavik that disarmament talks could be as constructive as they are arduous. By linking an array of interrelated matters, Reagan and I built the trust and understanding needed to moderate a nuclear-arms race of which we had lost control. In retrospect, the Cold War’s end heralded the coming of a messier arrangement of global power and persuasion. The nuclear powers should adhere to the requirements of the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty and resume “good faith” negotiations for disarmament. This would augment the diplomatic and moral capital available to diplomats as they strive to restrain nuclear proliferation in a world where more countries than ever have the wherewithal to construct a nuclear bomb. Only a serious program of universal nuclear disarmament can provide the reassurance and the credibility needed to build a global consensus that nuclear deterrence is a dead doctrine. We can no longer afford, politically or financially, the discriminatory nature of the current system of nuclear “haves” and “have-nots.” Reykjavik proved that boldness is rewarded. Conditions were far from favorable for a disarmament deal in 1986. Before I became Soviet leader in 1985, relations between the Cold War superpowers had hit rock bottom. Reagan and I were nonetheless able to create a reservoir of constructive spirit through constant outreach and face-to-face interaction. What seem to be lacking today are leaders with the boldness and vision to build the trust needed to reintroduce nuclear disarmament as the centerpiece of a peaceful global order. Economic constraints and the Chernobyl disaster helped spur us to action.", "zh": "我在雷克雅未克的漫长两天中了发现，核裁军谈判的成效固然甚大，但必须投入巨大的时间和精力。 里根和我通过将一系列相关事件联系起来，成功建立了缓解大有失控之势的核竞赛所需要的信任和理解。 从历史来看，冷战的结束让全球实力和影响力局面更加混乱了。 有核国家必须遵守1968年《核不扩散条约》的要求，重新开始关于核裁军的“诚意”谈判。 这样做能够增加外交谈判所需要的外交和道德资本，有助于在当前有实力建造核弹的国家数量前所未有地增多的情况下限制核扩散。 唯有真正的全球核裁军计划能够为“核威慑教条已死”的全球共识提供保障和信誉。 不管是政治上还是财政上，我们都不能让当前“有核”和“无核”体系的区别对待特征继续下去了。 雷克雅未克峰会证明，果断能够带来回报。 就达成核裁军协议这件事而言，1986年我和里根所处的环境于今天根本不可同日而语。 我于1985年成为苏联领导人时，美苏两大冷战超级大国之间的关系正处于历史冰点。 但是，里根和我仍然能够通过不断扩大的面对面互动为建设性协议创造空间。 今日世界所缺乏的是具有远见卓识的果敢领导人，因此无法建立重新把核裁军置于和平的全球秩序之核心所需要的信任。 经济约束以及切尔诺贝利灾难曾经成为更进一步的刺激因素。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The climate movement has thus correctly perceived that success will require a planetary ethics based on global solidarity and responsibility, with any credible solution necessarily including compensation for the temporary losers from green policies. Solidarity may take the form of direct financial transfers or a global agreement to vary national emissions targets or carbon taxes according to countries’ income levels. For that reason, climate change poses a clear dilemma for the political right. On one hand, an increasing number of voters – including many conservatives – are becoming more sensitive to the climate challenge, as extreme weather events and air pollution resulting from GHG emissions directly affect them. Some strongly religious voters have also become sympathetic to conservationist pleas, and Pope Francis has weighed in with an encyclical on ecology, Laudato Si’. On the other hand, the need to overcome short-term national interests in tackling global warming runs counter to the resurgent nationalist narrative. This is especially so in rich countries, which will have to compensate less developed economies either directly or by agreeing to differentiated rights and responsibilities. Raghuram G. Rajan, for example, recently proposed a formula whereby rich countries with per capita CO2 emissions above the world average would pay into a global fund that rewards low per capita emitters. However, under Rajan’s proposal, the United States would pay about $36 billion per year into the fund. Would nationalist politicians in advanced economies ever agree to such a formula, or even to much less ambitious variants? Moreover, even governments that claim to be committed to the overall (and insufficiently ambitious) mitigation targets in the 2015 Paris climate agreement are dragging their feet when action requires substantial short-term sacrifice. Without robust solidarity, it seems, the tough measures and difficult compromises needed to protect the world from potentially devastating climate change are unlikely to come soon enough – if at all. Some climate advocates minimize the distributional issue, because they want to build as wide a political tent as possible and emphasize the long-term gains for all from tackling global warming. And as some center-right political parties, notably in Europe, make climate protection part of their programs, government coalitions comprising them and green parties appear increasingly possible. Globally, however, the inherent contradiction between the conservative nationalist and green internationalist narratives will remain.", "zh": "因此，气候运动正确地感到，成功需要一套基于全球团结与责任的全球伦理，任何可信的方案都必须包括对绿色政策的暂时输家的补偿。 团结的形式可以是直接金融转移支付或根据国家收入水平制定不同的国家排放目标或碳税的全球协议。 因此，气候变化给政治右翼带来了一个清晰的困境。 一方面，越来越多的选民 — — 包括许多保守派 — — 对气候变化变得敏感了，因为极端气候事件和因温室气体排放造成的空气污染直接影响到他们。 一些虔诚的宗教徒选民还变得同情环保主义者的诉求，教皇方济各便发布了生态学通谕《愿你受赞 》 （ Laudato Si ） 。 另一方面，解决全球变暖需要克服短期国家利益，这与复兴的民族主义叙事格格不入。 发达国家尤其如此，它们将必须补偿欠发达经济体，要么直接补偿，要么通过接受差异化的权利与责任补偿。 比如，拉古兰·拉詹（Raghuram G. Rajan）最近提出了一个公式，人均二氧化碳排放高于全球平均水平的发达国家应该出资建立一个全球基金，奖励低人均排放国。 但是，根据拉詹的计划，美国每年需要为基金注资360亿美元。 发达经济体的民族主义政客会同意这个公式吗，就连远远没有它雄心勃勃的计划都很难同意吧。 此外，即使宣布将致力于2015年黎气候协定的（仍不够宏大的）总减排目标的政府，如果行动需要重大短期牺牲，也会望而却步。 看起来，如果没有强大的团结，保护世界免受灾难性气候变化影响所需要的严厉手段 和困难的妥协在短期几无可能 — — 甚至全无可能。 一些气候活动家对于分配问题轻描淡写，因为他们想要建立尽可能广的政治统一战线，强调解决全球变暖给所有人带来的长期好处。 一些中右翼政党，主要是在欧洲，将气候保护列为计划的一部分，但由它们和绿党组成政府的可能性容易渺茫。 但全球而言，环保主义民族主义和绿色国际主义叙事的内在矛盾依然存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Time for a Selective Debt Jubilee NEW YORK – The COVID-19 crisis will leave many private and public borrowers saddled with unsustainable debt. We are still in the “pre-Keynesian” supply-shock-cum-derived-demand-shock phase of what is likely to be a global depression. But once the virus is mostly vanquished, households will engage in precautionary saving, and businesses will be reluctant to commit to capital expenditures, driving a further decline in aggregate demand – the Keynesian phase. Deficit-financed fiscal stimulus, monetized where possible, will probably be the only tool capable of closing the output gap. As the issuer of the world’s dominant reserve currency, the United States faces fewer constraints than other countries on the federal government’s ability to borrow and to monetize public debt. Its economic-policy response so far – the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act – earmarks $2.3 trillion for income support, grants, loans, asset purchases, and other guarantees. According to the Congressional Budget Office, the legislation will increase the federal deficit by “only” around $1.7 trillion over the next decade. The difference reflects the $454 billion set aside to fund guarantees for emergency lending facilities established by the US Federal Reserve, on the assumption that these guarantees will never actually be called upon. If only it were so. Another $3 trillion fiscal bill, recently passed by the Democratic-controlled US House of Representatives, will likely be adopted in some form by the Senate, and still more stimulus may follow after that. Lawmakers are realizing that, even in the US, many state and local governments will not have the means to weather the crisis without the benefit of debt and loan guarantees or direct transfers from the federal government. What’s true in the US is true everywhere: government programs to support economic activity will lead to an explosion in public debt and private debt owned by the public sector. In the eurozone, an existential crisis is looming, owing to a controversial recent ruling by Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court and the unwillingness of the eight New Hanseatic League member states to contemplate public-debt mutualization. The European Union’s new €240 billion ($263 billion) Pandemic Crisis Support mechanism is small potatoes, amounting to just 2% of eurozone GDP.", "zh": "选择性债务大赦的时机已到 发自纽约—新型冠状病毒危机让许多公私借款人都背负上了不可持续的债务。 当前我们仍处于供应冲击及其派生需求冲击的“前凯恩斯”阶段，这很可能引发一场全球性的萧条。 就算病毒随后被大部分消灭，人们依然会进行预防性储蓄，企业也不愿进行资本支出，进而导致总需求进一步下降 — — 也就是凯恩斯阶段。 而尽可能货币化的财政赤字式财政刺激措施或许就是唯一能够弥补产出缺口的工具。 作为全球最重要储备货币的发行国，美国联邦政府在借入和货币化公共债务方面所面临的限制要少于其他国家。 迄今为止，其疫情应对经济政策 — — 《冠状病毒援助、救济、经济保障法案 》 — —计划拨付2.3万亿美元用于收入支持、赠款、贷款，资产购买和其他担保。 根据国会预算办公室的说法，该立法在未来十年内“只”会增加约1.7万亿美元的联邦赤字。 而上面两个数字之间的差额则说明有4540亿美元将被预留去为美联储建立的各项紧急贷款机制提供担保，并假设这些担保永远不会被实际动用。 如果能做到这一点的话，那么最近在民主党控制的众议院中获得通过的另一项3万亿美元财政法案就可能被参议院以某种形式批准，而此后还可能出台更多的刺激措施。 议员们都意识到如果缺少了联邦政府的债务和贷款担保或直接转移支付，许多州和地方政府根本没办法渡过危机 — — 就算是在美国。 而美国的状况也适用于世界各地：政府的经济活动支持方案将导致公共部门名下的公共和私人债务激增。 在欧元区，德国联邦宪法法院最近做出的一项争议性裁决以及新汉莎同盟八个成员国对公共债务共同化的抵制正在引发一场存续性危机。 欧盟新出台的2400亿欧元（约合2630亿美元）疫情危机支持机制堪称杯水车薪，仅相当于欧元区GDP的2 ％ 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Monsieur Gabelle was the Postmaster, and some other taxing functionary united; he had come out with great obsequiousness to assist at this examination, and had held the examined by the drapery of his arm in an official manner. “Bah! Go aside!” said Monsieur Gabelle. “Lay hands on this stranger if he seeks to lodge in your village to-night, and be sure that his business is honest, Gabelle.” “Monseigneur, I am flattered to devote myself to your orders.” “Did he run away, fellow?—where is that Accursed?” The accursed was already under the carriage with some half-dozen particular friends, pointing out the chain with his blue cap. Some half-dozen other particular friends promptly hauled him out, and presented him breathless to Monsieur the Marquis. “Did the man run away, Dolt, when we stopped for the drag?” “Monseigneur, he precipitated himself over the hill-side, head first, as a person plunges into the river.” “See to it, Gabelle. Go on!” The half-dozen who were peering at the chain were still among the wheels, like sheep; the wheels turned so suddenly that they were lucky to save their skins and bones; they had very little else to save, or they might not have been so fortunate.", "zh": "加伯尔先生是邮务所所长，也办点税务。他早巴结地出面来帮助盘问，而且摆出公家人的样子揪住了被盘问者的破袖子。 “呸！滚开！”加伯尔先生说。 “那个外地人今晚要是在这个村里找地方住，就把他抓起来，查查他有没有正当职业，加伯尔。” “大人，能为您效劳我深感荣幸。” “他跑掉了么，伙计？-一那倒霉的人在哪儿？” 那倒霉的人已跟五六个好朋友钻到车下，用他的蓝帽子指着链子。另外五六个好朋友立即把他拽了出来，气喘吁吁地送到侯爵大人面前。 “我们停车弄刹车时那人跑了没有，傻瓜？” “大人，他头冲下跳下山坡去了，像往河里跳一样。” “去查查看，加伯尔，快！” 盯着铁链看的五六个人还像羊群一样挤在车轮之间；车猛然一动，他们幸好没弄个皮破骨折。好在他们也只有皮包骨头了，否则也许不会那么走运。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第1303章 ：只要你（1） “你们这是干什么？！” 东宫老爷子敲了敲手上的拐杖，声音带着怒气。 “我们祖宗马上就到，请东宫老爷子稍安勿躁，要干什么，等会你就知道了。”带头的男人回道。 东宫老爷子自然知道他口中的‘祖宗’指的是谁。 他有点不知所措，不知道裴逸为什么要来。 跟DK有过节可真不是什么好事，虽说在R国所有人都想要将DK赶出去，但根本做不到。 只是空想。 过了几分钟后，裴逸的车到了。 他从车上下来，视线转移到不远处的车上。 安小柠看见他，并未摘面具和假发，从车上也下来了。 吴莲止紧随其后。 “你来了。”安小柠出声。 裴逸上下打量了她一眼，难得笑出声来，走到她面前，凑近她几分，压低声音说道，“哎哟，这群人看你这造型，也难以猜出是你吧？” “当然了，就是不想让他们知道我的身份，所以才让你来的，现在还不是时候。” 裴逸下意识的瞥了一眼吴莲止，“你怎么跟他在一块？”", "en": "Chapter 1303: I Only Want You (1) “What are you people doing!?!” Old Mr. Donggong hollered angrily while knocking his walking stick against the ground. “Our ancestor is almost here. Mr. Donggong, please don’t get too impatient. You’ll find out what we’re going to do soon enough.” Old Mr. Donggong knew exactly who “ancestor” referred to. He was at a sudden loss for what to do, and he had no idea why Pei Yi was here. It was not a wise decision to go against the DK Organization. Although everyone in R Nation wanted to annihilate them, it was practically impossible. It was a far-fetched idea. A few minutes later, Pei Yi’s car arrived. He alighted from his car and shifted his gaze onto the car that An Xiaoning was in. An Xiaoning alighted from the car without removing her wig or mask. Wu Lianzhi followed suit. “You’re here,” said An Xiaoning. Pei Yi scanned her from head to toe and chuckled before walking toward her. He inched even closer toward her and said softly, “I doubt those people can recognize you under this disguise.” “Of course. I did this just so they wouldn’t find out my identity. It’s not yet time for me to reveal my identity. That’s the reason I got you to come here.” Pei Yi glanced at Wu Lianzhi and asked An Xiaoning, “Why are you with him?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Crucially, a successful revival of multilateralism could make China want to be part of the renewed international system. Although the Chinese leadership has publicly declared its commitment to global multilateralism, in practice it has pursued an unrestrained hard-power strategy, which may be China’s best option if Trump wins again. But, despite its size, China cannot afford to stand alone in defiance of most of the rest of the world should the EU and a Biden-led US pursue agreed rules and standards in cooperation with many other countries. Nor could China persuade many East Asian countries to align with it in such a scenario. A concerted US effort to renew multilateralism could reverse the trend toward a starkly divided world of great-power rivalry. At a time of unprecedented global challenges, such an outcome would benefit all, including China. That could be as momentous as any domestic difference between a Trump and a Biden victory. Although the current conventional wisdom is that a dangerously divided world is inevitable, a decisive American commitment to multilateralism could still lead to a much better and safer future. If Biden wins on November 3, internationally minded Democrats in all branches of government will have to think big and have the courage of their convictions.", "zh": "关键是，成功复兴多边主义将让中国愿意成为新国际体系的一部分。 尽管中国领导层公开宣称将致力于全球多边主义，但实际上中国追求的是不受约束的硬实力战略，如果特朗普再次获胜，这也许是中国的最佳选择。 但是，尽管体量巨大，如果欧盟和拜登领导的美国与其他许多国家合作追求共同规则和标准，则中国仍然无法自绝于世界其他国家。 在这种情况下，中国也无法说服一众东亚国家委身于自己。 美国的更新多边主义协作措施能够扭转滑向超级大国对立的严重分裂的世界。 在面临前所未有的全球挑战的情况下，这样的结果对包括中国在内的所有国家都有益。 其所造成的区别不亚于特朗普和拜登胜选后的国内区别。 尽管当前的传统智慧认为危险的分裂世界已在所难免，但美国果断坚持多边主义仍能够带来好得多、安全得多的未来。 如果11月3日拜登胜出，政府各部门内具有国际头脑的民主党必须有大思维，并拿出勇气。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第六十节 开始了么？ 和上次游戏不同，这次那老头用的是挑战这个词。游戏和挑战肯定不一样，但是两者之间的区别又是什么呢？值得仔细推敲。 还有，“箭鱼数七”，这应该表示的是程度，也应该是挑战难度。 他仔细回想刚才那段时间里的每个细节。 当自己靠近的时候，那群箭鱼一下子停下来。也就是说，这群箭鱼有一定的感知范围，只有进入它们的感知范围，才会激发所谓的挑战。 随后，那群箭鱼没有一哄而上。一开始只有一条箭鱼朝自己冲过来。而当自己闪躲过之后，第二条箭鱼冲上来了，自己又躲了过去，第三条箭鱼…… 一直等自己的被箭鱼尖尖的脑袋刺中。 所有的因素结合起来，陈暮的脑海中终于有了一个大致的概念。这是一个挑战，是一个闪躲类的挑战，应该是一个闪躲箭鱼攻击的游戏。第一次只会有一条箭鱼，如果闪躲过了，第二条箭鱼便会冲上来……一直等到你无法坚持下去，主动退出箭鱼的感应范围。", "en": "Chapter 60: Have You Started? The part that was different from the last game was that this time that old guy had used the word “challenge.”‘Game’ and ‘challenge’ were certainly not the same. It would be worth deliberating on what the difference was between the two of them. And “Swordfish Seven.” This could mean ‘level,’ or it could mean ‘degree of difficulty for the challenge.’ He reviewed every detail from his most recent time. When he got closer, the school of swordfish stopped. Which is to say that the swordfish perception had a certain range. Only if you were to enter the scope of their perception would it set off the so-called ‘challenge.’ They were no longer a school then. When it started there was only one swordfish charging toward him. And after he dodged it, the second swordfish came charging, which he also avoided, then the third swordfish . . . Until he was being stabbed by the pointy swordfish heads. All the elements came together, and Chen Mu was finally forming the general concept in his mind. This was a challenge, a dodge and evade kind of challenge, which should be a swordfish-attack dodging game. The first time there was only one swordfish, and if you dodged that, the second swordfish would come charging . . . until there was no way for you to stand it, and you manage to escape from the range of the swordfishes’ perception."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The New IMF WASHINGTON, DC – When Ministers meet for the IMF’s Spring Meeting this month they will find an institution with regained self-confidence. The London G20 summit gave a strengthened mandate to the IMF, while tripling its resources. More concessional finance will be available for low-income countries, and international liquidity will be increased by a hand-out of $ 250 billion in special drawing rights (SDRs). This is a boost for the IMF, and it gives hope to emerging and developing countries that have been severely hit by a crisis that originated elsewhere. The IMF is well-positioned to help its members overcome the financing gaps resulting from the crisis. In the run-up to the G20 summit access to the Fund’s credit facilities was increased and policy conditions were streamlined. In a watershed with former practice, a new non-conditional credit line was introduced for well-performing countries. Mexico and Poland will be its first users and more countries will line up. These more flexible lending policies reflect a new image of the IMF. The negative stigma attached to IMF financing is a thing of the past. Its financing role in this crisis secured, the IMF now needs to strengthen its position as guardian of an open international financial system. The IMF was created to prevent crises like the current one and in this it has failed. Admittedly, there were warnings, but policy makers, particularly in advanced countries, did not follow suit. The ‘new’ IMF should be an institution that communicates better with its members, balances the interests of its advanced, emerging and developing members in an evenhanded manner, and aligns its policies better to the needs of the moment. Now that the IMF has been given a second lifetime, it needs to regain its central position in the international financial system. For this, it needs to focus on three issues: improved surveillance of financial stability, strengthened international coordination, and an updated decision-making process. The new IMF needs to become more vocal on global financial stability issues. The IMF should see to it that there are no gaps in the surveillance of financial institutions. It can help shape a more robust global supervisory system which needs to be built in order to preserve the benefits of global financial markets. And it should help develop a vision on what the future financial landscape should look like.", "zh": "全新的IMF 华盛顿 — — 当世界各国的部长们在本月的春季再次聚会的时候，他们将发现IMF将重获信心。 伦敦的20国峰会给了IMF更多的权力，将其可支配资金增加了3倍。 低收入的国家将会获得更多有条件的贷款。 IMF还将获得2500亿美元的特别提款权，对于那些备受金融危机之害的新兴国家和发展中国家而言，这将是个振奋人心的消息。 IMF在帮助它的成员国对抗金融危机方面有着更为有利的条件。 20国峰会给了IMF更多的资金和政策。 对于那些经济表现良好的国家而言，最新引进了一种无条件贷款。 墨西哥和波兰将是第一批的受益者，还有更多的国家正在等待批准。 这种灵活的借贷方式的出现预示着一个全新的IMF。 过去那种附加条件重重的贷款方式一去不再复返。 作为金融危机的防范者，IMF的作用尤其重要。 IMF应该是对国际金融系统的稳定起着重要的作用。 IMF就是为了防范这类风险而建立的，但对于此次金融危机的发生，它显然没有发挥应有的作用。 虽然IMF事先已经提出警告，但各国的决策者，特别是发达国家的决策者并没有加以重视。 新的IMF应该与它的成员国进行更加有效的沟通，更加有效地平衡发达国家，新兴国家和发展中国家之间的利益，从而制定更加有效的政策。 如果说IMF被给予了第二次生命，它更应该在国际金融系统中扮演中心的角色。 为此，它应该做到以下三点：对金融的稳定加强监管，加强国际间的合作，建立更加有效的决策机制。 新的IMF应该在全球金融系统稳定的问题上有更大的发言权。 不管是什么样的金融机构，IMF都应该一视同仁地进行监管。 一个更加灵活有效的全球监管系统有助于维护全球金融市场的稳定。 也会给未来的全球金融市场描绘出一个大致的蓝图。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, there will almost surely be more inflation for longer; indeed, the new framework was adopted – during what now seems like a very different era – with precisely that outcome in mind. But it is not just the new framework that limits the effectiveness of the Fed’s actions. Anticipating loose monetary-policy and financial conditions for the indefinite future, asset markets have been on a tear, supported by heavy borrowing. Market participants, rightly or wrongly, believe that the Fed has their back and will retreat from a path of rate increases if asset prices fall. This means that when the Fed does decide to move, it may have to raise rates higher in order to normalize financial conditions, implying a higher risk of an adverse market reaction when market participants finally realize that the Fed means business. Once again, the downside risks of a path of rate hikes, both to the economy and to the Fed’s reputation, are considerable. The original intent in making central banks independent of the government was to ensure that they could reliably combat inflation and not be pressured into either financing the government’s fiscal deficit directly or keeping government borrowing costs low by slowing the pace of rate hikes. Yet the Fed now holds $5.6 trillion of government debt, financed by an equal amount of overnight borrowing from commercial banks. When rates move up, the Fed itself will have to start paying higher rates, reducing the dividend it pays the government and increasing the size of the fiscal deficit. Moreover, US debt is at around 125% of GDP, and a significant portion of it has a short-term maturity, which means that increases in interest rates will quickly start showing up in higher refinancing costs. An issue that the Fed did not have to pay much attention to in the past – the effects of rate hikes on the costs of financing government debt – will now be front and center. Of course, all developed-country central banks, not just the Fed, face similar forces that push toward restraint on rate hikes. So, the first large central bank that moves may also cause its currency’s exchange rate to appreciate significantly, slowing economic growth. This is yet another reason to wait. Why not let someone else move first, and see if they invite market and political wrath?", "zh": "因此几乎肯定会出现更多且延续时间更长的通胀现象；事实上新框架的采用 — — 在这个当前看来非常不同的时代 — — 也早就预见了这种结果。 但限制美联储行动有效性的可不仅仅是新框架。 由于预期未来无限期的宽松货币政策和金融条件，资产市场在大量借贷的支持下一路高歌猛进。 市场参与者（不管有无道理）都认为美联储会给他们撑腰且一旦资产价格下跌就退出加息轨道。 这意味着当美联储最终决定采取行动时可能不得不提高利率以使金融状况正常化，导致当市场参与者最终意识到美联储是动真格的时候更可能出现市场负面反应。 因此加息之路的下行风险 — — 无论是对经济还是对美联储的声誉 — — 又会产生相当大的影响。 让央行独立于政府的初衷是为了确保它们能可靠打击通胀，而不是迫于压力直接为政府的财政赤字提供资金或是通过放慢加息步伐来维持政府的低借贷成本。 然而美联储当前持有着5.6万亿美元的政府债务，并依靠同等金额的商业银行隔夜借款来融资。 当利率上升时，美联储自身也不得不开始支付更高的利息，减少它支付给政府的红利并扩大财政赤字的规模。 此外美国的负债（大概相当于GDP的125 % ） 有很大一部分是短期的，这意味着利率的提升将很快开始转化为更高的再融资成本。 加息对政府债务融资成本的影响这个美联储过往不必过多关注的问题如今会将成为心腹大患。 当然，所有发达国家央行（不仅仅是美联储）都面临着类似这种试图对加息予以限制的力量。 第一个采取行动的大型央行也可能导致本国货币汇率大幅升值，致使经济增长放缓。 这也成为了另一个等待的理由：为什么不让别人先动，看看此举会否招来市场和政治的怒火？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fed Should Wait and See NEW YORK – The US Federal Reserve Board will meet again on September 20-21, and while most analysts anticipate another big interest-rate hike, there is a strong argument for the Fed to take a break from its aggressive monetary-policy tightening. While its rate hikes so far have slowed the economy – most obviously the housing sector – their impact on inflation is far less certain. Monetary policy typically affects economic performance with long and variable lags, especially in times of upheaval. Given the depth of geopolitical, financial, and economic uncertainty – not least about the future course of inflation – the Fed would be wise to pause its rate hikes and wait until a more reliable assessment of the situation is possible. There are several reasons to hold off. The first is simply that inflation has slowed sharply. Consumer price index (CPI) inflation – the measure most relevant to households – was zero in July, and it is likely to have been zero or even negative in August. Similarly, the personal consumption expenditure (PCE) deflator – another often-used measure based on GDP accounts – fell by 0.1% in July. Some will be tempted to credit tight monetary policy for this apparent victory over inflation. But that argument commits the post hoc ergo propter hoc fallacy (to assume that because A happened before B, A must have caused B) and confuses correlation with causation.", "zh": "美联储应该等等看 发自纽约 — — 美国联邦储备委员会将于9月20-21日再次召开会议，虽然大多数分析家预计将再次大幅加息，但有充分理由认为美联储应该从其积极货币政策收紧过程中暂时休息一下。 纵使迄今为止其加息已经减缓了经济（其中以房产部门最为明显 ） ， 但其对通胀的影响却远未确定。 货币政策对经济表现的影响通常存在一个长期且多变的滞后期，尤其是在动荡时期。 鉴于地缘政治、金融和经济的深度不确定性（尤其是在关乎通胀的未来走向时 ） ， 美联储的明智做法莫过于暂停加息并等待时机去对形势进行更可靠评估。 暂停的原因有几个：第一个原因很简单，就是通货膨胀已经急剧放缓。 消费者价格指数（CPI）通胀 — — 与家庭最为相关的衡量标准 — — 在7月份为零，8月份很可能为零甚至为负。 同样，个人消费支出（PCE）平减指数 — — 另一个经常使用的、基于GDP报表的衡量标准 — — 在7月份下降了0.1 % 。 有些人可能会把这种对通胀的明显胜利归功于货币政策的紧缩。 但这种说法犯了事后诸葛亮式的谬误（因为A发生在B之前，所以假设一定是A引发了B）并混淆了相关性和因果关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The End of German Hegemony BRUSSELS – Without anyone quite noticing, Europe’s internal balance of power has been shifting. Germany’s dominant position, which has seemed absolute since the 2008 financial crisis, is gradually weakening – with far-reaching implications for the European Union. Of course, from a soft-power perspective, the mere fact that people believe Germany is strong bolsters the country’s status and strategic position. But it will not be long before people begin to notice that the main driver of that perception – that Germany’s economy continued to grow, while most other eurozone economies experienced a prolonged recession – represents an exceptional circumstance, one that will soon disappear. In 12 of the last 20 years, Germany’s growth rate been lower than the average of the other three large eurozone countries (France, Italy, and Spain). Although German growth surged ahead during the post-crisis period, as the graph shows, the International Monetary Fund predicts that it will fall back below that three-country average – and far below the eurozone average, which includes the smaller high-growth countries of Central and Eastern Europe – within five years. To be sure, Germany still has some apparent advantages. But a closer examination shows that they are not quite as positive as they seem. For starters, Germany is close to full employment – in sharp contrast to the double-digit unemployment rates that prevail in much of the eurozone. But the combination of full employment and low growth rates actually points to an underlying problem: very slow productivity growth.", "zh": "德国霸权的终结 布鲁塞尔—不知不觉间，欧洲内部实力平衡一直在发生变化。 2008年金融危机以来德国看似绝对的主导地位正在逐渐削弱 — — 这对欧盟有着深远的影响。 当然，从软实力角度讲，仅凭人们相信德国很强这一事实便足以支持德国的地位和战略位置。 但用不了多久，人们就将开始注意到，德国强盛的感觉的主要动力 — — 德国经济在其他大部分欧元区经济体长时间衰退时仍能持续增长 — — 是一个例外，并且很快就会消失。 在过去20年中，有12年德国增长率慢于其他三个欧元区大国（法国、意大利和西班牙）平均水平。 尽管德国增长率在危机后时期中跃居首位（如图所示 ） ， 但国际货币基金组织（IMF）预计，五年内德国增长率将降到三国平均水平以下 — — 并大大低于包括中欧和东欧规模较小的高增长国家在内的欧元区平均水平。 平心而论，德国仍拥有一些显而易见的优势。 但仔细考察就能发现，这些优势并不像表面上那样乐观。 首先，德国接近于充分就业状态 — — 这与许多欧元区国家动辄两位数的失业率形成了鲜明对比。 但充分就业和低增长率共存其实表现出一个根本性问题：生产率增长极为缓慢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In a dematerialized, digitized, knowledge-driven world, corporate returns, productivity, and economic growth will increasingly be tied to such assets. But unlocking their true value requires not only investing in them, but also developing the skills and managerial know-how, or human capital, needed to make effective use of them. An MGI survey of more than 860 executives indicates that the major difference between fast-growing and slow-growing firms is that the former not only invest more in intangibles and appreciate their importance for boosting competitive advantage, but also focus on deploying them effectively. The growing salience of intangibles thus makes the imperative of raising skills and capabilities even more acute. This emerging new form of capitalism is potentially marvelous for qualified people with highly portable skills, but somewhat scarier for the less skilled and less digitally savvy. Companies that lack the resources to make necessary investments in intangibles also could fall further behind. The dematerialized economy, if not managed well, thus risks being a recipe for inequality. Previous MGI research found that a key distinguishing feature of “superstar” companies is their investment in intangibles, including large-scale spending to raise the skills and capabilities of their people. Back in 2019, for example, Amazon announced plans to spend $700 million over six years to retrain 100,000 employees. Other tech giants, including Google and IBM, have developed similar schemes. But the growing concentration of revenue and profit in a small group of successful firms risks increasing disparities of income and wealth.", "zh": "在一个非物质化、数字化和知识驱动的世界里，企业回报、生产力和经济增长将越来越多地与这类资产联系在一起。 但要释放它们的真正价值不仅需要对其进行投资，还需要发展有效利用它们所需的技能和管理知识，也就是人力资本。 麦肯锡全球研究院对860多名高管的调查表明，高/低增速企业之间的主要区别在于前者不仅在无形资产上投资更多并认识到它们对提高竞争优势的重要性，还会关注应如何有效地部署它们。 因此，无形资产的日益突显使得提高技能和能力的必要性变得更为紧迫。 这种新出现的资本主义形式对于那些拥有高度可移动性技能的持证人士来说或许妙不可言，但对于技能较差和不太了解数字技术的人则有些可怕。 那些缺乏资源对无形资产进行必要投资的企业也可能被进一步抛离。 因此如果管理不善，非物质化的经济有可能成为不平等的成因。 之前有一项麦肯锡全球研究院研究发现那些“超级明星”企业的一个关键特征就是对无形资产的投资，包括旨在提高其员工的技能和能力的大笔支出。 比如亚马逊早在2019年就宣布计划在六年内花费7亿美元对其10万名员工进行再培训，而包括谷歌和IBM等其他科技巨头也制定了类似的计划。 但是收入和利润日益集中于一小部分成功企业有可能拉大收入和财富差距。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A report commissioned by New Zealand’s government to study its promise of carbon neutrality by 2050 found that the annual cost of meeting this target in 2050 and each subsequent year would be higher than the country’s entire current annual budget. Moreover, this estimate assumes that policies are implemented as efficiently as possible. In reality, no government manages to do that – so the cost of becoming carbon neutral could easily double. (The New Zealand government is steaming ahead with its policy regardless.) The costs of deep emissions cuts are so high because we are all utterly reliant on fossil fuels. Green-energy alternatives, including solar and wind, are generally not ready to compete. As a result, policies forcing people and businesses to shift to immature technologies will slow growth and exacerbate energy poverty. This is also why the world is much further behind in its “energy transition” than most people realize. Solar and wind together currently deliver about 1% of global energy, and the International Energy Agency estimates this will reach only 4.1% by 2040. Vaclav Smil, who is Bill Gates’s favorite energy expert, says that “claims of a rapid transition to a zero-carbon society are plain nonsense,” adding that “even a greatly accelerated shift towards renewables would not be able to relegate fossil fuels to minority contributors to the global energy supply anytime soon, certainly not by 2050.”", "zh": "由新西兰政府委托编写的研究其到2050年碳中和承诺的一份报告显示，2050年及其后每一年达到这一目标所需的年度成本将比该国目前的年预算总额还要高。 此外，上述估算建立在假定政策尽可能有效实施的基础之上。 而事实上，没有任何政府可以做到这一点 — — 因此，实现碳中和所需的成本翻一番也稀松平常。 （尽管如此，新西兰政府仍在全力推行相关政策。 ） 深度减排成本如此之高，归根结底是因为我们都完全依赖化石燃料。 包括太阳能和风能在内的绿色能源替代方案往往无法与化石燃料竞争。 因此，迫使民众和企业转向不成熟技术的政策将拖慢经济增长并加剧能源贫困。 这也解释了为什么世界“能源转型”比多数人所意识到的要落后得多的原因。 目前，太阳能和风能共同提供约1%的全球能源，而国际能源署估计到2040年，该比例将仅达到 4.1%左右。 比尔·盖茨最青睐的能源专家瓦茨拉夫·斯米尔表示“迅速过渡到零碳社会的说法是完完全全的胡说八道 ， ” 他还补充说“即使大幅加速向可再生能源转型，也不可能在更短的时间内使化石燃料沦为全球能源供应的相对次要因素，到2050年之前实现这一目标肯定是不可能的 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I was about 10 years old on a camping trip with my dad in the Adirondack Mountains, a wilderness area in the northern part of New York State. It was a beautiful day. The forest was sparkling. The sun made the leaves glow like stained glass, and if it weren't for the path we were following, we could almost pretend we were the first human beings to ever walk that land. We got to our campsite. It was a lean-to on a bluff looking over a crystal, beautiful lake, when I discovered a horror. Behind the lean-to was a dump, maybe 40 feet square with rotting apple cores and balled-up aluminum foil, and a dead sneaker. And I was astonished, I was very angry, and I was deeply confused. The campers who were too lazy to take out what they had brought in, who did they think would clean up after them? That question stayed with me, and it simplified a little. Who cleans up after us? However you configure or wherever you place the us, who cleans up after us in Istanbul? Who cleans up after us in Rio or in Paris or in London? Here in New York, the Department of Sanitation cleans up after us, to the tune of 11,000 tons of garbage and 2,000 tons of recyclables every day. I wanted to get to know them as individuals. I wanted to understand who takes the job. What's it like to wear the uniform and bear that burden? So I started a research project with them. I rode in the trucks and walked the routes and interviewed people in offices and facilities all over the city, and I learned a lot, but I was still an outsider. I needed to go deeper. So I took the job as a sanitation worker. I didn't just ride in the trucks now. I drove the trucks. And I operated the mechanical brooms and I plowed the snow. It was a remarkable privilege and an amazing education.", "zh": "我10岁左右的时候， 有一次和爸爸一起去 阿第伦达克山脉露营。那是一片 位于纽约州北部的野生地带。 那天天气特别好。 森林里处处闪闪发光。 阳光照耀下，树叶闪闪地象晶莹的彩色玻璃。 如果没有脚下的小路， 我们完全可以假装我们是 首批到达这片树林的人类。 我们最终到达了我们的营地。 那是一个在悬崖上的营地， 可以向下俯瞰一个水晶般晶莹美丽的湖泊。 后来我却发现了很糟糕的事。 就在悬崖营地的后面， 有个足足有 40 英尺见方的大垃圾堆。 里面有烂苹果核、 用过的铝箔纸、 和破旧的运动鞋。 我当时非常吃惊， 非常生气，也非常非常困惑。 来露营的人实在太懒了， 连自己带来的垃圾都不肯收拾。 他们觉得谁会替他们清理善后呢？ 这个问题一直困扰着我。 成了一个更精练的问题。 谁来清理我们留下的垃圾？ 但是你可以把这个问题 放在任何你生活的地方。 在伊斯坦布清理我们留下的垃圾？ 在里约清理我们留下的垃圾？ 在巴黎或伦敦呢？ 在纽约，这里， 是环卫部门清理我们留下的 多达11,000吨的垃圾 和每天2000吨的可回收垃圾。 我个人想去了解这些环卫工人， 我想知道谁在做这样的工作。 穿上环卫服 承担起这份责任的感觉是什么样？ 所以我开始了一项关于环卫工人的研究课题。 我坐在垃圾车上，沿着收垃圾的路线， 采访全纽约在办公室和工作现场 的环卫人员。 我学到了很多， 但我仍然是个局外人。 我需要更深入地了解。 于是我真的找了份环卫工人的工作。 现在我不仅仅是坐在垃圾车里，我开着垃圾车。 我自己操纵着电动扫帚扫大街、在路上铲雪。 那可是一种非凡的特权， 也是令人叹服的受教育过程。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Trial-and-Error Economy HONG KONG – Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang’s work plan for 2015, revealed at this month’s National People’s Congress, highlighted the country’s shift to a “new normal” of 7% economic growth. The shift to slower growth poses serious challenges, but it also creates an important opportunity for China to ensure its long-term economic development. China’s leaders recognize this opportunity, and are taking action to support the shift to more sustainable growth models. The finance ministry has raised the central-government budget deficit from 1.8% of GDP in 2014 to as much as 2.7% in 2015, and will allow highly leveraged local governments to swap CN¥1 trillion ($161.1 billion) of debt maturing this year for bonds with lower interest rates. Likewise, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) has provided monetary support, gradually lowering interest rates and reserve requirements. Because wages are still rising, the inflation target for 2015 has been set at 3% – higher than the actual 2014 inflation of 2%, even though producer-price inflation has been negative for 36 months. The PBOC also has projected a stable exchange-rate environment for this year – despite the steep depreciation of the Japanese yen, the euro, and emerging-economy currencies against the dollar – thereby promoting global stability. These policies reflect a remarkable determination to continue on the path of structural reform, despite strong headwinds from the deteriorating external environment and domestic structural adjustments. In short, China’s government seems to have a clear long-term vision. But not everyone is optimistic about China’s trajectory. Veteran China watcher David Shambaugh recently went so far as to warn that the challenges facing the political system, led by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), may be severely compromising the government’s ability to implement the package of ambitious economic reforms that it unveiled in 2013. And yet the claim that China’s economic and political development is in jeopardy seems to ignore the country’s adaptive learning process, which shapes every economic, diplomatic, military, and social policy. This process – characterized by experimentation, assessment, and adjustment – emerged from the CCP’s military experience of the 1930s, was applied by Deng Xiaoping to his reform program in the 1980s, and has been refined by subsequent Chinese leaders.", "zh": "中国的试错经济 香港—在本月的全国人大上，中国总理李克强的2015年工作规划强调中国进入了经济增长率为7%的“新常态 ” 。 这一增长放缓的转变在短期是一个严峻的挑战，但也为中国确保长期经济发展创造了重要的机会。 中国领导人不仅认识到这一机会，而且也正在采取行动引导中国经济转向更加可持续的增长模式。 财政部将中央政府预算赤字占GDP之比从2014年的1.8%提高到2015年的2.7 % ， 并允许高负债的地方政府将1万亿人民币的今年到期债务置换为利率更低的长期债券。 中国人民银行也提供了一些货币政策支持，逐渐降低利率和准备金率。 由于工资仍在上升，2015年的通胀目标定在3 % — —高于2014年2%的实际水平，尽管生产者价格指数负增长已有36个月。 尽管日元、欧元和新兴经济体货币兑美元出现了大幅贬值，人民银行认为今年人民币对美元的汇率环境将保持稳定，并会稳步实现资本帐项下的人民币可兑换，这将促进全球金融稳定。 这些政策反映出中国领导人有很大的决心完成结构改革及市场开放，尽管外部环境恶化和国内结构调整面临严重阻碍。 简言之，中国政府似乎具有明确、乐观的长期愿景及信心。 但并非所有人都对中国的前景感到乐观。 老牌中国观察家沈大伟（David Shambough）最近警告说，以中共为领导的中国政治制度所面临的挑战可能将严重制约政府实施2013年所提出的宏大经济改革的能力。 但认为中国经济和政治发展岌岌可危的观点往往忽视了中国改革的“适应性学习过程”这一重要特征 — — 这一过程烙印于每一项经济、外交、军事和社会政策上。 这一过程的特征包括实验、评估、调整、再实验这样的互动循环，它起源于中共在20世纪30年代的内战经验，邓小平在20世纪80年代的改革中所使用的就是这一适应性学习过程，并由后来的中国领导人不断提炼完善。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How the IMF Can Battle Gradual Irrelevance NEW YORK – This year, I didn’t attend the October annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in Washington, DC. Instead, I paid close attention to reports of the gathering and talked to people who were there whom I respect. What emerged is depressing for the wellbeing of the global economy. In particular, the prospect of continued weakness and fragmentation pressures will compound the challenges to the credibility and effectiveness of multilateral institutions. The convening power of the IMF and the World Bank is unquestionably strong, if not unique. Every year, their annual meetings attract top economic and financial officials from more than 180 countries, as well as a far larger number of private-sector representatives. It’s an exceptional global gathering, not only for officials to exchange views but also for corporate networking. Over the last few years, the official meetings have increasingly been overshadowed by the ever-growing number of parallel events, notably diminishing the gathering’s contribution to better policymaking. In fact, this year, I couldn’t find a single person who had paid much attention to a key policy output of the meetings – the communiqués issued by the two institutions’ top policymaking committees. This is in stark contrast to the past. I vividly remember the days, not so long ago, when officials prepared diligently for these policy discussions. Private-sector participants would eagerly await their outcome in the hope of gaining a better understanding of the global economic outlook and the prospects for key national and international policy initiatives.", "zh": "国际货币基金组织该如何防止被逐步边缘化 发自纽约—今年我并未参加国际货币基金组织和世界银行在华盛顿特区举行的10月年度会议。 相反我密切关注了有关这次会议的报道并与一些我所敬重的与会者进行了交谈。 对于全球经济的福祉来说目前正在逐步浮现的状况是令人相当沮丧的。 尤其是经济持续疲软和碎片化压力的前景将使多边机构的信誉和效能面临挑战。 货币基金组织和世界银行的号召力无疑是极强的，甚至近乎独一无二的。 每年的年度会议都会吸引来自180多个国家和地区的高级经济和金融官员以及大量私营部门代表。 这是一次非同寻常的全球聚会，不仅利于官员们交换意见，而且在企业联络交流方面也作用甚大。 在过去几年中日益增加的会议附属活动正在让正式会议变得越来越黯然失色，尤其削弱了会议在改善政策制定方面的贡献度。 实际上今年我根本找不到一个对会议的主要政策输出（两大机构的最高政策制定委员会所发布的公报）给予特别关注的人。 这情况与过去形成鲜明对比。 我还能清晰地记得不久前的那些日子，官员们会为这些政策讨论进行认真准备，而私营部门参与者则热切期待前者的讨论成果以便能更好地了解全球经济前景以及关键国家和国际政策举措的展望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Paying the Price of Reform Angela Merkel’s poor showing in Germany’s recent election has now put into cold storage any hope of a serious overhaul of the country’s famously rigid economy. Tony Blair was waiting for her to help launch a drive to make the current British Presidency of the European Union a historical turning point for the Union’s economy. Now Blair has no project, and all would-be reformers are most likely downsizing their ambitions. Europe appears to be more stuck than ever. But is it? To start with, the private sector is doing well. Technology travels fast and is swiftly adopted. Firms have responded to inhospitable conditions by cutting workforces and boosting productivity through more capital-intensive production processes and, when needed, by offshoring their capacities. The laggards are to be found only in the service industry, which is largely insulated from international production chains and even from internal European competition. More fundamentally, there is no such thing as a “European economy.” The Union’s 25 member countries are very diverse. The Nordic countries are high-tech leaders; Spain has slashed its unemployment rate by half (it stood at 25% not so long ago); and the new members from Central and Eastern Europe are cruising briskly along a steady catch-up path. The really sick countries are three of the EU’s four biggest: France, Germany, and Italy. But even they have carried out some reforms – not enough and too recently to make a difference yet; nonetheless, they have started to move. More importantly, no one ignores that the old ways have to go if prosperity is to be maintained. Except for a fringe of die-hard Marxists – which can still collect up to 10% of the votes – there is a keen sense that deep reforms are needed to come to grip with the high unemployment and poor growth of the last decade. Continuing budget deficits have visibly failed to deliver what die-hard Keynesians had promised. These days, no politician dares to suggest that continuing to pile up debt is the way to go, even though few are prepared to articulate a credible plan for fiscal consolidation. The problem, of course is that the most urgently needed reforms will hurt a lot of people.", "zh": "付出改革的代价 在刚刚结束的德国选举中，安格拉·默克尔的糟糕表现使检视德国众所周知的僵硬经济状况的希望全部落空。 托尼·布莱尔还期待着她协助发起一次运动，从而使现任欧盟主席的英国能够为欧盟经济创造具有历史意义的转折点。 但现在布莱尔已经放弃了这项计划，而所有自诩的改革者也很可能会调整自己的远大抱负。 欧洲似乎比以往更加沉闷。 但情况果真如此吗？ 首先，私有部门的状况相当不错。 新技术的传播速度令人惊叹。 面对不利的经济条件，企业做出的反应是通过资本密集的生产过程实现裁员和提高生产率，并在必要的时候在海外投资设厂。 只有服务行业相对较为落后，因为它们接触不到国际生产环节，甚至接触不到欧洲的内部竞争。 归根结底，根本不存在什么“欧洲经济 ” 。 欧盟25个成员国的经济状况各不相同。 日耳曼国家在科技领域处于领先地位，西班牙成功地把失业率降低了一半（不久之前那里的失业率还高达25 % ） ，而来自中东欧的新成员国正在快速追赶原欧盟国家经济发展的步伐。 问题严重的反而是欧盟四个大国当中的三个：法国、德国和意大利。 但即便是他们都采取了一些改革措施¾虽然力度尚嫌不够，而且改革措施刚刚实行还看不出有任何变化，但归根结底，他们已经开始行动了。 更为重要的是，人们都认清了这样一个事实：要想保持繁荣，旧的方式就必须改变。 除了一小撮顽固的马克思主义分子¾他们目前还把持着10%左右的选票¾人们都清醒地意识到要改变过去10年高失业和低增长的状况，必须要实行较为深入的改革。 持续不断的财政赤字显然未能兑现顽固的凯恩思主义者做出的承诺。 如今，再也没有哪位政治家敢说持续负债是一种良性的方式，虽然还很少有人准备宣布巩固财政的可行计划。 然而，问题在于迫切需要的改革会伤害很多人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The negotiations were to be held between Song Il-ho, North Korea’s ambassador responsible for normalizing relations with Japan, and Hiroshi Nakai, a former minister who negotiates officially for the release of Japanese citizens abducted by the North. But Nakai was unable to leave Tokyo, and a university professor replaced him as Japan’s negotiator. Rank-conscious North Korea would normally send a lower official than Song if his counterpart were substituted, but no change was made, so desperate is the North for food. North Korea then asked Japan for economic aid and food supplies in exchange for returning not only the Japanese wives in question, but also seven Japanese known to have been abducted by the North. The Japanese aid, like the ransom paid to a kidnapper, must be provided by April 15, just in time for the commemoration of Kim Il-song’s birth – a clear indication of North Korea’s true intentions, and desperation. And now, given the potential cost of scuttling the recent agreement with the US, the decision to launch a long-range missile takes that desperation a step further. In fact, it has been suggested that the launch is intended to be a demonstration to Iran of the North’s missile prowess, as the Islamic Republic could become a customer for the illicit missile and nuclear-technology sales that are one of the regime’s few sources of hard currency. Thus, the North Korean drama, now starring Kim Jong-un, plays on, relying on extorted proceeds from manufactured crises abroad to finance spectacular kitsch and brutal repression at home.", "zh": "该谈判本应在朝鲜负责对日关系正常化的大使宋日昊与负责释放羁押在朝日籍人士谈判的前政府大臣中井洽之间展开。 但中井洽无法离开东京，因此由一位大学教授替他担任日方谈判员。 按注重级别的朝鲜的一贯作风，如果对方改换谈判员，朝方也将派遣级别不及宋日昊者与其会面。 但这一幕并没有发生，由此可见朝鲜对粮食的渴望。 接着，朝鲜要求日本给予粮食和经济援助，作为交换，朝鲜不但可以遣返日本所要求的日籍亲眷，甚至还可以释放被朝鲜羁押的七名日本人。 日本的援助 — — 与人质赎金无异 — — 必须在4月15日前落实，以赶上金正日诞辰纪念 — — 显然，这才是朝鲜的真正目的，而且极为迫切。 而在眼下，考虑到撕毁新近达成的朝美协议的潜在代价，朝鲜发射远程导弹的决定更加显示了其急不可耐的心理。 事实上，朝鲜的这次发射是为了向伊朗展示自己的导弹实力，而伊朗可能成为朝鲜非法导弹和核技术 — — 朝鲜当局唯一的硬通货 — — 的客户。 如此看来，轮到金正恩粉墨登场的朝鲜闹剧还在继续，它利用人造危机大行敲诈之事，为其国内的庸俗纪念仪式和残酷镇压融资。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Copenhagen Panic COPENHAGEN – A sense of panic is setting in among many campaigners for drastic cuts in global carbon emissions. It is becoming obvious that the highly trumpeted meeting set for Copenhagen this December will not deliver a binding international treaty that will make a significant difference to global warming. After lofty rhetoric and big promises, politicians are starting to play the blame game. Developing countries blame rich countries for the lack of progress. Many blame the United States, which will not have cap-and-trade legislation in place before Copenhagen. The United Nations Secretary General says that “it may be difficult for President Obama to come with strong authority” to reach agreement in Copenhagen. Others blame developing countries – particularly Brazil, China and India – for a reluctance to sign up to binding carbon cuts. Wherever you turn, somebody is being blamed for Copenhagen’s apparent looming failure. Yet, it has been clear for a considerable time that there is a more fundamental problem: immediate promises of carbon cuts do not work. Seventeen years ago, industrialized nations promised with great fanfare in Rio de Janeiro to cut emissions to 1990 levels by 2000. Emissions overshot the target by 12%. In Kyoto, leaders committed to a cut of 5.2% below 1990 levels by 2010. The failure to meet that target will likely be even more spectacular, with emissions overshooting by about 25%. The plan was to convene world leaders in Copenhagen and renew vows to cut carbon while committing to even more ambitious targets. But it is obvious that even a last-minute scramble to salvage some form of agreement will fare no better in actually helping the planet. With such a poor track record, there is a need for soul-searching and openness to other approaches. A realistic “Plan B” does not mean plotting a second meeting after Copenhagen, as some have suggested.", "zh": "哥本哈根恐慌 发自哥本哈根 — — 在许多支持大幅削减全球碳排放的活动家之间正在蔓延着一种恐慌性情绪。 因为人们越来越明显地感觉到，这场将于今年12月在哥本哈根举行且被大肆宣扬的会议不会为人们带来一个具有约束力的国际条约，并对全球变暖的现状产生显著影响。 继冠冕堂皇的言论和慷慨承诺后，政治家们又开始玩起了相互推卸责任的把戏。 发展中国家指责发达国家没有进步；大多数国家则把矛头指向了美国，因其在哥本哈根会议将近之时仍未完成对“碳交易”的立法。 联合国秘书长则说“奥巴马总统或许很难带着强大的威信参与这次会议”并与各国在哥本哈根达成协议。 而其他人则把责任推卸给发展中国家 — — 特指巴西，中国和印度 — — 因为这些国家不愿签署限制性碳减排条约。 而不论你转向哪一方，都能发现会有一些人会因哥本哈根会议那显然即将失败的结局而受到指责。 然而很显然在一段时期内还将存在一个更为根本性的难题：立即实施碳减排的承诺并不起作用。 17年前，许多工业国家在里约热内卢夸下海口，要在2000年将碳排放量减少至1990年的水平，而实际排放量却超过了目标水平的12 % 。 在京都会议上，各国领导人承诺到2010年把碳排放量削减到比1990年水平还低5.2 % ， 这次的目标也没能达成且失败更为惊人：如今排放量已经超过目标水平25%之多。 哥本哈根会议的原定计划，是将全球领导人召集至哥城，并在制订更具雄心之目标的同时重申削减碳排放的承诺。 但很显然，即使领导人们能在最后一刻紧急达成了某种形式的协定也不能对我们的地球产生实质上的任何帮助。 考虑到那些令人失望的过往记录，我们需要好好反思自身并以开放的态度迎接其他解决问题的方法。 一个真正具有现实意义的后备方案，并不是就像一些人所建议的那样在哥本哈根会议之后再召开另一次会议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We embrace the power of democracy precisely because it requires constant maintenance, protection, and participation. The peace and stability it fosters are won by an inclusive social contract, not an iron fist. In that spirit, Biden’s Summit for Democracy aims to support democratic renewal, civic participation, and multilateral collaboration. The gathering presents an important opportunity for leaders to recommit to the fundamental rights of assembly, association, expression, and information at home, and to promote these rights abroad through strategic diplomacy. But verbal commitments alone go only so far. As states engage in virtual conversation this week, they must be prepared to move beyond rhetoric and affirm the importance of these rights by matching words with deeds in the fight for civic space. In the human-rights domain, this means advancing international and national protections for free speech and free assembly, thereby ensuring every individual’s right to voice dissent in the face of authoritarianism. In many states, ensuring freedom of expression will require repealing sedition laws and adopting moratoriums on internet shutdowns. Furthermore, governments should block the export and transfer of surveillance equipment to repressive regimes. Most urgently, global leaders must substantially increase investments in the civil-society organizations that provide a critical check on state power. And they must commit tangible resources to human-rights defenders, local journalists, social services, and community centers. This requires not only supporting these organizations in times of crisis, when they are already scrambling to serve their communities, but also investing in their long-term growth – which is an investment in sustaining an active citizenry prepared to confront future emergencies. For example, democratic leaders should scale up wraparound protection mechanisms that provide at-risk activists with legal, medical, psychosocial, digital-security, and relocation support services – particularly those schemes operating near where regional and national attacks on civil society are taking place. This is one of the surest ways states can support those risking their lives to defend democracy. Lastly, leaders must unite around the common democratic cause and collaborate closely in multisector, multilateral partnerships. Across government, the philanthropic sector, the private sector, and civil society, we have an opportunity to build on the dialogue at the summit and use our unique strengths to expand civic space.", "zh": "我们拥抱民主的力量，恰恰因为它需要以不断维护、保护和参与为前提。 它所促成的和平与稳定并非源于铁腕，而是源于某种包容性的社会契约。 本着这样的精神，拜登的民主峰会以支持民主复兴、公民参与和多边合作为主旨。 此次聚会为领导人重申确保国内集会、结社、言论和信息自由，并借助战略外交在国外推动这些权利提供了重要的机会。 但纯粹的口头承诺也只能到此为止。 随着本周各国加入到虚拟对话，他们必须做好准备超越空谈，并通过在争取公民空间的斗争中做到言行一致来确认上述权利的重要地位。 在人权领域，这意味着推动国际和国内层面对于言论和集会自由的保护，从而确保所有人有权面对威权主义发表不同的意见。 在许多国家，保障言论自由需要废除煽动叛乱法，同时中止互联网关闭权。 此外，各国政府应阻止向专制政权出口和转让监视设备。 最为紧迫的是，全球领导者必须大幅增加对限制国家权力的公民社会组织的投资。 而它们则必须为人权捍卫者、当地记者、社会服务人员和社区中心提供看得见、摸得着的资源。 这不仅需要在危机时刻支持上述全力服务于社区的机构，而且还需要投资于其长期发展 — — 上述投资能够维护积极的公民参与度，随时准备对未来的突发状况做出应对。 例如，民主领袖应拓展环绕型保护机制，为面临危险的活动人士提供法律、医疗、心理、数字安全和迁徙等方面的支持 — — 对那些在靠近区域和国家公民社会袭击地运营的计划就更是如此。 这是国家能为那些冒着生命危险捍卫民主者提供支持的最可靠的方式。 最后，各国领袖必须团结在共同的民主事业周围，并密切合作，推动多部门、多边伙伴关系。 跨越政府慈善部门、私营部门和公民社会等力量，我们有机会在峰会对话基础上再接再厉，利用我们的独特优势达到拓展公民空间的目的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She seems clueless about how an open market economy works, and unaware that international trade, investment, and migration are intertwined. She recently boasted that London is the world’s financial capital, without acknowledging that this is thanks mostly to foreign banks that employ foreign staff (those “citizens of the world”) to serve international markets, including the EU’s. More fundamentally, May doesn’t seem to realize that immigration controls are trade barriers. It is called “trade” if a British company outsources computing work to Bangalore, and “migration” if Indian programmers do the same work in Birmingham – yet the transactions are analogous. If Poland specializes in construction, and the UK wants to procure its services, people have to move between countries to trade. Officially, the British government remains gung-ho about free trade. In practice, its illiberal politics are taking precedence: Europhobia trumps free exchange with Britain’s neighbors and main trading partners, while xenophobia trumps the need for foreign workers. How long will the rest of its globalization agenda survive? Assuming that it can find willing partners, populism may preclude any trade deal that appears to serve “international elites.” Nationalism may lead Britain to slam the door on Chinese investment, too. British voters chose to leave the EU, but they did not specify how; so May has no electoral mandate for her swing toward illiberalism. But her official opposition is a Labour Party that, taken over by the hard left, is not electorally viable. So, unless the Liberal Democrats can bounce back, Britain may need a new political party (or cross-party alliance) to fight for a country that is outward-looking, liberal, and tolerant.", "zh": "她似乎对开放市场经济如何运作没有意识，也不知道国际贸易、投资和移民是相互交织的。 她最近吹嘘说伦敦是世界金融之都，却并未意识到这主要是由于外国银行聘用外国工作人员（所谓“世界公民 ” ） 来为包括欧盟在内的国际市场服务而构建的。 更根本的是，梅似乎没有意识到控制移民就是贸易壁垒。 如果一家英国公司将程序工作外包给班加罗尔，则称为“贸易 ” ， 如果印度程序员在伯明翰做同样的工作，则称为“移民 ” — —但交易是类似的。 如果波兰人擅长于建筑业而英国想要采购其服务，人们就必须在两国之间移动以完成交易。 从表面上英国政府仍然热心自由贸易，但现实中狭隘政治已经占了上风：对欧元的恐惧胜过了与邻国及主要贸易伙伴的自由交流，仇外心理胜过了对外国工人的需求。 那么其全球化议程的其余部分又能存活多久？ 就算它可以找到有意合作的伙伴，民粹主义仍会将任何貌似为“国际精英”服务的贸易协议排除在外。 民族主义也可能导致英国对来自中国的投资关上大门。 英国选民选择离开欧盟，但他们没有具体说明要如何脱离；因此梅并没有获得选举授权去倒向反自由主义。 而她的官方反对派是因由极左派接管而没有选举胜算的工党。 因此，除非自由民主党人能够重振声威，否则英国可能需要一个新的政党（或跨党派联盟）去为一个外向型，自由和宽容的国家而奋斗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Start with the problem of infinite supply. NFTs offer ownership of a digital asset, but not the right to prevent others from using its digital copies. Part of the reason why wealthy investors are prepared to pay tens of millions of dollars (or more) for traditional physical artworks by the likes of Rembrandt, van Gogh, or Monet is that the number of masterpieces is finite; the artists are long dead and cannot produce new artworks. NFT copies, on the other hand, could become a commodity. Moreover, as with all things digital, there is no difference in appearance between an original JPEG file sold for $69.3 million, and a copy downloaded for free online. In theory, the supply of legally usable copies of NFTs is infinite, potentially overwhelming demand for them and causing prices to collapse. Because the blockchain is unable to store the actual underlying digital asset, someone buying an NFT is buying a link to the digital artwork, not the artwork itself. Although buyers gain copyright to the link, the transaction costs related to monitoring the infinite online venues for displaying NFTs, identifying illegitimate use, and pursuing and prosecuting infringement make it nearly impossible to enforce the copyright or deter misuse. This strongly limits monetization of the asset. Another risk is that NFTs are being made and sold with infant technologies – blockchains and cryptocurrencies. There currently are multiple competing standards regarding how to generate, safeguard, distribute, and certify NFTs, including ERC-721, ERC-998, ERC-1155, flow and non-flow standards, and Tezos’s FA2.", "zh": "从无限供应的问题开始。 NFT 提供数字资产的所有权，但不提供阻止他人使用其数字副本的权利。 富有的投资者愿意为伦勃朗、梵高或莫奈等传统实体艺术品支付数千万美元（或更多 ） ， 一部分原因是杰作的数量是有限的。 艺术家们早已死去，无法创作出新的作品。 而另一方面，NFT 副本可能成为一种商品。 此外，与所有数字事物一样，以 6930 万美元出售的原始 JPEG 文件与在线免费下载的副本在外观上没有区别。 从理论上讲，合法可用的 NFT 副本的供应是无限的，可能会压倒它们的需求并导致价格暴跌。 由于区块链无法存储实际基础数字资产，购买 NFT 的人购买的是数字艺术品的链接 ，而不是艺术品本身。 尽管购买者获得了链接的版权，但展示NFT的在线场合不可胜数，识别非法使用以及追究和起诉侵权相关的交易成本导致几乎不可能执行版权或阻止滥用。 这极大地限制了资产的货币化。 另一个风险是，NFT 使用新兴技术（区块链和加密货币）制作和销售。 目前有多个关于如何生成、保护、分发和认证 NFT的竞争性标准，包括 ERC-721、 ERC-998、ERC-1155、流动和非流动标准，以及Tezos’s FA2。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There ought to have been a tranquil bark in such an anchorage, and there was. The Doctor occupied two floors of a large stiff house, where several callings purported to be pursued by day, but whereof little was audible any day, and which was shunned by all of them at night. In a building at the back, attainable by a courtyard where a plane-tree rustled its green leaves, church- organs claimed to be made, and silver to be chased, and likewise gold to be beaten by some mysterious giant who had a golden arm starting out of the wall of the front hall—as if he had beaten himself precious, and menaced a similar conversion of all visitors. Very little of these trades, or of a lonely lodger rumoured to live up-stairs, or of a dim coach-trimming maker asserted to have a counting-house below, was ever heard or seen. Occasionally, a stray workman putting his coat on, traversed the hall, or a stranger peered about there, or a distant clink was heard across the courtyard, or a thump from the golden giant. These, however, were only the exceptions required to prove the rule that the sparrows in the plane-tree behind the house, and the echoes in the corner before it, had their own way from Sunday morning unto Saturday night.", "zh": "在这样的港湾中理应有一只平静的小舟，而小舟也确实存在。医生在一幢幽静的大楼里占了两个楼层。据说楼里白天有从事着好几种职业的人在干活，可从来很少听见声音，而晚上人们又都回避这个地方。大楼后面有一个小天井，连接着另一幢大楼。小天井里梧桐摇着绿叶，沙沙地响。据说那幢楼里有一个神秘的巨人在制造教堂用的管风琴，雕铸银器，打制金器，这巨人把一条金胳膊从前厅的墙上伸了出来 --仿佛他把自己敲得贵重了，还势必要让他全部的客人也贵重起来。除了上述的几种职业之外，据说还有一个住在楼上的孤独房客和模糊听说的住在楼下的一家马车饰物制造商的帐房，可都很少有人看见或谈起过。有时一个游荡的工人会一面披着衣服一面从大厅穿过。有时一个陌生人会在附近张望。有时从小天井那头也会传来辽远的叮当之声，或是从那金胳膊的巨人那里传来的砰的一声。但这一切都只不过是偶然的例外，正好证明了从星期日早上直到星期六晚上屋后梧桐树上的麻雀和屋前街角的回声都各按自己的方式存在着。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sasakawa was a gangster and a fascist (and a suspected war criminal), but he is no longer a political player because he died in 1995. Still, taking cash from someone seeking to buff their tainted reputation, though sleazy, is less dangerous to the intellectual integrity of universities or media than political propaganda. And this is where things get tricky. Some governments are more respectable than others. French, German, or even (still) American democracy is preferable to the authoritarianism of Putin or Chinese President Xi Jinping. Clearly, the United States uses its “soft power” to further its own interests, too. But one difference is that, unlike in a dictatorship, propaganda is still a dirty word in a liberal democracy. It is a little easier to preserve a degree of independence in the context of American soft power (as was true of Encounter, which was an excellent magazine). But maintaining even some independence is not always simple. US universities have received financing not only from Japanese companies, but also from the Japanese government, especially for Japan studies. MIT’s Richard J. Samuels, a distinguished political scientist, said about this: “Once you have an endowment, it’s arm’s length and the role of the donor ceases with the delivery of the gift.” There is no reason to doubt Samuels’s word.", "zh": "笹川是一个黑道成员和法西斯分子（也是一个战犯嫌疑人 ） ， 但在1995年去世的他已经不算是一个政治人物了。 不过从一个寻求洗刷自身污点的人那里拿钱虽然龌龊，但对大学或媒体的知识正直性来说并没有像政治宣传那样危险，而这正是事情变得棘手的地方。 有些政府比其他政府更值得尊敬。 法国、德国，甚至美国（还算够格）的民主要优于普京或习近平的独裁主义。 美国当然也在利用其“软实力”来推动自身利益。 但与独裁国家不同的是 ， “ 宣传”这个词在自由民主国家仍然是一个脏字。 在美国软实力的背景下保持一定的独立性还是容易一些 （ 《 邂逅》杂志就是如此，它当年还算是一本优秀杂志 ） 。 但即使保持一定的独立性也并非总是那么简单。 美国大学不仅收受日本企业的赞助，而且还从日本政府获得资助，特别是用于日本研究。 知名政治学家、麻省理工学院教授理查德·J·萨缪尔斯（Richard J. Samuels）对此表示 ： “ 一旦获得了捐赠，你就得保持一定的距离，而捐赠者的影响也应当随着钱物的交付而到此为止 。 ” 我们没有理由去怀疑萨缪尔斯的说法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"It's not much,\" said Ron.\"It's wonderful,\" said Harry happily, thinking of Privet Drive.They got out of the car.\"Now, we'll go upstairs really quietly,\" said Fred, \"and wait for Mum to call us for breakfast Then, Ron, you come bounding downstairs going, `Mum, look who turned up in the night!' and she'll be all pleased to see Harry and no one need ever know we flew the car.\"\"Right,\" said Ron. \"Come on, Harry, I sleep at the - at the top Ron had gone a nasty greenish color, his eyes fixed on the house. The other three wheeled around.Mrs. Weasley was marching across the yard, scattering chickens, and for a short, plump, kind-faced woman, it was remarkable how much she looked like a saber-toothed tiger.\"Ah, \"said Fred.\"Oh, dear,\" said George.Mrs. Weasley came to a halt in front of them, her hands on her hips, staring from one guilty face to the next. She was wearing a flowered apron with a wand sticking out of the pocket.", "zh": "“不怎么样吧。”罗恩说。“太棒了。”哈利快乐地说，他想起了女贞路。大家下了车。“现在，我们悄悄地上搂，”弗雷德说，“等妈妈来叫我们吃早饭。那时罗恩连蹦带跳地跑下楼，说：‘妈妈，你看谁来了!’她看到哈利一定很高兴，谁也不会知道我们用了车。”“好的。”罗恩说，“来吧，哈利，我睡在—— ” 罗恩的脸一下绿了，眼睛直勾勾地盯着房子的方向。其他三个人转过身去。韦斯莱夫人从院子那头快步走来，鸡儿四散奔逃。令人惊奇的是，她这么个胖墩墩、慈眉善目的女人，居然会那么像一头露着利齿的老虎。“啊。”弗雷德说。“天哪。”乔治说。韦斯莱夫人停在他们面前，叉着腰，挨个审视着一张张愧疚的面孔。她穿着一条印花的围裙，兜里插着一根魔杖。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "李光明 1990年7月起到同济大学工作至今，先后在化学系（1990-1999年）、高等技术学院（2000-2001年）和环境科学与工程学院（2002年-现在）工作，历任讲师（1990年）、副教授（1994年）和教授（2000年）。 现任同济大学环境科学与工程学院教授、博士研究生指导教师。 先后从事化学工程与工艺、胶体与界面科学、催化和水污染控制等领域的科研与教学工作，现主要从事污染预防与控制过程方面的研究工作，在高浓度难降解有机废水的催化湿式氧化处理、化学工业区供排水网络系统优化、电子废弃物资源化、无害化管理与处理处置技术、城市生活垃圾收运和资源化管理的信息化技术应用等方面开展有关的科研工作。 担任化学系副主任（1996-1999年）、高等技术学院实训中心常务副主任（2000-2001年）、环境科学与工程学院副院长（2003-2010年），先后负责有关教学、科研、培训和研究生等管理工作。 现任同济大学科技处副处长（2010年-现在），负责产学研合作与科技成果的服务与管理工作。", "en": "Guangming Li He started working at Tongji University in July 1990 and has worked successively in the Department of Chemistry (1990-1999), Higher Technical College (2000-2001) and School of Environmental Science and Engineering (2002-present), serving as a Lecturer (1990-1999) ), Associate Professor (1994) and Professor (2000). Currently he serves as the Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Environmental Science and Engineering, Tongji University. He has successively engaged in scientific research and teaching in the fields of Chemical Engineering and Technology, Colloid and Interface Science, Catalysis and Water Pollution Control, etc., and now is committed to the research work of Pollution Prevention and Control Process, conducting researches on Catalytic Wet Oxidation Treatment of High-concentration Refractory Organic Wastewater, Optimization of Water Supply and Drainage Network System in Chemical Industry Park, Recycling of E-waste, Harmless Management and Treatment Technology, Application of Information Technology in the Collection, Transportation and Resource Management of Municipal Solid Waste. He successively serves as Deputy Director of the Department of Chemistry (1996-1999), Executive Deputy Director of the Training Center of Higher Technical College (2000-2001), Associate Dean of School of Environmental Science and Engineering (2003-2010), and was in charge of teaching, scientific research, training and postgraduates management. Currently he is the Deputy Director of the Science and Technology Department of Tongji University (2010-present), responsible for the service and management of industry-university-research cooperation and scientific and technological achievements."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That’s why Business for Nature – a diverse group of more than 600 firms and 50 partner organizations – is advocating more ambitious government and corporate action to provide nature with the safety net it needs to flourish. Next year’s UN Food Systems and Nutrition for Growth summits will also be important opportunities to raise collective ambition. We urgently need to repurpose agricultural subsidies to deliver better outcomes for people, climate, and nature. In addition, we must shift public food procurement toward plant-based diets and away from highly processed foods, deploy more productive and regenerative agricultural practices, support rural livelihoods, and commit to ambitious targets for reducing food loss and waste. Given that 25% of global CO2 emissions are linked to land use, we should not underestimate the contribution that transforming food systems can make in the fight against climate change. But perhaps the most critical international meeting in 2021 will be November’s UN climate conference (COP26) in Glasgow. Governments must boost their carbon-cutting measures in a race to the top that helps the world achieve net-zero emissions by 2050 – at the latest. Crucially, COP26 must also uphold rich countries’ commitment to provide poorer economies with the climate finance they need to manage extreme weather hazards – storms, droughts, and wildfires – which are increasing in prevalence and holding back their development and growth. That said, decisive climate action cannot be the responsibility of governments alone. Business must also play its part by setting science-based emission-reduction targets, improving energy efficiency, enhancing climate reporting and disclosures, and eliminating deforestation from supply chains.", "zh": "因此，大自然商业协会（Business for Nature，一个由600多家企业和50家合作组织组成的多样性组织）正在推动更有雄心的政府和公司行动，为大自然提供其繁荣兴旺所需要的安全网。 明年的联合国粮食体系和营养生长峰会也是提出集体雄心的重要机会。 我们急需调整农业补贴，为人、气候和大自然实现更好的结果。 此外，我们必须让公共粮食采购偏向吃素为主，减少高度预处理食品，落实生产率更高的再生农业，支持农村生计，致力于雄心勃勃的减少粮食损失和浪费的目标。 全球25%的二氧化碳排放与土地使用有关，我们决不可低估改变粮食体系能够为对抗气候变化做出的贡献。 但也许2021年最关键的国际会议是11月的格拉斯哥联合国气候会议（COP26 ） 。 政府必须竞相升级减碳措施，帮助世界在（最迟）2050年实现净零排放。 至关重要的是，COP26还必须支持富裕国家承诺为贫穷经济体提供它们管理极端天气风险 — — 风暴、旱灾和山火，这些风险日益普遍，影响了它们的发展和增长 — — 所需要的气候融资。 尽管如此，决定性的气候行动不应只是政府的责任。 企业也必须有所贡献，制定基于科学的减排目标，改善能源效率，加强气候报告和披露，从供应链中取消森林采伐。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The likely result – 27 disparate sets of demands – could lead to the serial re-opening of old compromises on issues that have little relevance to the urgent threats that the EU now faces. Member states simply do not have the time to conduct a case-by-case analysis of requests from the UK – or the concomitant deliberations. And the European Court of Justice would have difficulty reconciling a special set of exceptions for one country with the shared rights and freedoms on which the EU is based. Cameron’s supporters cite the precedent set by Labour Prime Minister Harold Wilson, who in 1975 renegotiated the terms of Britain’s membership in the European Economic Community – terms that his conservative predecessor, Edward Heath, had accepted a few years earlier – and then held a referendum on continued EEC membership. This tactic worked once, they argue, and it will work again. But Wilson had to negotiate with eight fairly similar countries. By contrast, Cameron will face 27 distinct countries (including Croatia, which will join later this year), many of which are facing serious domestic challenges. As a result, the negotiations have far more serious political implications – and far more room for error. Despite these risks, many British politicians believe that they can satisfy voters at the expense of “Europe,” perpetuating the idea that ties with the EU – a supposedly homogeneous foreign entity – amount to little more than a disposable convenience. Now, it is up to the British public to think deeply about the benefits and sacrifices implicit in EU membership.", "zh": "其结果 — — 27组不相干的要求 — — 可能导致与欧盟当前面临的迫切问题毫无关系的问题的旧妥协卷土重来。 各成员国根本没有时间逐个分析英国的要求以及相应的讨论。 欧盟法院难以牺牲作为欧盟基石的共同权利和自由，为一个国家协调一系列特殊例外。 卡梅伦的支持者援引工党首相威尔逊的先例 — — 他在1975年重谈了其前任希斯几年前接受的英国欧洲经济共同体成员资格条件，随后举行了关于是否保留欧洲经济共同体成员资格的公投。 他们认为，这一策略曾经奏效并将再次奏效。 但威尔逊必须与八个相当相似的国家谈判。 相反，卡梅伦面临27个大相径庭的国家（包括将于今年晚些时候加入的克罗地亚 ） ， 其中不乏面临严重国内挑战者。 因此，谈判的政治影响将会大得多，犯错的可能也大得多。 尽管存在这些风险，许多英国政客仍然相信他们可以牺牲“欧洲”满足选民，让欧盟 — — 它应该是一个同质的外国实体 — — 只能提供可有可无的方便性的思想永久化。 如今，英国公众必须深入思考欧盟成员国所包含的好处和牺牲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "杨辰听了头皮发麻，哭笑不得，“行了行了，你把我当成什么了，虽然我的确抵抗力差了点，见了美女两眼发直，但也不至于满脑子那点事。” ”简那是我八、九年前就认识的，那时候她还是个小女娃娃，我可算是看着她长大的，就跟一个兄长希望妹子有个好归宿一样，我能自己去把好白菜拱了么？“ “你就别管这么多了，快起来，我先接你去看看那鼎炉，然后带你去我们家吃一顿，我妈她们都要感谢你呢”。 “你急什么嘛，我还要跟护士们道别呢，那个简小姐的学生，格蕾丝可照顾我了，你先坐着等一会儿”，萧芷晴道。 杨辰抓了抓头，“你说你这安排，这些事早点我来之前怎么不去做”。 “你又急你跟简小姐说话的时候怎么就这么乖了？对着我就大呼小叫的，太瞧不起人了我还是刚刚恢复的伤患哎”。", "en": "Yang Chen snorted at her remark. “Yes yes. I know I’m more prone than most. Every time I see a beauty my eyes shine.” “I met Jane about eight to nine years ago, back when she was just a kid. One could say I watched her grow up through the years the way older siblings do. So naturally, like all other older siblings, I would wish for her to find the right person when he comes by. So why would I swoop in and take her for myself?” “Moving on, it’s time for you to get up now. I have to take you to examine the cauldron, then over to our house for a decent meal, My mum and the others couldn’t wait to express their gratitude for you saving my life.” “Chill a little, I need to bid a proper farewell with the nurses. Do you know Ms Jane’s student, Grace? She took good care of me throughout my time here. Why don’t you just sit and wait a while,” Xue Zhiqing replied. Yang Chen ruffled through his hair. “Honestly, couldn’t you have done all this before I came?” “Sheesh, why are you so frantic all the time? I didn’t see you being all naggy and grumpy when Jane was around. I’m still a patient you know.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Upside of US Inflation NEW YORK – Anxiety about inflation, among citizens and politicians alike, has been peaking recently. In the United States, the year-on-year increase in consumer prices reached 7.5% in January, the highest rate since February 1982. If people’s incomes increase by less than the rate of inflation, their real incomes decline, and they cannot afford to buy as much stuff as before. This is the “income effect” of inflation. But, as I show in a recent research paper, there is an upside to inflation. In recent decades, in fact, inflation has been a great boon to middle-class US households’ balance sheets, and has therefore helped to mitigate the increase in overall wealth inequality. This is the “wealth effect” of inflation, and it works in the following way. Suppose you have $100 in assets and $20 in debt, so that your net worth is $80. Suppose, too, that inflation is 5% per year and the nominal value of your assets increases at the same rate (the prices of assets such as homes tend to move in line with inflation). Then, in real terms, the value of your assets remains unchanged, but your debt is now 5% lower. So, the real value of your net worth rises to $81, an increase of 1.25%. Moreover, the higher the ratio of debt to assets, the greater the percentage increase in net worth as a result of inflation. This is the “leverage effect”: If your debt in the previous example was $40, rather than $20, then your net worth would increase by 3.3%. In the US, the middle class – defined as the median household – is much more indebted than the very rich (the top 1%). In 2019, the ratio of total household debt to total assets for the middle class was 36.5%, compared to a ratio of just 2.3% for the very rich. In terms of net worth, therefore, the middle class will benefit much more from inflation than the rich. Likewise, Black and Hispanic households in the US are far more indebted than white households, with a debt-to-asset ratio almost three times higher.", "zh": "美国通胀的好处 纽约—最近，公民和政界人士对通货膨胀的焦虑达到了顶峰。 在美国，1 月份消费者价格同比涨幅达到 7.5 % ， 为 1982 年 2 月以来的最高水平。 如果人们的收入增长速度低于通货膨胀率，他们的真实收入就会下降，买不起和以前一样多的东西。 这是通货膨胀的“收入效应 ” 。 但是，正如我在最新研究文章中所表明，通货膨胀也有好处。 事实上，近几十年来，通胀对美国中产阶级家庭的资产负债表来说是一大利好，帮助缓解了整体财富不平等的加剧。 这是通货膨胀的“财富效应 ” ， 它的作用方式如下。 假设你有 100 美元的资产和 20 美元的债务，那么你的净资产是 80 美元。 同样假设通货膨胀率为每年 5 % ， 并且你的资产的名义价值以相同的速度增长（房屋等资产的价格往往与通货膨胀一致 ） 。 因此，用真实值衡量，你的资产价值保持不变，但你的债务现在降低了 5 % 。 因此，你的净资产的实际价值上升到 81 美元，增长了 1.25 % 。 此外，债务与资产的比率越高，通货膨胀导致的净资产增长百分比就越大。 这是“杠杆效应 ” ： 如果你在上一个例子中的债务是 40 美元，而不是 20 美元，那么你的净资产将增加 3.3 % 。 在美国，中产阶级 — — 定义中位家庭 — — 比非常富有的人（顶层 1 % ） 负债水平高得多。 2019 年，中产阶级家庭总债务与总资产的比率为 36.5 % ， 而非常富有的人仅为 2.3 % 。 因此，就净资产而言，中产阶级从通胀中受益将比富人多得多。 同样，美国黑人和西班牙裔家庭的负债率远高于白人家庭，其资产负债率几乎高出三倍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On the other hand, Latin America’s long-term growth record is hardly an advertisement for the approach, and accounting for lost tax revenues due to lower GDP would surely yield a less impressive fiscal outcome. Another possibility is that the Europeans concluded that an FTT’s political advantages outweigh its economic flaws. After all, there certainly is a case to be made that an FTT has so much gut-level popular appeal that politically powerful financial interests could not block it. One can almost buy this idea, except that the tax is so counterproductive in the long run that it is hardly obvious that it would be better than nothing. There are more cynical interpretations of the European Commission’s motives. Perhaps officials noticed that virtually everything in Europe is already heavily taxed. So, rather than finance the European Union’s institutions through greater contributions from existing tax bases, they are seeking a consensus for new revenue sources. Or perhaps the Commission realizes that the FTT will be dead on arrival, owing to disputes within Europe, and simply wants to gain political capital from an enormously popular proposal. After the financial crisis erupted with full force in 2008, former US Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker claimed that the only worthwhile financial innovation in recent decades was the ATM. And, as the Oscar-winning documentary Inside Job rightly points out, no one whose other, less useful innovations helped cause the financial crisis – politicians, financiers, and many others – has really paid a price. There is, in short, ample reason to be angry at financiers, and real change is needed in how they operate. But the FTT, despite its noble intellectual lineage, is no solution to Europe’s problems – or to the world’s.", "zh": "但从另一方面来看，拉美的长期增长记录对其上述政策可不是正面宣传，而较低的GDP必然意味着财政成绩乏善可陈。 另一种可能性是，欧盟认为金融交易税的政治好处胜过其经济危害。 金融交易税在民意上如此讨好，以至于颇有政治影响力的金融利益集团也无法加以阻止，这种解释也说得过去。 这笔买卖兴许划算吧，除了一点：这种税的长期效果实在是不利于增长，很难说有它比没它来得好。 还有一些更加玩世不恭的解释。 或云，欧盟官员知道欧洲的一切都已加了重税，所以，为了给欧盟各个衙门创收，他们没法儿再从现有税基上做文章，只能挖空心思开发新税源。 还有的说，欧盟委员会明知金融交易税会因欧洲内部的争议无果而终，他们只是想给民众开张空头支票，捞取政治资本罢了。 2008年金融危机全面爆发以后，美联储前主席沃克尔（Paul Volcker）曾说，近几十年最有价值的金融创新是 — — ATM机。 而奥斯卡获奖纪录片《圈内勾当 》 （ Inside Job）说得很对：有那么一伙儿人，他们的创新还不如ATM机有用，却共同导致了金融危机，这伙人 — — 政客、金融家等等等等，至今还没有真正付出什么代价。 简言之，有大把理由去对金融家发泄怒火，但只有让他们改弦更张才是真正改观。 而金融交易税，尽管出自学术名门，却不是欧洲问题 — — 或世界问题的药方。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We must plan investments in research and development to resolve these uncertainties and improve our technological options. Third, sensible solutions require international energy cooperation. One key fact about low-carbon energy (just like fossil fuels) is that it is not generally located where it will ultimately be used. Just as coal, oil, and gas must be transported long distances, so wind, solar, geothermal, and hydropower must be moved long distances through transmission lines and through synthetic liquid fuels made with wind and solar power. Fourth, there are of course powerful vested interests in the fossil-fuel industry that are resisting change. This is abundantly clear in the US, for example, where the Republican Party denies climate change for the sole reason that it is heavily funded by the US oil industry. This is certainly a species of intellectual corruption, if not political corruption (it’s probably both). The fact that the energy system involves so many complex interconnections leads to tremendous inertia. Shifting to a low-carbon energy system will therefore require considerable planning, long lead times, dedicated financing, and coordinated action across many parts of the economy, including energy producers, distributors, and residential, commercial, and industrial consumers. Policy measures such as a tax on carbon emissions can help to address some – but only some – challenges of the energy transition. Here is another problem. If governments plan only 10-15 years ahead, as is typical in energy policy, rather than 30-50 years, they will tend to make poor system-related choices.", "zh": "我们必须为研发投资制定计划，解决上述不确定性并改善我们可以选择的技术方案。 第三，合理的解决方案���要开展国际能源合作。 （像化石燃料一样 ） ， 一个关于低碳能源的关键事实是其生产和使用往往不在一地。 就像煤、石油和天然气必须经过长途运输一样，风能、太阳能、地热和水电也必须经过输电线路的长途运输或者转化为风能及太阳能制成的合成液体。 第四，抵制变革的强大既得利益集团无疑存在于化石燃料行业。 比方说，这在美国非常明显，共和党否定气候变化的唯一理由是该党大量接受美国石油行业的出资。 这无疑是学术腐败、甚至政治腐败的实例（很可能两者兼而有之 ） 。 能源体系牵涉到如此众多盘根错节的关系构成了巨大的惯性。 因此向低碳能源体系的转型需要周密的计划、充分的时间、专项融资以及跨越能源生产商、分销商、居民、商业和工业消费者等众多经济部门的协调行动。 碳排放税等政策可以解决某些问题，但上述措施在能源转型中所能解决的问题也仅限于一部分。 还有一个问题需要引起关注。 如果政府只是提前10到15年、而非30到50年制定计划，那么他们很可能犯下低级的系统性错误。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At War With a Virus NEW YORK – US President Donald Trump has labeled himself a wartime president, and many others around the world are using similar language. It’s a description that raises an obvious question: What does the history and nature of war tell us about fighting a virus? While war should normally be a policy of last resort, not confronting an enemy that is determined to attack and poses an imminent threat can be deadly. Indeed, the enemy morphed from a local outbreak in Wuhan, China, into a global pandemic precisely because the Chinese authorities squandered precious weeks before confronting it. China’s leadership initially covered up the outbreak and allowed millions of people to leave Wuhan even though many carried the virus with them. The United States also manifested a widespread initial reluctance to go to war. This comes as little surprise. War as a last resort is one of the tenets of “just war” theory, the body of thinking that emerged in the Middle Ages and was intended to make wars less common and less violent. The problem, though, is that it takes two to avoid conflict, and the virus was determined to bring it on. Putting off the decision to go on the offensive against COVID-19 – treating a war of necessity as a war of choice – has proved extraordinarily costly in terms of lives lost and economic destruction. Once leaders recognized that war was necessary, they soon realized they had no weapons.", "zh": "与病毒作战 纽约–美国总统唐纳德·特朗普称自己是战时总统，世界上许多人对他也在使用类似的形容。 这一描述提出了一个显而易见的问题：关于抗击病毒，历史和战争的本质告诉了我们什么? 虽然战争通常应该是最后的手段，但如果敌人决意发动攻击并构成迫在眉睫的威胁，那么不与之对抗则可能会致命。 事实上，这场疫病从在中国武汉局部爆发演变成一场全球大流行，这正是因为中国当局在应对它之前浪费了宝贵的几周时间。 中国领导层最初掩盖了疫情状况，允许携带病毒的数百万人离开武汉。 美国也表现出一种普遍不愿参战的态度。 这没什么好惊讶的。 战争作为最后的手段是“正义战争”理论的原则之一，这一思想体系出现于中世纪，其目的是让战争变得不那么频繁，也不那么暴力。 但问题是，这使双方避免冲突，而病毒却致力于挑起冲突。 推迟防御和应对新冠状病毒（COVID-19 ） ， 把一场必要的战争当作一场可以选择的战争，这种做法被证明在生命损失和经济破坏方面付出了极其高昂的代价。 一旦领导人认识到（对抗病毒的）战争是必要的，他们便很快就会意识到他们没有“武器 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The War with Radical Islam NEW YORK – French Prime Minister Manuel Valls was not speaking metaphorically when he said that France is at war with radical Islam. There is, indeed, a full-fledged war underway, and the heinous terrorist attacks in Paris were part of it. Yet, like most wars, this one is about more than religion, fanaticism, and ideology. It is also about geopolitics, and its ultimate solution lies in geopolitics as well. Crimes like those in Paris, New York, London, and Madrid – attacks on countless cafes, malls, buses, trains, and nightclubs – affront our most basic human values, because they involve the deliberate murder of innocents and seek to spread fear throughout society. We are wont to declare them the work of lunatics and sociopaths, and we feel repulsed by the very idea that they may have an explanation beyond the insanity of their perpetrators. Yet, in most cases, terrorism is not rooted in insanity. It is more often an act of war, albeit war by the weak rather than by organized states and their armies. Islamist terrorism is a reflection, indeed an extension, of today’s wars in the Middle East. And with the meddling of outside powers, those wars are becoming a single regional war – one that is continually morphing, expanding, and becoming increasingly violent.", "zh": "与极端伊斯兰教的战争 纽约—法国总理瓦尔斯说，法国正在与极端伊斯兰教打一场战争，他不是在作比喻。 确实有一场全方位战争正在进行，穷凶极恶的恐怖分子袭击巴黎就是这场战争的一部分。 但是，与大部分战争一样，这场战争并不只是一场宗教、狂热和意识形态之战。 它事关地缘政治，终极解决方案也在于地缘政治。 巴黎、纽约、伦敦和马德里的罪行 — — 针对咖啡馆、购物城、公交车、火车和夜总会的袭击 — — 冒犯了我们最基本的人的价值，因为其中包含了蓄意谋杀无辜者和试图在全社会传播恐惧。 我们习惯于将袭击者称为“疯子 ” 、 “反社会 ” ， 如果他们说他们的恶行并不只是出于疯狂，我们都会感到憎恶。 但是，在大部分情形中，恐怖主义并不植根于疯狂。 这更可能是战争行为，只不过这场战争由弱者而不是有组织国家及其军队发动。 伊斯兰恐怖主义是当下中东战争的一种反映 — — 实际上也可以说是扩展。 而在外部力量的干预下，这些战争正在成为一场地区战争 — — 不断地演变、扩大，也越来越暴力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Muddled Case for Trade Agreements PRINCETON – With global trade negotiations deadlocked for years, regional agreements – long a dormant route to trade liberalization – are back with a vengeance. The United States is at the center of two mega-deals that could shape the future path of world trade. The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is further along, and involves 11 countries, besides the US, that collectively produce as much as 40% of global output; but China, crucially, is not among them. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the European Union has an even more ambitious reach, promising to join two giant regions that together account for half of world trade. Trade agreements have long stopped being the province of experts and technocrats. So it is not surprising that both initiatives have generated significant and heated public discussion. The perspectives of proponents and opponents are so polarized that it is hard not to be utterly confused about the likely consequences. To appreciate what is at stake, we have to understand that these deals are motivated by a mix of objectives – some benign, others less so from a global perspective. On the economic front, the trade agreements’ defenders tend to talk with both sides of their mouth. Reducing trade barriers is said to promote economic efficiency and specialization; but it is also supposed to increase exports and create jobs by increasing access to trade partners’ markets.", "zh": "贸易协定的迷思 发自普林斯顿 — — 随着全球贸易谈判陷入多年停滞，区域性贸易协定 — — 这条长期以来蛰伏沉睡的贸易自由化路径 — — 又迎来了春天。 而美国正处于两场足以决定世界贸易未来道路的大型谈判的核心。 泛太平洋伙伴关系协定(Trans-Pacific Partnership)推进相对较快，其中包含除美国之外的11个国家，合共占全球GDP份额的40 % ， 但重点是并未将中国包括在内。 而与欧盟合作构建的泛大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系（Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership）则更具野心，试图将占全球贸易总量1/2的两大板块连成一片。 贸易协定早就不是专家和技术官僚的专属领地了，因此不出意外两大动议都随机引发了广泛而热烈的公众讨论。 支持者和反对者各自的观点是如此两极分化，以至于很难不被可能产生的后果所完全迷惑。 为了认清问题的症结，我们必须认识到这些协定都是被一系列混杂在一起的目标所推动的 — — 如果站在全球的角度来看，有些是良性的，有些则没那么善意。 在经济方面，贸易协定的维护者们堪称两面三刀:减少贸易壁垒能提高经济效率和专业化；但同时也会通过来不断进占贸易伙伴的市场来增加出口和创造就业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, it is not every woman’s goal solely to act as a caregiver. Women have ambitions of their own. Those ambitions may focus on providing for their families, whether as a caregiver or a breadwinner, but that is not always the case. They need support that enables them to choose the contributions they want to make, and access to relevant, meaningful work. Involving men and other caregivers is vital to build effective social protection systems that work for women, though this must be accompanied by good and affordable health services, schools, and other facilities. Programs focused on boosting social protection and expanding employment opportunities for women must adjust the language they use, in order to challenge assumptions about women as the main providers of unpaid labor. Finally, efforts should be made to strengthen community relationships, in order to cultivate the trust needed to revive the type of childcare that predominated before the ideal of self-contained households, with one male provider and one female caregiver, took hold. Evidence from around the world demonstrates the urgent need for social-protection policies and initiatives that enable women not just to survive, but to thrive. This means giving women the support they need to participate in the labor force – including education and training – while taking into account the true extent of their responsibilities. Above all, it means empowering women to choose the balance between employment and caregiving that works best for them.", "zh": "此外，并非所有妇女都只相当一位育儿者。 妇女也有自己的雄心。 这些雄心可能是养家（不管是作为育儿者还是作为赚钱者 ） ， 但并非总是如此。 她们需要支持，让她们选择想要做出的贡献，并得到相关的有意义的工作。 将男性和其他育儿者纳入是构建服务于妇女的有效社会保证体系的关键，但同时必须辅之以良好的评价卫生服务、教育和其他设施。 聚焦于提高社会保障、扩大妇女就业机会的计划必须调整用词，以挑战妇女作为无薪劳动的主要提供者的既成事实。 最后，必须采取措施强化社区关系，以培养必要的信任，复兴独立家庭站稳脚跟以前的主要育儿模式（即男性养家，女性持家 ） 。 全球证据表明，我们急需社会保障政策和措施，让妇女不但能够生存，还能够发展。 这意味着给予妇女参与劳动力所必要的支持 — — 包括教育和培训 — — 同时考虑她们的真正责任。 最重要的是，这意味着赋能妇女，在就业和育儿之间做出最适合她们的平衡选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is time for Asia’s leaders to recognize that the lack of private funding for infrastructure projects cannot be reduced to one or even two problems, and to develop comprehensive solutions that account for the full scope of the challenge. This requires, first and foremost, abandoning the view that infrastructure assets fit into the paradigm of traditional asset classes like equity, debt, or real estate. Infrastructure must be redefined as a new asset class, based on several considerations. For starters, there is the public-good element of many infrastructure projects, which demands contingent government obligations like universal coverage levels for basic services. In order to make such projects more appealing to private investors, economic externalities should be internalized, and a link should be established between the internal rate of return, which matters to a commercial investor, and the economic rate of return, which matters to society. Moreover, innovative mechanisms to supply new assets to investors would be needed – and that requires the creativity found and priced by markets. To this end, private-sector sponsors must be given space to initiate valuable projects. The new asset class would need its own standardized risk/return profile, accounting, for example, for the political risks that public-sector involvement may imply and for the lower returns from infrastructure relative to traditional private equity. Moreover, the risks associated with the new asset class would change as projects progress from feasibility study to construction to operation, implying that each phase would attract different sources of funding. A clear understanding of this process would enable potential investors to assess projects more effectively, which is critical to encouraging them to put up financing. Another important consideration is the considerable technical expertise that infrastructure investments demand, which makes them more complex than most assets. Similarly, a specialized network of actors would be needed to ensure that intermediation of infrastructure transactions is efficient and cost-effective, instead of fragmented and slow, as it is now. For countries that lack China’s strong fiscal position, the need to attract private capital to infrastructure investment is obvious. With nearly 70% of Sub-Saharan Africa’s population lacking access to electricity and 65% of South Asians lacking access to basic sanitation, there is no greater imperative than to plan, fund, build, and maintain infrastructure assets.", "zh": "亚洲领导人应该认识到，私人基础设施项目融资的缺乏不是一两个问题那么简单，他们应该寻找全面的解决方案彻底解决这一挑战。 这首先需要抛弃一个观点，即基础设施资产可以按照股本、债务或不动产等传统资产类别范式归类。 基础设施必须重新定义为新的资产类别，有几个方面需要考虑。 首先，许多基础设施项目包含公共品性质，这意味着或有政府义务，类似于基本服务的普遍覆盖。 要让这类项目产生对私人投资者的吸引力，经济外部性就必须内部化，内在回报率（商业投资者所关心的问题）和经济回报率（社会所关心的问题）之间必须建立联系。 此外，需要向投资者提供新资产的创新机制 — — 而这需要市场来发现和定价创造力。 在这方面，私人部门出资者必须获得发起有价值的项目的空间。 新资产类别需要有其自身的风险/回报特征，比如，需要考察公共部门参与所隐含的政治风险以及基础设施回报低于传统私人股权的风险。 此外，与新资产类别伴随而生的风险会随着项目从可信性研究演进到建设和经营而变化，这意味着每一阶段吸引的资金源不同。 清晰理解这一过程将使潜在投资者能够更有效地评估项目，而这是鼓励他们出钱的关键。 另一个重要的考虑点是基础设施投资需要大量专家知识，这使得它们比大部分资产更复杂。 类似地，还需要行动方的专业化网络以确保基础设施交易中介效率高、成本低，而不是想现在那样分散且行动缓慢。 对于财政状况不如中国的国家来说，吸引私人资本参与基础设施投资的需要是显而易见的。 撒哈拉以南非洲有70%人口无法得到电力，65%的南亚人没有基本卫生设施，规划、融资、建设和维护基础设施资产的需求极其迫切。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For a moment, his eyes came back to her, wide and crystal gray, and there was admiration in them. Then, suddenly, they were remote again and she knew with a sinking heart that he had not been thinking about starving. They were always like two people talking to each other in different languages. But she loved him so much that, when he withdrew as he had now done, it was like the warm sun going down and leaving her in chilly twilight dews. She wanted to catch him by the shoulders and hug him to her, make him realize that she was flesh and blood and not something he had read or dreamed. If she could only feel that sense of oneness with him for which she had yearned since that day, so long ago, when he had come home from Europe and stood on the steps of Tara and smiled up at her. “Starving’s not pleasant,” he said. “I know for I’ve starved, but I’m not afraid of that. I am afraid of facing life without the slow beauty of our old world that is gone.”", "zh": "他那双灰色的晶莹的大眼睛转过来注视着她的脸，眼光中流露着钦佩的神色。但是不一会儿，目光又突然显得茫然了。这时她的心猛地下沉，意识到他并不是在考虑什么挨饿的问题。他们常常像是用不同的语言在交谈的两个人。然而她是那么深深地爱他。以致每逢他像现在这样退缩时，便仿佛觉得和煦的太阳在迅速西沉，把她抛弃在黄昏时分的冷露里。她要抓住他的肩膀把他拉进怀里，让他明白她是个有血有肉的人，而不是他所读到过或梦见过的什么东西。只要她能够领略到那种与他合而为一的感觉就好了，这种感觉自从很久以前他从欧洲回来、站在塔拉的台阶上朝她微笑那一天起，她就一直渴望着啊！ “挨饿是很不好受的，”他说。“我清楚，因为我挨过饿，可是我并不觉得很可怕。我觉得可怕的是，我们已经丧失的那种旧生活中的慢悠悠的美感时，还得面对生活。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Six-Day War at 50 NEW YORK – The world is about to mark the 50th anniversary of the June 1967 war between Israel and Egypt, Jordan, and Syria – a conflict that continues to stand out in a region with a modern history largely defined by violence. The war lasted less than a week, but its legacy remains pronounced a half-century later. The war itself was triggered by an Israeli preemptive strike on the Egyptian air force, in response to Egypt’s decision to expel a United Nations peacekeeping force from Gaza and the Sinai Peninsula and to close the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping. Israel struck first, but most observers regarded what it did as a legitimate act of self-defense against an imminent threat. Israel did not intend to fight on more than one front, but the war quickly expanded when both Jordan and Syria entered the conflict on Egypt’s side. It was a costly decision for the Arab countries. After just six days of fighting, Israel controlled the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza strip, the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and all of Jerusalem. The new Israel was more than three times larger than the old one. It was oddly reminiscent of Genesis: six days of intense effort followed by a day of rest, in this case the signing of a cease-fire. The one-sided battle and its outcome put an end to the notion (for some, a dream) that Israel could be eliminated. The 1967 victory made Israel permanent in ways that the wars of 1948 and 1956 did not.", "zh": "六日战争50年 纽约—1967年6月在以色列和埃及、约旦和叙利亚之间打响的六日战争马上就要迎来50周年了。 在这个现代史充斥着暴力的地区，这场战争一直显得有些特立独行。 它不到一周就结束了，但其余音在半个世纪之后仍在回响。 战争本身由以色列发起。 在埃及决定驱逐加沙和西奈半岛的联合国维和部队、关闭通往以色列的航运同道蒂朗海峡后，以色列对埃及空军进行了先发制人的打击。 是以色列先动的手，但大部分观察者认为这是应对紧迫威胁的合法的自卫行动。 以色列本无意多线作战，但战争很快随着约旦和叙利亚加入埃及一方而扩大了。 这对于阿拉伯国家来说是个代价沉痛的决定。 战斗只维持的四天，然后以色列就控制了西奈半岛和加沙地带、戈兰高地、约旦河西岸以及耶路撒冷全境。 新的以色列国比此前大了三倍。 这令人奇怪地想起了《创世纪 》 ： 六天的紧张工作，一天的休息 — — 休息在这里指的是签署停火协议。 这场一边倒的战役及其结果让以色列可以消灭的概念（对一些人来说，这是个梦想）彻底破灭了。 1967年的胜利让以色列以1948年和1956年战争都没能实现的方式永久地存在于世界。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reforming Japan’s Constitution “Reform with no sacred cows” was Junichiro Koizumi’s slogan when he became prime minister five years ago, and no cow here is more sacred than our “peace” constitution. So it should be no surprise that, as Koizumi moves toward the end of his second and final term in office, his efforts to reform the constitution to allow Japan more effectively to defend world peace are gathering pace. In mid-April, the Constitution Review committee of Japan’s House of Representatives issued a final report on the fundamental problems facing Japan’s Constitution and submitted it to the Chair of House of the Diet. Soon the House of Councillors will submit its final report. Moreover, concrete discussions on constitutional reform are underway within both the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (with Koizumi himself in charge) and the opposition Democratic Party. The private sector and media outlets like the influential Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper have also joined in. The Liberal Democrats aim to have their draft constitutional amendments ready for the 50th anniversary of the party’s founding this November. Although almost everyone concedes that some amendments to the constitution are necessary, agreement on what needs to be done has been difficult to reach. Indeed, the Liberal Democrats are as divided as everyone else. In addition to these divisions, there are problems concerning how to amend the constitution. New legislation will be needed to enable amendments to the constitution, and this will take time and even more debate. Yet the pressure for fundamental change – particularly of Article 9, which putatively pledges that Japan will never maintain armed forces – is such that there is a real chance that these obstacles can and will be overcome. Fundamental change, indeed, is needed as soon as possible, because current interpretations of the constitution have consistently distorted Japan’s security and defense policies. Across Japan, there is a growing view that some of these policies cannot wait for constitutional amendment. Up to now, issues related to national defense have been regulated by the administrative judgments of the time or by Diet resolutions based on the prevailing interpretation of Article 9. But this ad-hoc approach has been, and remains, a recipe for paralysis.", "zh": "改革日本的宪法 “改革要毫无敬畏”是小泉纯一郎五年前成为宰相时候的口号，现在没有任何东西能比我们的“和平”宪法来的更为神圣。 所以，当小泉第二个也是最后一个任期快接近尾声的时候，他力图改革宪法以使日本更有效地保卫世界和平的努力也加快了步伐，对此我们不该感到诧异。 四月中旬，日本众议院宪法研究委员会发表了关于日本宪法所面临的基本问题的最终报告，并提交给众议院议长。 很快参议院将提交它的最终报告。 此外，执政党自民党（由小泉领导）与其反对党民主党之间正在就宪法改革展开具体讨论。 私营机构和媒体出版物，诸如深具影响力的《读卖新闻》也加入了这场讨论。 自民党打算在今年十一月庆祝该党五十周年派对之际完成他们的宪法修改草案。 虽然几乎每个人都同意宪法必须有所修正，但是究竟应该做什么却是众口难调。 事实上，自民党内部的意见和其他人一样四分五裂。 除了这些分歧之外，还有如何修正宪法的问题。 要对宪法进行修正首先要通过新的立法，这需要时间，甚至更多的辩论。 然而，重大改革的压力 — — 尤其是对公开宣称日本永远放弃使用武力的第九条进行改革的压力 — — 如此巨大，使得这些障碍能够并且将被克服的真正机会已经来临。 其实，这些重大改革应当越快越好，因为现行的宪法版本长期以来歪曲了日本的安全和防卫政策。 在全日本，越来越多的人认为，某些安全和防卫政策不能光等着宪法修正。 目前为止，与国防有关的问题都由当时候的行政判决控制或由国会根据对第九条的普遍理解所作出的决议掌握。 但是这种治标不治本的方法已经埋下了防卫政策瘫痪隐患。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, Obama’s efforts to improve relations with Russia – embodied in the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) – did not lead to a genuine “reset” in bilateral ties, largely because an increasingly Soviet-style Russian leadership distrusts a US establishment that still regards Russia as a foe. And the US-China relationship has deteriorated, with America seeking to manage China’s rise strategically – for example, through regional trade agreements and an enhanced military presence in Asia. On multilateral issues, Obama’s performance is equally unimpressive. After committing to a 17% reduction of greenhouse-gas emissions by 2020 – and despite his declaration that he would not tolerate inaction in this area – he simply stopped raising the issue after the Republicans’ sweeping victory in the November 2010 mid-term elections. Likewise, domestic pressure has caused Obama to neglect trade issues. The US is largely responsible for the failure of the Doha Round of global trade talks. Obama’s one significant foreign-policy breakthrough has been to release the US from the grip of the “global war on terror.” Jettisoning the Manichean rhetoric of that “war” allowed the US to regain the political legitimacy that former President George W. Bush had lost, without diminishing its strategic credibility. After the Vietnam War, Jimmy Carter hoped to make a break with established US policy. But his administration’s actions – including serious blunders in Iran and Afghanistan – made the US appear weak and indecisive. While Obama’s policies have not weakened America’s international standing, they also have not led to achievements comparable to Richard Nixon’s rapprochement with China, largely owing to what might be described as the dogmatic pragmatism that underlies them – an emphasis on avoiding the worst, rather than on striving for the best. Moreover, Obama has been confronted with significant constraints, including the global economic crisis, domestic political polarization, a hostile Congress, and the rise of emerging powers that need the US but are unwilling to accept its dominance. As a result, he has failed to change strategic realities by, for example, reconciling America’s broader interests with those of Iran (a declared enemy), Pakistan (a “frenemy”), and Israel (a key ally). To be sure, Obama faces a more complex diplomatic and strategic environment than Nixon faced in the 1970’s.", "zh": "此外，奥巴马与俄罗斯改善关系的努力 — — 体现在战略武器削���条约（START）中 — — 并没有让两国关系真正实现“重置 ” ， 这主要是因为越来越苏维埃化的俄罗斯领导层不信任仍然将俄罗斯视为敌人的美国。 美中关系也出现了倒退，美国寻求遏制中国的战略崛起，比如通过地区贸易协定以及增加在亚洲的军事部署。 在多边问题方面，奥巴马的表现也同样不尽如人意。 他承诺在2020年削减温室气体排放量的17 % ， 并声称他无法容忍在该领域无所作为，但在2010年中期选举共和党大获全胜后，他便不再提及这一问题。 类似地，国内压力还迫使奥巴马忽视贸易问题。 美国要为全球贸易谈判多哈回合的失败负主要责任。 奥巴马的重大外交政策突破之一是把美国从“全球恐怖战争”的束缚中解放了出来。 放弃这场对“战争”的摩尼教式的口吻，美国重新赢得了前总统小布什所丢掉的政治合法性，同时又没有降低其战略信誉。 越南战争后，卡特希望在既成美国政策中取得突破。 但他的政府的行为 — — 包括在伊朗和阿富汗所犯下的重大错误 — — 让美国显得孱弱而犹豫。 奥巴马的政策尽管没有削弱了美国的国际立场，但也没有带来堪与尼克松与中国建交相比的成就，主要的原因在于奥巴马外交政策背后的教条实用主义 — — 强调避免最坏结果，而不是追求最好结果。 此外，奥巴马还面临了重大约束，包括全球经济危机、国内政治两极分化、敌意国会，以及需要美国又不愿接受美国主导的新兴大国的崛起。 结果，奥巴马没能通过（比如）将美国与伊朗（明确宣布的敌人 ） 、 巴基斯坦（亦敌亦友）和以色列（关键盟友）的更广泛的利益协调起来改变战略现实。 平心而论，奥巴马所面临的外交和战略环境比20世纪70年代尼克松更复杂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another promising area of innovation is portable DNA-sequencing devices, which could soon be used by farmers to diagnose plant diseases, possibly improving quality and yield while eliminating or reducing use of pesticides. Genetic editing to improve health and productivity in food animals such as dairy and beef cattle, swine, and poultry is still nascent, but interest in the field has soared since the 2019 outbreak of African swine fever. Similarly, the mapping of the microbiome – including bacteria, fungi, and viruses – is helping researchers find ways to increase the resilience of crops, animals, and soil to drought and disease. Here, too, advances in computing and sequencing are accelerating the pace of discovery, such that the biotech company Novozymes is already offering genetically engineered microbes to use in place of yield- and quality-boosting chemicals. Many of these biological innovations can help us address not only hunger but also resource depletion and broader climate risks. According to the FAO, raising livestock for meat, eggs, and milk generates 14.5% of global greenhouse-gas emissions; and one-third of all cropland is used to produce animal feed. Agriculture is also the largest contributor to deforestation, occupying 43% of the world’s ice-free and desert-free land. The plant-based “Impossible Burger” embodies 89% fewer emissions than a traditional beef burger.", "zh": "另一个充满希望的创新领域是便携式 DNA测序设备，农民可以很快用其诊断植物病害，并可能在消除或减少农药使用的同时提高农产品的产量和质量。 改善奶牛、肉牛、猪和家禽等食用动物健康和产量的基因编辑工作仍处于起步阶段，但自从2009年非洲猪瘟爆发以来，人们对这一领域的兴趣出现了急剧增长。 同样，包括细菌、真菌和病毒等在内的微生物组图谱正在帮助研究人员寻找提高农作物、动物和土壤抗旱及抗病能力的方法。 在上述领域，计算及测序能力的进步同样在加速通往发现的步伐，例如，生物技术企业诺维信已经在出售经过基因编辑的微生物，旨在通过替代化学品来提高作物的产量和质量。 上述许多生物创新不仅能帮我们解决饥饿问题，还可以用于应对资源枯竭和更大范围的气候风险因素。 据粮农组织统计，以获取肉、蛋、奶为目的而饲养牲畜占到全球温室气体排放到14.5 % ； 而且，所有农田的1/3都被用于生产动物饲料。 农业也是造成森林砍伐的最重要因素，占到世界无冰、无沙漠土地的43%左右。 源于植物的“不可能汉堡”比传统牛肉汉堡减少约89%的排放量。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Companies Should Refuse Trump’s Deregulation LONDON – US President Donald Trump may seem like a dream come true for business. A businessman himself – as he so often reminds us – Trump is eager to please companies with extensive deregulation. But, if companies aren’t careful, they will come to regret what they wished for. Just as Trump governs by id, he wants to allow business leaders to manage their companies the same way. It is certainly tempting for some. Indeed, companies are lining up to take advantage of rollbacks of data privacy, environmental rules, worker protections, banking regulations, consumer rights, and rules regarding conflict minerals. Many are keen to see how far they can push an administration that, so far, seems willing to agree to just about anything. But, contrary to Trump’s rhetoric, this approach is not really pro-business. By pursuing radical deregulation, the Trump administration is practically begging businesses to harm consumers, the environment, and, in the long run, themselves. Indeed, as the consequences of companies’ actions are exposed, public trust in those businesses – not to mention in the government that was supposed to regulate them – will be decimated. Boards of directors’ risk committees should be sounding the alarm. Public trust in corporations is already weak. Throughout the developed world, companies, like governments, are confronting growing cynicism and anger, with much of the public feeling violated and dismissed.", "zh": "企业为什么应该拒绝特朗普放松管制 伦敦 — — 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普对企业来讲似乎是梦想成真。 他常常提醒我们他自己也是商人，特朗普急于通过大面积放松管制来取悦企业。 但如果企业自己不小心，他们将会后悔实现自己的梦想。 就像特朗普靠个人统治一样，他希望允许企业领导者以同样的方式来管理企业。 这对某些人来讲肯定颇具诱惑力。 事实上，企业正在排队利用数据隐私、环境规则、员工保护、银行监管、消费者权益和冲突矿产规则等领域倒退的规则 。 不少人急切地想看一看他们可以在何种程度上操纵政府，这届政府到目前为止似乎愿意同意任何要求。 但与特朗普的说法相反，这种做法并不能真正给企业带来好处。 通过彻底放松管制，特朗普内阁实际正乞求企业损害消费者利益、破坏环境，而且从长远角度看，损害他们自身的利益。 事实上，随着企业行为后果逐渐暴露，公众对那些企业的信任 — — 更不要说对本来应当监管它们的政府的信任 — — 将被彻底摧毁。 董事会风险委员会应当就此拉响警报。 公众对企业的信任已经非常薄弱。 在整个发达世界，企业像政府一样正在面对日益增长的玩世不恭和愤怒，绝大多数公众感觉受到侵犯和忽略。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Seven Years in Afghanistan KABUL –We began a journey in Afghanistan seven years ago with the war that ousted the Taliban from power. Much has been accomplished along the way, for Afghanistan and for the world. In less than 45 days in 2001, we Afghans were freed from the menace of terrorism and the Taliban. Back then, Afghanistan’s people held great hopes for an immediately wonderful future. Some of those hopes were fulfilled. Our children are back in school. Roughly 85% of Afghans now have access to some health care, up from 9% before 2001. Child mortality – among the worst in the world in 2001 – has dropped by 25%. Democracy, a free press, economic gains, and better livelihoods – all of that is there. But, sadly, we are still fighting the Taliban and Al Qaeda. What is it that we have not done right that makes us – and the rest of the world – less secure? After the liberation in 2001, the international community concentrated on Afghanistan alone as the place to fight extremism and terrorism, while we Afghans argued that our country is not the right place to fight. The war on terrorism cannot be fought in Afghan villages. Instead, a regional approach was and is needed. It must be concentrated on the sanctuaries of those who train, equip, and motivate the extremists and send them out to hurt us all. But we were not heard. Regardless of whether that was the result of a lack of knowledge or a lack of will, events have proven us right. Unfortunately, for the past two years, Pakistan has been suffering as much or perhaps more than Afghanistan has suffered. Almost the entire tribal belt along the Pakistan/Afghanistan border is suffering. Just as schools were burned in Afghanistan from 2004 onwards, for the past year schools – especially for girls – have been burned there, leaving 80,000 children without facilities. Bridges have been blown up, soldiers and police killed. Bombs have exploded from Karachi to Lahore to Islamabad.", "zh": "Seven Years in Afghanistan 喀布尔-七年前，随着那场推翻了塔利班政权的战争，我们在阿富汗踏上了征程。 自从那时起，无论对于阿富汗还是对于全世界来说，我们在前进的道路上已取得了很大的成就。 2001年中，在不到45天的时间里，我们阿富汗人摆脱了恐怖主义和塔利班的威胁。 当时的阿富汗人民充满了憧憬，盼望着美好的未来立即来临。 现在，一些憧憬已经实现：我们的孩子回到了学校读书；大约85 ％的阿富汗人民目前享有某种医疗保健，而在2001年之前，这个比例仅为9 ％ ； 2000年的世界上最高的儿童死亡率在阿富汗，目前已经下降了2 5 ％ 。 民主、新闻自由、经济上的成就和改善的民生，所有上述这一切都成为现实。 但遗憾的是，我们仍然在与塔利班和基地组织作战。 到底是什么我们做得不对，从而让我们和全世界感到不安全呢？ 2001年阿富汗获得自由后，国际社会聚焦于阿富汗，把我国视为打击极端主义和恐怖主义的唯一的地方。 而我们阿富汗人则认为，我国不是打仗的好地方；反恐战争不能在阿富汗的村庄里打。 相反，打赢这场战争需要整个区域的合作。 它必须瞄准那些避难所，而在这些避难所里藏着训练、装备和鼓动极端主义分子并把他们派出来伤害我们大家的人。 但是，我们的声音没有被重视。 不管这种情况是由于缺乏知识还是缺乏诚意所导致，但所发生的一些事件却证明了我们是对的。 不幸的是，在过去的两年中，巴基斯坦所遭受的苦难和阿富汗一样多，甚至更多。 几乎巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境的整个部落地带都蒙受了灾难。 正如阿富汗的学校从2004年起开始被烧毁，在过去的一年中，那里的学校-特别是女校-也被烧毁，让八万名儿童无法上学。 桥梁被炸毁，士兵和警察被杀害。 从卡拉奇到拉合尔一直到伊斯兰堡，炸弹遍地爆炸。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, above all, there was his extraordinary, almost unbelievable, lack of bitterness toward his Afrikaner jailers. Mandela was, in fact, as keen to talk to me as I was to meet him. He wanted to thank Australia for the very significant role our country had played in sustaining the pressure for change, particularly under Bob Hawke’s government, and in leading the global charge for financial sanctions on the apartheid regime. So, sitting face to face across the Zambian president’s dining table, it was just the two of us, for an hour or more, chatting away comfortably about everything from United Nations sanctions to the end of the Cold War to our children’s careers. Of all the meetings with all the leaders and other international figures around the world that I have had during all my years in public life, there is no question about which one gave me the most joy. Mandela is simply the most impressive and decent human being I have ever met, or am ever likely to meet. This was an impression, moreover, that did not fade with familiarity. We met a number of times in the years that followed, on his visits to Australia and in South Africa – at his home in Soweto – and on one memorable occasion when I accompanied him to the opening match of the 1995 Rugby World Cup, at Newlands Stadium in Cape Town. More than 50,000 South Africans – Afrikaners almost to a man, with hardly a black face in sight – were there to see their country play mine. And, as their new president walked out onto the ground to greet the players, every single one of them seemed to bellow in enchanted union “Man-del-a! Man-del-a!” If Mandela’s leadership can be argued, as I think it can, to have been of a once-in-a-century quality, the opportunity to experience it first-hand was a once-in-a-lifetime privilege. When it comes to national leadership at a time of fragility and transition, so much seems to depend on the luck of the draw. Will a country find itself with a Milošević or a Mugabe; an Atatürk or an Arafat; a Rabin who can see and seize the moment, and change course, or someone who never will? South Africa was lucky – almost miraculously so – to have had Nelson Mandela.", "zh": "但最令我赞叹的是他对南非白人狱卒令人难以置信的宽容态度。 其实，曼德拉想和我谈话的心情也同样迫切。 他想感谢澳大利亚在变革中的重要作用，尤其是霍克政府主导的对种族隔离政权的全球金融制裁。 于是，我俩面对面坐在赞比亚总统的餐桌两侧谈了一个多小时，轻松地从联合国制裁、冷战结束一直聊到子女未来。 纵观我任职期间与各国领导人及其他国际人士的所有会晤，只有这次最让我愉快。 曼德拉在我见过、或者是可能遇到的人中最令人难忘也最正派。 此外，这种印象并没有随着深入交往而消退。 后来我们又见过几面，在他南非索韦托的家中和他访澳期间，我有一次还陪他出席了1995年在开普敦新地体育场举行的世界杯橄榄球赛揭幕战。 到场观看南非和澳大利亚揭幕战的50,000多南非民众全部是白人，几乎看不到一张黑人面孔。 但是，当南非新任总统出来迎接球员时，在场所有人都齐声高喊 ： “ 曼-德-拉！ 曼-德-拉 ！ ” 如果说曼德拉是一位百年一遇的难得领袖，那么有机会亲身感受则是一种令人终身难忘的特权。 挑选脆弱和过渡时期的国家领袖似乎对运气有着过多的依赖。 一个国家会选出米洛舍维奇还是穆加贝；阿塔图尔克还是阿拉法特；发现并抓住机会走改革路线的拉宾，还是不撞南墙不回头的顽固派？ 南非奇迹般幸运地有曼德拉的存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "自成立以来，锐芯微始终专注于从事高端图像芯片定制业务、高灵敏度图像传感器芯片和摄像机芯的研发、设计及销售业务。 作为高新技术企业，公司坚持以“技术创新”作为发展战略。 经过多年深耕，锐芯微在图像传感器的电路设计、像素设计和图像处理等领域已拥有多项国内领先、国际先进的核心技术。 尤其是锐芯微自主研发的MCCD和ECCD技术，融合了传统CCD和CMOS的优点，显著提高了图像传感器的成像质量，推动了国内图像传感器技术的发展。 目前，公司已成为全球少数几家掌握ECCD技术的企业之一。 报告期内，公司的主要业务包括高端图像芯片定制业务和高灵敏度摄像机芯的研发、设计、销售业务。 公司高端图像芯片定制业务主要面向高分辨率图像采集设备制造商，提供包括具有全局曝光、高灵敏度、高动态范围的大靶面面阵图像传感器和采用ECCD技术的线阵图像传感器，上述图像传感器作为高分辨率图像采集设备的核心器件发挥着重要的作用，填补了国内图像传感器领域的多项空白。 公司高灵敏度摄像机芯业务主要面向高灵敏度成像设备制造商，提供多款高灵敏度摄像机芯。 公司的高灵敏度摄像机芯以自主研发的高灵敏度图像传感器芯片为核心，集成了运行在FPGA上的自主开发的数字图像处理（ISP）软核，运用了低功耗的系统设计技术研发而成，具有高灵敏度、高可靠性、宽动态范围、低功耗、结构紧凑、同一设备昼夜通用、数字化显示传输存储等特点，通电即可输出图像，无需复杂的二次开发，大幅降低了客户集成的技术难度。 公司自主研发的高灵敏度摄像机芯能在1×10-3lx的低照度环境下连续清晰成像，广泛应用于各种暗光环境成像的整机设备。", "en": "Since its establishment, Ruixinwei has always focused on the research and development, design, and sales of high-end customized image chip services, high-sensitivity image sensor chips, and camera cores. As a high-tech enterprise, the company adheres to \"technological innovation\" as its development strategy. After years of cultivation, Ruixinwei has acquired several leading domestic and internationally advanced core technologies in the fields of circuit design, pixel design, and image processing for image sensors. In particular, Ruixinwei's independently developed MCCD and ECCD technologies combine the advantages of traditional CCD and CMOS, significantly improving the imaging quality of image sensors and promoting the development of domestic image sensor technology. Currently, the company has become one of the few enterprises in the world that master ECCD technology. During the reporting period, the company's main business includes high-end customized image chip services and the research, design, and sales of high-sensitivity camera cores. The company's high-end customized image chip services mainly target high-resolution image acquisition equipment manufacturers, providing large-area array image sensors with features such as global exposure, high sensitivity, and high dynamic range, as well as line array image sensors using ECCD technology. These image sensors play an important role as core components in high-resolution image acquisition equipment, filling multiple gaps in the domestic image sensor field. The company's high-sensitivity camera core business mainly targets high-sensitivity imaging equipment manufacturers, providing a variety of high-sensitivity camera cores. The company's high-sensitivity camera cores, with independently developed high-sensitivity image sensor chips as the core, integrate self-developed digital image processing (ISP) soft cores running on FPGA. They are developed using low-power system design technology and have features such as high sensitivity, high reliability, wide dynamic range, low power consumption, compact structure, day and night universal use, and digital display transmission and storage. They can output images when powered on without the need for complex secondary development, greatly reducing the technical difficulty of customer integration. The company's independently developed high-sensitivity camera cores can continuously capture clear images in low-light environments with illuminance as low as 1×10-3lx and are widely used in various low-light imaging equipment."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Negative Rates Club BRUSSELS – For the better part of a decade, central banks have been making only limited headway in curbing powerful global deflationary forces. Since 2008, the US Federal Reserve has maintained zero interest rates, while pursuing multiple waves of unprecedented balance-sheet expansion through large-scale bond purchases. The Bank of England, the Bank of Japan, and the European Central Bank have followed suit, each with its own version of so-called “quantitative easing” (QE). Yet inflation has not picked up appreciably anywhere. Despite their shared struggles with deflationary pressures, these countries’ monetary policies – and economic performance – are now diverging. Whereas the United States and the United Kingdom are now growing strongly enough to exit their expansionary policies and raise interest rates, the eurozone and Japan are doubling down on QE, pushing policy long-term interest rates further into negative territory. What explains this difference? The short answer is debt. The US and the UK have been running current-account deficits for decades, and are thus debtors, while the eurozone and Japan have been running external surpluses, making them creditors. Because negative rates benefit debtors and harm creditors, introducing them after the global economic crisis spurred a recovery in the US and the UK, but had little effect in the eurozone and Japan. This is not an isolated phenomenon. By now, most of the world’s creditor countries – those with large and persistent current-account surpluses, such as Denmark and Switzerland – have negative interest rates, not only for long-term governments bonds and other “riskless” debt, but also for medium-term maturities. And it is doing little good. Despite the weak impact of low interest rates, central banks in these economies remain committed to them. If it is suggested that QE or lower interest rates are unlikely to benefit their economies much, they shift the focus of the discussion, railing against the notion that raising interest rates would stimulate the economy – an ostensibly airtight argument. Only it is actually far from airtight. Basic economics courses cover the curious case of the “backward-bending supply curve of savings”: In some circumstances, lower interest rates can lead to higher savings. Because lower rates reduce savers’ income, they spend less, especially if they have a savings target for their retirement.", "zh": "负利率俱乐部 布鲁塞尔—在最近十年的大部分时间里，中央银行在遏制强大的全球通缩力量方面只取得了有限的进展。 2008年以来，美联储将利率维持在零水平，同时还通过大规模债券购买操作进行了多次前所未有的资产负债表扩张。 英格兰银行、日本银行和欧洲央行也纷纷步美联储后尘，都实施了各自版本的所谓“量化宽松 ” （ QE ） 。 但通货膨胀在任何地方都没获得合理的提升。 尽管这些国家都在与通缩压力作斗争，但它们的货币政策 — — 以及经济表现 — — 正在分化。 美国和英国现在的增长足够强势，已经可以退出扩张性政策并提高利率，而欧元区和日本正在加码QE，将政策长期利率进一步推向负区间。 这一区别的原因何在？ 简短地回答是债务。 几十年来，美国和英国一直有经常项目赤字，因此是债务国，而欧元区和日本一直有外部盈余，因此是债权国。 负利率有利于债务国而不利于债权国，因此全球经济危机之后所引入的负利率刺激了美国和英国的复苏，但对于欧元区和日本基本上没有什么效果。 这不是一个孤立的现象。 到目前为止，全世界大部分债权国 — — 有持续大量经常项目盈余的国家，比如丹麦和瑞士 — — 都存在负利率，不仅长期政府债券和其他“无风险”债务如此，中等期限债券也是如此。 这绝非好事。 尽管低利率收效甚微，但这些经济体的央行仍然坚持这一政策。 如果你提出QE或降低利率不可能给经济带来收益，他们就会顾左右而言他，反驳提升利率能刺激经济的概念 — — 从表面上看这无懈可击。 但实际上这漏洞百出。 基础经济学课程都有提到“向后弯曲的储蓄供给曲线”这一奇特现象：在一定的环境中，降低利率导致储蓄增加。 因为利率下降减少了储蓄者的收入，他们会减少支出，特别是如果他们具有为退休而储蓄的目标的话。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And yet May’s statement strikes a chord. It contains an essential truth – the disregard of which says much about how we – the world’s financial, political, and technocratic elite – distanced ourselves from our compatriots and lost their trust. Start first with the actual meaning of the word “citizen.” The Oxford English Dictionary defines it as “a legally recognized subject or national of a state or commonwealth.” Hence citizenship presumes an established polity – “a state or commonwealth” – of which one is a member. Countries have such polities; the world does not. Proponents of global citizenship quickly concede that they do not have a literal meaning in mind. They are thinking figuratively. Technological revolutions in communications and economic globalization have brought citizens of different countries together, they argue. The world has shrunk, and we must act bearing the global implications in mind. And besides, we all carry multiple, overlapping identities. Global citizenship does not – and need not – crowd out parochial or national responsibilities. All well and good. But what do global citizens really do? Real citizenship entails interacting and deliberating with other citizens in a shared political community. It means holding decision-makers to account and participating in politics to shape the policy outcomes. In the process, my ideas about desirable ends and means are confronted with and tested against those of my fellow citizens. Global citizens do not have similar rights or responsibilities. No one is accountable to them, and there is no one to whom they must justify themselves. At best, they form communities with like-minded individuals from other countries. Their counterparts are not citizens everywhere but self-designated “global citizens” in other countries. Of course, global citizens have access to their domestic political systems to push their ideas through. But political representatives are elected to advance the interests of the people who put them in office. National governments are meant to look out for national interests, and rightly so. This does not exclude the possibility that constituents might act with enlightened self-interest, by taking into account the consequences of domestic action for others.", "zh": "但梅的话还是扣动了心弦。 她说出了一个基本事实 — — 她对世界公民权的驳斥充分说明了我们，世界金融、政治和技术官僚精英，如何与我们的同胞拉开了距离，失去了他们的信任。 让我们从“公民”一词的真正含义开始。 《牛津英语词典》对它的定义 是“法律承认的一个国家或联合体的主体或国民 。 ” 因此，公民权假定了一个既成政治体 — — “一个国家或联合体 ” ， 公民是它的一名成员。 国家构成这个政治体，世界则否。 全球公民权的支持者马上会退一步说，他们所指的不是字面意思。 他们是在打比方。 他们说，通讯技术革命和经济全球化将不同国家的公民联系在一起。 世界已经缩小，我们在做出行动时必须时刻注意全球影响。 此外，我们所有人都拥有多重的互相叠加的身份。 全球公民权并不 — — 也不需要 — — 排斥地方或国家责任。 很好。 但全球公民权究竟是个什么东西？ 真正的公民权包括与共同的政治共同体中的其他公民互动和商议（deliberating ） 。 它意味着对决策者进行问责以及参与政治以影响政策结果。 在此过程中，我想要的结果和手段将受到我的同胞公民想要的结果和手段的碰撞和考验。 全球公民权不包括类似的权利或责任。 没人需要为他们负责，也没人需要在他们面前证明自己。 他们充其量只能与来自其他国家的观念相似的个体构成共同体。 他们的对应概念不是各国的公民，而是其他国家中自视为“全球公民”的人。 当然，全球公民可以参与本国政治体系推动他们的思想。 但政治代表是选来推进把他们送上台的人民的利益的。 国家政府的责任是捍卫国家利益，正应如此。 这并不排斥选民有可能以开明自利（enlightened self-interest）的形式行动，考虑本国作为对其他国家的影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "没想到徐妙林居然拒绝得如此的干脆。 正欲再求！ 徐妙林沉吟了一下，继续说道：“不过，既然你有这份学习中医的坚定信念，我倒是可以当一当你的指路人，教你一些东西，也可以如同师父一样手把手带你，中医界考核的事情我也可以带你去。” 方丘闻言大喜。 这就算答应了。 “但还需要考核。” 冷不丁的，徐妙林说道，“另外，还需要钱！” “多少钱？” 方丘赶忙问道。 虽然没钱，但不能他绝不能错过这个机会。 这个学校再也找不到像徐妙林这样何时的老师了。 自己要全科都会，中医界也未必能找到徐妙林这么合适的师父！ “三十万！” 徐妙林微微一笑，竖起了三个手指。 三十万…… 闻言，方丘不禁苦笑了起来。 他还欠人一千呢，现在又来三十万？ 不过！ 这钱，他出了！ 没钱他去想办法！ 这个机会他绝不能错过！ 一旦错过，可就很难找到这么厉害的老师了。 “这钱，是付出。” 徐妙林看了一眼面带苦笑的方丘，说道，“一个人越优秀就越傲慢。”", "en": "He didn’t expect Xu Miaolin to decline so directly. He attempted to try again! Xu Miaolin continued after a moment of thought, “However, since you are very determined in learning Chinese Medicine, I don’t mind guide you a bit and teach you a few things. I can even teach you by the hand like a master as well as take you to attend the tests of the Chinese Medicine circle.” Fang Qiu was overjoyed. That was a yes! “But we need to take a test first.” Out of blue, Xue Miaolin added, “And we need money!” “How much?” Asked Fang Qiu hastily. Although poor, he couldn’t let go this opportunity. There was no other teacher in this school like Xu Miaolin. To become specialized in all fields, he might not be able to find a better master than Xu Miaolin throughout the Chinese medicine circle! “300,000!” Xu Miaolin showed three fingers with a half smile. 300,000… Fang Qiu gave a bitter smile upon the answer. He still owed someone 1,000. Where could he get 300,000? However! This money he was willing to pay! He would figure out some way to get the money. He just couldn’t miss this opportunity! Once let go, he would have little chance finding another teacher good as him. “This money is to make you pay.” Xu Miaolin glanced at Fang Qiu’s wry smile and explained, “The outstanding are often arrogant.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Holes in the Recession Story LONDON – With so much talk of stagnation, inflation, and stagflation in recent months, it is worth questioning whether the prevailing pessimism is justified. While I have shared in the gloom (warning early on that it could be a “bad year for markets”), I’m starting to reflect on my previous views, for four reasons. First, I am struck by just how widespread the recession narrative has become. Almost everyone seems to believe that developed countries are heading into, or are already in, a recession. I have given multiple interviews to business consultants who all want to know “how to prepare for the recession.” As I remarked to one of them, I know of no previous recession that was so confidently anticipated as the one that is supposedly upon us now. After all, the main reason that “recession” is such a scary word is that recessions are usually unexpected. Economic forecasters tend not to see them until they have already arrived. That is what happened in 2007-08 (which was admittedly rather unique) and again in 2020, following the arrival of COVID-19. Yet now, even some central banks (namely, the Bank of England) are openly forecasting a recession later this year. Has economic forecasting suddenly become better, or is something else going on? True, two consecutive quarters of negative GDP growth is usually taken as a sign that an economy is in recession, and US GDP does appear to have fallen in the first two quarters of this year. But, surely, we should consider the specific reasons for the apparent contraction. Some of them, like the sizeable drop in inventories, tell a story about the broader economy that is contradicted by other indicators. The US Bureau of Labor Statistics’ July employment report, for example, was markedly stronger than expected. In light of that data, I would not be surprised if the National Bureau of Economic Research (the official arbiter) declares the US not to be in recession. The second reason for my skepticism about the prevailing narrative is that not all medium- and long-term indicators point to sustained higher inflation.", "zh": "衰退叙事 伦敦—近几个月来，关于停滞、通货膨胀和滞胀的讨论很多，值得质疑普遍的悲观情绪是否合理。 虽然我也有同样的忧虑（早就警告这可能是“市场糟糕的一年 ” ） ，但我开始反思我以前的观点，原因有四个。 首先，我对衰退叙述传播之广感到震惊。 几乎每个人似乎都相信发达国家正在走向或已经陷入衰退。 我曾多次与商业顾问访谈，他们都想知道“如何为经济衰退做准备 ” 。 正如我对其中一个人所说的那样，据我了解从未有过哪次衰退像现在那样被如此信心满满地预测出现。 毕竟 ， “ 衰退”这个词之所以如此可怕，主要原因便是衰退通常是出乎意料的。 经济预测者往往在它们已经到来之后才看到它们。 2007—08 年便是如此（不得不说，那次情况相当独特 ） ， 新冠疫情之后的 2020 年亦然。 然而现在，甚至一些中央银行（即英格兰银行）也公开预测今年晚些时候将出现衰退。 是经济预测突然变得更出色了，还是发生了其他事情？ 诚然，连续两个季度的 GDP 负增长通常被视为经济陷入衰退的迹象，而美国 GDP 在今年前两个季度也确实有所下降。 但当然，我们应该考虑明显收缩的具体原因。 其中一些，比如库存的大幅下降，指向一个与其他指标矛盾的整体经济情况。 例如，美国劳工统计局 7 月份的就业报告明显强于预期。 鉴于这些数据，如果美国国家经济研究局（官方裁判）宣布美国没有陷入衰退，我不会感到惊讶。 我对主流说法持怀疑态度的第二个原因是，并非所有的中长期指标都指向通胀持续走高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the same time, the United States appears to have gone to considerable lengths to avoid engaging Russian and Iranian forces. This reduced the risk of escalation, but it also ruled out many potential targets, limiting the price paid by the Syrian government for what it had done. For this and other reasons, what the missile strikes accomplished should not be exaggerated. The Syrian government could reasonably interpret US policy as follows: “We will stand by and do nothing while you terrorize or kill your own people so long as you do not use chemical weapons.” In fact, this has been the case for the past seven years, as nearly a half-million Syrians have died and more than ten million have been forced from their homes. Trump’s foreign policy is not so much immoral as it is amoral. It bears emphasizing that the missile strikes were not designed to undermine the Assad regime’s long-term prospects. Thanks in large part to Russian and Iranian support, Assad is firmly in control and will likely remain so for the foreseeable future. This is a bitter pill for many to swallow, but it is the reality. So where does this leave US policy and, for that matter, the policy of the French, British, and anti-Assad Arab governments? Trump remains committed to ending America’s military presence (now some 2,000 troops) in Syria. He made this clear when he announced the missile strikes: “America does not seek an indefinite presence in Syria under no circumstances,” he said.", "zh": "与此同时，美国似乎竭尽全力避免与俄罗斯和伊朗军队接触。 这虽然降低了冲突升级的风险，但同时排除了许多潜在目标，限制了叙利亚政府为其行为所付出的代价。 出于上述及其他原因，导弹袭击所取得的成果不应被夸大。 叙利亚政府可以这样合理解读美国的政策 ： “ 我们会在你们恐吓或伤害本国民众的时候袖手旁观、无所作为，只要你们不使用化武 。 ” 事实上过去七年来情况一直如此，这七年间有近50万叙利亚人死亡，一千多万人被迫流离失所。 特朗普的外交政策与其说不道德，还不如说与道德无关。 值得强调的是，破坏阿萨德政权的长远前景并不是导弹袭击所要达成的目标。 很大程度上多亏有俄罗斯和伊朗的支持，阿萨德已经取得了严密的控制，而在可以预见的未来很难改变这种状况。 在许多人看来这难以下咽，但它却是现实情况。 那么在这种情况下，美、法、英及反对阿萨德的阿拉伯政府还剩下哪些政策选择？ 特朗普仍然竭力终止美国在叙利亚的军事存在（目前约有2，000名美军在叙利亚驻扎 ） 。 他在宣布导弹袭击时明确阐述了这一目标 ： “ 在任何情况下美国都不会寻求在叙利亚无限期的军事存在 ， ” 他说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hansen described the “essence of secular stagnation” as “sick recoveries which die in their infancy and depressions which feed on themselves and leave a hard and seemingly immovable core of unemployment.” When Hansen delivered his speech, he expected the US economy’s economic stagnation to persist indefinitely. The depression that had started with the stock-market crash of 1929 was approaching its tenth year, and World War II had not yet arrived. Only after the war began, in 1939, did the stagnation end. Hansen’s Great Depression-era theory of secular stagnation was based on an observation about the US birth rate, which was unusually low in the 1930s, after having already declined dramatically by the late 1920s. Fewer births perpetuated the stagnation, Hansen surmised, because people did not need to spend as much on children, and felt less need to invest in the future. Indeed, according to World Bank statistics, the global average birth rate has also fallen since the 2008 financial crisis. But low fertility had nothing to do with that crisis in particular, given that birth rates have been steadily declining for the better part of a century. Another explanation is that the 2008 crisis is lingering in our minds, in the form of heightened fear that rare but consequential “black swan” events could be imminent, despite moderately strong consumer-confidence measures and relatively low financial-market volatility (with some exceptions).", "zh": "汉森说“长期停滞的本质”是“无力的复苏在襁褓时期就夭折，而萧条得以自我维持，形成了一个坚硬的、几乎不可克服的失业之核 ” 。 在汉森的主席讲话中，他预期美国经济的停滞将永远持续下去。 彼时，始于1929年股市崩盘的大萧条正在接近第十年，而第二次世界大战尚未打响。 直到1939年二战开始之后，停滞才宣告结束。 汉森的大萧条时期长期停滞论是基于对美国出生率的观察。 20世纪30年代，美国出生率反常地低，而此前在20世纪20年代末已经出现了大幅下降。 更低的出生率使得停滞永久化，汉森推断说，因为人们不需要在孩子身上花这么多钱，也觉得不必为未来进行那么多投资。 事实上，据世界银行统计，全球平均出生率在2008年金融危机后也有所下降。 但低生育率并不是危机的特殊结果，因为出生率稳步下跌的趋势已经持续了大半个世纪。 另一个解释是2008年危机长期萦绕在我们的脑海中，其形式是非常恐慌罕见但后果巨大的“黑天鹅”事件随时都会发生，尽管消费者信心指标稳中有进，金融市场波动也相对较低（除了一些例外情况 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Is China’s COVID Endgame? CHICAGO – For most of the past two years, China’s “zero-COVID” strategy was seen as a drastic but effective way to maintain impressively low infection rates. The Chinese government locked down millions of people at a time, ordering them to stay in their homes – or even in schools and office buildings. Last winter, the city of Xi’an was locked down for an entire month. All of its 13 million residents were confined to their homes, where they had minimal access to necessities such as food. Although this extreme strategy has had negative unintended consequences – including restricted medical care for other illnesses, separated families, and various other economic and social disruptions – it did keep COVID-19 infection rates low. Most people in China, and many observers elsewhere, viewed the costs as a worthwhile price to pay for sparing the broader population of 1.4 billion from the high mortality rates seen in countries like the United States. The apparent success of the zero-COVID strategy has been a source of pride for the Chinese people, and the country’s leadership has touted it as a sign of China’s superiority. Ironically, however, the government’s political stake in the strategy’s early success has become a barrier to recovery. China’s political leadership has found it very difficult to shift to a more moderate strategy, because that would invariably lead to more COVID-19 infections and deaths. Though the total numbers might never get as high as in the US, an increase of deaths into the thousands would be hard for people to accept now that they have been led to expect zero. Moreover, that expectation has contributed to a low vaccination rate among elderly Chinese, many of whom fear that the side effects of the vaccine are worse than the perceived risks of COVID-19. Some 40% of Chinese over 80, and nearly 20% of those aged 60-79, have not received a single dose of any vaccine. In the US, the analogous figure for adults over 65 is now close to zero. This problem has been exacerbated by the Chinese vaccines’ lower efficacy relative to mRNA vaccines, and by the lack of transparency in Chinese vaccine trials. China’s leaders have been reluctant to import more effective vaccines because they have been so vocal about their own ambition to develop a native vaccine for export.", "zh": "什么是中国新冠疫情的结局？ 芝加哥—过去两年的绝大多数时间里，中国的“零新冠病毒”战略被视为保持令人印象深刻的低感染率的激进但有效的方式。 中国政府单次封锁数百万人，命令他们留在家中 — — 甚至是学校和办公楼里。 去年冬天，西安被封锁了整整一个月。 所有1，300万居民被限制足不出户，仅能最低限度地获取食物等生活必需品。 尽管这种极端策略产生了意想不到的负面后果 — — 包括限制对其他疾病提供医疗服务、分开家庭及造成其他各种经济和社会干扰 — — 但的确实现了新冠病毒感染率降低。 中国多数人，还有其他地方的许多观察人士，都认为这是一种值得付出的代价，可以让更大范围的14亿人口免于承受美国等国家出现的高死亡率。 零新冠战略显而易见的成功一直是中国人的骄傲，而中国领袖也一直将其奉为中国优越性的标志。 但讽刺的是，政府因早期成功而获得的政治利益已经成为复苏的障碍。 中国政治领导层发现很难转而实行更温和的策略，因为这会不可避免地增加新冠感染率和死亡率。 尽管总人数或许永远不会像美国那样高，但因为人们已经习惯了零新增，死亡人数增加到数千人现在也很难令民众接受。 此外，这种期待导致中国老年人群的低疫苗接种率，许多人害怕疫苗的副作用超过新冠病毒的所谓危害。 约40%80岁以上的中国人，以及近20% 60~79岁的中国人，就连一剂疫苗也没有接种过。 而美国现在65岁以上成年群体的类似数据接近于0。 上述问题因中国疫苗较之mRNA疫苗效力相对较低，以及中国在疫苗试验时缺乏透明度而加剧。 中国领导人一直不愿进口更有效的疫苗，因为他们一直在公开宣传其研发本土出口疫苗的雄心壮志。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Overall, it seems clear that China is committed to upholding global value chains. Yes, it is adjusting its economic structure in order to reduce reliance on foreign demand, and investing heavily in research and development, with the goal of improving its capacity for indigenous innovation. But, contrary to what some Western observers believe, China has been pursuing its own form of decoupling for more than a decade, since it launched a campaign to develop more advanced technologies at home. This is in response to Western efforts to deny Chinese firms access to advanced technologies – efforts that, in many cases, have caught the Chinese by surprise. If any steps China takes in this process turn out to be problematic, they can be negotiated within the WTO framework. This might not be exactly what the US envisioned when it supported China’s accession to the WTO 20 years ago. But, in its own way, China is fulfilling the promise of that step, and it will most likely continue to do so, as long as the US lets it. Nonetheless, Rudd’s warning should not be taken lightly. If we keep talking about decoupling, we may well get it. That is an outcome we would all live to regret.", "zh": "从总体上看，中国致力于维护全球价值链的立场是明确的。 是的，中国正在调整经济结构，以减少对外需的依赖，并大力投资于研发，以提高自主创新能力。 但与一些西方观察人士的看法相反，自中国发起自主开发更加先进技术的运动以来，十多年来中国一直在寻求自己的脱钩形式。 这是对西方试图阻止中国企业获得先进技术的回应 — — 在很多情况下，中国努力创新取得的成果都让自己感到意外。 如果事实证明中国在追求自主创新的过程中采取的任何步骤有问题的话，它们可以在世贸组织的框架内进行谈判。 这可能并不完全是美国20年前支持中国加入世贸组织时的设想。 但是，中国正在以自己的方式履行其承诺，而且只要美国允许，中国很可能会继续这样做。 尽管如此，我们不应掉以轻心，无视陆克文的警告。 如果我们继续谈论脱钩，那么有一天脱钩真的会变成现实。 如果那一天真的来临，我们将后悔一生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, Porter had never received the full security clearance that his job required; even after a year, he had only “interim” clearance. It is unusual for uncertainty about the security fitness of a senior White House aide to last so long – as it also has in the case of Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who handles foreign-policy issues. The concern in such cases is that there may be information that could expose the official to blackmail. A Trump speechwriter also had to step down after complaints by his ex-wife. The story grew worse when it became known that Trump’s chief of staff, John Kelly, and White House counsel Don McGahn had known about Porter’s situation for some time (McGahn had known for a year, and Kelly for at least several months), and had apparently taken no steps to prevent Porter from handling highly classified information. So a scandal about spousal abuse quickly morphed into one about possible security lapses. The Trump presidency has featured an uncommonly long trail of aides forced to resign or fired for various reasons. Most experienced veterans of the executive branch weren’t drawn to work for Trump, and he and his circle of advisers blackballed anyone who had opposed him during the 2016 election. So the Trump presidency didn’t start with first-class personnel, and the staff hasn’t improved. This is not surprising. Trump is known to be a very difficult person to work for: impetuous and intemperate, he routinely screams at his aides.", "zh": "结果导致波特一直没有得到其职务所需的完整安全许可，即使在一年后，他仍然只有“临时”许可证。 白宫高级助理的安全审核在如此长的时间内一直无法确定实属非同寻常 — — 情况类似的还有特朗普的女婿贾里德·库什纳，后者负责处理外交方面的事务。 这种情况下人们有理由担忧可能存在信息导致官员遭受勒索。 特朗普的一位演讲撰稿人在接到前妻投诉后也不得不辞去职务。 当外界知道特朗普的参谋长约翰·凯利和白宫法律顾问麦加恩了解波特的情况已有一段时间（麦加恩已经获知一年，而凯利至少已经获知数月）并且显然没有采取措施阻止波特处理高级别机密信息时情况变得更为复杂。 因此，虐待配偶的丑闻迅速演变为担忧可能出现的安全漏洞。 特朗普总统任期内出现了很多助理被迫辞职，或因各种原因遭到解雇的不寻常现象。 行政部门多数经验丰富的老手没有为特朗普服务，而他和他的顾问团队对曾在2016年大选中反对过他的任何人持排斥态度。 因此特朗普的总统任期从一开始就没有配备一流人员，而且人员的状况一直就没有改善过。 这并不值得大惊小怪。 人人都知道特朗普这个人很难相处：他的脾气暴躁而放纵，他经常在助手面前大呼小叫。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "太阳能设备和生产装备制造，主要包括特种玻璃制造、汽轮机及辅机制造、其他原动设备制造、铸造机械制造、金属切割及焊接设备制造、泵及真空设备制造、气体、液体分离及纯净设备制造、建筑材料生产专用机械制造、炼油、化工生产专用设备制造、电工机械专用设备制造、半导体器件专用设备制造、其他电子专用设备制造、发电机及发电机组制造、电力电子元器件制造、光伏设备及元器件制造、铅蓄电池制造、其他电池制造、家用空气调节器制造、太阳能器具制造、其他非电力家用器具制造、试验机制造、其他专用仪器制造、光学仪器制造等。泵及真空设备制造，主要包括连续卷对卷多点分布式共蒸法镀膜设备、太阳能吸热涂层的镀膜设备、大型镀膜机。气体、液体分离及纯净设备制造，主要包括真空管排气设备、熔融盐合成设备。建筑材料生产专用机械制造，主要包括玻璃弯曲钢化设备、夹胶玻璃弯曲设备、金属/玻璃封接设备。炼油、化工生产专用设备制造，主要包括油盐换热器。", "en": "Solar energy equipment and production equipment manufacturing mainly includes special glass manufacturing, steam turbine and auxiliary machinery manufacturing, other prime mover equipment manufacturing, foundry machinery manufacturing, metal cutting and welding equipment manufacturing, pump and vacuum equipment manufacturing, gas and liquid separation and purification equipment manufacturing, construction materials production special machinery manufacturing, oil refining and chemical production special equipment manufacturing, electrical machinery special equipment manufacturing, semiconductor device special equipment manufacturing, other electronic special equipment manufacturing, generator and generator set manufacturing, power electronic component manufacturing, photovoltaic equipment and component manufacturing, lead-acid battery manufacturing, other battery manufacturing, household air conditioner manufacturing, solar appliance manufacturing, other non-electric household appliance manufacturing, testing machine manufacturing, other special instrument manufacturing, optical instrument manufacturing, etc. Pump and vacuum equipment manufacturing mainly includes continuous roll-to-roll multi-point distributed co-evaporation coating equipment, solar absorber coating equipment, large-scale coating machine. Gas and liquid separation and purification equipment manufacturing mainly includes vacuum tube exhaust equipment, molten salt synthesis equipment. Construction materials production special machinery manufacturing mainly includes glass bending and tempering equipment, laminated glass bending equipment, metal/glass sealing equipment. Oil refining and chemical production special equipment manufacturing mainly includes oil-salt heat exchangers."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To describe the symbiotic relationship between China’s export-led GDP growth and America’s excessive consumption, the economic historians Niall Ferguson and Moritz Schularick coined the term “Chimerica.” The invocation of the chimera of Greek mythology – a monstrous, fire-breathing amalgam of lion, goat, and dragon – makes the term all the more appropriate, given that Chimerica has generated massive and terrifying distortions in the global economy that cannot be corrected without serious consequences. In 2009, these distortions led Ferguson and Schularick to forecast Chimerica’s collapse – a prediction that seems to be coming true. With the reserves’ long-term effects on China’s internal economic dynamics finally taking hold, selling off foreign-exchange reserves is now in China’s interest. Over the last decade, the vast quantities of short-term capital that were being pumped into China’s banking system drove commercial banks and other financial institutions to expand credit substantially, especially through the shadow-banking system, leading to a massive credit bubble and severe over-investment. In order to manage the resulting increase in risk, China’s new leaders are now refusing to provide further liquidity injections, as well as curbing loans to unprofitable sectors. But these efforts could trigger a financial crisis, requiring China to initiate a major recapitalization of the banking system. In such a scenario, non-performing loans in China’s banking system would probably amount to roughly $1 trillion. The most obvious means of recapitalizing China’s banks would be to inject renminbi-denominated government debt into the banking sector.", "zh": "经济史学家弗格森（Niall Ferguson）和舒拉里克（Moritz Schularick）创造了“中美国 ” （ Chimerica）一词来形容中国的出口导向型GDP增长和美国的过度消费之间的共生关系。 希腊神话式的幻想 — — 狮子、山羊和龙的混合体喷火怪兽 — — 让这个词更加合适了，因为中美国给全球经济带来了巨大的、令人恐怖的扭曲，纠正这一扭曲必然会带来严重后果。 2009年，这一扭曲促使弗格森和舒拉里克预言中国将崩溃 — — 这一预言似乎即将实现。 随着外汇储备对中国内部经济动态的长期影响最终显现，如今甩卖外汇储备已经符合中国的利益。 在过去十年中，大量涌入中国银行系统的短期资本促使商业银行和其他金融机构大量扩张信用，特别是通过影子银行系统进行扩张，这导致了巨大的信用泡沫和严重的过度投资。 为了应对因此增加的风险，如今中国新领导人拒绝进一步注入流动性，并遏制贷款流向无盈利能力的部门。 但这些措施可能引发金融危机，使中国不得不进行大规模的银行系统资本重组。 在这一情形下，中国银行系统的不良贷款可能会达到1万亿美元左右。 对中资银行进行资本重组最显而易见的方式是向银行部门注入人民币计价的政府债务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "液晶显示器件方面，重点提升薄膜晶体管（TFT）性能，提高载流子迁移率和液晶面板的透过率，降低生产成本。等离子显示器件方面，围绕高光效技术、高清晰度技术以及超薄技术进行相关技术研发，研究新材料、新工艺来提高PDP产品性能。有机发光显示器件方面，推进中小尺寸OLED的技术开发和产业化应用，研究大尺寸OLED相关技术和工艺集成。电子纸方面，推动有源驱动电子纸显示技术开发与产业化，重点发展大尺寸、触屏式、彩色、柔性有源驱动电子纸显示屏。积极研发触摸屏、三维显示等新技术新产品，促进其产业化。发展激光显示等特色显示技术。推动OLED照明技术和产品开发。大力发展平板显示器件生产设备和测试仪器，形成整机需求为牵引、面板产业为龙头、材料及设备仪器为基础、产业链各环节协调发展的良好态势。力争到“十二五”末，我国新型显示产业达到国际先进水平，全面支撑我国彩电产业转型升级。", "en": "In terms of liquid crystal display devices, the focus is on improving the performance of thin-film transistors (TFT), increasing carrier mobility and the transmittance of the liquid crystal panel, and reducing production costs. In terms of plasma display devices, research and development is focused on high-efficiency technology, high-definition technology, and ultra-thin technology, as well as studying new materials and processes to improve the performance of PDP products. In the field of organic light-emitting display devices, efforts are being made to promote the technological development and industrial application of small and medium-sized OLEDs, as well as research on large-sized OLEDs and the integration of related technologies and processes. In the field of electronic paper, active development and industrialization of active driving electronic paper display technology is being promoted, with a focus on developing large-sized, touch screen, color, and flexible active driving electronic paper displays. Active research and development of new technologies and products such as touch screens and 3D displays are being carried out to promote their industrialization. Specialized display technologies such as laser display are being developed. The development of OLED lighting technology and product development is being promoted. Great efforts are being made to develop flat panel display device production equipment and testing instruments, forming a good trend of coordinated development with complete machine demand as the driving force, the panel industry as the leader, materials and equipment instruments as the foundation, and the coordinated development of various links in the industry chain. Efforts are being made to achieve international advanced level in China's new display industry by the end of the 12th Five-Year Plan period, fully supporting the transformation and upgrading of China's color TV industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That order did allow powerful forces, at times beyond the control of elected officials and policymakers, to shape national economies. It may be true that some of that order’s elites chose to ignore the adverse distributional and employment-related consequences of the old order, while reaping the benefits. But it is also true that the old order, taken as sacrosanct, hampered elites’ capacity to address such problems, even if they tried. This was not always the case. In the wake of WWII, the US, motivated partly by the Cold War, helped to create the old order by facilitating economic recovery in the West and, over time, creating growth opportunities for developing countries. For 30 years or so, the distributional aspects of the global growth patterns that these efforts underpinned were positive, both for individual countries and for the world as a whole. Compared with anything that came before, the post-war order was a boon for inclusiveness. But nothing lasts forever. As inequality across countries has declined, inequality within countries has surged – to the point that the reversal of priorities was probably inevitable. Now that the reversal has arrived, so have the consequences. While it is difficult to say precisely what those will be, some seem fairly clear. For starters, the US will be more reluctant to absorb a disproportionate share of the cost of providing global public goods.", "zh": "这种秩序确实会催生某种塑造一国经济的强大势力，有时连民选官员和政策制定者都无力控制。 虽然可能确实有一些该秩序下的精英选择无视旧秩序在分配和就业方面的负面后果，同时获取好处。 但是旧的秩序虽然貌似神圣不可侵犯，但也削弱了精英们解决这些问题的能力（即便他们倾尽全力 ） ， 这也是事实。 但情况可不总是这样。 第二次世界大战后，美国在某种程度上受冷战推动，通过促进西方经济复苏来创建了这个旧秩序，并随着时间的推移为发展中国家创造了增长机会。 在 30多年间，这些努力所支撑的全球增长模式在分配方面对个别国家和整个世界来说都是积极正面的。 与之前的任何情况相比，二战后的秩序堪称一笔具备包容性的福利。 但没有什么能保持永恒。 随着各国之间的不平等状况逐步收窄，各国内部的不平等现象却出现激增 — — 以至于优先次序的逆转可能是无法避免的。 现在逆转已经到来，因此出现这些后果也毫不奇怪。 虽然很难准确地说明将会发生什么，但其中一些问题似乎已经相当清楚。 首先，美国未来将更不愿意继续不成比例地承担提供全球公共产品的成本。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Solidarity Imperative LONDON – When Mario Draghi, the president of the European Central Bank, publicly proclaimed that the ECB would do “whatever it takes” to ensure the future stability of the euro, the effect of his remarks was immediate and remarkable. Borrowing costs fell dramatically for the governments of Italy and Spain; stock markets rallied; and the recent decline in the external value of the euro was suddenly checked. It remains unclear how long-lasting the effects of Draghi’s intervention – or of the public support offered to him by German Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President François Hollande, and Italian premier Mario Monti – will prove to be. What we can say with certainty is that Draghi’s remarks and the reaction they evoked demonstrate that the fundamental problems of the eurozone are not primarily financial or economic; they are political, psychological, and institutional. International observers took such notice of Draghi’s commitment to do “whatever it takes” to save the euro because so many of them have come to doubt other leading European players’ commitment to do likewise. (Some of these doubts are, of course, politically or financially self-serving; a certain model of financial capitalism perceives the euro as a threat, and its adherents will do everything they can to bring about its demise.) But eurozone leaders’ inability to assuage doubt about their commitment to the euro after two and a half years of crisis suggests that the problem is deeply rooted.", "zh": "欧洲需要团结 伦敦—当欧洲央行行长德拉吉公开宣布欧洲央行将“竭尽全力”确保欧元未来稳定时，所引起的效果可谓立竿见影、引人注目。 意大利和西班牙国债借贷成本大幅下降、股市反弹、欧元外部价值下降等结果接踵而至。 德拉吉的干预（或者说德国总理默克尔、法国总统奥朗德和意大利总理蒙蒂给他的公众支持）能产生多久的效果还未可知。 我们所能肯定的是，德拉吉的话以及它们所激起的反应表明，欧元区的基本问题主要不在于金融和经济，而在于政治、心理和制度。 国际观察者如此注重到德拉吉说要“竭尽全力”拯救欧元，这是因为他们当中有很多人原本怀疑其他欧洲领导人不会这么做。 （当然，一些疑虑纯属政治和金融上的自私；某些金融资本主义模式将欧元视为一种威胁，这种模式的追随者将竭尽全力让欧元消失。 ） 但欧元区领导人在消除人们对其欧元承诺的怀疑方面的无能表明，这场爆发了两年半的危机具有深层次根源。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "昨天又有了新的独家新闻，对于杨玲思来说，这绝对是双重打击！ 乔恋走过去，同事指着网站上的一篇文章，开口道：“这篇文章怎么回事啊？” 那是关于沈影帝和杨玲思共同进组的一个报道，乔恋看了一遍，“怎么了？” 同事立马愤愤不平：“你看看这文章的署名，只有苏美美一个人！ 这可是你用生命换来的大新闻！” 他们报社有个不成文的规矩，如果是双人采访，那么报道上就要写上两个人的名字。 可现在，苏美美完全将乔恋忽视了！ 几个同事都为她感觉到不公。 说话声很快就传到苏美美的耳中，她直接站起来，冷笑着讥讽道：“我凭什么要将功劳分她一半？” 乔恋没说话，有人忍不住开口：“苏美美，如果不是乔恋，沈影帝的车子根本就不会停下！ 她为了抓新闻这么卖命，你这也太过分了！” 苏美美挑眉，“过分？ 照片我拍的，文章我写的，这版权就是我的！”", "en": "There had been two pieces of exclusive news about Yang Lingsi yesterday. To Yang Lingsi, that must have been a double impact! Qiao Lian walked over as her colleague pointed to an online article saying, “What’s up with this?” It was a news report about Best Actor Shen and Yang Lingsi entering the filming set together. Qiao Lian glanced through the article and asked, “What’s wrong?” Her colleagues immediately felt she was being treated unjustly. “Look at the author section. Only Su Meimei’s name is here! And you almost exchanged your life for this scoop!” Their news agency had an unspoken rule. If two people went to an interview, the article had to include both of their names. However, Su Meimei had completely left Qiao Lian out! A few of her colleagues felt wronged in her place. The discussion soon came to Su Meimei’s knowledge, who stood up immediately and said with sarcasm, “Why must I give her half of the credit?” Qiao Lian kept silent, but someone else couldn’t help but speak, “Su Meimei, if it hadn’t been for Qiao Lian, Best Actor Shen’s car wouldn’t have stopped. She risked her life for the news, you are too much!” Su Meimei raised her eyebrows. “Too much? The photos were taken by me, the article was written by me, the copyright belongs to me!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Psychologists have stressed that there is a narrative basis to human thinking: people remember – and are motivated by – stories, particularly human-interest stories about real people. Popular stories tend to take on moral dimensions, leading people to imagine that bad outcomes reflect some kind of loss of moral resolve. The European crisis began with a Greek meltdown story, and it appears that the entire global economy is threatened by events in a country of only 11 million people. But the economic importance of stories bears no close relation to their monetary value (which can be measured only after the fact, if at all). It depends, instead, on their story value. The Greek crisis story began in 2008 with reports of widespread protests and strikes when the government proposed raising the retirement age to address a pension funding shortfall. Reports began to appear in global news media portraying an excessive sense of entitlement, with Greeks taking to the streets in protest, even though the increase was modest (for example, women with children or in hazardous jobs would be able to retire with full benefits at just 55, up from 50). That story might have invited some gossip outside of Greece, but it gained little purchase on international attention until the end of 2009, when the market for Greek debt started to become increasingly unsettled, with rising interest rates causing further problems for the government.", "zh": "心理学家强调说人类思维是存在着一个叙事基础的：人们会记住这些故事并受其鼓舞 — — 尤其是那些描述某个真实人物的故事。 流行的故事都偏向于道德方面，好让人们联想到坏的结果往往反映出某些道德决心的缺失。 欧洲危机由一个希腊崩盘的故事作为开端，而且在这个只有1100万人的小国里发生的事件似乎威胁到了全球经济。 但这些故事在经济上的重要性与其货币价值（这只能在既成事实之后衡量）之间并无紧密联系，相反，这取决于它们的故事价值。 希腊危机故事始于2008年，当时政府提出要延长退休年龄以弥补养老金缺口并随后引发大规模民众抗议示威活动的。 全球各地的新闻媒体开始在报道中描述一个过度的特权感 — — 即便这种年龄延长其实相当温和（比如说有孩子或从事危险工作的妇女就可以在55岁退休并领取全额养老金，只延长了5年 ） ， 再在这幅图像中加上走上街头抗议的希腊人。 这个故事可能在希腊境外引发了一些闲言碎语，但直到2009年年末才引发了国际关注，因为当时希腊国债市场日渐动荡，而国债利率的上涨又给政府带来了更多问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rights for Robots? PRINCETON and WARSAW – Last month, Gecko Systems announced that it had been running trials of its “fully autonomous personal companion home care robot,” also known as a “carebot,” designed to help elderly or disabled people to live independently. A woman with short-term memory loss broke into a big smile, the company reported, when the robot asked her, “Would you like a bowl of ice cream?” The woman answered “yes,” and presumably the robot did the rest. Robots already perform many functions, from making cars to defusing bombs – or, more menacingly, firing missiles. Children and adults play with toy robots, while vacuum-cleaning robots are sucking up dirt in a growing number of homes and – as evidenced by YouTube videos – entertaining cats. There is even a Robot World Cup, though, judging by the standard of the event held in Graz, Austria, last summer, footballers have no need to feel threatened just yet. (Chess, of course, is a different matter.) Most of the robots being developed for home use are functional in design – Gecko System’s home-care robot looks rather like the Star Wars robot R2-D2.", "zh": "为机器人争权利？ 发自普林斯顿/华沙 — — 就在上个月，一间叫Gecko Systems的公司对外宣称正对其设计制造的“全自动私人伴护起居料理机器人 ” （ 又名“机器小保姆 ” ） 进行试验运行，该机器人的设计目的是协助老人或残疾人独立生活。 在该公司的报告内容里，一位患有短暂失忆症的妇女在听到机器人问“是否要来一碗雪糕”时露出了灿烂的笑容，欣然回答道 ： “ 好啊 ， ” 接着机器人大概就自动完成了余下的工作。 其实机器人早就承担了许多工作，从造汽车，拆炸弹，再到令人不寒而栗的导弹发射任务。 许多大人和小孩都拥有机器人玩具，同时也有越来越多的家庭使用真空清洁机器人来打扫卫生 — — 以及娱乐家里的猫儿（我们在YouTube上看到了这一幕 ） 。 甚至还有机器人足球世界杯，不过就去年夏天在奥地利格拉茨市举办球赛的水平来看，人类足球运动员目前还没什么可担心的（当然，棋类项目就另当别论了 ） 。 大部分家居使用的机器人在设计上都是以功能性为主。 比如Gecko System设计的“机器小保姆”看起来就很像电影《星球大战》中那个机器人R2-D2。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Keys to Universal Health Coverage DAR ES SALAAM – It has been three years since world leaders committed to one of the boldest goals ever set in global public health: achieving universal health coverage by 2030. Achieving this objective will mean that every person in every community has access to affordable care, both to prevent them from falling ill and to treat them when they do. The stakes are simply too high not to deliver on this promise. We cannot eradicate poverty, protect people from pandemics, advance gender equality, or achieve any of the other 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) without accelerating progress toward universal health coverage. Fortunately, national leaders are starting to take concrete steps toward expanding access to health care. As I, along with many others, have come to realize, success depends on first overcoming one of the most significant challenges in health: overly fragmented approaches to delivering care. Instead of treating one disease at a time, we need to establish systems in which people’s diverse health needs are treated side by side. Every woman should be able to turn to a trusted provider in her community to receive family planning services for herself, routine immunizations for her children, or diabetes treatments for an aging relative. The best way for countries to achieve a more integrated approach is to strengthen primary care, which is most people’s first point of contact with the health system. Primary-care providers can address more than 80% of health needs. And because primary care is delivered to rich and poor alike, it is the foundation of a fair and equitable society. Having recognized these potential benefits, world leaders recently met at the Global Conference on Primary Health Care in Astana, Kazakhstan, to endorse a new declaration that commits them to strengthening primary-care systems within their respective countries. But now the hard work begins. With national leaders considering how best to meet their new commitment, I would emphasize two factors that are integral to making progress. First, we need to maintain the political will to strengthen primary care and achieve universal health coverage. To that end, World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus recently called on heads of state and government to undertake concrete reforms in that direction starting this year.", "zh": "全民健康覆盖的关键 达累斯萨拉姆—三年前，世界领导人做出了全球公共卫生史上最宏大之一的目标承诺：到2030年实现全民健康覆盖。 实现这一目标将意味着所有社区的每一个人都能获得平价医疗，不管是预防疾病还是疾病治疗。 如果不能兑现这一承诺，代价将极其昂贵。 如果我们不加快全民健康覆盖不乏，就无法消除贫困，无法保护人民不患传染病，无法推动性别平等，无法实现其他所有2030年可持续发展目标（SDG ） 。 幸运的是，国家领导人也开始采取切实措施扩大医疗普及。 我和其他许多人意识到，成功首先要求克服最重大的健康挑战之一：实现医疗的方针过于碎片化。 我们需要的不是一次治好一种病，而需要建立人民多样化的健康需求能得到一一满足的体系。 每一名妇女都应该能够求助受信任的社区卫生服务提供者获得生育规划、幼儿常规免疫以及老年亲属的糖尿病治疗。 各国实现更为一体化的方针的最佳办法是强化初级医疗。 初级医疗是大部分人与卫生体系打交道的起点。 初级医疗提供者可以解决80%以上的健康需要。 而由于初级医疗不论穷富都能获得，因此它也是公正平等的社会的基础。 认识到这些潜在的好处，世界领导人最近齐聚哈萨克斯坦阿斯塔纳参加全球初级医疗会议（ Global Conference on Primary Health Care ） ， 支持一项要求各国强化初级医疗制度的新宣言。 但现在，艰苦的工作才刚开始。 在与各国领导人思考如何实现新承诺时，我强调两个对于取得进展至关重要的因素。 首先，我们需要保证强化初级医疗、实现全民健康覆盖的政治意愿。 在这方面，世界卫生组织总干事谭德塞（Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus）最近呼吁各国和政府首脑从今年开始沿着这一方向采取切实的改革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is still too early to settle on a definitive post-pandemic vision for virtual health services, and how each country approaches it must of course be tailored to local contexts. But we can begin to identify the right questions to ask in shaping this fast-growing global sector’s future. First, what is the true value that these services can provide? If we regard virtual health as merely a sector-specific example of emerging technology, it may generate efficiencies and even improve outcomes, but it will not realize its full potential. In many settings, technologies that are already part of people’s everyday lives can empower patients. Virtual services can help people re-center their health in personalized, familiar, and convenient ways. Whereas going to a health facility can sometimes be a cold, intimidating experience or even logistically impossible, virtual services allow people to engage on their own terms, on comfortable ground. Especially in low- and middle-income countries, expanding telemedicine can help to compensate for lack of physical infrastructure while providing an additional way to connect remote populations with national health systems. Second, how can virtual care promote equity? The WHO recently identified health equity as one of the four guiding principles of its Global Strategy on Digital Health, calling for investment in infrastructure, education, and resources to help low- and middle-income countries adopt new digital health technologies. And in June 2021, G7 health ministers stressed that virtual health-care services must be “inclusive, comprehensive, and equitable.” Even within high-income countries, marginalized communities have often borne the brunt of the COVID-19 pandemic, compounding historical and inherited inequities.", "zh": "疫情后虚拟健康服务远景目前还无法确定，每个国家都必须根据当地情况量身定制。 但我们可以开始确定塑造这个快速增长的全球行业的未来时要面对的正确问题。 首先，这些服务能够提供的真正价值是什么？ 如果我们将虚拟健康仅仅视为新兴技术的一个特定领域的例子，那么它可能会产生效率甚至改善结果，但无法充分发挥潜力。 在许多情况下，已经成为人们日常生活一部分的技术可以为患者赋能。 虚拟服务可以帮助人们以个性化、熟悉和方便的方式重新调整他们的健康。 去医疗机构有时是一种冷冰冰令人生畏的经历，甚至囿于各种原因而不可能，但虚拟服务允许人们在舒适的环境中，按照自己的条件实现参与。 特别是在低收入和中等收入国家，扩大远程医疗有助于弥补物理基础设施的不足，同时提供一种将偏远人群与国家卫生系统联系起来的额外方式。 第二，虚拟护理如何促进平等？ 世卫组织最近将健康平等确定为其全球数字健康战略的四项指导原则之一，呼吁对基础设施、教育和资源进行投资，帮助中低收入国家采用新的数字健康技术。 2021 年 6 月，七国集团卫生部长强调，虚拟医疗保健服务必须“包容、全面和平等 ” 。 即使在高收入国家，边缘化社区往往也饱受新冠疫情冲击，加剧了历史和继承的不平等。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The first is planning and transparency. Clearly defined short- and medium-term (5-15 year) objectives are needed to identify and prioritize the specific sectoral and technological transformations required, and to drive immediate action and investments. Governments and the private sector should also each adopt separate emissions-reduction and removal targets. This would bolster accountability by enabling the evaluation of each component, whereas a blended metric of progress might hide insufficient efforts to reduce emissions. The second factor is appropriate placement of carbon pricing within a broader green-development toolkit. Even when adopting explicit carbon prices is difficult, governments and firms should promote internal or shadow carbon pricing when evaluating investment decisions. This tool is crucial to support the right investment and infrastructure choices when implementing overall and sector-based net-zero strategies. But carbon prices alone will not do the trick, and complementary policies are needed to reduce emissions in some sectors. Efficiency standards – regarding energy in buildings or fuel in vehicles, for example – may be more effective in lowering emissions in industries that are not responsive to carbon price signals, or where monitoring and controlling emissions sources is difficult. Short-term government subsidies or investments in research and development may be appropriate to support technological transformation in sectors where emissions-reduction options are not available or are particularly expensive. Governments can also use complementary policies to reduce any negative effects of carbon pricing on particular groups, and to help distribute climate investments and benefits equitably. Revenues from carbon taxes or emissions-allowance auctions can finance climate investments in vulnerable communities, job training, or cash transfers to offset increases in the prices of energy, products, and services. Third, carbon prices will need to be set much higher than they are currently, and increase over time, in order to drive the reduction and removal required to reach net zero. This applies to the use of internal carbon pricing for decision-making, as well as to the carbon price under a tax or ETS in countries that use these schemes. Fourth, in a world where all countries are striving to achieve net zero, international carbon credit markets can play a crucial role in increasing the ambition of both buyers and sellers.", "zh": "首先是规划和透明度。 需要明确界定短期和中期（5-15年）目标，1）以确定各经济部门和技术领域所需的具体转型并确定其优先次序；2）以推动迅即的行动和投资。 各国政府和私营部门也应各自使用单独的减排和清除目标。 这将有助于对每个部门进行评价，从而加强问责，而如果采用综过程指标，某些部门在减少排放方面的懈怠可能会被掩盖。 第二个因素是将碳定价恰当地放置在在更广泛的绿色发展“工具箱”中。 即使采用明确的碳价格很困难，政府和企业在评估投资决策时也应促进碳价格的内部或影子定价。 在实施基于部门的总体净零战略时，这一工具对于支持正确的投资和基础设施选择至关重要。 但单靠碳价格是不行的，一些部门还需要辅助性政策来减少排放。 某些行业对碳价格信号的反应不够敏捷，或者在这些行业中难以监测和控制排放源，这种情况下，效率标准（例如关于建筑能源或车辆燃料的标准)或许能够更有效地降低这类行业的排放。 某些部门没有没有减排办法或减排办法特别昂贵，正在研发中的的短期政府补贴或投资可能适合于支持这些部门的技术转型。 政府还可以利用补充政策来减少碳定价对特定群体的任何负面影响，并帮助公平分配气候投资和补贴。 碳税或排放权拍卖的收入可以资助脆弱社区的气候投资、职业培训或现金转移，以抵消能源、产品和服务价格的上涨。 第三，碳价格需要设定得比目前高得多，并随着时间的推移而提高，以推动实现净零排放所需的减排量和清除量。 这适用于使用内部碳定价来做决策，也适用于在那些使用这些方案的国家中，税收或碳排放交易系统下的碳价格。 第四，在一个所有国家都在努力实现净零排放的世界里，国际碳信用市场可以在增强买卖双方的抱负方面发挥至关重要的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Debt Without Drowning LONDON – Since the 1970’s, economists have warned that a monetary union could not be sustained without a fiscal union. But the eurozone’s leaders have not heeded their advice – and the consequences are becoming increasingly apparent. Europe now faces a difficult choice: either fix this fundamental design flaw and move toward fiscal union, or abandon the common currency. Choosing the latter option would have devastating consequences. Indeed, while the desirability of establishing a monetary union may have been open to question in the 1990’s, dismantling the eurozone now would trigger profound economic, social, and political upheaval throughout Europe. To avoid this outcome, Europe’s leaders must begin designing and implementing strategies aimed at bringing the eurozone closer to a fiscal union. To be sure, a fiscal union such as that in the United States is a distant prospect that eurozone leaders should not expect to achieve any time soon – or even in their lifetimes. But that does not mean that establishing a fiscal union is a chimera. Small steps in the right direction now can make a significant difference. A successful strategy would have to address one of the eurozone’s main design flaws: member governments issue debt in euros, a currency that they cannot control. As a result, they cannot provide a guarantee to bondholders that the cash will be available to pay them at maturity. The mistrust and fear that this elicits in the bond markets can lead to liquidity crises that, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy, drive countries closer to default.", "zh": "不会致溺的债务 伦敦—20世纪70年代以来，经济学家警告货币联盟无法再没有财政联盟的情况下维持。 但是欧元区领导人并没有遵循他们的意见 — — 其后果正在变得日益明显。 如今，欧洲面临着不同的选择：要么修正这一根本性设计缺陷、迈向财政联盟，要么抛弃共同货币。 选择后一个选项将导致灾难性后果。 事实上，尽管在20世纪90年代，建立货币联盟是否值得追求便已值得商榷，但现在解散欧元区会触发整个欧洲的深刻的经济、社会和政治剧变 。 。 为了避免这一结果，欧洲领导人必须开始设计并实施旨在让欧元区向财政联盟靠拢的战略。 平心而论，像美国那样的财政联盟是一个遥远的梦，不是欧洲领导人应该追求的近期目标 — — 或许他们这辈子都不用想。 但这并不意味着成立财政联盟是痴人说梦。 现在开始向正确的方向迈出小步将带来极大的不同。 成功的战略必须修正欧元区的主要设计缺陷之一：成员国政府用欧元发债，而欧元是它们无法控制的货币。 结果，它们无法为债券持有人提供到期必能用现金偿还债务的保证。 这在债券市场掀起了不信任和恐慌，这种不信任和恐慌可能导致流动性危机，流动性危机会造成自我实现的预言，将诸国推向违约。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump blows hot and cold on Pruitt, and observers have learned not to predict what he might do with regard to any aspect of policy and personnel. That is also true of the question creating the most tension: whether Trump will try to end the investigation into whether he or his campaign conspired with Russians to try to swing the 2016 election in his favor. The evidence of such collusion is mounting. Trump, according to many observers, has absorbed the idea that firing Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who is leading the probe, wouldn’t go down well at all. The supine congressional Republicans, terrified of Trump and his base of devoted supporters, are actually beginning to show some spine and are moving toward backing a resolution that would protect Mueller, who is supported by a large majority of the public. But Trump and his closest congressional allies are still trying to undermine the investigation by smearing the FBI, which is implementing it, and Justice Department officials who are overseeing the FBI’s work. Trump has hinted that he may fire Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, who presides over the investigation. The president remains furious that Attorney General Jeff Sessions, who was Trump’s sole Senate backer from early in the 2016 campaign, has recused himself from the investigation. When Trump gets particularly angry, he remains so, exhibiting his rage in unexpected ways. It seems that nothing has made him angrier than the FBI’s extraordinary April 9 raid on the office, home, and hotel room of Michael Cohen, his principal personal attorney and fixer.", "zh": "特朗普对普鲁特有捧有压，观察者也学会了不要预测他在政策和人事方面会做出什么事情。 造成最严重的紧张的问题也是如此：特朗普会不会视图扼杀针对他和他的竞选班子是否与俄罗斯人勾结影响2016年大选的调查。 勾结的证据正在汇集。 很多观察者认为，特朗普已经有接受了这样的概念：炒掉领衔调查的特别检察官罗伯特·穆勒（Robert Mueller）会让他吃不到好果子。 一盘散沙的国会共和党害怕特朗普和他的铁杆支持者，事实上已经表现出一定的傲骨，转向支持保护穆勒的方案。 大部分公众都支持穆勒。 但特朗普及其最紧密的国会盟友仍在试图通过抹黑调查的实施单位联邦调查局，以及负责监督联邦调查局工作的司法部官员来破坏调查。 特朗普暗示，他可能炒掉调查主管、司法部副部长罗德·罗森斯坦（Rod Rosenstein ） 。 总统对司法部长杰夫·塞申斯（Jeff Sessions）也仍然非常愤怒，作为自2016年竞选早期阶段特朗普仅有的参议院支持者，塞申斯主动申请回避调查。 当特朗普暴怒时，他会一直暴怒，并以出人意料的方式表现出来。 似乎没有东西曾经让他比4月9日联邦调查局反常搜擦迈克尔·科恩（Michael Cohen，他的个人法务主管和残局收拾人）的办公室、住所和饭店房间更加愤怒。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Boredom Pandemic LONDON – As people around the world find themselves in confinement to control the COVID-19 pandemic, look out for another affliction with an even higher infection rate than any virus. Boredom is now a serious health risk. Is it possible that the more preoccupied we become with the physical danger posed by the virus, the more we underestimate the mental harms produced, for example, by negative emotional states such as boredom? Some psychoanalysts believe that boredom, if it becomes entrenched, can become a neurotic condition called “alysosis.” Historically, ennui was associated with workplace tedium. By contrast, the epidemic of monotony we are facing is an unusual variant of what psychologists call “leisure boredom.” Because many have not encountered this kind of boredom before, they may be worse at managing it. Severe boredom has been reported to be linked with a host of problems, including gambling, reckless driving, self-harm, alcoholism, substance abuse, depression, suicide, psychosis, paranoia, irritability, aggression, and even homicide. In 2018, the Journal of Forensic Sciences published an investigation into the motive behind the murder by two sixteen-year-olds in Idaho of a classmate, who was stabbed 30 times. It concluded that relief from boredom and the need for excitement, which were evident in the case, are common factors in a variety of legitimate and deviant leisure experiences. Boredom is hardly a new area of inquiry. In The Antichrist, philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche noted, “Against boredom even gods struggle in vain.”", "zh": "无聊流行病 伦敦—在世界各地民众足不出户，控制2019年新冠病毒大流行之际，还必须警惕另一种感染率比任何病毒都高的痼疾。 现在无聊已经成为严重的健康威胁。 有没有可能我们对病毒所造成的身体风险越关注，就会越低估由此造成的精神损害，比如，无聊等负面情绪？ 有些心理分析家认为，一旦无聊的感觉变得根深蒂固，就会使人陷入一种名叫“无趣”的神经状态。 历史上看，无聊与工作乏味息息相关。 相比之下，我们正在面对的单调流行病是一种被心理学家称之为“休闲无聊”的不寻常变体。 因为很多人可能从未遭遇过此类无聊，他们可能更不知道如何管理。 据报道，严重无聊与一系列问题息息相关，包括赌博、鲁莽驾驶、自残、酗酒、滥用药物、抑郁、自杀、精神错乱、偏执狂、易怒、激进甚至杀人。 2018年，法医学学刊刊登了一份调查，研究爱达荷州两名16岁少年谋杀一名同学的动机，这名同学被捅了30刀致死。 研究得出结论，在一系列正当和异常的休闲体验中，显而易见摆脱无聊和追求刺激是其中共同的因素。 无聊几乎谈不上什么研究的新领域。 在基督的敌人中，哲学家弗里德里希·尼采曾经指出 ， “ 就连神在无聊面前的挣扎也徒劳无功 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The ECB’s Leap into the Unknown FRANKFURT – The European Central Bank is in the middle of a big, risky experiment. Key interest rates have remained close to zero for six years now. Financial markets are flooded with liquidity. Crisis management has resulted in major market distortions, with some segments’ performance no longer explainable by fundamental economic data. The unintended consequences of this policy are increasingly visible – and will become increasingly tangible with the US Federal Reserve’s exit from post-2008 ultra-loose monetary policy. And yet Europe’s crisis is far from over, as the decisions by the European Central Bank’s Governing Council in June and September demonstrate. This reflects two factors: too little ambition in carrying out essential balance-sheet corrections, and slow progress – negligible in France and Italy – in restructuring Europe’s national economies. The ECB’s decision to double down on monetary stimulus should thus be regarded as an act of desperation. Its key rate has been cut to 0.05%, the deposit rate is negative, and targeted longer-term refinancing operations are supposed to support bank lending. Moreover, the asset-backed securities market is to be revived by the purchase of ABSs. All of this is intended to flood the markets, expand the euro system’s balance sheet by €700 billion ($890 billion), and return to the balance-sheet volume recorded at the start of 2012.", "zh": "欧洲央行跃向未知 法兰克福—欧洲央行正在实施一项大型高风险实验。 如今，关键利率保持近零水平已有六年。 金融市场充斥着流动性。 危机管理导致了巨大的市场扭曲，一些细分市场的表现已不再能用经济基本面数据解释。 这一政策的意外后果正变得日益清晰，随着美联储退出其2008年以来的极度宽松政策，其后果还会变的更加明确。 而欧洲危机还远未结束，欧洲央行管理委员会6月和 9月的决定说明了一切。 这反映出两个因素：实施关键性资产负债表修正的决定不够，以及欧洲各国政府重组进展缓慢（法国和意大利就是明证 ） 。 因此，欧洲央行决定将货币刺激加倍的决定应该被视为绝望的行动。 其关键利率已下降至0.05 % ， 存款利率已为负值，定向长期再融资操作意在支持银行放贷。 此外，资产支持证券（ABS）市场将因购买ABS的计划而得到复苏。 所有这些都是为了提振市场、将欧元系统的资产负债表扩大7,000亿欧元，并使其回到2012年初创下的纪录水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Non-Problem of Chinese Currency Manipulation CAMBRIDGE – America's two political parties rarely agree, but one thing that unites them is their anger about “currency manipulation,\" especially by China. Perhaps spurred by the recent appreciation of the dollar and the first signs that it is eroding net exports, congressional Democrats and Republicans are once again considering legislation to counter what they view as unfair currency undervaluation. The proposed measures include countervailing duties against imports from offending countries, even though this would conflict with international trade rules. This is the wrong approach. Even if one accepts that it is possible to identify currency manipulation, China no longer qualifies. Under recent conditions, if China allowed the renminbi to float freely, without intervention, it would be more likely to depreciate than rise against the dollar, making it harder for US producers to compete in international markets. But there is a more fundamental point: From an economic viewpoint, currency manipulation or unfair undervaluation are exceedingly hard to pin down conceptually. The renminbi's slight depreciation against the dollar in 2014 is not evidence of it; many other currencies, most notably the yen and the euro, depreciated by far more last year. As a result, the overall value of the renminbi was actually up slightly on an average basis. The sine qua non of manipulation is currency-market intervention: selling the domestic currency and buying foreign currencies to keep the foreign-exchange value lower than it would otherwise be. To be sure, the People's Bank of China (PBOC) did a lot of this over the last ten years. Capital inflows contributed to a large balance-of-payments surplus, and the authorities bought US dollars, thereby resisting upward pressure on the renminbi. The result was as an all-time record level of foreign exchange reserves, reaching $3.99 trillion by July 2014. But the situation has recently changed. In 2014, China's capital flows reversed direction, showing substantial net capital outflows. As a result, the overall balance of payments turned negative in the second half of the year, and the PBOC actually intervened to dampen the renminbi's depreciation. Foreign-exchange reserves fell to $3.84 trillion by January 2015. There is no reason to think that this recent trend will reverse in the near future.", "zh": "中国货币操纵不是问题 美国剑桥—美国两大政党很少形成一致，但有一件事让它们团结起来 — — 那就是对“货币操纵 ” ， 尤其是中国的货币操纵的愤怒。 也许是受最近美元升值及其影响净出口的首批信号的刺激，国会中的民主党和共和党正在再次考虑采取立法对付它们眼中的不公平货币贬值。 计划措施包括针对贬值国的惩罚性关税，即使这可能违反国际贸易规则。 这是错误的方针。 即使你认为可以识别货币操纵，中国也不符合标准。 在现有条件下，如果中国允许人民币自由浮动而不加干预，人民币兑美元贬值的可能性更大，美国生产者将更加难以在国际市场上竞争。 但还有一个更加基本的问题：从经济学角度讲，货币操纵或不公平贬值的概念很难界定。 2014年人民币兑美元的略微贬值并非货币操纵的证据；其他许多货币 — — 最值得关注的包括日元和欧元 — — 去年贬值幅度大得多。 因此，平均而言人民币总体价值实际略有上升。 操纵的必要条件是货币市场干预：出售本币、买进外币以维持汇率低于不干预的水平。 平心而论，中国人民银行在过去十年中经常这样做。 资本流入带来了巨大的国际收支盈余，当局买进美元，以此阻止人民币升值压力。 结果是床下历史记录的外汇储备，2014年7月已达到了3.99万亿美元。 但最近情况有所变化。 2014年，中国资本流发生逆转，表现出巨大的净资本流出。 结果，今年下半年总体国际收支呈现出赤字，中国人民银行的干预实际上是为了阻止人民币贬值。 2015年外汇储备降至3.84万亿美元。 没有理由认为这一当前趋势会很快逆转。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "她挖新闻是为了他。 可是现在……受了气竟然不敢告诉他。 为什么不说？ 是因为他曾经警告她，不要给他招惹麻烦吧？ 他想到这里，靠在车座上，视线透过车窗，看向楼上。 她应该是刚刚洗了脸上的面膜，如果自己开车进去，她肯定又要慌乱的再涂上。 她既然不想让他知道，他又何必进去让她为难？ 他的视线落在了方向盘上，眸中闪过一抹不可捉摸的神色。 他跟乔恋玩游戏时，为了方面沟通，开了语音。 有一次，他们打比赛，沈凉川走中路，让乔恋从旁边打过去，升级练装备。 他边打怪，边盯着她。 忽然在总地图上看到，她面前出现了敌方的两个人。 他提醒她：“撤离！” 游戏刚开始，一对二比赛肯定会输。 可她却开口：“让他们看看老娘的厉害！” 然后……她就死了。", "en": "She had uncovered these scandals because of him. However… she had not dared to confide in him, even though she was angry. Why did she not confide in him? Was it because he had once warned her not to cause trouble for him? As he thought about this, he leaned into the car seat and gazed at the villa’s second floor through the car window. She had probably just finished washing the facial mask off her face. Thus, if he drove back into the villa, she would definitely have to anxiously reapply it again. Since she did not want to let him know about this, then why should he enter the villa and cause more trouble for her? His gaze landed on the steering wheel and an imperceptible expression flashed across his eyes. When he used to play video games with Qiao Lian, he would switch on the in-game voice chat to make their communication easier. Once, when they were having a match, Shen Liangchuan chose to fight in the centre lane, which allowed Qiao Lian to fight from the periphery and thereby upgrade their equipments. He stared at her as he fought the waves of monsters. Suddenly, he saw on the world map that two enemy players had appeared in front of her. He warned her, “Leave now!” The game had just started and she would definitely lose if she fought alone against two players. However, she said, “I’ll let them feel my prowess!” And then… her character died."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Three New Lessons of the Euro Crisis WASHINGTON, DC – While some observers argue that the key lesson of the eurozone’s baptism by fire is that greater fiscal and banking integration are needed to sustain the currency union, many economists pointed this out even before the euro’s introduction in 1999. The real lessons of the euro crisis lie elsewhere – and they are genuinely new and surprising. The received wisdom about currency unions was that their optimality could be assessed on two grounds. First, were the regions to be united similar or dissimilar in terms of their economies’ vulnerability to external shocks? The more similar the regions, the more optimal the resulting currency area, because policy responses could be applied uniformly across its entire territory. If economic structures were dissimilar, then the second criterion became critical: Were arrangements in place to adjust to asymmetric shocks? The two key arrangements that most economists emphasized were fiscal transfers, which could cushion shocks in badly affected regions, and labor mobility, which would allow workers from such regions to move to less affected ones. The irony here is that the impetus toward currency union was partly a result of the recognition of asymmetries. Thus, in the aftermath of the sterling and lira devaluations of the early 1990’s, with their resulting adverse trade shocks to France and Germany, the lesson that was drawn was that a single currency was needed to prevent such disparate shocks from recurring.", "zh": "欧元危机的三个新教训 华盛顿—一些观察者认为欧元区洗礼的关键教训是需要更深入的银行一体化来维持货币联盟，但许多经济学家在1999年引入欧元之前就已经指出了这一点。 欧元危机的真正教训并不在此，它们不但全新，而且令人惊讶。 关于货币联盟的公认智慧是它们的最优性可以用两个问题来评估。 首先，组成联盟的地区的经济在应对极端冲击的脆弱性方面是相同还是不同？ 越是相同，所组成的货币区越优，因为政策应对措施可以在整个区域内一刀切地使用。 如果经济结构不同，那么第二个标准就变得至关重要：具有调整不对称冲击的安排吗？ 大部分经济学家强调两大关键安排，一是财政转移，它能缓冲受冲击重创的地区；而是劳动力流动性，它让重创地区工人能够迁往受创较轻地区。 讽刺之处在于，从某种意义上说，迈向货币联盟的动力是对不对称的认识。 因此，20世纪90年代初英镑和里拉贬值后，法国和德国受到了消极的贸易冲击，人们从中汲取的教训是需要单一货币来防止这类不同冲击再次发生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Across the countries polled, 51% do not think that the US can overcome its internal divisions and invest in addressing key global issues that concern the future of Europe. Though there are of course differences between countries, they are small. Even in the United Kingdom, with its “special relationship” to America, 81% of respondents believe that the US political system is completely or somewhat broken. Only in Hungary and Poland do a majority believe otherwise. Moreover, while other polls show that attitudes toward China have hardened across Europe, 60% of Europeans would prefer that the European Union stay out of the Sino-American rivalry. Only 22% of respondents in the ECFR poll think that Europe should back the US, while 6% think it should side with China. Attitudes about the US are far more reserved than in the past, and confidence in Europe’s ability to shape its own future has grown (whether that outlook reflects reality is another matter). This clear shift in European attitudes could not come at a worse time. In a world of changing power relationships, US-EU cooperation is urgently needed. There is no way for either side to prevail against global challenges by going it alone. The transatlantic link is the foundation on which wider global cooperative networks must rest. But Europeans’ nervousness following the recent events in the US cannot simply be willed away. It will linger, implying at least some impact on diplomacy and policymaking.", "zh": "在多国民调中，51%的人不认为美国能够克服国内分裂，花力气解决事关欧洲未来的重要全球问题。 各国之间当然也存在差异，但差异很小。 即便在英国内部，尽管其与美国有着“特殊关系 ” ， 也有81%的受访者认为美国政治制度已经完全或部分破产。 只有匈牙利和波兰大部分人意见与此不同。 此外，其他民调显示整个欧洲对华态度有所强硬，但60%的欧洲人更愿意欧盟置身中美对立之外。 只有22%的ECFR民调受访者认为欧洲应该支持美国，6%认为应该站边中国。 对美态度较过去有较大保留，对欧洲决定自身未来的能力的信息有所提高（这是否反映现实是另一个问题 ） 。 欧洲态度的这一明确变化可谓不是时候。 当今世界，大国关系瞬息万变，欧美合作需求紧迫。 单枪匹马对于双方克服全球挑战都不利。 跨大西洋联系是全球合作网络必不可少的基础。 但美国最近发生的事情所引起的欧洲人的紧张不会很快消散。 它一直徘徊，意味着至少对外交和决策造成一些影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Alibaba, Baidu, and Tencent together fund 30% of China’s top start-ups, such as Didi Chuxing ($50 billion), Meituan-Dianping ($30 billion), and JD.com ($56 billion). With the world’s largest domestic market and plentiful venture capital, China’s old “copy-cat” entrepreneurs have transformed themselves into innovation powerhouses. They fought like gladiators in the world’s most competitive market, learned to develop sophisticated business models (such as Taobao’s freemium model), and built impregnable moats to protect their businesses (for example, Meituan-Dianping created an end-to-end food app, including delivery). As a result, the valuation of Chinese innovators is many times higher than that of their Western counterparts. Moreover, China leads the world in some sectors, from livestreaming (one example is Musical.ly, a lip-syncing and video-sharing app) to bicycle sharing (Mobike and Ofo exceed 50 million rides per day in China, and are now expanding abroad). Most important, China is at the frontier of mobile payments, with more than 600 million Chinese mobile users able to conduct peer-to-peer transactions with nearly no fees. China’s mobile-payment infrastructure – which already handles far more transactions than the third-party mobile-payment market in the United States – will become a platform for many more innovations. As Chinese firms become increasingly technically capable, the country’s market advantage is turning into a data advantage – critical to support the development of AI. The Chinese firm Face++ recently raised $460 million, the largest amount ever for an AI company. DJI (a $14 billion consumer drone company), iFlyTek (a $14 billion voice recognition company), and Hikvision (a $50 billion video-surveillance company) are the world’s most valuable firms in their respective domains. Another important developing trend in China is “online merging with offline” (OMO) – a trend that, along with AI, Sinovation Ventures is betting on.", "zh": "阿里巴巴，百度和腾讯总共投资了30%的本土领先创业公司，例如滴滴出行（500亿美元 ） ， 美团-点评（300亿美元）和京东（560亿美元 ） 。 凭借全球规模最大的本土市场以及充足的风险投资，中国不少企业已经摆脱了“抄袭效仿者”的帽子，转型成为强大的创新企业。 他们在这个全球竞争最激烈的市场上摸爬滚打，学会发展出复杂的商业模式（如淘宝的免费增值模式 ） ， 并建立了坚固的壁垒以保护自身业务（比如美团-点评就创建了一个终端到终端的餐饮手机app，就连送餐服务也一并涵盖在内了 ） 。 因此，中国创业企业的估值往往会比西方同行高出许多倍。 此外，中国在一些特定领域居于全球领先地位。 从直播（例如Musical.ly这款唇音同步和视频分享手机app）到共享单车（摩拜和ofo在中国已经拥有每天超过5000万人次的骑乘量，并正在向国外扩张 ） ， 中国正引领全球趋势。 更值得一提的是，中国处于移动支付的前沿。 可以进行点对点交易的中国手机用户多达6亿人，而且交易过程几乎完全免费。 中国的移动支付基础设施 — — 其处理的交易量远比美国的第三方移动支付要多得多 — — 即将成为更多创新活动的平台。 随着中国企业的技术能力日益提高，中国的市场优势正在转变为数据优势，这对于人工智能的发展至关重要。 中国企业旷视科技（Face ++）最近完成了4.6亿美元的C轮融资，这是截至目前人工智能领域规模最大的一笔融资。 科大讯飞（一家市值140亿美元的语音识别技术企业）以及海康威视（市值500亿美元的视频监控企业）也都是在各自领域中全球最有价值的企业。 在中国市场，另外一个重要的发展趋势则是“线上线下融合（OMO ） ” — — 这也是除人工智能之外，创新工场另一个重点投资的方向。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The latest report from the International Atomic Energy Agency has verified that there has been no diversion of Iran’s civil nuclear program to weapons development. Iran has even proposed regional and multinational participation in its uranium enrichment facilities – only to be met by resounding silence from the Western powers. Meanwhile, US policy toward nuclear non-proliferation and the NPT regime is a case in point of double standards and the lack of sensitivity to other countries’ security concerns. While the US seeks to use unilateral and unlawful pressure to preclude Iran’s legitimate right to peaceful nuclear energy, it has assisted in developing Israel’s nuclear capabilities. Indeed, the US has acted as a buffer to insulate Israel—whose prime minister has boasted about its nuclear weapons—from any international scrutiny, while ignoring calls by Iran and other countries to create a Middle East nuclear-free zone. With regard to international terrorism, Iran, as a victim of terrorism, condemns it in all its forms. But the same double standards are apparent here. The US has used and is still using extremist organizations to promote its foreign policy goals. This could be said of US conduct with regard to al-Qaeda’s precursors in Afghanistan in the 1980’s, and of its current dealings with terrorist groups such as the People’s Mujahadeen Organization (MKO), and the Kurdish PEJAK and PKK.", "zh": "国际原子能委员会的最新一份报告已经证实伊朗的民用核计划没有向武器发展转变。 伊朗甚至提议其铀浓缩设施实行地区和多国参与—但得到的回应只是西方大国的沉默。 与此同时，美国对核不扩散及NPT体系的政策完全显示了他的双重标准和对其他国家的安全考虑缺乏敏感。 美国一方面力图运用单方面和非法的压力来否定伊朗和平利用核能的合法权利，而另一方面又支持以色列发展核能力。 的确，美国的缓冲器作用将以色列（该国首相公开吹嘘其核武器）从国际审查中隔离开来，而又对伊朗及其他国家建立中东无核区的呼吁充耳不闻。 在国际恐怖主义方面，伊朗作为恐怖主义的受害者，谴责一切形式的恐怖活动。 但在这一点上同样显示了（美国的）双重标准。 美国曾经并仍然利用极端主义组织来推动其对外政策目标。 这从美国在1980年代与基地组织在阿富汗的前身们，以及其与“人民圣战组织 ” ( MKO)和库尔德人的PEJAK和PKK的交道中可见一斑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Water War in Asia? BERLIN – Tensions over water are rising in Asia – and not only because of conflicting maritime claims. While territorial disputes, such as in the South China Sea, attract the most attention – after all, they threaten the safety of sea lanes and freedom of navigation, which affects outside powers as well – the strategic ramifications of competition over transnationally shared freshwater resources are just as ominous. Asia has less fresh water per capita than any other continent, and it is already facing a water crisis that, according to an MIT study, will continue to intensify, with severe water shortages expected by 2050. At a time of widespread geopolitical discord, competition over freshwater resources could emerge as a serious threat to long-term peace and stability in Asia. Already, the battle is underway, with China as the main aggressor. Indeed, China’s territorial grab in the South China Sea has been accompanied by a quieter grab of resources in transnational river basins. Reengineering cross-border riparian flows is integral to China’s strategy to assert greater control and influence over Asia. China is certainly in a strong position to carry out this strategy. The country enjoys unmatched riparian dominance, with 110 transnational rivers and lakes flowing into 18 downstream countries. China also has the world’s most dams, which it has never hesitated to use to curb cross-border flows. In fact, China’s dam builders are targeting most of the international rivers that flow out of Chinese territory.", "zh": "亚洲的水资源战争？ 柏林 — — 亚洲水资源紧张局势正在升级 — — 而且不仅因为海洋权益主张相互矛盾。 虽然南中国海海域领土争端吸引了绝大部分注意力 — — 毕竟，它们威胁到海上航道安全和航行自由，从而影响到域外大国的利益 — — 但对跨国共享淡水资源争夺的战略影响同样是不可忽视的。 亚洲的人均淡水资源保有量低于其他任何大陆，并且根据麻省理工学院的一项研究，亚洲面临的水资源危机将持续加剧，预计到2050年可能面临严重的水资源短缺。 在这样一个地缘政治纷争随处可见的年代，对淡水资源的过度争夺可能演变为对亚洲长期和平与稳定的严重威胁。 水资源争夺战目前已经开始，而中国是主要的进攻方。 事实上，中国在南海进行领土掠夺的同时还悄无声息地侵占了跨国流域资源。 重新设计跨境河流的流动是中国加强对亚洲控制和影响战略的重要部分。 中国毫无疑问有能力执行这项战略。 该国享有无与伦比的沿岸主导优势，拥有110条跨国河流和湖泊流入到十八个下游国家。 中国同时拥有全世界数量最多的水坝，而且毫不犹豫地利用这些设施来遏制跨国河流流入其他国家。 事实上，中国在流出本国领土的绝大多数跨国河流上都修建了水坝。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What’s at Stake in Libya? PRINCETON – The ongoing war in Libya is a microcosm of the tragedy that has gripped many Middle Eastern countries. If it is not resolved soon, the fighting in Libya could sow instability in neighboring countries like Tunisia and Egypt, and trigger more waves of refugees fleeing to Europe. At root, the Libyan crisis is a civil war among various groups that are divided by tribal and regional loyalties, as well as by ideological beliefs. All are vying to control the country’s oil revenues. Yet, at the moment, there are principally two sides to the conflict: the Islamist-dominated, internationally recognized Government of National Accord (GNA), which still controls the capital, Tripoli; and the Tobruk-based House of Representatives and the Libyan National Army (LNA), which are under the command of the anti-Islamist field marshal Khalifa Haftar. While most of the country is now under the authoritarian nationalist Haftar’s control, Tripoli has yet to fall. Behind each of these warring camps are outside powers pursuing their own interests. While Turkey and Qatar have backed the GNA, Egypt, Russia, and the United Arab Emirates have been lending support to Haftar. International media coverage of the war has attributed this outside interference to competition – mainly between Turkey and Egypt – for oil and gas resources. The Egyptians have a gas project that could potentially link up with facilities in Israel, Cyprus, and Greece to supply Europe.", "zh": "利比亚处在什么危险当中？ 普林斯顿–正在进行的利比亚战争是困扰许多中东国家的悲剧的缩影。 如果不尽快结束这场战争，利比亚境内的战事可能会在突尼斯和埃及等邻国造成动荡，并促使更多难民涌向欧洲。 从根本上讲，利比亚危机是按部族、地区忠诚度以及意识形态信仰来划分的各群体之间的内战。 所有这些族群都在争相控制该国的石油收入。 然而，目前而言，冲突主要在两方之间发生：一方以伊斯兰主义者为首，并为国际所公认的民族和解政府（GNA ） ， 该政府仍控制首都的黎波里；另一方是位于托布鲁克（Tobruk）的众议院和利比亚国民军（LNA ） ， 由反伊斯兰主义陆军元帅哈利法·哈夫塔尔（Khalifa Haftar）指挥。 尽管该国大部分地区现在处于独裁民族主义者哈夫塔尔的控制之下，但的黎波里仍未被其攻占。 在每个交战方的背后，都有追求自己利益的外部势力的身影。 尽管土耳其和卡塔尔支持了GNA，但埃及、俄罗斯和阿拉伯联合酋长国一直在向哈夫塔尔提供支持。 国际媒体对战争的报道将这种外部干预归因于油气资源竞争，主要是在土耳其和埃及之间。 埃及人有一个天然气项目，有可能与以色列、塞浦路斯和希腊的设施连接起来，向欧洲供应天然气。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, Chile’s government, obsessed with so-called “horizontal” policies that do not tilt the playing field in favor of any industry, recently implemented Start-Up Chile, a program with standardized rules to encourage new ventures. Although the rules were designed for all industries, the scheme attracts almost exclusively software ventures – the only ones that can be formed with the low level of support that the program provides. Other industries face more daunting chicken-and-egg problems: countries lack the capabilities that growth industries demand, yet it is impossible to develop these capabilities unless the industries that require them are present. One way to solve this coordination problem is through vertical integration – that is, firms that can solve internally the coordination of the supply and demand for any new capability. That is why national business groups – conglomerates – often play a key role in transforming an economy and its exports. This is especially true in developing counties, where many markets are missing and the business environment is often extremely challenging. Conglomerates can use their knowledge, managerial skills, and financial capital to venture into new industries. They can start things at a scale that would be impossible for a start-up. They can make credible commitments to future suppliers and influence the business ecosystem to make new industries feasible. Consider South Korea. In 1963, the country exported goods worth less than $600 million at today’s prices, mostly primary products such as seafood and silk. Fifty years later, it exports goods worth almost $600 billion, mostly electronics, machinery, transportation equipment, and chemical products. This transformation was not achieved through independent start-ups. It was done through conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean. For example, Samsung started as a trading company, moved to food processing, textiles, insurance, and retail, and then on to electronics, shipbuilding, engineering, construction, and aerospace, just to name a few activities. South Korea’s transformation was reflected in the transformation of its leading companies. But, in many developing countries, conglomerates have not played an equivalent role. They have focused on non-tradable goods and services – those that cannot be imported or exported – and have eschewed international competition.", "zh": "比如，智利政府沉迷于所谓的“水平”政策 — — 即不因为偏向某一行业而倾斜 — — 最近实施了“创业智利 ” （ Start-Up Chile）计划，该计划用标准化规则鼓励创业。 尽管规则适用于所有行业，但这一机制所吸引的几乎清一色是软件创业企业 — — 它们也是这个绝少提供支持的计划所能促发的唯一行业。 其他行业面临令人气馁的鸡和蛋问题：国家缺少成长行业所需要的功能，而这些功能无法被开发，除非需要这些功能的行业出现。 解决这一协调问题的一个办法是通过垂直整合，即形成可以在内部解决新功能供需协调的企业。 这也是国家商业集团 — — 集团公司（conglomerate ） — —总是在改变经济及其出口方面起到关键作用的原因。 发展中国家尤其如此，那里许多市场存在空白，商业环境也极不友好。 集团公司可以利用其知识、管理技能和金融资本试水新行业。 它们可以以创业公司不敢想象的规模开辟新业务。 它们可以向未来供应者做出可信承诺，并改变商业生态环境使新行业成为可能。 以韩国为例。 用今天的价格衡量，1963年韩国出口商品总价值不到6亿美元，大部分是海货和丝绸等初级产品。 五十年后，韩国出口商品总价值接近6000亿美元，大部分是电子产品、机械、交通设备和化工产品。 如此变化并不是通过独立的创业企业完成的，而是通过集团公司（韩语称之为财阀）完成的。 比如，三星公司一开始是一家贸易公司，接着转型为食品处理、纺织、保险和零售商，后来又转变成电子、造船、工程、建筑和航天公司（这里提到的只是其活动的一小部分 ） 。 韩国领导公司的转变是韩国国家转变的缩影。 但是，在许多发展中国家，集团公司并没有起到类似的作用。 它们专��于不可贸易商品和服务 — — 即无法进出口的商品和服务 — — 避开国际竞争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even though people are safe going about their normal lives, the service sector is still nowhere near a true recovery. Out of an abundance of caution, people are saving more and going out less. This trend could bode ill not just for China but also for the rest of the world, since it may be an indication what awaits other economies. There also are at least three other reasons for concern. First, while China’s export figures exceeded expectations this year, they may be more disappointing in the year ahead. In 2020, China acted as a global “supplier of last resort,” keeping factories open as they were shut down elsewhere. And because part of China’s current growth is led by exports of critical pandemic-related goods (like face masks) to the rest of the world, its positive trade statistics reflect not so much a recovery in global demand as a shift in production to China. This process will reverse whenever global production sites reopen and supply chains start functioning again. A second concern is that the recovery has triggered a broader structural deterioration, following years of economic reorientation away from exports and investment and toward consumption. There has been some progress in this regard in recent years, but the balance is now shifting back toward investment and trade, as supply leads demand in the process of recovery. China’s macro-level recovery thus masks micro-level challenges. As of the third quarter of 2020, income growth had not recovered, and household disposable income was contracting. Demand for migrant workers had been hit especially hard, and showed no signs of recovery. And the labor force participation rate remained diminished since falling at the onset of the pandemic. The third cause for concern is that financial risks are looming, and this time they are arising from the real economy. Corporate balance sheets will look substantially worse over time, especially for small and medium-size firms. Over the first half of 2020, the gap between corporate borrowing and saving rose to unprecedented heights, reaching more than CN¥10 trillion. This would take at least one to two years to resolve even under normal circumstances. If cash flows remain depressed for an extended period, risks of bad debt will rise, especially in the transportation, travel, and restaurant sectors.", "zh": "尽管人们可以安全地回归生活常态，但服务业仍远未实现真正的复苏。 出于谨慎考虑，人们减少了外出消费且更多地把钱存了起来。 这种趋势不仅不利于中国，对世界其他地方也不利，因为这可能预示着其他经济体也会出现类似的状况。 另外还有至少三个需要关注的因素。 首先，尽管中国今年的出口数据超出预期，但在来年可能会令人失望。 中国在今年成为了全球“最后的供应商 ” ， 在世界其他地方工厂关门的情况下保持了生产。 同时由于中国当前的一部分增长是通过向世界其他地区出口疫情必需产品（如口罩）所带动的，其正数贸易统计数字反映的并不是全球需求的复苏，而是生产向中国的转移。 一旦全球各地重启工厂且供应链再度开始运行，这一进程就将遭到逆转。 第二个关注点是在经历了多年从出口和投资转向消费的经济转向之后，复苏引发了更大范围的结构性劣化。 虽然近年来中国在经济结构转向上取得了一些进展，但由于在复苏过程中供应压过了增长，因此目前的侧重点又转回了投资和贸易方面。 因此中国的宏观经济复苏掩盖了微观层面的诸多挑战。 2020年第三季度收入增长尚未恢复，家庭可支配收入正在萎缩。 农民工用工需求所受到的打击尤为严重，没有任何复苏的迹象。 自疫情爆发后就有所下降的劳动力参与率也不见起色。 第三个关注因素是逐渐凸显的各类金融风险，而这一次则是源自于实体经济的。 各类企业（尤其是中小型企业）的资产负债表将随时间的推移逐步恶化。 2020年上半年企业借贷与储蓄之间的差距已经达到了前所未有的水平，超过10万亿人民币。 这一差距即使在正常情况下也得花费至少一到两年的时间才能弥合。 如果现金流长期处于低迷状态，那么坏账风险就将增加，特别是在运输，旅游和餐饮业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is not hostility to China that should motivate us, but rather a desire to push back in a measured and coherent way against the aggression of Xi and the CPC. Second, we should be more clear-sighted about the nature of what is happening and what needs to be done. I recently heard one of China’s apologists in the United Kingdom, a prominent cheerleader for the earlier so-called golden age of Sino-British relations, say that it would be wrong for Britain to “pick a fight” with China while trying to engineer a post-pandemic recovery. But it is the CPC that is picking a fight with us – and particularly with those of us who believe in the value of the “liberal democracy” that Xi denounced in his instructions to party and government officials back in 2013. We should of course try to work with China in areas where global cooperation is vital, such as tackling climate change and addressing the threat of antimicrobial resistance. But in doing so, we need to remember that China regularly breaches or distorts the agreements it signs, for example on trade, investment, intellectual property, and the international health regulations that were negotiated after the 2002-03 SARS outbreak. Beyond that, what should a country like the UK do? For starters, as Parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee has argued, there should be a central body under the prime minister that provides an informed focus for UK policy regarding China. As part of this effort, we need to commission research on who benefits most from Chinese investment in the UK and from our bilateral trade, where China runs a huge surplus. We should prevent Chinese firms’ predatory purchase of British and other Western technology companies and seek to be as independent of China as possible in new digital technologies. More generally, we should identify which sectors depend on inputs from China, diversify our purchases where that is possible, and, where it is not, make more of these products ourselves. We should also look again at our higher-education funding model, which has become far too dependent on recruiting Chinese students, and try to recruit more from elsewhere in Asia and Africa.", "zh": "激励我们做出行动的不是对中国的敌意，而是希望以一种慎重克制且有条理的方式去抵制习近平和中国共产党的侵略行径。 第二，我们应该对正在发生的各项事件的性质以及需要做的事情具备更清晰的认识。 我最近听到一位长期为中国辩护的英国人 — — 也是早期所谓中英关系黄金时代的主要鼓吹者 — — 说英国不应在努力实现疫情后复苏的关头尝试与中国“约架 ” 。 但其实是中国共产党主动跟我们约的架，尤其是针对我们当中那些秉承“自由民主”价值观的人 — — 这也是习近平在2013年对党政官员的多项指示中所斥责的价值观。 我们当然应该尝试在那些必须实施全球合作的领域 — — 例如应对气候变化和应对抗菌素耐药性的威胁 — — 与中国共事，但在这样做时我们也需要记住，中国经常违反或扭曲其签署的协议，例如罔顾2002~2003年SARS爆发后谈判订立的各项贸易、投资，知识产权和国际卫生法规。 除此之外，像英国这样的国家还应该怎样做？ 首先，正如议会外交事务委员会所提出的那样，应该设立一个服务于首相的中央机构来为其提供一个英国对华政策的充分认知来源。 作为这项工作的一部分，我们需要委托相关机构去研究是谁在中国对英投资以及从中国拥有巨额顺差的双边贸易中获利最丰。 我们应该避免中国企业对英国和其他西方技术企业的掠夺式收购，并寻求在新数字技术方面尽可能独立于中国。 而在更普遍意义上我们应该确定哪些部门会依赖来自中国的原材料并尽可能令自身采购多样化，如果情况不允许则尽可能由自己来生产这些产品。 我们还应该再次审视一下自身的高等教育融资模式 — — 该模式已经过于依赖招收中国学生 — — 并尝试从亚洲和非洲其他地方网罗更多人才。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reviving Ukraine’s Economy WASHINGTON, DC – Ukraine has suddenly arrived at a democratic breakthrough. After former President Viktor Yanukovych incited major bloodshed, many of his MPs defected to the opposition, creating a large majority. In order to consolidate its authority, whatever new government emerges will need to act fast and resolutely – and receive considerable international support – to overhaul the country’s crisis-ridden economy. Ukraine suffers from three large economic problems. First, its foreign payments are unsustainable. Its current-account deficit last year was an estimated 8.3% of GDP, and its foreign-currency reserves are quickly being depleted, covering just over two months of imports. Second, public finances are also unsustainable, with the budget deficit reaching almost 8% of GDP and government-bond yields skyrocketing. Third, the economy has been in recession for five quarters since mid-2012. These problems reflect Yanukovych’s economic policy, which had one aim: enriching him, his family, and a few of his cronies. During the last four years, Ukraine has experienced unprecedented embezzlement by its rulers, with estimates putting the Yanukovych family’s wealth at $12 billion. Here, too, the new government will need international assistance if it is to recover at least some of this loot. With Yanukovych out of the way, official extortion of Ukrainian business should end, enabling the economy to recover. In fact, Ukraine’s GDP actually grew by 3.3% in the last quarter of 2013, because his cronyism was stifled by the protests. Yet much can and must be done very quickly, because Ukraine is running out of money. For starters, the new parliamentary majority needs to appoint a new government, so that a fresh economic-policy agenda can be launched. A new central bank governor also should be named, with the first order of business being to float the exchange rate. This would lead to a substantial devaluation of perhaps 10%, thereby ending the current run on the hryvnia, eliminating the current-account deficit, and enabling a reduction in Ukraine’s extremely high interest rates, which would stimulate investment. As soon as a government has been appointed, the International Monetary Fund should send a mission to Ukraine.", "zh": "重振乌克兰经济 发自华盛顿特区 — — 乌克兰突然之间就走到了民主的突破口上。 在前总统维克多·亚努科维奇（Viktor Yanukovich）发动大规模流血事件之后，他旗下的许多议员纷纷倒戈转投反对派，形成了另一个多数派。 未来无论是哪个新政府上台，为了巩固其政权，他们都必须迅速果断行动起来 — — 并接受一定程度的国际援助 — — 重整该国遭危机蹂躏的经济。 乌克兰面临着三大经济问题。 首先，该国已经无力支付其的对外帐款。 去年乌克兰的经常帐户赤字约为GDP的8.3 % ， 导致其外汇储备不断减少，仅能维持两个月的进口所需。 其次，公共财政也无以为继，国家财政赤字高达GDP的8%而且政府债券利率高涨。 第三，该国经济自2012年年中以来已经连续五个季度出现衰退了。 这些问题正是亚努科维奇经济政策的恶果，而这些政策只有一个目的：为总统本人及其家人亲信捞钱。 在过去四年中，乌克兰领导人挪用了前所未有的巨额款项，估计让亚努科维奇家族聚敛了120亿美元的财富。 而新政府如果想填补其中一些窟窿的话就需要国际上伸出援手。 随着亚努科维奇下台，执政者对乌克兰企业的敲诈勒索应该从此告一段落，让经济得以复苏。 事实上，由于总统的亲信遭到了示威的冲击，乌克兰经济其实在2013年第四季度实现了3.3%的增长。 但依然有很多事情可以也必须迅速着手行动起来，因为乌克兰的国库正在不断枯竭。 首先，新的乌克兰议会多数派需要委任一个新政府，并因此启动一个全新的经济政策议程。 同时还须任命一个新的央行行长，他的首要任务就是让汇率自由浮动。 此举将导致乌克兰货币格里夫纳（hryvnia）贬值约10 % ， 因此遏制住近期的汇率下跌趋势，消除经常帐户赤字，并且削减乌克兰极高的利率，以此刺激投资。 一旦新政府成立，国际货币基金组织（IMF）应当立刻派代表团前往乌克兰。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The University of Copenhagen’s mergers with the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University and the Danish University of Pharmaceutical Sciences have made it the largest university in Scandinavia. We now aspire to becoming the most significant health and life science research center in Europe, owing to a remarkable cluster of knowledge based 5,000 researchers, an excellent medical school, 11 university hospitals, and a thriving biotech business environment that already includes market leaders in diabetes and neuroscience. Until we embarked on governance reform, this would probably have been impossible.", "zh": "La fusion de l’Université de Copenhague avec l’Université vétérinaire et agricole royale et avec l’Université danoise des sciences pharmaceutiques en a fait la plus grande université de Scandinavie. Nous aspirons aujourd’hui à devenir le plus important centre de recherches sur la santé et la vie d’Europe, grâce à un regroupement de 5 000 chercheurs, une excellente école de médecine, 11 centres hospitaliers universitaires et un environnement biotechnologique commercial florissant, qui comprend déjà des leaders du marché dans le domaine du diabète et des neurosciences. Cela aurait sans doute été impossible avant que nous ne nous lancions dans des réformes de gouvernance."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The EU Police Mission (EUPOL), launched in June 2007, was meant to address this lack of coordination, but in the end its focus was narrowed to police reform, with the Commission funding a separate judicial program. EUPOL started poorly, losing its first commander, and faces serious problems recruiting high-caliber staff. Finally, the Commission’s annual development assistance to Afghanistan is falling this year, from €200 million to €150 million. Individual commitments are also being cut – for example, France’s five-year, €33 million pledge for reconstruction support is strikingly low compared to its total foreign-aid budget of €9 billion. The EU cannot alter the international coalition’s strategy alone. But a united EU can act as a powerful advocate for a better and more coordinated international approach. The US has argued that more troops are needed to dominate the terrain, lambasting EU governments for failing to step up their efforts as the US commits 3500 additional marines to the fray. European countries, meanwhile, criticize the current military strategy. They fear that more troops may only lead to more civilian casualties, antagonizing Afghans. Without a grand bargain between the US and the EU that ensures increased European support and troops, success in Afghanistan will be elusive and alliance-testing tensions with the US will remain. Such a bargain must contain two elements. First, the EU should commit to sending more troops, trainers, and civilians to the Afghan mission, as well as lifting all remaining “caveats” on its troops. The mission needs a 10% troop increase, more military and police trainers, and more military equipment, including helicopters. In addition, the Commission should reverse the decline in assistance and spend more money though local governments and the PRTs. In exchange, the US should accept a strategic shift from combat operations to human security. Such a strategy means focusing more attention on ordinary Afghans, gradually expanding NATO’s security presence outward from population centers, and working hand-in-glove with state and local authorities.", "zh": "于2007年6月成立的欧盟警卫署就是为了解决这种缺乏协调的问题，但是最后它的工作只是放在了警察队伍改革上，而由欧盟另外出资实施了一项司法计划。 欧盟警卫署的工作开展得很艰难，失去了它的第一任指挥官，并且在招募高职位的人员方面面临着巨大的困难。 最后，欧盟对阿富汗每年的发展援助今年也从2亿欧元降到了1.5亿欧元。 单个国家的援助同样也大大削减了，比如，法国承诺在5年内提供3300万欧元的重建资金与它总共90亿欧元的对外援助预算相比起来低得可怜。 欧盟无力单独改变国际联合部队的战略。 但是一个集体行动的欧盟能够更有力地提倡采取协调更好、更紧密的国际努力。 美国提出需要更多的兵力来控制该地区，并且指责欧盟国家没有跟随美国增派3500名海军陆战队士兵到争议地区的行动做出它们自己的努力。 而欧洲国家则批评目前采取的军事战略。 它们担心派遣更多的兵力只会带来更多的平民伤亡，而进一步引发阿富汗人的敌对情绪。 美国和欧盟之间无法达成重要的协议以确保欧洲能提高它的支持力度和兵力，阿富汗的成功只能是镜花水月，而与美国之间的盟友关系将会依然面临考验。 这种协议应该包含两个方面。 首先，欧盟应该承诺派遣更多的兵力、教官和文职人员以支持阿富汗事业，并且取消所有现存的对其军队行动的“告诫 ” 。 这项事业需要增加10%的兵力、更多的军事和警察教官以及更多的军事装备，包括直升机。 此外，欧盟应该改变援助下降的状况，向地方政府和省级重建队注入更多的资金。 作为交换，美国应该接受从军事行动向人的安全的战略转变。 这种战略意味着更多地关注普通的阿富汗百姓，将北约安全部队从人口聚居的中心逐渐向外围扩展，并且与中央和地方政府共同合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany’s Five Election Unknowns On September 18, Germany will hold an election that contains at least five unknowns. If it were an equation, it would be impossible to solve. Fortunately, politics is not mathematics – though, unfortunately, this means that there are no clear solutions. Indeed, even in the opaque terms of contemporary politics, the German case is particularly vexing. The first unknown is why the election is taking place at all. Chancellor Gerhard Schröder had another fifteen months to go before the end of the electoral term, and it seemed that he had no difficulty mobilizing his admittedly slender majority in parliament. To be sure, the big issues that the Federal President listed when he dissolved the Bundestag are real. The fiscal position is, by German standards, unacceptable, and public debt at current levels is contrary to the European Union’s Stability and Growth Pact and a burden on future generations. Demographic developments alone require major reforms of social policy. Moreover, the institutions of the federal system do not permit decisions to be made either expeditiously or clearly. None of this is new, nor will it be changed by an election. So it is not obvious to many people why they are voting. The second unknown concerns what, exactly, separates the major parties in this contest. The Social Democrats (SPD) and the Christian Democrats (CDU) are both committed to the “social market economy,” to the essentials of corporatist economic management, to maintaining the entitlements of the welfare state, and to the EU and NATO. True, the campaign has brought out nuances that may turn out to be important. Schröder’s SPD uses the word “social” a little more emphatically than it did in the last seven years. The opposition CDU leader, Angela Merkel, has linked its program to the ambitious ideas of an outsider, former Constitutional Court judge Paul Kirchhof, seeking a dramatic simplification of the tax system. In international affairs, Merkel is more skeptical about European enlargement, notably to include Turkey, than Schröder. Merkel, an East German by background, is also more cautious in her approach to Russia. But these are nuances, not fundamental differences.", "zh": "德国选举的五个未知数 9月18日，德国会进行一场至少有五个未知数的选举。 如果说这是一个方程式，那么它将不可能有解。 幸运的是，政治不是数学—虽然，不幸的是，这意味着没有明确的答案。 的确，即便是在当代政治不透明的环境下，德国的情况也特别让人伤脑筋。 第一个未知数就是为什么要进行选举。 施罗德总理的任期结束还有15个月，而他似乎在调动议会里无可否认的微弱多数方面也没有困难。 确切地说，当联邦总统解散德国联邦议院时所列举的重大问题都是真实存在的。 以德国的标准衡量，当前的财政状况令人不能接受；目前的国债水平也与欧盟的《稳定与增长协定》大相径庭，并成为了未来世代的负担。 仅仅人口统计学数据的变化发展就需要德国在社会政策方面进行重大改革。 另外，联邦体系下的机构设置也使得政府无法进行迅速而明确的决策。 上述问题都是老生常谈，也不会通过选举而改善。 所以许多人都不明白为什么要进行选举。 第二个未知数是，究竟是什么造成了这场竞争中主要政党的分野。 社会民主党(SPD)和基督教社会党(CDU)都坚定不移地坚持“社会市场经济 ” ， 坚持社团主义经济管理的原则，坚持维护福利国家的权利，也都坚持对欧盟和北约的承诺。 确实，在竞选过程中显现出的细微差别可能最终被证明非常重要。 施罗德的社会民主党比过去七年更强调使用“社会”这一字眼。 反对派基督教民主党的领袖安格拉·默尔克（Angela Merkel）将其党的事业与一位党外人士，前宪法法院法官保罗·基尔希霍夫（Paul Kirchhof）的雄心壮志联系起来，以寻求大规模地简化税制。 在国际事务方面，默尔克在欧盟扩容，特别是土耳其的加入方面，相较于施罗德有更多的疑虑。 从背景上讲是东德人的默尔克，在与罗斯打交道的问题上也更为谨慎。 但这些都只是细微差别，并非根本性的分歧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And, unfortunately, Europe is not only doing nothing to hold off or reverse its decline – it is accelerating the process through its own behavior. With the election of Obama, America has turned toward the future within a globalized, multipolar world; Europe, on the other hand, is rediscovering national action in this time of crisis, and thus banking on the past! The European constitution has failed, the Lisbon reform treaty is in limbo after the Irish rejected it, and stronger European economic governance is blocked by German-French disunity. The reaction of EU member states to this ongoing self-inflicted impasse is unambiguous: rather than trying to reenergize the process of further political and economic integration, they are primarily acting on their own to try to fill the vacuum that has emerged. Certainly, coordination between the member states exists, and is even successful at times, but without strong European institutions, such singular successes will not last. There is a very real danger that Europe will simply miss out on an historic strategic turn towards a multipolar world – and at a high price. After the summit in Washington, it should have sunk in among Europeans everywhere – even the Euroskeptics of the British Isles – that this strategic realignment is taking place right now! If Europeans cannot get their heads around the fact that the nineteenth century is over, the global caravan will continue to move forward into the twenty-first century without them.", "zh": "不幸的是，欧洲不仅在努力阻止或扭转这种局面方面无所事事，且其自身的所作所为却在加快这种下行的过程。 随着奥巴马的当选，美国已经在全球化和多极化的世界框架中面对未来；而另一方面，欧洲却在当今的危机中重新挖掘其采取国家行动的效果，因此还在吃老本。 欧洲宪法已经失败，里斯本改革条约被爱尔兰拒绝后已无人问津，而加强欧洲经济治理受到了德法不团结的阻扰。 欧盟成员国对这种旷日持久的自作自受所造成的僵局作出了毫不含糊的反应：各成员国主要靠自己的努力以填补出现的真空，而不是试图对政治和经济的进一步一体化进程重新注入活力。 当然，成员国之间的协调是存在的，有时甚至是成功的，但没有强大的欧洲机构，单个的成功将不会持续太久。 有一个非常真实的危险，那就是欧洲将完全错失历史性的战略转机以转入多极化的世界，并且要为此付出高昂的代价。 在华盛顿首脑会议之后，各地的欧洲人甚至是英国的那些对欧盟持怀疑态度的人，也应该意识到这一战略调整此刻就在发生着！ 如果欧洲人不能承认十九世纪他们的时代已经结束，那么全球列车没有他们也照样能朝二十一世纪继续迈进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With his over-familiarity, simplicity, and occasional vulgarity, Sarkozy undermined the dignity of his sacred function. This was not forgiven, and was judged more severely than the shortcomings of his presidential record, which was not significantly worse than that of his predecessors. Moreover, in substantive terms, Sarkozy’s tax policies, in particular, favored the upper classes and the wealthy. So a powerful combination of social and economic anger emerged, particularly given the perception that the excessive greed of financiers and bankers was the primary cause of the crisis that erupted in 2008, and that still menaces us today. A social and political correction was necessary, and it has occurred with a vengeance unique to France. But the state’s coffers are dangerously depleted, and France now finds itself among the many countries whose debt burden compromises the eurozone’s existence. Thus, it is now subject to the discourse of economic orthodoxy, which, in insisting that all debts be paid to the penny, ignores that public spending is also an engine of growth. Just how much will actually have to be repaid? With Germany as the primary exponent of orthodoxy, the debate has raged on. But now we see that austerity has plunged Greece, Portugal, and especially Spain and Italy deeply into recession. The president of the European Central Bank, as well as the International Monetary Fund, acknowledge the gravity of the problem. But what happens if we refuse to accept Germany’s position? The victory of Hollande, who has said that he wants to “renegotiate” the European Union’s new, German-backed “fiscal compact,” will weigh heavily in this debate. Furthermore, the Socialists now control not only the presidency and the government, but also a majority in the Senate, all of the regional presidencies, 55% of the country’s departments, and most major cities’ town halls. In less than two months, they may control a majority of the National Assembly as well, implying a concentration of power that has never before been seen in modern France. The Socialists can govern without limits, so it is up to them to govern well. It is this uncertainty that hovers over the future of France, if not that of Europe.", "zh": "萨科奇对此过于熟悉，认为这很简单而且偶尔还很粗俗，他破坏了此神圣职责的尊严。 这是不可原谅的，而且这比他总统期间的缺点更起决定性作用，因为和前任的其他几位总统相比，他的缺点也不是很严重。 此外，大量的条款，尤其是税收政策方面的，都是利于上层阶级和富人的。 尤其是这样一种观念：金融家们和银行家们过度贪婪是导致2008年金融危机爆发的主要原因，而且至今还威胁着我们，所以法国人在社会和经济方面对他都很恼怒。 因此，有必要进行社会和政治修正，而且这在法国尤其的明显。 但是如今国库的资金正在减少，此速度让人感到危机重重。 法国发现，它和其他许多的欧洲国家一样，债务已经危及到欧元区的存在。 因此，他们又转向了正���的经济学，该经济学坚信所有的债务都必须还清，而忽视了公共事业支出也是经济增长的引擎。 但是实际上有多少需要偿还呢？ 德国作为最主要的正统经济倡导者，争论变得越来越激烈。 但是如今，我们看到紧缩使得希腊，葡萄牙深深地陷入了经济衰退，尤其是在西班牙和意大利更为突出。 欧洲中央银行行长，国际货币基金组织承认问题的严重性。 但是如果我们不接受德国立场的话，结果会怎样呢？ 欧盟这项新的“财政紧凑”政策得到了德国的支持，奥朗德说他想重新协商该政策，他的胜选在此项争论中意义重大。 此外，社会党人不但控制着总统的职位和政府，而且在国会中占大部分席位，所有的区域性领导人，50%的国家部门以及大部分主要城市的市政府。 在不到两个月的时间内，他们可能会控制大部分的国会，暗示着权力的集中，这在现代法国史上是前所未有的。 社会党人可以无限制的进行统治，所以应该由他们来进行统治。 正是这种不确定性威胁着他们的未来，如果说不是整个欧洲的话，那至少在法国是这样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While markets are often wrong in predicting economic events, financial expectations can sometimes influence those events. As a result, reality can sometimes be forced to converge towards market expectations, not vice versa. This process, known as “reflexivity,” is a powerful force in financial markets, especially during periods of instability or crisis. To the extent that reflexivity works through consumer and business confidence, it should not be a problem now, because the oil-price collapse is a powerful antidote to the stock-market decline. Consumers are gaining more from cheap oil than they are losing from falling stock prices, so the net effect of recent financial turmoil on consumption should be positive – and stronger consumption should feed through to business revenues. A greater worry is the workings of reflexivity within the financial system itself. Bankruptcies among small energy-sector companies, which are of limited economic importance themselves, are creating pressures in global banking and reducing the availability of credit to healthy businesses and households that would otherwise be beneficiaries of cheaper oil. Fears of a Chinese devaluation that has not happened (and probably never will) are having the same chilling effect on credit in emerging markets. Meanwhile, banking regulators are continuing to tighten lending standards, even though economic conditions suggest they should be easing up. In short, nothing about the condition of the world economy suggests that a major slowdown or recession is inevitable or even likely. But a lethal combination of self-fulfilling expectations and policy errors could cause economic reality to bend to the dismal mood prevailing in financial markets.", "zh": "市场在预测经济事件时常常犯错，但金融预期有时能够影响这些事件。 因此，有时现实会被迫向市场预期趋近，而不是相反。 这一过程便是“反身性 ” ， 它是金融市场中的一股强大的力量，特别是在动荡或危机期间。 反身性通过消费和企业信心起作用，因此现在它还不是个问题，因为石油价格崩盘是股市下跌的强力解药。 消费者从低价石油中获得的好处大于他们在股市下跌中的损失，因此当前金融动荡对消费的净影响应该为正 — — 而消费的增强应该会反馈在企业收入中。 更大的担心是在反身性如何在金融体系本身内部起作用。 能源业小公司的破产 — — 本来从经济角度讲这没有什么重要性 — — 正在给全球银行业造成压力，并降低了健康企业和家庭获得信用的能力（它们原本应该是低价石油的受益者 ） 。 中国贬值（尚未发生，可能永远不会发生）的担忧正在新兴市场造成同样的信用影响。 与此同时，银行监管者仍在继续收紧贷款标准，虽然经济环境表明应该有所放松。 简言之，世界经济情况并未表明必然会出现大减速或衰退，甚至可以说这种可能性非常低。 但自我实现的预期和政策错误所形成的致命组合可能导致经济现实向弥漫在金融市场中的忧郁情绪靠拢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Austerity’s Children WASHINGTON, DC – When economists discuss “fiscal adjustment,” they typically frame it as an abstract and complex goal. But the issue is actually simple: Who will bear the brunt of measures to reduce the budget deficit? Either taxes have to go up for some people, or spending must fall – or both. “Fiscal adjustment” is jargon; what austerity is always about is the distribution of income. Much of Europe is already aware of this, of course. Now it’s America’s turn. And current indications there suggest that the people most directly in line for a fiscal squeeze are those who are least able to defend themselves – relatively poor children. For example, the current budget sequester (that is, across-the-board spending cuts) is already hurting programs like Head Start, which supports pre-school education. The American comedian Jimmy Kimmel recently poked fun at his compatriots’ lack of fiscal knowledge by asking pedestrians on Hollywood Boulevard what they thought of “Obama’s decision to pardon the sequester and send it to Portugal.” The segment is hilarious, but also sad, because the impact on some people’s lives is very real. Around 70,000 children are likely to lose access to Head Start on our current fiscal course. And much larger cuts are in store for early-childhood nutrition programs and health care. Perhaps most shocking are the dramatic cuts to the Medicaid health-insurance program that the House of Representatives’ Republican majority have embraced in their latest budget proposal. Paul Ryan, the chairman of the House Budget Committee, proposes to balance the budget over the next 10 years largely by slashing the program. About half of all people covered by Medicaid are children. Is it fair to force low-income children to bear the burden of fiscal adjustment?", "zh": "紧缩儿童 发自华盛顿 — — 当经济学家谈到“财政调整”时，他们通常会将其描述成一个抽象复杂的目标。 但这个问题其实很简单：谁来承受这些用以降低预算赤字的紧缩措施的冲击。 要么提高对某些人群的征税，要么减少支出 — — 或者两者同时进行。 “财政调整”是行话；其实紧缩这东西就是个收入分配问题。 欧洲大部分国家都已经意识到了这一点。 现在轮到美国了。 目前那里的迹象表明：受财政紧缩直接冲击的是那些最无力保护自己的人群 — — 来自相对贫穷家庭的儿童。 例如当前的预算扣押（Budget sequester，即全面开支削减）像开端计划（Head Start）这种支持儿童学前教育的项目。 美国喜剧演员吉米·吉梅尔（Jimmy Kimmel）最近调侃自己的同胞缺乏财政知识，他在好莱坞大道上问行人如何看待“奥巴马赦免这种在押人员（sequester的另一含义）并将其送往到葡萄牙的决定 。 ” 这些采访片段很滑稽，但也很悲哀，因为它实际影响着一些人的生活。 在我们目前的财政进程下约七万名儿童很有可能失去参与开端计划这类项目的机会。 与幼龄儿童营养项目和医疗保健相关的项目还将开始更大规模的开支削减。 或许最令人震惊的是美国众议院共和党多数已经在其最新预算提案中提出要大幅收缩医疗补助（Medicaid）项目下的保险计划。 保罗·赖恩（Paul Ryan ） — —众议院预算委员会主席，提出在未来十年主要通过砍掉这个计划来实现预算平衡。 而这一医疗补助计划覆盖的人群有一半是儿童。 让低收入家庭的儿童来承担财政调整的负担，这公平吗？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the past 12 months have not all been bad news for Saudi Arabia. Despite the delay in the government’s plans to list Saudi Aramco on stock markets, there have been unequivocal signs that the regime retains the confidence of investors. And in preparation for the long-awaited initial public offering, MBS has installed close partners at the helm of both Aramco and the Ministry of Energy. For the first time, the ministry will be led by a member of the Saudi royal family (MBS’s half-brother). Moreover, relations between Saudi Arabia and the Trump administration remain warm. Although the US-Saudi alliance goes back 75 years, not all US presidents have shown the same devotion to it. Barack Obama, for example, supported the Saudi-backed coalition in Yemen, but also invested heavily in the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran, which Saudi Arabia opposed. Trump, however, has not only tried to scuttle that agreement by withdrawing the US from it, but also has made no attempt whatsoever to contain MBS’s worst foreign-policy impulses. There is another regional leader who has taken full advantage of Trump’s complicity, at least up to now: Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. On the eve of Israel’s recent repeat election, Trump entertained the idea of offering Netanyahu a mutual defense treaty. Netanyahu, meanwhile, doubled down on his promises to annex parts of the West Bank – further proof of his chronic disdain for international law.", "zh": "但过去12个月来，对沙特而言并非都是坏消息。 尽管政府推迟了沙特阿美在股票市场的上市计划，但却有明确迹象显示，投资者仍对沙特政权抱有信心。 并且为了筹备期待已久的首次公开募股，萨勒曼王储已经安插了亲密的合作伙伴来掌管阿美石油公司和能源部。 沙特王室成员（萨勒曼王储的异母兄弟）将首次领导能源部。 此外，沙特阿拉伯和特朗普政府之间的关系仍然十分密切。 尽管美沙同盟可以追溯到 75年前，但并不是所有美国总统都对这段关系表现出同样的重视。 例如，巴拉克·奥巴马支持沙特领导的也门联盟，但也不顾沙特的抗议对2015年伊朗核协议进行了大量的投入。 但特朗普不仅试图通过让美国退出伊核协议来进行破坏，而且也没有进行任何努力来遏制萨勒曼王储最糟糕的外交政策冲动。 至少到目前为止，还有一位地区领导人充分利用了特朗普的亲密同盟：那就是以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡。 在以色列最近再次举行大选前夕，特朗普对与内塔尼亚胡签署共同防御条约的想法表示赞同 。 与此同时，内塔尼亚胡则加倍努力想要兑现吞并西岸部分领土的承诺 — — 此举是对其长期蔑视国际法的进一步证明。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "汪淼立刻想到是胶卷的问题。他使用的l988年产的莱卡M2型相机，全机械手动，没有任何自动化功能，更不可能往胶片上叠印日期一类的数字。仅凭其品质卓绝的镜头和机械机构，即使在数码时代，也是专业相机中的贵族。重新查看每张底片，汪淼很快发现了这些数字的第一个诡异之处：它们自动适应背景。如果背景：是黑色，数字则为白色，白色背景上的数字就是黑色，似乎是为了形成最大的反差便于观察者看清。当汪淼再看第十六张底片时，心跳加快了，感到暗室中有一股寒气沿着脊背升上来：这张拍的是以一面老墙为背景的一棵枯树，老墙斑驳一片，在照片上黑白相间。在这样的背景上，那行数字以正常的位置无论是黑是白都不可能显示清楚，但它竟竖了起来，且弯曲自身，沿着枯树深色的树身呈白色显示，看上去仿佛是附着在枯树上的一条细蛇!", "en": "Wang's first thought was that something was wrong with the film. The camera he had used was a 1988 Leica M2—entirely mechanical, which made it impossible for it to add a date stamp. Given the excellent lens and refined mechanical operation, it was considered a great professional camera even in this digital age.After reexamining the negatives, Wang discovered another strange thing about the numbers: They seemed to adapt to the background. If the background was black, the numbers were white, and vice versa. The shift seemed designed to maximize the numbers' contrast for visibility. By the time Wang saw the sixteenth negative, his heart was beating faster, and a chill crept up his spine.This shot was of a dead tree against an old wall. The wall was mottled, showing a pattern of alternating black and white patches on the negative. Given this background, either white or black numbers would have been hard to read. But in the picture, the numbers arranged themselves vertically to fit along the curve of the tree trunk, allowing the white numbers to show up against the dark coloring of the dead tree like a crawling snake."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the dust settled, it turned out that American, Dutch, and other importers all suffered roughly the same degree of shortfall and paid the same damaging high price. This means that China and India are deluding themselves if they think that preferential deals for Sudanese or Iranian oil will provide them with security. When a disruption occurs, China, India, and the US will all find that they face equal prices ­­– and thus equal pain. In the meantime, China’s mercantilist misunderstanding of markets means that it often overpays for what it mistakenly thinks is energy security. Bush is similarly mistaken. Even if he cuts imports from the Middle East, America will not enjoy energy security unless it curbs its overall thirst for oil. In the past, rising prices helped slow oil consumption in the US. The US uses only half as much oil per dollar of production as it did before the price spikes of the 1970’s. But over half the oil Americans use goes for driving cars and trucks. The US will not solve its energy security problem until it gets better at fuel economy, possibly by a combination of technology, gasoline taxes, and regulations. Oil was not the cause of the Iraq War in the simplistic sense that American control of Iraqi oil would make it more secure. The world’s dependence on Persian Gulf oil means that all countries have an interest in maintaining stability in that region, while improving energy efficiency and increasing the diversity of their overall energy supplies.", "zh": "当尘埃落定之时，美国、荷兰以及其他进口国都承受了大致相同程度的短缺，而且为此付出了相同的高昂代价。 这就是说，如果中印两国认为苏丹或者伊朗石油的优惠交易将为他们提供安全，那么它们就是在自欺欺人。 当供应干扰发生时，中国、印度以及美国都会发现，它们面临相同的价格，因而也是同样的痛楚。 目前，中国对市场唯利是图的误解表明，它经常为它所错误地认为是能源安全的东西支付高价。 布什也是同样错误。 即使他从中东削减石油进口，除非美国抑制其总体对石油的渴求，否则它不会享有能源安全。 目前，美国为每一个美元产品使用的石油仅仅是二十世纪七十年代油价暴涨之前的一半。 但是超过一半的美国人对驾驶汽车或者卡车情有独钟。 除非美国或许通过技术、汽油税以及法规相结合而改善燃料经济，否则美国将无法解决其能源安全问题。 石油并不是伊拉克战争的原因，其简单化的原因是，美国控制伊拉克的石油将会使它更为安全。 世界依赖于波斯湾的石油意味着各国在改善能源效率、增加其总体能源供应的多样性的同时，对维护中东地区的稳定都利益相关。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, production of integrated circuits should rise to 75% of domestic demand in 2030, compared to 41% in 2015. One of CM2025’s less-noticed components, financial-policy guidance, is also one of its more innovative. In order to reduce the cost of capital for manufacturing firms, the strategy calls for the creation of new financing channels, while instructing China’s development-finance institutions to increase their support for particular ends. Specifically, the Export-Import Bank of China should strengthen services for manufacturing firms to invest overseas, while the China Development Bank (CDB) should increase loans to manufacturing firms, with a view to “guiding” financing from other institutions, such as venture-capital and private-equity funds. This approach, China hopes, can drive progress toward its objectives for upgrading and reform, by creating a set of purpose-built financing vehicles – so-called government guidance funds (GGFs) – that are responsible for allocating public investment funds. As a report by McKinsey & Company puts it, this “more market-based investment approach” is a “bold experiment designed to improve the likelihood of success.” Exemplifying this approach, China’s state-backed Tsinghua Unigroup recently secured CN¥150 billion ($21.8 billion) in new financing to support upgrading in the country’s semiconductor industry. Of that financing, CN¥100 billion came from the CDB and CN¥50 billion came from the National Integrated Circuit Industry Investment Fund. a national-level GGF created in 2014. The role of GGFs will only grow.", "zh": "例如2030年，集成电路的生产将能够满足75%的国内需求，相比之下2015年则为41 ％ 。 其中一个人们较少关注的中国制造2025战略组成部分是财政政策指导，也是其更为创新的部分。 为了降低制造业企业的资金成本，该战略要求创建新的融资渠道，同时指示中国的开发性金融机构加大对特定领域的扶持力度。 具体来说，中国进出口银行应加强对制造业企业海外投资行为的服务，而国家开发银行应增加对制造业企业的贷款，同时“引导”来自其他机构的融资，比如风投和私募基金。 中国希望通过建立一套负责分配公共投资资金的专用融资工具 — — 名为政府指导基金 — — 来推动实现产业升级和改革目标。 正如麦肯锡公司的一份报告所说，这种“更加市场化的投资方式”是一种“旨在提高成功可能性的大胆尝试 ” 。 具体举个例子，具有国家背景的清华紫光集团最近获得了1500亿元人民币（约合218亿美元）的新融资以支持本国半导体行业的升级换代。 在这笔融资中有1000亿元来自中国国家开发银行，500亿元来自国家集成电路产业投资基金 — — 于2014年创建的国家级政府指导基金。 政府指导基金的作用将越来越大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "· Security cooperation with the PA to prevent terrorist attacks on Israel, in exchange for economic aid and assistance to prevent a Hamas takeover; · To strike back at Hamas – and potentially Hezbollah – based on any attacks against Israel, with the precise response to depend on timing, opportunity, and these groups’ behavior; · To work for the international isolation of Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas; · To negotiate with Syria for peace, though without illusions as to the probability of success. The main differences between the leading Israeli parties are more atmospheric than real, mainly concerning how much to concede and how much to demand. Even so, Netanyahu will not embark on a settlement-building campaign, and Livni is not about to give away east Jerusalem. The most important decision that Israel’s new government is likely to face, when the time comes, is whether the country’s well being and even survival requires acting decisively against Iran’s nuclear facilities. Which path will be chosen is not clear, but it is far better that a broad coalition be responsible for making such a vital, even existential decision.", "zh": "· 与巴勒斯坦民族权力机构进行安全合作，防止对以色列的恐怖袭击，以此来交换经济援助，并协助防止哈马斯接掌政权； · 还击哈马斯—可能还有真主党—针对以色列的任何袭击，依靠时间、机会和这些团体的行为做出准确反映； · 致力于在国际社会中孤立伊朗，真主党和哈马斯； · 和叙利亚就和平展开谈判，虽然不去幻想可能成功。 以色列重要党派之间的主要分歧更多是一种氛围而非真实存在。 这种分歧主要是关于让步多少和要求多少。 尽管如此，内塔尼亚胡不会开展修建定居点的运动，利夫尼也不会放弃东耶路撒冷。 当时机来临时，以色列新政���可能要做出的最重要决定是：为了这个国家的幸福甚至是生存，是否需要针对伊朗的核设施采取决定性的行动。 选择哪条道路还不明朗，但是好在这个如此重要，甚至生死攸关的决定将由一个广泛的联盟来负责做出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Drugs, Sport, and Ethics When the Olympic Games return to Greece this summer, the results at the drug testing laboratory may get as much attention as what happens at the Olympic stadium. The history of drugs, and drug control, at the Olympics is discouraging - a farrago of ill-informed rules, outright state-sponsored cheating, and half-hearted and erratic attempts at enforcement. A new model has recently revived hope for effective drug control by moving testing and enforcement from the direct control of the International Olympic Committee and the national governing bodies to the World Anti-Doping Agency and similar organizations at the national level. The US Anti-Doping Agency, for example, played a central role in uncovering a new synthetic steroid known as THG linked to a California firm catering to Olympic and professional athletes. But the renewed hope will be frustrated unless we can respond effectively to the ethical challenge. No amount of interdiction will suffice if we do not explain clearly what, precisely, is wrong with using performance enhancing drugs in sport. There are three compelling reasons to ban such drugs: assuring all athletes that the competition is fair; preserving the integrity of the athlete; and safeguarding what gives sport its meaning and value. Young Olympians devote their lives to their sport for the opportunity to match themselves against the world's most gifted and dedicated athletes. The difference between gold medalist and also-ran may be measured in fractions of seconds or inches.", "zh": "药品、体育运动和道德规范 当奥林匹克运动会场地今年夏天重新回到它的发源地希腊，药品检测实验室可能会和奥运会竞赛场地一样备受人们的关注。 兴奋剂的使用历史和兴奋剂的控制情况，在奥林匹克运动会上的表现是令人泄气的 - - 一个漏洞百出的大杂烩条例、毫无疑义的国家支持的欺骗、和半心半意不规则的执行情况。 最近，一个新的有效控制兴奋剂的操作模型又燃起了人们的希望。 它将兴奋剂的检测和执行工作，从原来直接由国际奥林匹克委员会和国家政府机构管理改为世界反运动禁药组织以及类似国家级组织管理。 世界反运动禁药组织，举例来说，在发现一种新的名叫THG的合成类固醇药品中就发挥了重要作用。 从加利弗尼亚承办机构到奥林匹克和职业运动员都与这种兴奋剂有染。 但是新燃起的希望也可能走向沮丧，除非我们能够积极地回应道德挑战。 如果我们不能解释清楚为什么在体育运动中服用兴奋剂是错误的这个问题，那么再多的禁令也无济于事。 有三个正当的理由来禁止这些药品：确保体育比赛公平；保护运动员诚实正直的品行；确保体育竞赛的意义和价值。 年轻的奥林匹克选手将他们的生命奉献给了他们的运动项目，一心希望有机会赶超那些世界最顶尖的优秀运动员。 金牌获得者和其它选手之间的区别可能只差那么一两秒或几英寸。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Saving Resources to Save Growth NEW YORK – Reconciling global economic growth, especially in developing countries, with the intensifying constraints on global supplies of energy, food, land, and water is the great question of our time. Commodity prices are soaring worldwide, not only for headline items like food and energy, but for metals, arable land, fresh water, and other crucial inputs to growth, because increased demand is pushing up against limited global supplies. Worldwide economic growth is already slowing under the pressures of $135-per-barrel oil and grain prices that have more than doubled in the past year. A new global growth strategy is needed to maintain global economic progress. The basic issue is that the world economy is now so large that it is hitting against limits never before experienced. There are 6.7 billion people, and the population continues to rise by around 75 million per year, notably in the world’s poorest countries. Annual output per person, adjusted for price levels in different parts of the world, averages around $10,000, implying total output of around $67 trillion. There is, of course, an enormous gap between rich countries, at roughly $40,000 per person, and the poorest, at $1,000 per person or less. But many poor countries, most famously China and India, have achieved extraordinary economic growth in recent years by harnessing cutting-edge technologies. As a result, the world economy has been growing at around 5% per year in recent years.", "zh": "为挽救增长节约资源 纽约－调和全球经济增长－特别是发展中国家的经济增长－与全球能源、粮食、土地和水不断强化的供应制约的矛盾，是我们时代的一个重大课题。 因为需求的增加与有限的全球供应相比，差距越来越大，所以商品价格在全球范围内暴涨，不仅仅是像食品和能源这样饱受关注的商品，而且还有金属、耕地、淡水以及其他对增长至关重要的要素。 在油价每桶135美元以及去年以来谷物价格翻番的压力下，全球经济已经在放缓。 现在需要一个新的全球增长策略来维持全球经济进步。 基本问题是，现在全球经济体如此庞大，它正在触及以前从未触及的界限。 全球有67亿人口，并且持续以每年增加750万人的速度增长，特别是在世界上最贫穷的国家人口增长迅速。 按照世界不同地区的价格水平调整后，人均年度产出大约是1万美元，这意味着总产出大约为67万亿美元。 当然，在富裕国家和最贫穷的国家之间有巨大的差距，在富裕国家每人大约是4万美元，在最贫穷的国家每人是1千美元或更少。 但是许多贫穷国家，最出名的是中国和印度，通过利用最尖端的技术，在最近几年经济已经获得了巨大的增长。 结果，全球经济在最近几年以大约每年5%的速度增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Conflict Management and Economic Growth NEW DELHI – One of the most interesting aspects of the prolonged economic crisis in Europe, and of the even longer crisis in Japan, is the absence of serious social conflict – at least thus far. Yes, there have been strikes, marches, and growing anger at political leaders, but protests have been largely peaceful. While that may change, the credit for social peace must go to institutions such as elections (“throwing the rascals out” is a non-violent way to vent popular anger), responsive democratic legislatures, and effective judiciaries. All of these institutions have successfully mediated political conflict during a time of great adversity in advanced countries. This suggests that a major reason for underdevelopment may be that such institutions, which allow countries to cope with distress, are missing in poor economies. Economic growth permits conflict between social actors to be papered over. A downturn, however, usually exposes or sharpens latent social tension. Why do the benefits of growth seem to be easier to share than are the burdens of adversity? This is not a trivial question. Perhaps the answer lies in human psychology. If consumption is shaped by habit, an income loss is very hard to bear and one might fight to avoid it, while fighting for additional gain when one is doing well is less important. Also, because conflict may destroy growth opportunities, it may be seen as costlier when growth is strong. For example, squabbling between workers and management may drive away investors – and thus the chance to start new projects.", "zh": "冲突管理与经济增长 新德里 — — 至少到目前为止，欧洲日本长期经济危机最有意思的方面是缺少严重的社会冲突。 虽然工人罢工、群众游行、民众对政治领袖的愤怒越来越强烈，但抗议活动基本都采用和平的方式。 尽管上述情况可能改变，但社会的和平必须归功于选举 （ “ 把无赖丢出去”是发泄民愤的一种非暴力方式 ） 、 灵活的民主立法和有效的司法制度。 当发达国家面临逆境时，上述制度成功地调解了政治冲突。 由此表明发展速度慢的主要原因或许是贫穷国家缺少应对困境的制度。 经济增长掩盖了社会阶层间的矛盾。 但潜在的社会紧张情绪往往在经济低迷时期激化或者暴露。 为什么共患难比共富贵难度更大？ 这绝不是一个简单的问题。 也许应该从人类心理中寻找答案。 如果消费是一种习惯，那么收入损失就很难承受，人们因此可能想竭力避免，而境况较好时争取额外收益则显得没那么重要。 此外，因为冲突可能破坏发展机会，增长势头强劲时人们会觉得损失难以承受。 比方说，工人与管理层争吵可能吓跑投资者，进而丧失启动新项目的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Honda and Sony are designing robots that look more like the same movie’s “android” C-3PO. There are already some robots, though, with soft, flexible bodies, human-like faces and expressions, and a large repertoire of movement. Hanson Robotics has a demonstration model called Albert, whose face bears a striking resemblance to that of Albert Einstein. Will we soon get used to having humanoid robots around the home? Noel Sharkey, professor of artificial intelligence and robotics at the University of Sheffield, has predicted that busy parents will start employing robots as babysitters. What will it do to a child, he asks, to spend a lot of time with a machine that cannot express genuine empathy, understanding, or compassion? One might also ask why we should develop energy-intensive robots to work in one of the few areas – care for children or elderly people – in which people with little education can find employment. In his book Love and Sex with Robots , David Levy goes further, suggesting that we will fall in love with warm, cuddly robots, and even have sex with them. (If the robot has multiple sexual partners, just remove the relevant parts, drop them in disinfectant, and, voilà, no risk of sexually transmitted diseases!) But what will the presence of a “sexbot” do to the marital home?", "zh": "而日本本田和索尼公司设计的机器人则更类似于《星球大战》中的那个叫C-3PO的人形机器人。 还有一些机器人已经拥有了柔软而富有弹性的躯体，人类的脸蛋，表情以及一系列肢体动作。 比如汉森机器人公司就有了一个名叫阿尔伯特的机器人演示模型，其面部表情与大科学家阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦的惊人地相似。 那么，不久之后人形机器人是否将充斥我们的居所？ 谢菲尔德大学人工智能与机器人科学教授诺尔·沙尔吉预测说，公务缠身的父母将会请机器人来照顾自己的小孩。 为此他提出一个问题，如果一个孩子大部分时间都与一个不能给予其真心的分享，理解和同情的机器呆在一起，这将对他/她造成什么影响？ 有人可能还会问，为什么我们要在照顾老人或小孩这些工作领域里引进高能耗的机器人 — — 这可是那些低教育程度人群的饭碗啊。 而《与机器人谈情做爱》一书的作者戴维·利维（David Levy）则更进一步，暗示说我们将会爱上那些热心并惹人怜爱的机器人，甚至与它们做爱（如果该机器人有多个性伴侣，那么只需把对应的部件拆下来，泡到消毒剂里，然后，瞧，这样就可以避免性传染病了。 ）但这么一种“性爱机器人”的出现对夫妇们又有何影响？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If Renzi steps down, Italy could become almost ungovernable, which will frighten financial markets. This, in turn, will make it difficult for Italy to remain in the eurozone, given the already high interest rates on its public debt, which amounts to 132% of its GDP. Meanwhile, in Austria, the upcoming presidential election – pitting Hofer against independent left-wing candidate Alexander Van der Bellen – will be more about the country’s politics than about its economy. For the past 10 years, Austria has been governed by a grand coalition of Social Democrats and Conservatives; but these two mainstream parties constantly block each other, and are united only in their opposition to right-wing populists such as Hofer. This sclerotic arrangement, however, has enabled those same right-wing populists to present themselves as the only alternative to “the system.” Austria is one of the EU’s richest countries, and it is doing well compared to Italy. But Austrians are afraid of losing their current wealth, and they do still have economic grievances that politicians can tap. For example, low- and middle-class Austrians’ incomes have been slowly shrinking for ten years; overall economic growth is lower than the EU average; and unemployment is rising. As in Italy, Austria’s right-wing populists have railed against the EU, and have mused about taking the country out of the Eurozone. But such a move would be even more suicidal than in Italy’s case, and the FPÖ has actually moderated its anti-European stance since the Brexit vote.", "zh": "如果伦齐下台，意大利可能陷入不可收拾之局，从而令金融市场感到恐慌。 这反过来将使意大利难以留在欧元区，因为其占GDP的132%的公债利率已经非常高。 与此同时，在奥地利，即将到来的总统选举 — — 霍福尔对阵独立左翼候选人亚历山大·范德贝伦（Alexander Van der Bellen ） — —的政治意义大于经济意义。 过去10年来，奥地利由社会民主党和保守党所组成的大联盟执政；但这两个主流政党一直在互相掣肘，只有在反对霍福尔这样的右翼民粹主义者时才能团结一致。 但是，这一僵硬的安排使得这些右翼民粹主义者能够以“体制”的唯一替代者的身份出现。 奥地利是欧盟最富裕的国家之一，与意大利相比，它的表现堪称优秀。 但奥地利人担心失去现有的财富，并且仍然存在政客可以利用的经济不满。 比如，奥地利���低产阶级收入十年来一直在缓慢下降；总体经济增长慢于欧盟平均水平；并且失业也在攀升。 和意大利一样，奥地利右翼民粹主义者将矛头指向欧盟，考虑要让奥地利退出欧盟。 但奥地利这样做比意大利更像是自杀，而在英国退欧投票后，FPÖ的反欧盟立场其实也不像以前那样坚决了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Mouse did not notice this question, but hurriedly went on, `\"--found it advisable to go with Edgar Atheling to meet William and offer him the crown. William's conduct at first was moderate. But the insolence of his Normans--\" How are you getting on now, my dear?' it continued, turning to Alice as it spoke. `As wet as ever,' said Alice in a melancholy tone: `it doesn't seem to dry me at all.' `In that case,' said the Dodo solemnly, rising to its feet, `I move that the meeting adjourn, for the immediate adoption of more energetic remedies--' `Speak English!' said the Eaglet. `I don't know the meaning of half those long words, and, what's more, I don't believe you do either!' And the Eaglet bent down its head to hide a smile: some of the other birds tittered audibly. `What I was going to say,' said the Dodo in an offended tone, `was, that the best thing to get us dry would be a Caucus-race.' `What IS a Caucus-race?' said Alice; not that she wanted much to know, but the Dodo had paused as if it thought that SOMEBODY ought to speak, and no one else seemed inclined to say anything. `Why,' said the Dodo, `the best way to explain it is to do it.' (And, as you might like to try the thing yourself, some winter day, I will tell you how the Dodo managed it.)", "zh": "老鼠一点也不理睬，只是急急忙忙地继续讲：“……发现与埃德加．阿瑟林一起去亲自迎接威廉，并授予他皇冠是可行的，威廉的行动起初还有点节制，可他那诺曼人的傲慢……，你感觉怎么样了？我亲爱的。”它突然转向爱丽丝问道。 “跟原来一样的湿。”爱丽丝忧郁地说，“你讲这些一点也不能把我身上弄干。” “在这种情况下，我建议休会，并立即采取更加有效的措施。”渡渡鸟站后来严肃地说。 “讲英语！”小鹰说，“你这句话的意思，我连一半都听不懂！更主要的是我不相信你自己会懂，”小鹰说完后低下头偷偷笑了，其它一些鸟也都偷偷地笑出声来。 “我说的是，能让我们把湿衣服弄干的最好办法，是来个会议式的赛跑。”渡渡鸟恼怒地说。 “什么是会议式赛跑？”爱丽丝问，爱丽丝本来不想多问，因为渡渡鸟说到这里停住了，似乎想等别人问似的，而偏偏又没人问它。渡渡鸟说：“对，为了说明它，最好的办法就是咱们亲自做一做。”（由于你在冬天也许会想起来玩这种游戏，所以我占这里告诉你渡渡鸟是怎么做的。）"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Accelerating Global Britain LONDON – Skeptics have long argued that the United Kingdom is past its peak and trading largely on former glories. They point to the country’s middling rankings in the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment education scores, the fact that only one British firm, HSBC, is among the world’s 50 largest public corporations, compared to Germany’s four, and the likelihood that Brexit will ultimately erode, rather than boost, Britain’s global standing. But I disagree with this judgment. After all, the UK is one of only a handful of countries to have produced an effective COVID-19 vaccine in record time. It remains at the forefront of shaping the global green-energy transition, and it was the first major economy to enact legislation requiring it to end its contribution to global warming by 2050. Moreover, the UK retains its traditional strengths of language, location and time zone, strong universities, and deep financial markets, and it remains a standard-bearer for the rule of law. When the UK hosts the upcoming G7 summit in Cornwall, political and business leaders will want to see how well aligned the country is with the three issues that, collectively, will upend global commerce and catalyze economic growth in the coming decades: engagement with China, technological innovation, and clean energy. With respect to China, Britain has considerable scope to increase bilateral trade. UK exports to China in 2019 were £30.7 billion ($43.5 billion), little more than one-third of Germany’s total of $110 billion. In fact, 2020 was the fifth successive year in which China was Germany’s largest trading partner. Britain thus urgently needs to expand its trade and investment links with China, which is set to dominate the global economy. China is already the largest trading partner and foreign direct investor for many developed and developing countries, and it is now the largest lender to emerging-market economies – bigger than the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the Paris Club of sovereign creditors. Of course, human-rights concerns and ideological differences pose an ethical challenge for Britain when dealing with China. But stepping away from engagement with the Chinese political class would limit the UK’s ability to influence the regime in Beijing and risk setting back the British economy.", "zh": "加速全球英国 伦敦—长期以来，怀疑论者一直认为英国已经过了顶峰，主要依靠昔日的辉煌苟活。 他们说英国在经合组织（OECD） 国际学生评估计划教育评分中排名中游；只有一家英国公司汇丰银行（HSBC）跻身全球 50家最大的上市公司之列，而德国只有4家；英国脱欧最终有可能削弱而不是提升了英国全球地位。 但我不同意这个判断。 毕竟，英国是少数几个在创纪录的时间内生产出有效新冠疫苗的国家之一。 它仍然位于影响全球绿色能源转型的最前沿，也是第一个 颁布立法 要求到2050年不再导致全球变暖的主要经济体。 此外，英国保留了其语言、地点和时区、强大的大学和深厚的金融市场的传统优势，并且仍然是法治的旗手。 当英国在康沃尔（Cornwall）主办即将召开的七国集团峰会时，政界和商界领袖希望看到英国如何理顺三个将在未来几十年内共同颠覆全球商业，促进经济增长的问题：与打交道、技术创新和清洁能源。 在对华问题上，英国可以大幅提高双边贸易。 2019年英国对华出口额为 307亿欧元，约等于德国 1100亿美元总额的三分之一。 事实上，2020年是中国连续第五年成为德国最大的 贸易伙伴。 因此，英国迫切需要扩大与中国的贸易和投资联系。 中国已经是许多发达国家和发展中国家最大的贸易伙伴和外国直接投资者，并且如今中国也是新兴市场经济体得 最大贷款国 ，比国际货币基金组织、世界银行和主权债权人得巴黎俱乐部还要大。 当然，人权问题和意识形态分歧意味着英国在与中国打交道时面临着到的挑战。 但是，放弃与中国政治阶层的接触，将限制英国影响北京政权的能力，也有可能阻碍英国经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Haiti and the Limits of Generosity MELBOURNE – All over the world, people have responded generously to the devastating earthquake that struck Haiti. In just three days, more than a million Americans had donated $10 with the aid of text messages from their cellphones. People with very little themselves, like Maria Pacheco, an unemployed single mother from Chicago, donated food and clothes. Others did whatever they could – from pedicures to washing cars – to raise money. On current indications, the amount Americans will give to relief efforts in Haiti could surpass the $1.9 billion they gave to assist victims of the 2004 Asian tsunami, which until now has stood as a record for donations to a disaster outside the United States. Given that the US is undergoing economic hard times, the size of the response has surprised many. Haiti ’s proximity, plus the fact that close to a million Haitians live in the US, goes some way towards explaining why Americans have responded so generously. But the response has been worldwide. In Melbourne for the Australian Open, Roger Federer, Serena Williams, and other stars held an exhibition match that led to donations of $600,000. In Rwanda, a group of community health workers making less than $200 a month raised $7,000 for Haiti.", "zh": "海地，以及慷慨的局限性 发自墨尔本 — — 在世界各地，人们都对那场袭击海地的地震作出了慷慨的回应。 在三天之内就有超过 100 万美国人透过手机短信的方式每人捐出了 10 美元。 即便是那些囊中羞涩的人们，比如玛丽亚·帕切克，一位来自芝加哥的失业单身母亲，也捐出了食品和衣物。 其他人也用尽一切方式 — — 不管是修指甲还是洗车 — — 来筹集善款。 根据最近所得到的数字，美国人对海地地震的捐助金额将超过其在 2004 年南亚海啸时援助受难者的 19 亿美元，而这 19 亿美元一直以来都是美国捐助国外灾害的一个纪录。 考虑到美国现在依然处于经济困局之中，这一回应的规模令许多人都感到吃惊。 海地与美国在地缘上的亲近，加上有近 100 万海地人居住在美国的事实可以在某种程度上解释为什么美国人会如此慷慨。 但这种回应也是世界性的。 在墨尔本的澳大利亚网球公开赛赛场上，罗杰·费德勒，塞蕾娜·威廉姆斯等球星共同组织了一场表演赛，筹得了 60 万美元。 在卢旺达，一群每月只有不到 200 美元薪水的社区卫生工作者也贡献了 7000 美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Saudi Arabia’s Bold Vision for Economic Diversification LOS ANGELES – Saudi Arabia has captured the world’s attention with the announcement of an ambitious agenda, called Vision 2030, aimed at overhauling the structure of its economy. The plan would reduce historical high dependence on oil by transforming how the Kingdom generates income, as well as how it spends and manages its vast resources. It is supported by detailed action plans, the initial implementation of which has already involved headline-grabbing institutional changes in a country long known for caution and gradualism. While the immediate catalyst for economic restructuring is the impact of the sharp fall in international oil prices, the rationale for these reforms has been evident for much longer. With oil sales generating the bulk of government revenues, and with the public sector being the predominant employer, Saudi officials have long worried that the Kingdom’s lack of economic diversity could place at risk its long-term financial security. The more than halving of oil prices in the last 18 months has been accompanied by a major change in how the oil market functions. With growth in non-traditional sources of energy – particularly the “shale revolution,” which drove a near-doubling in US production, to almost ten million barrels per day, in just four years – the Saudi-led OPEC oil cartel has less influence on market prices. In addition, certain members of OPEC, again led by Saudi Arabia, are now less willing to try to moderate fluctuations in the price of oil, as they correctly recognize that “swing producers” risk durable losses in market share.", "zh": "沙特阿拉伯的野望：经济多元化 洛杉矶—沙特阿拉伯宣布了一项名为《愿景2030 》 （ Vision 2030）的宏大计划，吸引了全世界的注意。 该计划旨在修正经济结构，改变沙特王国形成收入以及支出和管理其巨量资源的方式，从而降低历史上对石油的巨大依赖。 《愿景2030》由许多详细的行动计划作为支撑，第一批实施的计划包括这个长期以来以谨慎和渐进著称的国家的吸引眼球的制度变革。 刺激经济结构调整的直接催化剂是国际油价的暴跌，但这些改革背后的道理早已显而易见。 石油销售贡献了政府收入的大部分，公共部门成为最主要的雇主，沙特官员一直担心沙特王国经济多元化不足可能威胁到其长期金融稳定。 过去18个月中，石油价格跌去一大半，石油市场运行的���式也发生了重大变化。 非传统能源资源的增长 — — 特别是“页岩革命”让美国产量在短短四年之内几乎翻倍，达到每天一千万桶 — — 让沙特领衔的石油卡特尔欧佩克对市场价格的影响力有所下降。 此外，欧佩克的一些成员 — — 又是以沙特阿拉伯为首 — — 现在不再情愿尝试遏制石油价格波动，因为它们正确地认识到 ， “ 摇摆生产国”的市场份额可能受到持久影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Crumbling Infrastructure – or Crumbling Cliché? SAN DIEGO – America’s infrastructure has been crumbling ever since George Washington crossed the frozen Delaware River on a leaky boat. That seems to be a bipartisan “truth.” And every four years, presidential candidates remind us of the claim. Most recently, Democratic candidate Pete Buttigieg unveiled an infrastructure plan that magically settled on the same trillion-dollar price tag that candidate Donald Trump announced in 2016. But is America’s infrastructure really so bad? After all, Amazon has figured out how to deliver everything from bananas to cough drops within hours of a customer’s click. No one could do that in George W. Bush’s era, much less George Washington’s. It is a mistake simply to count up potholes and rusty rivets on bridges and then declare a crisis. In fact, the Department of Transportation reports that the number of bridges deemed “poor” has fallen by 22% over the past decade. Regardless, we should be assessing what I call “infrastructure load,” and instead ask whether more goods and services are being delivered on time. Under the lens of infrastructure load, we see the gig economy unleashing a slew of new services that work around potholes. Uber and Lyft boost the economy’s efficiency because fewer vehicles are sitting idle. The San Diego International Airport cut the ribbon on a beautiful $128 million parking garage in 2018. You can easily slide into a parking spot, because nearly half are vacant. As a result of ride-hailing options, one-third fewer high-school kids are bothering to get a driver’s license. This threatens automakers in the long-term but provides a revolutionary convenience for those who need a ride home from the pep rally or the pub.", "zh": "美国要面对的是摇摇欲坠的基础设施，还是分崩离析的陈词滥调？ 圣迭戈—自乔治·华盛顿（George Washington）驾着一艘漏水的船，穿过冰冻的特拉华河，带领美国独立之后，这个国家的基础设施就一直处于摇摇欲坠的状态。 这似乎是两党一致的“真理 ” 。 每隔四年，总统候选人都会提醒我们这一点。 近期，民主党候选人皮特·布蒂吉格(Pete Buttigieg)公布了一项基础设施计划，该计划与2016年唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)所宣布的一项价值数万亿美元的计划惊人地一致。 但是，美国的基础设施真的如此糟糕吗？ 毕竟，亚马逊已经可以做到在顾客下单后的几小时内，开始递送从香蕉到止咳糖在内的所有东西。 在乔治•W•布什(George W. Bush)时代，没人能做到这一点，更不必说乔治•华盛顿(George Washington)了。 简单地计算桥梁上的坑坑洼洼，以及锈迹斑斑的铆钉数量，然后宣布一场危机，这种做法是不对的。 事实上，交通部报告称，在过去十年中，其建造被视为“差”的桥梁数量下降了22 % 。 不管怎样，我们应该评估我所说的“基础设施负荷 ” ， 而不是问是否有更多的商品和服务按时交付。 在基础设施负荷的背景下，我们看到零工经济产生了大量围绕着这些坑坑洼洼的新服务。 优步和Lyft提高了经济效率，因为其充分利用了闲置车辆。 2018年，圣地亚哥国际机场为一个耗资1.28亿美元的豪华停车场进行了剪彩。 人们可以很容易地溜进停车位，因为几乎一半的车位都是空的。 由于网约车服务的出现，有三分之一的高中生不再为考驾照而烦恼。 从长远来来看，这对汽车制造商构成了威胁，但却为那些需要从动员会或酒吧搭车回家的人们提供了革命性的便利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Trump Cries Electoral Fraud LONDON – US President Donald Trump, perhaps unsurprisingly, has alleged fraud in the November 3 presidential election, without offering what anyone would consider real evidence, other than the fact that votes for his Democratic challenger, Joe Biden, keep turning up in states where Trump initially led in the count. The president has already announced that he intends to take the election to the US Supreme Court, despite the fact that at the time of his statement, millions of votes in numerous states were still to be counted. Yet Trump’s fraud claims could be part of a psychological strategy, deftly executed by a master manipulator. If so, the president may be paving the way to persuading large numbers of Americans to reject the legitimacy of his defeat. A unique scientific study conducted the day before and the morning of the 2016 US presidential election, probing attitude changes in 1,000 US voting-age adults, found that exposure to conspiratorial rhetoric about election interference produced a profound psychological effect. In particular, it led to significantly heightened negative emotions (anxiety and anger), and also undermined support for democratic institutions. The study, recently published in the academic journal Research & Politics, found that those exposed to conspiracy theories regarding election-rigging were less willing to accept the results of an election, and became less inclined to concede the outcome when the result threatened their partisan goals. Its authors, Bethany Albertson and Kimberly Guiler of the University of Texas at Austin, argue that vote-rigging allegations strike at the very foundations of democracy.", "zh": "为什么特朗普要宣称大选欺诈 伦敦—美国总统唐纳德·特朗普，也许丝毫也不出人意料的是，在拿不出任何人所认可的切实证据的情况下，声称11月3日举行的总统大选存在欺诈。 他唯一的理由是，其民主党挑战者乔·拜登的选票在特朗普起初领先的州不断增加。 总统已经宣布他打算将此次大选提交美国最高法院，尽管在他发表声明时，好几个州的成百上千万选票仍在计票中。 但特朗普的欺诈指控可能是由大师级操纵者执行的某种心理策略。 果真如此，总统可能正在为诱使大量美国人拒绝承认其失败的合法性铺平道路。 2016年美国总统大选前一天以及当天早晨曾进行过一项独特的科学调查 ，旨在探究1，000名美国投票年龄成年人态度的变化。 这项调查发现，接受有关大选干预的阴谋论宣传造成了意义深远的心理变化。 它尤其导致负面情绪（焦虑和愤怒）显著加剧，而且破坏了对民主制度的支持力量。 这项研究结果最近发表在一份名叫研究与政治的学术期刊上，结果显示那些接触到关于选举操纵阴谋论宣传的人不那么愿意接受选举结果，而且也不太愿意接受这样的结果威胁到其党派目标。 这份研究报告的作者，德克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校的贝萨尼·埃伯森和金伯利·吉勒提出，操纵投票的指控所打击的是最根本的民主制度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How the Middle East Can Escape the Middle-Income Trap WASHINGTON, DC – For developing countries, achieving middle-income status is both a blessing and a curse. While extreme poverty and deprivation have been overcome, what typically follows is a growth slowdown that, historically, has made further progress toward high-income levels exceedingly rare. That has certainly been the case for the largely middle-income countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). But is there a way out? Over the last 50 years, MENA countries have faced economic slowdowns and even stagnation. While many of these economies, especially those that are dependent on hydrocarbon exports, have experienced periods of stronger growth, no durable catch-up has occurred. The pervasiveness of the middle-income trap among MENA countries points to common structural impediments to growth. In particular, all suffer from a lack of private-sector dynamism, owing to their lack of will or ability to adopt the latest technologies. This has precluded sustained productivity growth, without which it is impossible to sustain an increase in overall living standards. Underlying the private sector’s lassitude is a social contract that has endured for more than 50 years, whereby the state provides public-sector jobs and universal subsidies, in exchange for public quiescence and a lack of accountability. By de-risking the economic lives of citizens, this social contract stifles entrepreneurship and innovation. It has also undermined the delivery of public services, while stoking mistrust of government. Even if MENA governments wanted to uphold their end of the bargain, they could not. Rising debt levels are already forcing them to cut public spending, traditionally the main engine of economic growth in the region, and start dismantling universal subsidies. As geopolitical tensions reduce tourism and foreign investment, uncertainty continues to mount. Moreover, MENA public sectors can no longer absorb rising numbers of university graduates. While there are serious concerns about the quality and accessibility of schools, the fact is that those entering the labor market are increasingly educated, with women having caught up to and even surpassed men in many countries. Yet these improvements to human capital have not translated into faster economic growth. Instead, the MENA region has some of the world’s highest rates of youth unemployment, leading to the world’s largest brain drain, as educated young people seek opportunities abroad.", "zh": "中东如何摆脱中等收入陷阱 华盛顿 — — 对于发展中国家而言，实现中等收入状态既是眷顾也是诅咒。 尽管已经战胜了极端贫困和短缺，但现实却往往伴随着增长放缓，而从历史上看，这样的放缓已经导致鲜有国家成功迈向高收入水平。 对于中东和北非（MENA）地区的大部分中等收入国家而言，现实情况的确如此。 但究竟有没有办法能够解决这一问题？ 过去50年来，中东和北非国家一直未能摆脱经济放缓甚至增长停滞。 尽管上述经济体中有不少，尤其是那些依赖碳氢化合物出口的经济体曾经经历过强劲的增长，但持久的经济赶超却从未成为现实。 中东和北非国家普遍存在中等收入陷阱表明其经济增长存在普遍的结构性障碍。 特别是由于缺乏采用最新技术的能力和意愿，私营部门缺乏活力是所有国家共同面临的问题。 这长期阻碍持续的生产力增长，而没有生产力增长，就不可能提高整体的生活水平。 造成私营部门懒惰的是一份已经持续50多年的社会契约，即由国家提供公共部门岗位和全面补贴，以换取公众保持静默和问责制缺失。 通过降低民众的经济生活风险，这份社会契约扼杀了冒险精神和创新。 此外它还破坏了公共服务的提供，同时引发了对政府的不信任。 即使中东和北非政府想要继续履行交易义务也不可能。 债务水平不断上升已经迫使他们削减公共支出，而公共支出传统上是该地区经济增长的主要动力，并开始取消全面补贴。 随着地缘政治紧张导致旅游和国外投资减少，不确定性越来越严重。 此外，中东和北非地区的公共部门已经无力继续吸纳越来越多的大学毕业生。 虽然对教育质量和普及程度依然存在严重的关切，但现实是进入劳动力市场的人教育程度越来越高，而且在许多国家，妇女已经赶上甚至超过男性。 但人力资本的上述改善并没有转化为经济增长加速。 相反，中东和北非地区拥有全世界最高的青年失业率，而且因为受过教育的年轻人试图在国外寻找机会而导致全世界最严重的人才流失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More War than Peace WINCHESTER – “Only the dead have seen the end of war.” George Santayana’s dictum seems particularly appropriate nowadays, with the Arab world, from Syria and Iraq to Yemen and Libya, a cauldron of violence; Afghanistan locked in combat with the Taliban; swaths of central Africa cursed by bloody competition – often along ethnic/religious lines – for mineral resources. Even Europe’s tranquility is at risk – witness the separatist conflict in eastern Ukraine, which before the current ceasefire had claimed more than 6,000 lives. What explains this resort to armed conflict to solve the world’s problems? Not so long ago, the trend was toward peace, not war. In 1989, with the collapse of communism, Francis Fukuyama announced “the end of history,” and two years later President George H. W. Bush celebrated a “new world order” of cooperation between the world’s powers. At the time, they were right. World War II, with a death toll of at least 55 million, had been the high point of mankind’s collective savagery. But from 1950 to 1989 – the Korean War through the Vietnam War and on to the end of the Cold War – deaths from violent conflict averaged 180,000 a year. In the 1990s, the toll fell to 100,000 a year. And in the first decade of this century, it fell still more, to around 55,000 a year – the lowest rate in any decade in the previous 100 years and equivalent to just over 1,000 a year for the “average armed conflict.” Sadly, as I note in my new book The World in Conflict, the trend is now turning upward. Given that so many of Africa’s wars, from the Democratic Republic of Congo to the conflict in Somalia, began decades ago, the explanation lies elsewhere: in the Muslim world from northern Nigeria to Afghanistan and beyond. Since Syria’s civil war erupted in 2011, the death toll has reached more than 250,000, and half of the population has been displaced, causing a flood of refugees into surrounding countries and into the European Union.", "zh": "战争更比和平多 温切斯特 — “ 只有死人才看见过战争结束 。 ” 乔治·桑塔亚纳（George Santayana）的名言似乎特别契合今天，阿拉伯世界 — — 从叙利亚和伊拉克到也门和利比亚 — — 已经成为一口暴力坩埚；阿富汗深陷与塔利班的战斗中；多个中非国家饱受争夺矿产资源的血性竞争（常常与种族/宗教有关）的诅咒。 甚至欧洲的宁静也饱受威胁 — — 东乌克兰分裂冲突就是明证，在最近的停火协议达成时已让6,000多人丧生。 如何解释这一用武装冲突解决世界问题的做法？ 不久前，世界趋势还是和平而非战争。 1989年，共产主义的崩溃让弗朗西斯·福山（Francis Fukuyama）宣布“历史的终结 ” ， 两年后，老布什总统庆祝世界大国间互相合作的“新世界秩序 ” 。 当时他们都是对的。 第二次世界大战卷走了至少5,500万条人命，是人类历史上集体暴行的最高峰。 但从1950年到1989年 — — 从朝鲜战争到越南战争再到冷战结束 — — 平均每年暴力冲突死亡人数为180,000人。 20世纪90年代，这一数字下降到每年100,000人。 而在21世纪第一个十年，这一数字继续下降至每年大约55,000人 — — 比此前100年中的任何一个十年都要低，相当于“平均武装冲突”每年只有略多于1,000。 悲哀的是，如我在我的新书《冲突中的世界 》 （ The World in Conflict）中所指出的，这一趋势现在正在由降转升。 如此多的非洲战争 — — 从民主刚果到索马里冲突 — — 几十年前就开始了，因此必须从别处寻找解释：从尼日利亚北部到阿富汗和更大范围的穆斯林世界。 2011年叙利亚内战爆发以来，死亡人数已经超过250,000人，一半叙利亚人流离失所，造成大量难民涌入周边国家和欧盟。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That is why, for example, so many keep assuming that a normal rapid recovery is just around the corner. But the financial crisis should have reminded everyone that the distinction between advanced economies and emerging markets is not a bright red line. In his recent speech in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, US Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke forcefully complained that political paralysis has possibly become the principal impediment to recovery. But analysts accustomed to working on emerging markets understand that such paralysis is very difficult to avoid after a financial crisis. Rather than slavishly believing policymakers’ assurances, emerging-market researchers have learned to be cynical about official promises. All too often, everything that can be done wrong will be done wrong. The IMF needs to bring much more of this brand of skepticism to its assessment of eurozone debt dynamics, instead of constantly seeking strained assumptions that would make the debt appear sustainable. Anyone looking closely at Europe’s complex options for extricating itself from its debt straightjacket should realize that political constraints will be a huge obstacle no matter which route Europe takes. Even outside Europe, the IMF has long given too much credence to sitting governments, rather than focusing on the long-term interests of the country and its people. The Fund is doing Europe’s people no favor by failing to push aggressively for a more realistic solution, including dramatic debt write-downs for peripheral eurozone countries and re-allocating core-country guarantees elsewhere. Now that the Fund has squarely acknowledged the huge capital holes in many European banks, it should start pressing forcefully for a comprehensive and credible solution to the eurozone debt crisis, a solution that will involve either partial breakup of the eurozone or fundamental constitutional reform. Europe’s future, not to mention the future of the IMF, depends on it.", "zh": "这就是为什么很多人认为正常的快速复苏马上就会到来的原因。 但金融危机提醒所有人，发达经济体和新兴市场之间的区别并不是不可跨越的鸿沟。 在最新的俄怀明州杰克森霍尔讲话中，美联储主席伯南克大力抨击了政治僵局，指出这可能已经成为复苏的最大障碍。 但习惯于研究新兴市场的分析师早就明白，类似的政治僵局在金融危机爆发后是很难避免的。 新兴市场研究员才不会盲信政客的信誓旦旦，他们早就学会了对官方承诺持怀疑态度。 只要是可能做错的事，最后无一幸免地都出了错，这样例子发生得还少吗？ IMF需要更多地怀疑它对欧元区债务动态所做的评估，而不是不遗余力地寻找站不住脚的假设证明债务仍然可持续。 任何近距离观察欧洲为将自己救出债务缠身状态所面临的复杂选择的人都应该意识到，不管欧洲选择哪条路，政治约束将成为巨大障碍。 即使在欧洲之外，IMF也总是过分迁就在任政府，而不是专注于一国及其人民的长期利益。 为欧洲人民着想，IMF应该大力推行更现实的解决方案，包括对外围欧元区国家的大规模债务减记并重新分配核心国家对其他国家的担保。 如今，IMF已经承认大量欧洲银行存在巨大的资本漏洞，那么，它应该开始大力推行全面可信的欧元区债务危机解决方案了。 这一方案包括部分分解欧元区以及基础宪政改革。 欧洲的未来（更不用说IMF了）便系于此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "智能特征是指制造活动具有的自感知、自决策、自执行、自学习、自适应之类功能的表征，包括资源要素、互联互通、融合共享、系统集成和新兴业态等5层智能化要求。（1）资源要素是指企业从事生产时所需要使用的资源或工具及其数字化模型所在的层级；。（2）互联互通是指通过有线或无线网络、通信协议与接口，实现资源要素之间的数据传递与参数语义交换的层级；。（3）融合共享是指在互联互通的基础上，利用云计算、大数据等新一代信息通信技术，实现信息协同共享的层级；。（4）系统集成是指企业实现智能制造过程中的装备、生产单元、生产线、数字化车间、智能工厂之间，以及智能制造系统之间的数据交换和功能互连的层级；。（5）新兴业态是指基于物理空间不同层级资源要素和数字空间集成与融合的数据、模型及系统，建立的涵盖了认知、诊断、预测及决策等功能，且支持虚实迭代优化的层级。", "en": "Intelligent features refer to the characteristics of manufacturing activities that have functions such as self-perception, self-decision-making, self-execution, self-learning, and self-adaptation. This includes five levels of intelligent requirements: resource elements, interconnection, fusion sharing, system integration, and emerging formats. (1) Resource elements refer to the level where the resources or tools needed by the enterprise for production and their digital models are located. (2) Interconnection refers to the level where data transmission and parameter semantic exchange between resource elements are achieved through wired or wireless networks, communication protocols, and interfaces. (3) Fusion sharing refers to the level where information collaboration and sharing are achieved based on interconnection, utilizing new generation information and communication technologies such as cloud computing and big data. (4) System integration refers to the level where data exchange and functional interconnection between equipment, production units, production lines, digital workshops, intelligent factories, and intelligent manufacturing systems are realized during the intelligent manufacturing process. (5) Emerging formats refer to the level where data, models, and systems integrating and merging different levels of resource elements in physical space and digital space are established. These formats cover functions such as cognition, diagnosis, prediction, and decision-making, and support virtual and real iterative optimization."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Threats, sanctions, or aid cutoffs would only cause further damage to an economy already in free fall, tragically punishing Kenya’s poor while fomenting further violence. Still, the international community can play a more constructive role than it has until now by pressing both sides to accept an independent recount. By standing up for democratic principles, the world would truly stand on the side of the Kenyan people. In dismissing such a recount, Frazer told Kenyans that they shouldn’t expect their vote to be tallied accurately, and that power can be seized or perhaps even negotiated in a backroom. She also sent an unmistakable signal to those who would steal votes: at worst, they might have to share a few cabinet positions with the opposition. Perhaps a recount would show that the election was too close to call. Perhaps, as the opposition insists, it would demonstrate a clear victory for Odinga. Either way, Kenyans and their votes would be taken seriously, and tempers could well subside. Only if both sides accept that there was no clear winner is it reasonable to call for power-sharing (or a new election). There is still time to get this right. The international community should stop pushing for a backroom “compromise” that ignores the popular will. Let the world stand with neither Kibaki nor the opposition, nor for an arbitrary compromise, but with Kenya’s voters. If Kibaki rejects an independent recount, his refusal will reverberate around Kenya and the world. Those who ignore voters should quickly learn that they have no place to hide.", "zh": "威胁、制裁或中断援助只会给这个经济已经急速恶化的国家雪上加霜，在悲剧性地惩罚肯尼亚穷人的同时进一步助长暴力。 然而，国际社会还是能够通过对双方施压令其接受一次独立的重新计票，从而发挥更具建设性的作用。 通过维护民主原则，世界就能真正站在肯尼亚人民一边。 Frazer否定重新计票就是告诉肯尼亚人他们不应该指望选票能够得到准确的统计，并且权力可以被篡夺，或甚至可以被暗地交易。 她也向那些窃取选票的人发出了一个明确无误的信号：最糟糕的结果也不过是与反对派分享几个内阁的职位而已。 可能重新计票的结果会显示双方势均力敌。 也可能如反对派所坚持的那样，它会显示Odinga大获全胜。 不论结果如何，肯尼亚人和他们的选票都会被认真对待，他们心头的怒火也能就此平息。 只有在双方都接受不分伯仲的选举结果时，才有理由呼吁权力分享（或举行新的选举 ） 。 亡羊补牢犹未晚。 国际社会应该停止推动置民愿于不顾的背地“妥协 ” 。 让世界不要站在Kibaki或反对派一边，也不要站在一场武断的妥协一边，而是要站在肯尼亚的选民们一边。 如果Kibaki拒绝独立重新计票，将会在肯尼亚和全世界激起强烈反响。 那些轻视选民的人很快就会知道他们无处藏身。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The ECB operates on the principle of one vote per country; the IMF assigns voting rights according to countries’ capital contributions. Which system should prevail? The former could give carte blanche to debtor countries to run up their deficits; the latter might perpetuate a two-speed Europe. Some compromise will be necessary. Because the fate of Europe depends on Germany, and because the issuance of eurobonds will put Germany’s own credit standing at risk, the compromise will clearly have to put Germany in the driver’s seat. Unfortunately, Germany has some unsound ideas about macroeconomic policy: it wants the rest of Europe to follow its example. But what works for Germany cannot work for the rest of Europe: no country can run a chronic trade surplus without others running deficits. Germany must propose rules that other countries can follow. These rules must allow for a gradual reduction in indebtedness. They must also allow countries with high unemployment, like Spain, to continue running budget deficits. Rules involving targets for cyclically adjusted deficits can accomplish both of these goals. Most importantly, the rules must recognize their own imperfection – and thus must remain open to review and improvement. Bruegel, the Brussels-based think tank, has proposed that eurobonds should constitute 60% of eurozone members’ outstanding external debt. Given the high risk premiums currently prevailing in Europe, this percentage is too low to constitute a level playing field. In my view, new issues should be entirely in eurobonds up to a limit set by the Board. The higher the volume of eurobonds a country seeks to issue, the more severe the conditions the Board would impose. The Board should have no problem imposing its will, because denying the right to issue additional eurobonds would be a powerful deterrent. Surveillance must be improved, however, in order to give countries timely notice when they are in violation. This leads directly to the third unsolved problem: What happens if a country is unwilling or unable to keep within agreed conditions? Inability to issue eurobonds could result in a disorderly default or devaluation. In the absence of an exit mechanism, this would have catastrophic consequences. A deterrent that is too dangerous to invoke would lack credibility. Greece constitutes a cautionary example. This is the most difficult of the three problem areas, and I do not claim to have a ready solution.", "zh": "欧洲央行的原则是一国一票；IMF则根据各国资本贡献来分配投票权。 那种体系会胜出？ 前者好比是给债务国开出空头支票，任由其填写数字以弥补赤字；而后者可能会长期保持欧洲的两极分化。 必须在这两种体系之间达到妥协。 欧洲的命运唯德国马首是瞻，且欧元债券的发行将给德国自身信用带来危险，因此，要达成妥协，显然必须让德国来当主导者。 不幸的是，德国的宏观经济政策观点并不十分靠谱：它希望其他欧洲国家跟在它身后亦步亦趋。 但在德国有效的政策在其他欧洲国家不可能有效：没有哪个国家可以在其他国家都不存在赤字的情况下长期保持盈余。 德国必须拿出其他国家可以效仿的方案来。 新规则必须允许逐步地消除债务，也必须允许西班牙等高失业率国家继续维持预算赤字的状态。 包括周期性赤字调整目标的规则可以同时达到这两个目标。 最重要的是，新规则必须了解自身的缺陷，从而对评估和改善持开放态度。 布鲁塞尔智库布鲁格尔（Bruegel）提出，欧元债券应该包含60%的欧元区成员国未偿还外债。 由于目前欧洲风险溢价极高，这一比重显得太低了，无法为各国打造一个平等的舞台。 在我看来，新的债券发行应该完全以欧元债券形式进行，其限额由委员会决定。 如果一国想发行更多的欧元债券，那么委员会就会向它施以更严苛的条件。 委员会应该能够随心所欲地行使其意愿，因为否决增加欧元债券发行权将是有力的威慑。 但与此同时，监督也必须加强，以便各国及时注意到即将撞线的情况。 这直接导致了第三个未解决的问题：如果一国不愿或无力达到协议条件会如何？ 无法发行欧元债券将导致无序的违约或贬值。 如果缺乏退出机制，这会带来灾难性后果。 耸人听闻的威慑缺乏可信度，希腊就是明证。 这是三个问题中最难解决的部分，我也找不到现成的解决方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But banks can use internal mathematical models to calculate their own risk weights. This is akin to marking one’s own exam paper; unsurprisingly, banks’ risk scores are usually on the safe side. Consider, for example, a $200,000 bank loan to buy a $235,000 home. If the bank attaches a 10% risk weight to the loan, the risk-weighted equivalent is $20,000. If the amount of bank capital needed to protect that risk-weighted equivalent is 10%, then the bank requires just $2,000 of its own capital to fund the mortgage, $198,000 of which the bank itself borrows. All it takes to wipe out the bank’s own money is a 16% drop in the house’s price (from $235,000 to below $198,000). US house prices – as measured by the S&P/Case-Shiller National Home Price Index – fell by more than 30% from June 2006 to March 2009, while European countries, including Spain, Ireland, and the United Kingdom, experienced similar or greater declines. The problem is that banks continue to offer big mortgages while having little of their own “skin in the game.” The IMF estimates that the average mortgage risk weight in Europe and Asia was 14% and 15%, respectively, with some banks using a risk weight as low as 6%. Recently, some regulators have become suspicious of banks’ do-it-yourself risk weights. In 2012, the UK authorities asked banks to apply a temporary minimum 15% risk weight to their mortgage portfolios, though that guidance expired in July. The Swedish regulator has recommended that mortgage lenders raise their risk-weight floor from 15% to 25%. Although welcome, these steps may still be too little; more important, they lack flexibility. A better option would be to implement time-varying, pro-cyclical floors, forcing banks to hold more capital during housing booms. And, whereas a single, fixed floor might push banks toward riskier loans that offer higher returns for the same amount of capital, a dynamic system would allow lower floors for the lowest-risk mortgages and require higher floors for riskier loans. Moreover, while risk weight is an important macro-prudential lever, it must be used in conjunction with regulators’ other tools.", "zh": "但银行可以用内部数学模型计算它们自身的风险权重。 这就好比是自己给自己的考卷打分；好不奇怪，银行的风险评分往往落在安全区间。 比如，考虑一笔200,000美元的贷款，用途为购买一套235,000美元的房子。 如果银行赋予这笔贷款10%的风险权重，则其风险加权等价值为20,000美元。 如果保护这一风险加权等价值所需要的银行资本比重为10 % ， 则银行只需要拿出2,000美元的资本就可以发起这笔贷款，其余198,000美元都是银行借来的。 让银行自己的钱损失殆尽需要房价下跌16 % （ 从235,000美元跌到198,000美元之下 ） 。 用S&P/Case-Shiller全国住房价格指数衡量，2006年6月—2009年3月美国房价下跌了30%多，而欧洲国家（包括西班牙、爱尔兰和英国）也经历了类似或更大的跌幅。 问题在于，自己基本没有“牵涉其中”的银行继续放出大量按揭贷款。 IMF估计，欧洲和亚洲的平均按揭风险权重分别为14%和15 % ， 一些银行使用的风险权重低至6 % 。 最近，一些监管者开始质疑银行自说自话的风险权重。 2012年，英国当局要求银行按揭组合采取15%的临时性风险权重下限，但该指引7月份就失效了。 瑞典监管者建议按揭贷款人将风险权重下限从15%提高到25 % 。 尽管这些措施值得欢迎，但步子仍然迈得太小；更重要的是，它们缺少灵活性。 更好的办法是实施随时间变化的顺周期下限，强迫银行在房地产繁荣期持有更多资本。 此外，一刀切的固定下限可能促使银行将同等资本用于风险更大、回报也更大的贷款；而动态系统允许降低风险最低的按揭贷款的下限，而对风险较大的贷款要求较高的下限。 此外，尽管风险权重是一个重��的宏观审慎杠杆，但必须与监管者的其他工具配合使用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Money for Nothing COPENHAGEN – When it comes to global warming, we have plenty of hot rhetoric but very little cool reason. This matters immensely, because the Kyoto Protocol is already among the most expensive global public policies ever enacted, and the follow-up in Copenhagen in late 2009 promises to break all records. We better get it right, but right now we’re more likely to pay for virtually nothing. A good example is the European Union’s newly instituted policy of cutting CO2 emissions by 20% by 2020. Of course, it is always easier to promise than to deliver – a concern that is especially relevant in the EU. Yet, even if the promise is kept, will the benefit outweigh the cost? Curiously, but not surprisingly, this is not discussed very much. A 20% reduction in the EU’s CO2 emissions, vigorously enforced throughout this century, would merely postpone temperature increases due to global warming by two years at the end of the century, from 2100 to 2102 – a negligible change. Yet the cost would be anything but negligible. The EU’s own estimate is about €60 billion annually , which is almost certainly a vast underestimate (its previous estimate was almost twice as much), since it requires the EU to make the reductions in the smartest way possible. However, the EU doesn’t just want to cut emissions in the smartest possible way, but also to increase the share of renewable energy in the Union by 20% by 2020. This increase has no separate climate effect, since we’ve already promised to cut emissions by 20%. However, it does manage to make a poor policy decision dramatically worse. The debate in my native Denmark is instructive, as the relevant government ministries have outlined what this decision will end up costing here, which in turn suggests the total cost for the EU. The annual cost of an increase in renewable energy of less than 20% (18 percentage points) – and five years later, by 2025 – will be more than €2.5 billion. And the benefit? If Denmark sticks to this decision throughout the rest of this century, it will spend more than €200 billion to postpone global warming by five days. Is that a sensible decision?", "zh": "白白花钱 哥本哈根 - - 在全球变暖问题上，我们言辞激烈但是没有什么冷静的理性。 这非常重要，因为京都议定书已经成为所制定出来的最为昂贵的全球公共政策，而2009年底在哥本哈根举行的跟进措施将会打破所有的记录。 我们最好还是摆正位置，因为目前我们更有可能白白花钱。 一个明显的例子就是欧盟最近制定政策到2020年减少二氧化碳排放20 % 。 当然，许诺总是要比落实容易，这一点对于欧盟尤其如此。 但是，即使遵守诺言，所获得的效益是否就大于成本呢？ 令人好奇而并不令人惊讶的是，人们并没有认真予以讨论。 在整个二十一世纪认真贯彻执行减少欧盟二氧化碳排放20%只不过将会把由于全球变暖而造成的温度升高在本世纪末的时候推迟两年，从2100年推迟到2102年。 这一变化可以忽略不计。 但是其成本绝对不可不计。 欧盟自己的估计是大约每年600亿欧元，这肯定还是低估了 (它先前的估计几乎是两倍 ) ， 因为这要求欧盟用最为聪明的方法减排。 但是，欧盟就是不仅仅想用最为聪明的办法减排，而且想要到2020年的时候把欧盟的可再生能源的比例提高20 % 。 这一提高对气候没有效果，因为我们已经保证减排20 % 。 但是，这却让一个原本不好的决策更加糟糕。 我的原居地丹麦进行的辩论颇有启迪。 有关政府部门公布了这一决定所要付出的成本，反过来表明了整个欧盟的总体成本。 提高可再生能源不到20 % ( 18个百分点 ) ， 其每年的成本五年后到2025年将会超过25亿欧元。 效益有如何呢？ 如果丹麦在本世纪剩余的时间里坚持这一决定，它将花费超过2000亿欧元推迟全球变暖五天。 这是明智的决定吗？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When an HIV-positive mother receives antenatal treatment so that her child can be born HIV-free, we change the future. When a child is spared cerebral malaria and the lifelong mental disabilities that it can cause, new possibilities are created. The world becomes a better place when we commit to giving our children a better start. The Global Fund also plays a critical role in strengthening health care in developing countries. Its resources have helped to train new generations of doctors, nurses, and technicians, while dramatically improving the overall quality of maternal and child health. These investments are helping countries take direct ownership of the fight against infectious disease, ultimately reducing their dependence on foreign aid. For example, support from the Global Fund has helped Indonesia, which has the world’s fourth-highest TB burden, develop an efficient and effective national TB-control program. As a result, more than one million active cases have been successfully treated, while the incidence of the disease – which has cost Indonesia’s economy millions of dollars in lost productivity – has been driven down. With technical support like this, Indonesia’s government is creating an affordable and sustainable national health-care system that will be fully financed with domestic resources by 2019. I believe that the Global Fund is one of the smartest investments that we can make – as many governments have understood from the outset. The United States has been the Global Fund’s largest supporter, but many others have done their part.", "zh": "当一位艾滋病毒阳性母亲得到了产前治疗，因而她的孩子可以不带着艾滋病出世时，我们就创造了历史。 当一名儿童免于脑型疟疾及其所可能造成的终身智力残疾时，我们就创造了新希望。 当我们致力于让孩子们获得更好的人生起点时，我们就在创造更好的世界。 全球基金在强化发展中国家医疗方面也起到了关键作用。 全球基金资源协助培训了一代又一代新医生、护士和技术专家，同时大大改善了产妇和儿童医疗的总体质量。 这些投资帮助各国在与传染病的斗争中掌握了自己的命运，最终减少了它们对外国援助的依赖。 比如，来自全球基金的支持帮助全世界结核病负担第四高的印尼发展出高能高效的全国结核病控制计划。 结果，一百多万例活跃病症得到了成功治疗，致死病例 — — 造成印尼经济生产率损失的程度高达数百万美元 — — 也有所减少。 在此类技术支持的帮助下，印尼政府正在建立平价的可持续全国医疗体系，到2019年将实现完全通过国内渠道提供资金。 我相信，全球基金是我们所能做出的最明智的投资之一 — — 许多政府从一开始就明白了这一点。 美国一直是全球基金最大的支持者，此外还有许多国家做出了贡献。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In other words, questions posed by Modi’s critics about the role of cash in feeding stockpiles of black money are misplaced. That said, Rogoff proposes a different strategy to address the menace of black money – one that would be minimally disruptive and arguably more effective, at least in the long run. That strategy would depart from the Modi government’s intervention in two fundamental ways. First, it would be gradualist, implemented over several years. Second, it would permanently eliminate high-denomination notes. While this gradualist strategy would not punish existing hoarders, who would find creative ways to recycle their cash in the interim, it is more likely to improve tax compliance and reduce corruption over time, as large-denomination notes are permanently taken out of circulation. India’s current policy of replacing 1,000-rupee notes with 2,000-rupee notes undermines the long-term effectiveness of its policy. Moreover, the gradualist approach is administratively practical, minimizes the collateral damage to the real economy and ensures that there is enough time to extend financial services and financial literacy to larger parts of India. Over the last two years, the Modi government has made an impressive push for financial inclusion with its Jan Dhan program, which has facilitated the creation of 220 million new bank accounts. But many people who create accounts do not necessarily use them. A 2015 World Bank study of bank-account usage and dormancy rates across different regions found that only 15% of Indian adults reported using an account to make or receive payments. In this environment, a cash scarcity is economically crippling. Modi’s policy intervention is bold, and the economic principles motivating it are beyond reproach. But a gradualist approach that includes the permanent withdrawal of large notes would have served the cause better, even if it did not generate the same “shock and awe” as the current policy. This will become more apparent as the large costs to the economy emerge over the next several months.", "zh": "换句话说，莫迪的批评者所提出的关于现金在导致黑钱存量增加的质疑搞错了对象。 尽管如此，罗格夫提出了不同的策略解决黑钱的威胁 — — 这个策略破坏性很小，并且可以说效果更好，至少在长期是如此。 这个策略在两个基本方面与莫迪政府的干预有所不同。 首先，它是渐进的，需要多年时间实施。 其次，它永久取消大面额钞票。 这一渐进策略不会惩罚现有囤现者 — — 他们会找到各种新奇的办法回收现金 — — 但随着大额钞票永久退出流通，它更有可能增加纳税遵从度，逐渐减少腐败。 印度的当前政策是用2,000卢比钞票替换1,000卢比钞票，这不利于���政策的长期效果。 此外，渐进方针在管理上可行，它能让实体经济的附带伤害最小化，并确保有足够的时间将金融服务和金融知识推广到印度大部。 在过去两年中，莫迪政府采取了Jan Dhan计划推动金融包容，取得了令人印象深刻的效果。 Jan Dhan计划促使银行账户新增了2.2亿。 2015年，世界银行对不同地区的银行账户使用和休眠率做了研究，研究表明，只有15%的印度成年人报告使用银行账户收钱或付钱。 在这样的环境下，现金紧缺对经济十分不利。 莫迪的政策干预十分果断，其背后的经济学原理也无可指责。 但包括永久取消大额钞票在内的渐进方针的效果更好，即使它无法产生如同当前政策一样的“震慑 ” 。 随着未来几个月废钞行动给经济造成的巨大代价逐渐出现，这一点也将变得更加明显。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Municipal governments have also introduced new laws requiring riders to wear a helmet; setting the minimum riding age to 16; barring scooters from pedestrian crosswalks; prohibiting more than one rider per scooter; and banning the use of cellphones or headphones in both ears. As an additional measure, two-wheelers should also be required to have a license plate to enable police and municipal authorities to bring some order to the chaos. These enforcement measures are prudent and justifiable. But by focusing solely on scooter riders, they tend to contribute to the broader vilification of those who have embraced a socially optimal form of transportation. In Israel, the media have led the charge against scooter riders. In our analysis of scooter-related coverage in the country’s main online newspapers over the past few years, we found that 67% of articles have been uniformly negative, 13% neutral, and only 20% even remotely positive. Worse, the scorn heaped on this promising new transportation technology has generated a wave of disinformation. So, a few facts are in order. First, more scooters actually mean fewer accidents. Countries with the highest number of cycling trips per inhabitant have the fewest fatalities per billion kilometers of bicycle travel. The cycling fatality rates in the Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, and Switzerland are one-quarter that of the United States, even though per capita bicycle travel in each country is about 20 times higher.", "zh": "市政府还推出了要求骑车人佩戴头盔的全新法律；并且规定，骑车人年龄必须在16岁以上；禁止滑板车进入人行横道；禁止不止一名骑手同乘一辆滑板车；禁止使用手机或双耳佩戴耳机。 作为一项额外举措，应当要求两轮车驾驶者也取得牌照，从而使警方和市政当局能够为目前的混乱局面注入某种秩序的因素。 上述执法措施是谨慎而合理的。 但如果只关注滑板车骑手，往往会助长在社会上十分普遍的对采用社会最佳交通方式者所作所为的污名化。 在以色列，对滑板车骑手的指控主要由媒体引导。 在我们对过去几年与滑板车相关的全国主要在线报道分析中，我们发现，67%的文章无一例外都是负面的，13%的文章为中性，仅20%的文章表达过哪怕是很轻微的赞扬。 更糟的是，对这种前途光明的全新交通技术所积累蔑视已经导致了一场故意抹黑的浪潮。 因此，有些事实是可以确认的。 首先，滑板车数量的增加实际意味着事故的减少。 单位居民骑自行车出行次数最多的国家每十亿公里骑行里程数所造成的死亡人数是最低的。 荷兰、丹麦、德国和瑞士的骑行死亡率仅为美国的1/4，尽管以上各个国家的人均骑行里程比美国高约20倍左右。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But piecemeal arrests will not be enough to reverse the drift if a culture of intolerance is allowed to fester. One encouraging note is that annual economic growth has been a steady 5% for the past few years. But now many Bangladeshis fears for their livelihoods, owing to unlimited Chinese textile imports following the end of quotas last year. Economic deterioration in Bangladesh would only worsen inter-communal tensions and provide a fertile breeding ground for jihadis, but the reforms needed to head off decline are often blocked by political infighting and opposition boycotts. The world cannot afford a second Afghanistan in Bangladesh, where Huji members are believed to have given sanctuary to many Taliban fighters after the fall of their regime. Pressure from India will not be enough to force the Bengali government to adhere to the tolerant form of Islam that the country pursued during its first three decades of independence. All of Asia’s powers, including China and Japan, will have to play a part in stopping Bangladesh’s drift into fanaticism and chaos. The rest of the world should support them before it is too late.", "zh": "但是，如若不相容的文化得以根深蒂固，一一捕获这些凶手也不足以扭转孟加拉国的下滑趋势。 一个令人鼓舞的消息是，过去几年中孟加拉国的经济年增长率一直稳定地保持在5 % 。 但是现在，由于继去年结束配额制之后中国纺织品的无限量进口，许多孟加拉国人对他们生计十分担忧。 孟加拉国的经济恶化将不仅加剧了种族间的紧张关系并为吉哈德分子（jihadis）提供了一个适宜的成长环境，但是能够阻止这种下滑趋势所必需的改革却通常被政治混战和反对联合抵制所阻扰。 这个世界无法承受在孟加拉国出现第二个阿富汗，据信孟加拉伊斯兰圣战运动（Huji）成员在那里为政权垮台后的许多塔利班分子提供了避难所。 印度施加的压力还不足以迫使孟加拉国政府坚持该国在寻求独立的前三百年过程中所奉行的伊斯兰教容忍性。 亚洲所有的力量，包括中国和日本，将会为阻止孟加拉国滑向狂热和混乱出一份力。 世界其他国家也应该在为时已晚之前支持他们。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Islands of Isolation PARIS – The Japanese and the British may seem very different, but a closer look reveals something akin to a parallel destiny for these two island peoples. With their old imperial ambitions and widespread distaste for the great continents from which the narrowest of seas divide them, both the British and the Japanese are vulnerable to the siren song of isolationism. Unfortunately, both now appear to be succumbing to that dangerous temptation. Perhaps geography is destiny. As islanders, Britons and Japanese have had wary relations with – and often a superiority complex toward – their great continental neighbors, Europe and China, respectively. Both historically compensated for their isolation with strong central governments, powerful navies, dynamic entrepreneurship, vibrant culture, and imperial ambition. Today, Japan and the United Kingdom pretend to be open societies, and to be stakeholders in the globalization process. In reality, both remain mostly inward looking and preoccupied with the disintegration of their original culture. Both try desperately to keep immigrants at bay, whether through cultural segregation in the UK or, in Japan’s case, by mere rejection. The more civilizations become intertwined in the new world order, the more the Japanese and British are tempted to remain aloof and apart. In Japan, the isolationist temptation is expressed in the current nostalgia for the Edo period, from 1600 to 1868, before Emperor Meiji opened Japan to the world.", "zh": "孤立之岛 巴黎—日本人和英国人也许很不相同，但仔细观察就会发现，这两个岛国的命运颇有些相似之处。 它们都曾经有过帝国雄心，都对隔海相望的古老大陆怀着深刻的厌恶，都对孤立主义的塞壬之歌毫无抵抗力。 不幸的是，如今，两国再一次屈服于孤立主义的危险诱惑。 也许地理决定了命运。 作为岛国，英国和日本对于其大陆邻居欧洲和日本总是小心翼翼，且通常带有自负的优越感。 历史上，为了补偿其孤立性，两国均存在强势中央政府、强大的海军、充满活力的企业家精神、生机勃勃的文化和帝国雄心。 如今，日本和英国做出一副开放社会状，也是全球化进程的巨大受益者。 事实上，两国依然十分内向，沉浸在分离主义的传统文化中。 两国均竭尽全力阻挠移民进入，英国的办法是文化隔离，而日本则是断然拒绝。 新世界秩序中的各文明越是相互影响，日本和英国就越想冷眼旁观。 在日本，最能体现孤立主义诱惑的便是最近大热的对江户时代的怀旧。 江户时代从1600年开始，到1868年明治维新打开日本国门为止。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To use the language of the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas, they are creating “saving translations,” whereby a language, conceptual apparatus, and social system is updated to reflect progress in human reason. Such saving translations in Islam have been emerging for a considerable period of time. Indeed, the late Iranian writer and philosopher Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri fell out with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, after being designated his successor, over policies that he believed infringed on people’s fundamental rights and freedoms. In defending freedom of speech, Montazeri referred to a Quranic verse stating that God taught humans how to express themselves. “How can God, on the one hand, teach humans the ability of expression and, on the other hand, limit it?”, he asked. The obvious conclusion, he declared, was that “no one should be condemned for heresy, libel, or insult just for expressing his or her opinion.” Montazeri, like today’s innovative Muslim thinkers, chose to remain open to alternate interpretations of the Quran, rather than becoming trapped by accepted tradition. The saving translations that these figures have offered demonstrate that modern global norms like the UDHR are not only compatible with Islam; they are deeply embedded within it. Reinterpreting – or even abandoning – antiquated rules rooted in outdated social structures does not amount to subverting the word of God. On the contrary, it proves the true depth of Islam’s sacred texts.", "zh": "用德国哲学家哈贝马斯（Jürgen Habermas）的话说，他们正在创造“拯救翻译 ” （ saving translations ） ， 即更新一种语言、概念装置和社会制度，使之体现人类理性的进步。 在伊斯兰教中，这样的拯救翻译已经出现了很长一段时间。 事实上，已故伊朗作家兼哲学家蒙塔泽里（Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri）与最高领袖霍梅尼在后者指定了接班人后就他所认为的侵犯了人们基本权利和自由的政策进行过争论。 蒙塔泽里捍卫言论自由，引用古兰经经文指出神教导人们如何表达自己。 “神如何一方面教会人们表达的能力，另一方面又限制它 ？ ” 他问道。 显而易见的答案，他说，是“没人应该因为仅仅为了表达自己的观点而做出的宗教异端、诽谤或冒犯而被谴责 。 ” 与当今穆斯林创新思想家一样，蒙塔泽里选择以开放态度对待不同的古兰经解释，而不是落入既成传统的窠臼。 这些人物所带来的拯救翻译表明，UDHR等现代全球规范不但与伊斯兰教相容；并且深刻地植根于其中。 重新解释 — — 甚至抛弃 — — 源自过时社会结构的古老教条并不会渎神。 相反，这能够证明伊斯兰教圣经的真正深度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if non-human-contact sectors are expanding, reflecting improvements in their relative attractiveness, the associated spending increase will be outweighed by the decrease in spending that results from declining incomes in the shrinking sectors. Moreover, in the case of the pandemic, there will be a third effect: rising inequality. Because machines cannot be infected by the virus, they will look relatively more attractive to employers, particularly in the contracting sectors that use relatively more unskilled labor. And, because low-income people must spend a larger share of their income on basic goods than those at the top, any automation-driven increase in inequality will be contractionary. On top of these problems, there are two additional reasons for pessimism. First, while monetary policy can help some firms deal with temporary liquidity constraints – as happened during the 2008-09 Great Recession – it cannot fix solvency problems, nor can it stimulate the economy when interest rates are already near zero. Moreover, in the US and some other countries, “conservative” objections to rising deficits and debt levels will stand in the way of the necessary fiscal stimulus. To be sure, the same people were more than happy to cut taxes for billionaires and corporations in 2017, bail out Wall Street in 2008, and lend a hand to corporate behemoths this year. But it is quite another thing to extend unemployment insurance, health care, and additional support to the most vulnerable. The short-run priorities have been clear since the beginning of the crisis.", "zh": "即使无（人类）接触部门正在扩张（这反映出其相对吸引力的提高 ） ， 相关支出的增加也将被正在收缩部门收入下降导致的支出减少所抵消。 此外，就大流行而言，将产生第三种影响：不平等加剧。 由于机器不会被病毒感染，因此它们对雇主来说相对更有吸引力，特别是在使用相对非熟练劳动力的承包行业。 而且，由于低收入人群在基本生活用品上的支出比例比上层人群更高，任何由自动化驱动的不平等加剧都将是收缩性的。 在这些问题之外，导致悲观情绪还有两个原因。 首先，尽管货币政策可以帮助一些企业应对暂时的流动性限制问题(就像2008-2009年大衰退期间那样 ) ， 但它既无法解决偿付能力问题，也无法在利率已经接近于零的情况下刺激经济。 此外，在美国和其它一些国家，对赤字和债务水平上升的“保守”反对，将阻碍必要的财政刺激。 可以肯定的是，这些人非常乐意在2017年为亿万富翁和企业减税，在2008年拯救华尔街，并在今年帮助大型企业。 但扩大失业保险、医疗保健和对最弱势群体的额外支持却是另一回事。 自危机开始以来，短期优先事项一直很明确。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They point to a strong link between feelings of powerlessness and conspiracy paranoia. Supporters of the losing side in an election are therefore more likely to suspect scams. US Republicans appear especially prone to believing that people are casting votes they should not, whereas Democrats are more concerned about being disenfranchised. After Republican challenger Mitt Romney’s defeat in the 2012 US presidential election, the authors note, 49% of Republicans believed that a Democratic activist group had stolen the election for President Barack Obama (only 6% of Democrats believed this). Likewise, following the 2000 presidential election, 31% of Democrats believed that George W. Bush had stolen the presidency (only 3% of Republicans agreed). And 30% of Democrats stated that they did not consider Bush a “legitimate president.” But the authors argue that some measures aimed at combating perceptions of vote-rigging in the United States, such as stricter voter-identification laws upheld by the Supreme Court, could actually make things worse. Tightening voter-ID requirements leads to yet more conspiracy theories of election-rigging through vote suppression. Finally, the authors cite a previous study of letters to the editor of the New York Times from 1890 to 2010, which reveals that disgruntled losers call nearly every US presidential election into question. Trump’s claim of fraud in the 2020 election has taken this practice to a new and potentially dangerous level, with unpredictable psychological and political consequences. Narcissists, convinced of their superiority, can never accept losing in any contest. The threat to their ego is too catastrophic. In their eyes, no one can ever beat them fair and square. Accusations of cheating thus make perfect psychological sense. It protects the ego from the threat that losing implies. But followers may not appreciate a leader’s psychological vulnerability. Supporters and leaders can then forge a bond in their denial of an emotionally distressing result. Biden’s strategy of passive “wait and see” may be psychologically naive, reflecting a failure to grasp the emotional power of the subconscious forces being unleashed against him. A psychiatrist might advise stronger engagement with the mental processes behind Trump’s vote-rigging claims, as opposed to dismissing them.", "zh": "他们指出无力感和阴谋妄想之间存在着紧密联系。 因此，选举中的输家更有可能怀疑是骗局所导致的。 美国共和党人似乎尤其相信人们正在投出不应投出的选票，而民主党人则更关注公民权是否被剥夺。 作者指出，共和党挑战者米特·罗姆尼在2012年美国总统大选中被击败后，49%的共和党人认为民主党激进团体为巴拉克·奥巴马总统窃取了大选结果（而相信这种说法的民主党人仅有6 % ） 。 同样，在2000年的总统大选之后，31%的民主党人相信小布什窃取了总统职位（而仅有3%的共和党人表示赞同 ） 。 而且有30%的民主党人表示，他们并不承认布什是“合法总统 。 ” 但作者认为，由最高法院负责执行的严格选民身份认证法等旨在打击美国选举操纵观点的某些举措实际却可能导致局面进一步恶化。 收紧选民身份认证要求会引发更多阴谋论，有人会提出人们通过压制投票来操纵选举结果。 最后，作者引用了从1890~2010年间写给纽约时报编辑信件中曾经列举的研究，结果表明，心存不满的失败者质疑几乎每一次美国总统大选结果。 特朗普针对2020年大选的欺诈指控已经将这种行为提升到具有潜在危险性的新高度，并且可能带来不可预测的心理和政治后果。 自恋者自信高人一等，永远也不可能接受在任何比赛中失败的结果。 这对他们自我意识的威胁实在太灾难性了。 在他们眼中，没人能公平合理地击败他们。 因此，作弊指控成为保护自我意识免受失败所隐含威胁的完美的心理借口。 但追随者们可能不会欣赏领导者的心理脆弱。 于是支持者和领导者可以结成某种纽带，否认在情感上令他们沮丧的结果。 拜登消极“观望”策略或许有其心理上的幼稚因素，因为它反映出拜登未能深刻理解针对他所释放的潜意识情感力量。 相比置之不理，精神科专业人士可能建议与特朗普选举操纵主张背后的心理过程展开更紧密的接触。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America has lost millions of manufacturing jobs so far this millennium, largely owing to offshoring of production to cheaper labor markets in Asia. The counterpart of this has been a structural US current-account deficit averaging about 5% of GDP. One of the Biden administration’s main objectives is to rebuild US manufacturing capacity. While COVID-19 has fostered a conventional wisdom among all deindustrializing countries that they should reserve “essential” procurement for domestic manufacturers, Biden’s “Made in America” efforts echo former US President Donald Trump’s “America First” approach. But Biden’s plan to rebalance US trade by means of tax subsidies for domestic producers, trade deals, and international agreements, rather than tariffs and insults, is vague and unconvincing. In a world of second-best options, the Masch plan offers the quickest and most elegant way for Biden to secure the balanced trade that he wants. The basic principle is simple: any government in a position to do so should unilaterally set a ceiling on its overall trade deficit, and cap the value of permitted imports from each trading partner accordingly. For example, China, which accounts for about $300 billion of the current US trade deficit – half of the total – might be limited to $200 billion worth of annual exports to the US. If China exported more, it could either pay a fine equal to the excess over its quota or face a ban on excess exports. Compensated free trade, Masch argues, “would stimulate a return to the US of the off-shored enterprises and jobs.”", "zh": "进入新千年以来，美国已经损失了数百万个制造业工作岗位，主要原因时生产外包给了更便宜的亚洲劳动力市场。 与此相对应的是，美国经常账户赤字平均约占GDP的5 % 。 拜登政府的主要目标之一是重建美国的制造能力。 虽然新冠让所有去工业化国家都接受了一个传统观点，即它们应该为国内制造商保留\"必要的\"采购，而拜登的\"美国制造\"措施与前总统特朗普的\"美国第一\"方针相呼应。 但拜登实现美国贸易再平衡的计划是通过对国内生产商、贸易协议和国际协定的税收补贴，而不是通过关税和侮辱，他的计划是模糊和无法令人信服的。 在一个充满了次优选择的世界里，马施计划为拜登提供了最快捷、最优雅的方式确保他想要的平衡贸易。 基本原理很简单：任何有能力这样做的政府都应该单方面对其总贸易逆差设定上限，并相应地限制允许从每个贸易伙伴进口的商品的价值。 例如，目前美国贸易逆差中有大约 3000亿美元来自中国，占其贸易逆差总额的一半，可限定中国每年对美国出口不高于2000亿美元。 如果中国出口更多，它要么支付相当于其配额超额的罚款，要么面临禁止过度出口的禁令。 马施认为，有偿自由贸易\"将刺激离岸企业和工作岗位重返美国 \" 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A tiny advantage can make all the difference. What if that advantage comes from using a performance enhancing drug? For athletes who want to compete clean, the threat that they may be beaten by a competitor who is not faster, stronger, or more dedicated, but who takes a drug to gain the edge, is profoundly personal. When drugs are prohibited but some athletes use them anyway the playing field tilts in favor of the cheater. If we prohibit drugs in the Olympic Games, we owe it to the athletes to deter, detect, and punish those who cheat. Integrity seems like an old-fashioned idea, but it is at the heart of who we are and how we live. Performance enhancing drugs affect the individual athlete's integrity in two ways. First, if drugs are banned, then choosing not to use them is a test of one's character. A person of integrity does not behave dishonestly. A person of integrity does not seek to prevail over his competitors by methods that give him an illegitimate advantage. Second, the concept of integrity implies wholeness, being unbroken, moral soundness and freedom from corruption. When an athlete wins by using a performance enhancing drug, what does that mean for the athlete's own understanding of what happened? Am I the world's best? Or was my supposed victory hopelessly tainted by the drug's effects? The meaning of a drug-aided victory is ambiguous and elusive even for the athlete. It is the result of corruption and brokenness, the very opposite of authentic victory. What makes a victory authentic? What gives sport its meaning and value? We expect the winning athlete to combine extraordinary natural talents with exemplary effort, training and technique. These are all forms of human excellence. Some we are born with - or not. As much as I loved playing basketball, I was destined never quite to reach six feet in height. An accurate jump shot and the willingness to take punishment never made up for my size and mediocre leaping ability. Whatever natural abilities we have must be perfected.", "zh": "一点小小的帮助就可以改变这一切。 那么如果这个小小的帮助就是服用兴奋剂，又会怎样呢？ 对那些想凭实力参加比赛的运动员来说，他们便面临着被不比他们更快、更强或更努力，但因服用兴奋剂而赢得体能的选手打败的可能，这对于运动员个人来说有着深刻的影响。 当药品被禁止，但一些运动员照吃不误的时候，运动场地的天平其实已经向那些欺骗者倾斜。 如果我们禁止在奥林匹克运动会上服用兴奋剂，那么我们就应该负起责任，奉劝运动员不要做这种傻事、对运动员进行严格检测、并惩罚那些服用了兴奋剂的运动员。 诚实正直现在似乎已经过时了，但它却是我们做人做事的基本准则。 服用兴奋剂会从两个方面影响到运动员正直的品行。 第一，如果药品被禁止，那么选择不使用它们就是对人格的考验。 正直的人不会不诚实，正直的人不会追求用一种非法获得的优势来击败他的竞争对手。 第二，正直意味着人格的完整、不受阻碍、道德健全和远离腐败。 当一个运动员通过服用兴奋剂而赢得比赛，他自己会怎么想？ 我是世界最好选手吗？ 或我的胜利只能依赖于兴奋剂了吗？ 通过使用兴奋剂而赢得的胜利对运动员来说，其含义是模糊的，隐晦的。 它是堕落和病态的结果，与真正的胜利正好相反。 什么才能造就真正的胜利？ 什么才是体育运动的意义和价值所在？ 我们希望冠军选手具备超凡的身体素质，以及堪称模范的刻苦训练和技艺。 这些才是人类的精华所在。 有一些是我们生来就有的，有一些则不是。 就象我热爱篮球运动，但我注定永远不会长到6英尺高。 一个精确的起跳和自愿接受惩罚的心永远也无法弥补我个子的矮小和平庸的跳跃能力。 不管我们有哪些天生的能力，它们都是完美的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I followed Maxim out of the restaurant, stumbling a little, and yawning. 'Listen,' he said, when we were on the pavement, 'do you think you could sleep in the car if I wrapped you up with the rug, and tucked you down in the back. There's the cushion there, and my coat as well.' 'I thought we were going to put up somewhere for the night?' I said blankly. 'One of those hotels one passes on the road.' 'I know,' he said, 'but I have this feeling I must get down tonight. Can't you possibly sleep in the back of the car?' 'Yes,' I said doubtfully. 'Yes, I suppose so.' 'If we start now, it's a quarter to eight, we ought to be there by half past two,' he said. 'There won't be much traffic on the road.' 'You'll be so tired,' I said. 'So terribly tired.' 'No,' he shook his head. 'I shall be all right. I want to get home. Something's wrong. I know it is. I want to get home.'", "zh": "我跟在迈克西姆后边走出餐馆，步子有点踉跄，嘴里打着哈欠。来到人行道上，只听他说：“你裹上毛毯躺到后座上，能不能在车上睡一觉？另外还有坐垫以及我的外套。” “不是找家旅馆过夜吗？”我茫然不解地说，“路上随便找一家就行了。” “这我知道，”他说，“可我有一种预感，非连夜赶回家不可。你能到车后面睡觉吗？” “可以，”我带着几分疑惑的心情说，“我想是可以的。” “差一刻钟八点。如果现在就动身，夜间两点半大概就能到家，”他说，“路上的车辆不会太多。” “你会累坏的，”我说，“一定够你呛的。” “没关系，”他摇摇头说，“我不会有事的。我想赶回家去。情况有点不对劲，我心里知道。我恨不得立时回去。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But each country will want to reduce emissions in its own way – some through taxation, others through regulation. The question, then, is how to balance national-level priorities with global needs so that we can save the one world we have. The economic solution is simple: a global carbon incentive (GCI). Every country that emits more than the global average of around five tons per capita would pay annually into a global incentive fund, with the amount calculated by multiplying the excess emissions per capita by the population and the GCI. If the GCI started at $10 per ton, the US would pay around $36 billion, and Saudi Arabia would pay $4.6 billion. Meanwhile, countries below the global per capita average would receive a commensurate payout (Uganda, for example, would receive around $2.1 billion). This way, every country would face an effective loss of $10 per capita for every additional ton that it emits per capita, regardless of whether it started at a high, low, or average level. There would no longer be a free-rider problem, because Uganda would have the same incentives to economize on emissions as the US. The GCI also would address the fairness problem. Low emitters, which are often the poorest countries and the ones most vulnerable to climatic changes they did not cause, would receive a payment with which they could help their people adapt. If the GCI is raised over time, the collective sums paid out would approach the $100 billion per year that rich countries promised to poor countries at COP15 in 2009. That would far exceed the meager sums that have been made available thus far. Better still, the GCI would assign responsibility for payments in a feasible way, because big emitters typically are in the best position to pay. Moreover, the GCI would not snuff out domestic experimentation. It recognizes that what a country does domestically is its own business. Instead of levying a politically unpopular carbon tax, one country might impose prohibitive regulations on coal, another might tax energy inputs, and a third might incentivize renewables. Each one charts its own course, while the GCI supplements whatever moral incentives are already driving action at the country level. The beauty of the GCI is its simplicity and self-financing structure. But it would require one adjustment in how per capita emissions are computed.", "zh": "但每个国家都希望以自己的方式去减排 — — 有些通过税收，有些借助监管。 那么问题就是该如何平衡国家层面的优先事项和全球需求以拯救我们共同拥有的这个世界。 经济上的解决方案其实很简单：全球碳激励机制。 每个人均排放量超过全球平均水平（约5吨）的国家每年都要向一个全球激励基金支付费用，其金额则由人均超额排放量乘以人口数量和全球碳激励值计算得出。 如果全球碳激励值从10美元/吨开始计费，美国得支付约360亿美元，而沙特则要支付46亿美元。 与此同时，那些低于全球人均平均水平的国家将获得相应赔付（比如乌干达将获得约21亿美元 ） 。 这样一来无论各个国家的起点是处于高、低还是平均水平，只要人均排放量每增加一吨就将面临人均10美元的实际损失，也不再会有搭便车问题，因为乌干达和美国都有着同样的减排激励因素。 全球碳激励机制还可以解决公平问题。 那些通常最为贫穷也最易受到并非因它们而起的气候变化影响的低排放国将收到一笔款项以帮助其人民适应气候变化。 如果全球气候变化值随着时间的推移不断提升，那么总支付金额将接近富国在2009年第25届缔约方大会上向穷国承诺的每年1000亿美元，也远远超过迄今为止所募集的微薄资金。 而更好的一点则是这可以使全球碳激励机制以一种可行的方式去分配支付责任，因为排放大国一般支付能力也更强。 此外，全球碳激励机制不会扼杀各国内部的实验。 它承认一个国家有权在国内自行其是。 一个国家可能不会征收在政治上不受欢迎的碳税，而是对煤炭实施禁止性规定，另一个国家可能对能源生产资料征税，还有一些国家可能鼓励发展可再生能源。 每个国家都可以制定自身路线图，而全球碳激励机制则为那些已经推动了国家层面行动的道德激励提供了补充。 全球碳激励机制的美妙之处在于其简明和自筹资金架构，但它需要对人均排放量的计算方式进行调整。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because religious tourism is one of the Kingdom’s main sources of non-oil revenue, the umrah ban and likely severe restrictions on the obligatory (for all Muslims) hajj pilgrimage will have a large negative impact on economic growth. True, policymakers across the GCC are rolling out stimulus measures to support businesses and the economy. Central banks have focused on assisting small and medium-size enterprises by deferring loan repayments, extending concessional loans, and reducing point-of-sale and e-commerce fees. And GCC authorities have unveiled stimulus packages to support companies in the hard-hit tourism, retail, and trade sectors. The UAE has a consolidated package valued at AED126 billion ($34.3 billion), while Saudi Arabia’s is worth $32 billion and Qatar’s totals $23.3 billion. Moreover, policymakers are supporting money markets: Bahrain, for example, recently slashed its overnight lending rate from 4% to 2.45%. But the camel in the room remains oil, especially the immediate impact on demand of the Chinese and global economic slowdown. The International Energy Agency optimistically estimates that global oil demand will fall to 99.9 million barrels per day (bpd) in 2020, about 90,000 bpd lower than in 2019 (in the IEA’s pessimistic scenario, demand could plunge by 730,000 bpd). Indeed, successive production cuts had already led to OPEC’s global market share falling from 40% in 2014 to about 34% in January 2020, to the benefit of US shale producers. The weakening outlook for oil demand has been exacerbated by the Saudi Arabia-Russia oil-price war, with the Saudis not only deciding to ramp up production, but also announcing discounts of up to $8 per barrel for Northwest Europe and other large consumers of Russian oil. Although the Kingdom’s strategic aim is to weaken shale-oil producers and regain market share, the price war will also hit weaker oil-dependent economies (such as Algeria, Angola, Bahrain, Iraq, Nigeria, and Oman), and put other major oil producers and companies under severe pressure. Indeed, in the two years after oil prices’ last sharp fall, in 2014, OPEC member states lost a collective $450 billion in revenues. That episode prompted GCC governments to pursue fiscal consolidation by phasing out fuel subsidies, implementing a 5% value-added tax (in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain), and rationalizing public spending.", "zh": "由于宗教旅游是沙特阿拉伯非石油收入的主要来源之一，麦加朝圣禁令和可能对强制性(对所有穆斯林)朝圣的严格限制将对经济增长产生巨大的负面影响。 诚然，海湾合作委员会(GCC)中的各国政策制定者正在推出刺激措施以支持企业和经济。 央行主要通过推迟偿还贷款、延长优惠贷款、降低销售点和电子商务费用等方式来帮助中小企业。 海湾合作委员会(GCC)有关当局公布了经济刺激计划，以支持受到重创的旅游、零售和贸易部门的公司。 阿联酋推出的综合方案价值1,260亿迪拉姆(合343亿美元 ) ， 沙特阿拉伯的综合方案价值320亿美元，卡塔尔的方案总计233亿美元。 此外，政策制定者也正在支持货币市场:例如，巴林最近将其隔夜贷款利率从4%降至2.45 % 。 但石油仍是需要提及的，尤其是中国和全球经济放缓后对石油需求量的直接影响。 国际能源机构乐观地估计，到2020年全球石油需求量将降至9990万桶/天，这比2019年减少约9万桶/天(根据国际能源机构不乐观的预测，全球石油需求将减少73万桶/天 ) 。 事实上，连续的减产已经导致石油输出国组织成员国的全球市场份额从2014年的40%下降到2020年1月的34%左右，但这种分额下降对美国页岩气生产商有利。 沙特阿拉伯与俄罗斯之间的石油价格战加剧了石油需求不断削弱的前景。 沙特不仅决定增加石油产量，还宣布向欧洲西北部和其他俄罗斯石油消费大户提供最高每桶8美元的折扣。 尽管沙特的战略目标是削弱页岩油生产商并夺回市场份额，但价格战也将打击较弱的石油依赖型经济体(如阿尔及利亚、安哥拉、巴林、伊拉克、尼日利亚和阿曼 ) ， 并使其它主要石油生产商和公司承受沉重压力。 事实上，在2014年油价大幅下跌后的两年里，石油输出国组织成员国总共损失了4500亿美元的收入。 这一事件促使海湾合作委员会成员国政府通过逐步取消燃料补贴 、 ( 在阿联酋、沙特阿拉伯和巴林)实施5%的增值税以及使公共支出合理化来寻求财政巩固。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Gazpromization of European Energy Security The term “energy security” in Europe has been hijacked to empower suppliers and weaken importers, implying a drastic reduction in competition, rising political vulnerability, and the erosion of the rule of law. The fact that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s likely successor, Dmitry Medvedev, is Chairman of Gazprom leaves little doubt about the Kremlin’s determination to maintain an iron grip on the energy sector. But the asymmetry in European Union-Russian energy relations must end. Concerns in the EU over energy security, fueled by increasing dependence on Russia, have never been greater. Together with the Russian authorities’ expropriation of oil company Yukos, foreigners have been squeezed out of Russia’s energy extraction sector. Inevitably, many in Europe are questioning the value of the Kremlin’s word. Rather than turning away, the EU should seek deeper engagement and reciprocity. It should facilitate further incorporation of Gazprom into the EU market through market liberalization and downstream integration. Yet it must also press for Gazprom’s ultimate restructuring and real market entry into Russia for European companies, because Russia’s unwillingness to do so guarantees energy insecurity for Europe. Indeed, the Putin administration established a track record of bending rules and bullying foreign investors, with the support of prosecutors, tax authorities, regulatory agencies, and courts. At the same time, Gazprom has evolved into the dominant market-maker in gas for Europe, and its actions have made a mockery of EU efforts at greater collaboration with Russia. Gazprom strategy deploys three tactics: co-optation – cultivating partnerships with certain countries, political leaders, and corporations, as levers of its interests; preemption – using upstream power and Russian diplomacy to manipulate downstream conditions and scoop up assets; and disaggregation – dividing the EU through bilateral deals. Gazprom’s co-optation of Europe has been achieved mainly through Germany, where its partnerships with energy companies and banks have helped align the authorities with Russian aims. Extensive lobbying, directly and by proxy, is underway to persuade European regulators to allow long-term supply contracts in the EU – despite their deadening effect on competition. Preemption by Gazprom has been accomplished through a raft of acquisitions.", "zh": "欧洲能源安全的俄罗斯天然气工业公司化 欧洲的能源安全问题已经遭到了劫持，使供应者的地位变得越来越强大而进口者的地位变得越来越弱小，导致竞争的严重退化、政治的愈加脆弱和法治被侵蚀。 俄罗斯总统普京可能的继任者梅德维杰夫就是俄罗斯天然气工业公司总裁的事实清楚地表明了克里姆林宫对能源部门保持铁腕控制的决心。 但是欧盟与俄罗斯能源关系的不对称绝对不能再继续下去了。 由于对俄罗斯越来越高的依赖性，欧盟内部对于能源安全问题的担心从来没有像今天这样高过。 加上俄罗斯当局没收尤科斯石油公司的举动，外国公司被挤出俄罗斯的能源开采业，许多欧洲人无可避免地开始质疑克里姆林宫所说的话的价值。 当然欧盟不应该抛弃俄罗斯去寻求其他供应商，而是应该寻求更多的参与和互惠。 欧盟应该寻求通过市场自由化和下游的一体化来使俄罗斯天然气工业公司更多地融入欧盟市场。 然而它还必须促使俄罗斯天然气工业公司最终重组以及让欧洲公司真正地进入俄罗斯市场，因为俄罗斯不同意这样做只会导致欧洲能源的不安全。 事实上，普京政府在检察官、税务机关、监管部门和法庭的支持下经常网开一面以及肆意威吓外国投资者。 与此同时，俄罗斯天然气工业公司成为了欧洲天然气市场统治者，它的行为使欧盟谋求与俄罗斯进行更大协作的努力成为笑柄。 俄罗斯天然气工业公司的策略有三种：挑选代理人，即推动与某些国家、政治领导人及公司的合作伙伴关系作为其利益的杠杆；抢先占有，利用上游的权力和俄罗斯的外交操纵上游供应的条件以及占有资产；分化瓦解，通过双边协定来分化欧盟。 俄罗斯天然气工业公司在欧洲挑选代理人很大程度上是通过德国来实现的，它与德国能源公司和银行的合作帮助使政府当局站在俄罗斯目标一边。 通过直接以及通过代理人进行的广泛游说，它们正在劝说欧洲的监管者允许在欧盟签署长期的供应合同，尽管这样做会严重地阻碍竞争。 俄罗斯天然气工业公司的抢先占有是通过大规模的并购来实现的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "世界经济陷入低迷，经济全球化遭遇逆风，单边主义、保护主义抬头，公平和效率、增长和分配、技术和就业等矛盾更加突出，贫富差距仍普遍存在，全球治理体系面临新的挑战。 亚太地区数十年来第一次出现经济整体负增长，保护人民健康、实现经济复苏任务艰巨。 亚太合作未来的路怎么走，关乎地区发展，关乎人民福祉，关乎世界未来。 今年，亚太经合组织的一项重要任务是开启2020年后的合作愿景，我们达成了共建亚太共同体的目标。 我们应该以此为新起点，开启亚太合作新阶段，延续亚太地区强劲发展势头，迎接亚太地区共同繁荣未来，共同构建开放包容、创新增长、互联互通、合作共赢的亚太命运共同体。 第一，坚持开放包容。 世界经济正如我们身边的太平洋，汇聚千流、连通四海，铸就了浩瀚宽广的胸怀，孕育了波涛澎湃的活力。 在平等相待基础上开展合作，在相互尊重基础上化解分歧，是亚太经济发展繁荣的根本。", "en": "The world economy is in the doldrums. Economic globalization is encountering headwinds. Unilateralism and protectionism are on the rise. Balancing equity and efficiency, growth and distribution, and technology and employment is getting more difficult. The wealth gap remains a common sight. The global governance system faces new challenges. For the first time in decades, the Asia-Pacific as a whole registered negative economic growth. Protecting people’s health and reviving the economy are two formidable tasks we have to take on. Where should Asia-Pacific cooperation be heading? The answer bears on the development of our region, the well-being of our people, and the future of the world at large. One priority on this year’s APEC agenda is to unveil the post-2020 vision, a pathway toward our goal of building an Asia-Pacific community. This should be taken as a new starting point for us to begin another phase in Asia-Pacific cooperation, sustain the strong momentum of development in our region, and embrace a future of shared prosperity. Together, we can build an Asia-Pacific community with a shared future featuring openness and inclusiveness, innovation-driven growth, greater connectivity, and mutually beneficial cooperation. First, we need to stay open and inclusive. The world economy is like the Pacific Ocean around us – It admits water from various rivers, and connects different parts of the world. As such, it has acquired a vast magnitude and enormous vitality. The approach of pursuing cooperation as equals and resolving differences with mutual respect is what essentially makes economic development and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific possible."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s household savings rate was at levels not seen since the Great Depression, either negative or zero. With higher interest rates depressing housing prices, the game is over. As America moves to, say, a 4% savings rate (still small by normal standards), aggregate demand will weaken, and with it, the economy. The micro-story is more dramatic. Record-low interest rates in 2001, 2002 and 2003 did not lead Americans to invest more – there was already excess capacity. Instead, easy money stimulated the economy by inducing households to refinance their mortgages, and to spend some of their capital. It is one thing to borrow to make an investment, which strengthens balance sheets; it is another thing to borrow to finance a vacation or a consumption binge. But this is what Alan Greenspan encouraged Americans to do. When normal mortgages did not prime the pump enough, he encouraged them to take out variable-rate mortgages – at a time when interest rates had nowhere to go but up. Predatory lenders went further, offering negative amortization loans, so the amount owed went up year after year. Sometime in the future, payments would rise, but borrowers were told, again, not to worry: house prices would rise faster, making it easy to refinance with another negative amortization loan. The only way (in this view) not to win was to sit on the sidelines. All of this amounted to a human and economic disaster in the making.", "zh": "美国的家庭储蓄率降到大萧条以来的最低点，不是为负就是为零。 随着高利率对房价的压制，游戏结束了。 当美国的储蓄率达到4 % （ 就一般标准来看仍然很低 ） ， 累计总需求就会减弱，随之而来的就是经济走弱。 微观的分析则更具戏剧性。 2001、2002、2003年创纪录的低利率并未引发美国人更大的投资热情—超额产能（excess capacity）已经出现。 相反，赚快钱的心态诱使美国家庭将他们的按揭重新融资并支出部分资本从而刺激美国经济。 借钱投资是一回事，这能强化我们的资产负债表；但把借来的钱用于度假和疯狂消费那就是另一码事了。 而这正是格林斯潘鼓励美国人做的。 当普通贷款不能满足需求时，他鼓励美国人进行可变汇率按揭—而且在利率只升不降的时期。 贪婪的贷方进而推出了负摊销贷款（negative amortization loans ） ， 从而使借款人的负债连年攀升。 在未来的某个时候，还款额会提高，但借款人会又一次被告知，别担心：房价上涨会更快，因此再借一笔负摊销贷款会很容易。 （在这种观点下）不能受益的只有那些静观其变的人。 这样的推波助澜最终导致了人类和经济的灾难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "出了拍卖行的两人快步朝城外走去。没走多远就听到身后一阵纷乱的脚步声，回头一看，数名玩家正朝着拍卖行冲去。 “不是冲我来的吧！”顾飞一惊。 “看起来是的。”佑哥说。 “人不少啊！”顾飞说。 “自首吧！”佑哥镇定地说。 “别……”顾飞说。 “那你还是把脸蒙着，这么多人，难保有哪个眼尖的不会发现你的存在。你现在在他们眼中是标着一个号码的，一目了然。”佑哥说。 “好好，先赶紧出城。城里人多眼杂，麻烦。”顾飞快步朝城外跑去，佑哥完全追不上顾飞的速度，只能在身后高呼了一声：“自己多小心。” 顾飞头也不回地朝他挥了挥手。", "en": "The two rushed out of the city as they left the Auction House. After walking for a short distance, they heard a flurry of footsteps. Gu Fei looked back and saw a bunch of players heading straight toward the Auction House. “They can’t all be after me!” Gu Fei expressed his shock. “It appears they are,” Brother Assist affirmed. “There’re so many of them!” Gu Fei exclaimed. “Just turn yourself in,” Brother Assist calmly replied. “Nah...” Gu Fei declined. “Perhaps you should cover your face. With many people looking for you, there’s no guarantee that a sharp-eyed player won’t discover you. Those who have accepted this mission will see a conspicuous serial number marking on you,” Brother Assist advised. “Alright. But I’ll leave the city first. There’re too many pairs of eyes around, which make things difficult,” Gu Fei hastily bolted out of the city. Brother Assist’s speed was not a match for Gu Fei’s, so he could only shout after his fleeing figure, “Be careful!” Gu Fei waved his hand in acknowledgement without even turning around."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So it's not just at West Point or the National Spelling Bee that grit matters. It's also in school, especially for kids at risk for dropping out. To me, the most shocking thing about grit is how little we know, how little science knows, about building it. Every day, parents and teachers ask me, \"How do I build grit in kids? What do I do to teach kids a solid work ethic? How do I keep them motivated for the long run?\" The honest answer is, I don't know. What I do know is that talent doesn't make you gritty. Our data show very clearly that there are many talented individuals who simply do not follow through on their commitments. In fact, in our data, grit is usually unrelated or even inversely related to measures of talent. So far, the best idea I've heard about building grit in kids is something called \"growth mindset.\" This is an idea developed at Stanford University by Carol Dweck, and it is the belief that the ability to learn is not fixed, that it can change with your effort. Dr. Dweck has shown that when kids read and learn about the brain and how it changes and grows in response to challenge, they're much more likely to persevere when they fail, because they don't believe that failure is a permanent condition. So growth mindset is a great idea for building grit. But we need more. And that's where I'm going to end my remarks, because that's where we are. That's the work that stands before us. We need to take our best ideas, our strongest intuitions, and we need to test them. We need to measure whether we've been successful, and we have to be willing to fail, to be wrong, to start over again with lessons learned. In other words, we need to be gritty about getting our kids grittier. Thank you.", "zh": "所有不仅仅是在西点军校里或者全国拼字比赛上 才需要毅力。在学校亦是如此， 尤其是对于那些徘徊在辍学边缘的孩子们。 对于我自己来说，关于毅力最让我震惊的事情莫过于 对于毅力，我们知之甚少， 在培养毅力上，科学对理解的认识又是何等贫乏。 每天都有家长和老师来问我， \"我怎样做才能培养孩子的毅力呢? 该做些什么才能教授给孩子们真正的职业道德？ 又该怎样调动他们长期的积极性呢？\" 老实说，我不知道。 我所知道的是，才华并不能使你坚韧不拔。 我们的数据十分清楚地表明， 有许多才华横溢的人， 他们都无法坚持兑现自己的承诺。 事实上，根据我们的数据来看，毅力通常与其他因素无关， 甚至与才华的衡量标准背道而驰。 到目前为止，我所听说过的在孩子身上培养坚韧品质最有效的方法 叫\"成长型思维模式。\" 斯坦福大学卡洛杜威克提出过一个观点， 他相信 人的学习能力是可变的， 它随着你的努力程度而变化。 杜威克教授表示，当孩子们阅读和学习有关大脑的知识 以及它在面对挑战时 所发生的变化和成长情况， 他们失败之后更容易坚持下去， 因为他们 不相信会一直失败下去。 因此，成长性思维模式对培养毅力大有裨益。 但是我们需要更多。 我决定在此结束我的评论， 因为我们正在经历着这一切。 这是眼前所面临的工作。 我们要拿出最好的想法和最强的直觉， 我们要对他们进行实践。 我们需要估量这一切是否成功 同时还要渴望对失败和错误， 要从这些失败中汲取经验重新再来。 换句话说，我们只有自己变得更有毅力 才能让我们的孩子变得更有毅力。 谢谢大家！"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "主持上海市哲学社会科学规划项目1项（省部级），北京市哲学社会科学规划项目1项（2015年结项，省部级），上海市人民政府决策咨询研究重点课题1项（省部级），上海市文化创意产业财政扶持基金项目1项（2016年结项，省部级）、国家广电总局部级社科研究项目（省部级）等。 主持完成中央高校基本科研业务费资助项目3项；参与国家级、省部级、其他课题近十项。 主持的国家自然科学基金项目(71804126)对于微博进行数亿条帖子和十万余用户的分析，考察我国网络信息时代的传播机理及其引导、管理。 主持的国家社科基金项目（13CXW050）2017年结项，以中国文化的全球流动为对象，系统分析其在若干全球典型社交媒体中的传播机制，提出或拓展了“话语圈层”、“中介突围”等具有一定创新性的理论视点，或把“共词聚类”等方法在国内传播学界首次应用到中国文化的实践分析中，探索进一步面向全球讲好“中国故事”。", "en": "Presided over 1 Shanghai Philosophy and Social Science Planning Project (provincial and ministerial level), 1 Beijing Philosophy and Social Science Planning Project (completed in 2015, provincial and ministerial level), 1 key project of Decision-making Consultation Research of Shanghai Municipal People's Government (provincial and ministerial level), 1 Shanghai Cultural and Creative Industry Financial Support Fund Project (finished in 2016, provincial and ministerial level), National Social Science Research Project of the General Administration of Radio, Film and Television (provincial and ministerial level), etc. Presided over the completion of 3 basic scientific research funded projects for central universities; participated in nearly 10 national, provincial and other topics. The National Natural Science Foundation of China (71804126) project presided over by him carries out the analysis of hundreds of millions of posts and more than 100,000 users of Weibo, and investigated the communication mechanism, guidance and management of China's network information age. The National Social Science Fund Project (13CXW050) presided over by him was completed in 2017. It took the global flow of Chinese culture as the object, systematically analyzed its communication mechanism in a number of typical global social media, and proposed or expanded some innovative theoretical viewpoints such as \"discourse circle\" and \"intermediary breakthrough\". Perhaps for the first time, the \"co-word clustering\" and other methods have been applied to the practical analysis of Chinese culture in the domestic communication circle, and explored the ways to spread \"Chinese story\" globally."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "King Coal’s Climate Challenge WASHINGTON, DC – Coal is emerging as a major topic of conversation at the United Nations climate-change negotiations currently taking place in Warsaw – and rightly so. Indeed, it is a discussion that the world needs to have. The latest findings of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change conclude that we are quickly using up our carbon “budget” – the amount of carbon that we can afford to emit while still having a good chance of limiting global warming to 2º Celsius. According to the IPCC, keeping the global temperature increase from pre-industrial levels below this threshold – the recognized tipping point beyond which climate change is likely to get seriously out of control – requires that the world emit only about 1,000 gigatonnes of carbon (GtC). More than half of this amount was already emitted by 2011. Unless we shift away from carbon-intensive behavior, the remaining budget will run out in roughly three decades. When it comes to tolerable CO2 emissions, coal is the budget buster. Just this week, a group of 27 prominent scientists, representing all major continents, issued a joint statement that explains that burning all known fossil-fuel reserves would produce about 3,800 gigatonnes of CO2, or 1,053 GtC, with coal alone accounting for more than half. Simply put, if the world burns its known coal reserves using current technologies, it is likely to push global temperature rise far beyond 2ºC. Many governments and financial institutions recognize this.", "zh": "煤王的气候挑战 华盛顿—在最近正在华沙进行的联合国气候变化谈判中，煤炭成为对话的主要话题之一 — — 确实应该如此。 事实上，世界正需要这样一场讨论。 政府间气候变化委员会（Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change，IPCC）的最新发现表明，我们正在快速耗尽我们的碳“预算 ” — —在仍有很大机会将全球变暖程度控制在2摄氏度以内的情况下可以排放的碳量。 据IPCC的数据，将全球气温在前工业化水平基础上升高幅度限制在这一阈值之下意味着全世界只能排放大约1 000十亿吨碳（GtC ） 。 超过这一阈值，气候变化就可能大大超过控制能力。 到2011年，我们已经排放了一大半的碳量。 除非我们很快减少碳密集行为，否则剩余预算将会在大约三十年内耗尽。 在可忍受二氧化碳排放量这个问题上，煤炭是预算毁灭者。 就在本周，一个由27位著名科学家组成代表五大洲的团体发布了一份联合声明，指出把所有已知化石燃料储备烧尽将产生3 800十亿吨的二氧化碳，或1 053GtC，其中煤炭占了一大半。 简言之，如果世界按当前技术烧尽已知碳储备，就可能将全球气温升高远不止2℃。 许多政府和金融机构也承认这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The inclusion of women in the military was viewed as an experiment that could go either way, and the PAF greeted it only reluctantly. Our small group of woman cadets at the PAF training academy was instructed to maintain strict boundaries with the men with whom we would serve. “We can’t have any scandals around here,” our course commander told us. “These young men have never seen women in the academy, and they can be very flirtatious.” In our conservative society, he insisted, even “a hint of scandal” will suggest that the experiment failed, closing the door to other women who hoped to serve. “The responsibility of making this work lies on your shoulders.” We took our responsibility seriously, and I do not just mean avoiding “scandal.” We knew that we had to prove that we could handle the rigorous training. At first, male cadets remarked that we would not last a week. But we lasted a year and a half, and graduated with those male colleagues to become officers. Since then, the PAF has come a long way, with the number of female officers surging from a dozen in 2001 to around 300 today, working in ground support, engineering, and flying branches. Pakistan’s army and navy have also opened their ranks to women. Now, when a Pakistani woman wears her uniform, people don’t stare. Separate facilities, better leave structures, and altered work schedules have served to make this growing cohort of women in the Pakistani military more comfortable. And the culture is changing, too, with men less likely to underestimate their female counterparts. Yet discrimination persists. For example, women are often passed over in favor of men for training abroad, and they still cannot hold command positions. And this situation is far from exclusive to Pakistan: most of the countries with no restrictions on women serving in frontline combat roles are in Europe or the Anglosphere (the exceptions are Eritrea, Israel, and North Korea). To be sure, militaries around the world have gradually opened up to women. But numbers remain relatively low. In the United States, 15% of military personnel are female. In the United Kingdom, that figure stands at 10%.", "zh": "将女性引入军队被视为一项尝试性的实验，而巴基斯坦空军接受它的时候并不情愿。 我们巴基斯坦空军培训学院的女性学员小组被告知要与我们共同服役的男性学员保持严格的界限。 “我们这儿不能容忍发生任何丑闻 ” ， 课程指挥官告诉我们。 “这些年轻人从未在学院见到过女性，他们可能很喜欢调情 。 ” 他坚持认为在我们这个保守的社会里，哪怕只有“一丝一毫的丑闻”也会表明实验失败，从而导致军队向其他希望入伍的女性关上大门。 “你们肩上担负着确保试验成功的责任 。 ” 我们认真履行了自己的责任，我并不仅仅指的是避免“丑闻 ” 。 我们知道我们必须证明自己能够承受严格的训练。 起初，男性学员表示我们坚持不了一星期。 但我们坚持了一年半，并与这些男性同事一起毕业成为军官。 自那以后，巴基斯坦空军在女军官人数方面取得了长足的进展，从2001年的区区十多个增加到今天的约300人，就职于地勤、工程和飞行等部门。 巴基斯坦陆军和海军也向女性敞开了大门。 现在，穿军服的巴基斯坦女性不会再引来人们的围观。 独立设施、改进休假体系和工作时间表共同提升了巴基斯坦军队女军官的舒适性。 同时文化也逐渐改变，男军官已经不太可能低估他们的女性同伴。 但歧视仍然存在。 例如，在海外培训方面男性比女性更受青睐，而女性仍然无法担任指挥官。 而这种状况远非巴基斯坦所独有： 绝大多数不限制女性承担前线作战任务的国家都在欧洲或英语文化圈（仅有厄立特里亚、以色列和朝鲜等少数例外 ） 。 可以肯定，世界各国军队逐渐向女性敞开了大门。 但人数仍相对有限。 在美国，15%的军人是女性。 而在英国，该数据为10%左右。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "His plea deal with Mueller strips him of most of his properties and tens of millions of dollars, but he was willing to accept huge financial losses to avoid the possibility of spending the rest of his life in prison. Aside from having his potential prison sentence reduced (to an unknown amount), Manafort also wanted an arrangement that would keep his family safe. After all, he would be giving Mueller’s prosecutors the goods on some Russian oligarchs close to President Vladimir Putin – folks who are not particularly gentle toward people who betray them. Making matters worse, Trump’s longtime attorney, Michael Cohen, has also agreed to cooperate with prosecutors. Cohen knows a great deal about Trump’s previous business practices and has revealed that he arranged to pay women with whom Trump had sex (though he hasn’t admitted it) for their silence before the presidential election. This, too, has put Trump in legal jeopardy. And now the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh, Trump’s selection to replace retiring Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, is hanging by the slimmest of threads and could be withdrawn at any moment. Kavanaugh was a risky choice all along. Drawn from a list of other highly conservative possible nominees provided to the president by the right-wing Federalist Society, Kavanaugh stood apart for his extraordinary views about presidential power. Kavanaugh has written that he believed that a president cannot be investigated or prosecuted while he is in office.", "zh": "— — 而且他也承受不起又一次审判所带来的后果。 他与穆勒签署的认罪协议剥夺了他绝大部分财产和数千万美元，但他仍然愿意接受巨大的经济损失，以确保自己的余生不在监狱中度过。 除削减其潜在的监狱刑期外（削减的具体年限尚不清楚 ） ， 马纳福特还要求制定一项能保障他家人安全的计划。 毕竟，他将向穆勒的检察官们提供与弗拉基米尔·普京总统关系密切的某些俄罗斯寡头的罪证 — — 这些人对敢于背叛他们的人从不特别温和。 更糟的是，曾长期担任特朗普律师的迈克尔·科恩也同意与检方合作。 科恩对特朗普以前的商业行为了如指掌，并透露他曾安排收买那些曾与特朗普有过性行为的女人（虽然特朗普本人并未承认过 ） ， 以换取她们在总统大选之前保持沉默。 这也使特朗普处在法律危险之中。 现在被特朗普选中替代即将退休的最高法院大法官安东尼·肯尼迪的布雷特·卡瓦诺的提名同样正处在随时可能被撤回的千钧一发的时刻。 卡瓦诺一直都是一个冒险的选择。 在右翼联邦主义者协会向总统提供的一份其他高度保守的可能的候选人名单中，卡瓦诺因其对总统权力非同寻常的见解而脱颖而出。 卡瓦诺曾写道他认为总统在任职期间不能接受调查或起诉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋肿着一张脸，惊讶的坐在床上。 她噌的跳起来，跑到窗口处往外看，就看到沈凉川一身黑色西装的从车里走下来，优雅矜贵的身形，宛如神祗，大步走进来。 乔恋的心一下子提了起来。 她看了看镜子里，脸上的红肿虽然在冰敷下有所缓解，可是一眼就能看出来！ 这么严重，除非把脸罩起来，否则肯定被发现。 她却下意识不想让沈凉川知道。 她在房间里快速的跳动，着急的不行。 这下可怎么办？ 一周没有回家，沈凉川那莫名的怒意，才终于平复。 这个点，她应该没在家里，所以他才回家拿分文件。 冷着脸进入客厅，他正打算换鞋时，却看到乔恋那双白色运动鞋放在鞋柜上。 这么说……她在家？ 沈凉川动作一顿，抬起头来。 二楼的位置空空，她没有迎接出来。 现在不早不晚的时间，她在房间里干什么？ 明知道自己回来了，也不出来迎接……是因为他那天的怒火，把她吓到了？ 沈凉川微不可查的皱了皱眉头，面无表情的上了楼。 进入书房，他刻意坐了一会儿，可是那个女人竟然还是没有过来。 沈凉川拿起文件走出来，想要就这么直接离开，可经过主卧房间的时候，却鬼使神差的停下了脚步。 他在门口处站了一会儿，才对自己这种患得患失的心态嗤笑一下。 这是他的家，他愿意去哪儿就去哪儿，为什么要这么在意她？ 他直接伸手，推开了房门。", "en": "A shocked Qiao Lian sat on the bed with a swollen face. She instantly jumped up and ran to the window to look outside, where she shaw Shen Liangchuan stepping out of a car in a black tuxedo. His graceful deity-like body strode into the villa. Qiao Lian’s heart instantly leapt. She looked in the mirror and realized that the bruises on her face were still extremely noticeable, even though they had somewhat subsided thanks to the ice. Such serious injuries could only remain concealed if she chose to cover her face up. However it must be dicovered by him. She made up her mind not to let Shen Liangchuan know about this. She anxiously hopped around the room. What should she do now? Shen Liangchuan’s inexplicable rage completed subsided only after he stayed away from the villa for the entire week. She usually would not be home at this hour, so he had chosen to return home now to collect some documents. He walked into the living room with a cold expression. He was about to change his shoes when he saw that Qiao Lian’s white sneakers were placed on the shoe rack. Did this mean that… she was home? Shen Liangchuan froze momentarily and raised his head. The second floor was completely empty. She had not come down to greet him. What could she be doing in her room at this time? Even though she knew that he was home, she had not come to greet him. Was this because his rage the other day had scared her? Shen Liangchuan frowned imperceptibly and walked upstairs with a blank face. After entering the study, he purposely sat inside for a while, but she still did not come over to greet him. Shen Liangchuan picked up his documents and walked out. He had already decided to leave the villa immediately, but stopped unexpectedly when he passed by the master bedroom. He lingered at the doorway for a while, before laughing at the anxiety that he was feeling. This was his home and he should be able to enter any room as he pleased. Why should he care about her feelings on the matter? He immediately stretched out his hand and pushed the door open."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the Democratic Party had won a strong majority in the Senate in addition to winning the White House and holding on to the House of Representatives, there might have been a chance to reverse these trends through legislative action. The US health-care system’s plundering of American households might have been checked by the introduction of a public option for health insurance, even if more radical alternatives (like “Medicare for All”) remained out of reach. It might have been possible to replace or supplement employer-based health care – which is financed by what is effectively a poll tax on workers – with a system funded through general tax revenue. Moreover, had the Democrats performed better, it would have been possible to pursue meaningful antitrust action against the Big Tech firms. There would have been at least some chance of passing climate legislation. And the long march of anti-union laws might have been slowed or even reversed. But now, the few congressional Republicans who were willing to congratulate Biden on his victory, and even some centrist Democrats, will oppose “socialist” measures like the Green New Deal or health-care reform. Moreover, the courts will continue to advance the pro-business agenda. There has understandably been much attention lately on the issue of abortion. But it is worth remembering that the Supreme Court also heads a legal system that tends to adjudicate in favor of economic efficiency, with little or no concern for distribution. Economists bear a good deal of responsibility for this.", "zh": "如果民主党除了拿下白宫、保住众议院之外，还能赢得参议院强力多数，那么兴许有机会通过立法措施扭转这些趋势。 即便更加激进的方案（如“全民医保 ” ） 仍然过于遥远，但美国医疗体系对美国家庭的掠夺本也可以通过医疗保险公共选项来制衡。 本应有可能用通过一般税收收入支持的体系取代或补充基于雇主的医疗体系 — — 其资金来源实际上是工人的人头税。 此外，如果民主党表现更好，本可以采取有意义的反垄断措施对付科技巨头。 至少能有一些机会通过其后立法。 而反工会法律的漫漫征途可能遭到阻击乃至逆转。 但如今，极少数愿意恭喜拜登获胜的国会共和党，甚至一些中间派民主党，也会反对绿色新政和医疗改革等“社会主义”政策。 此外，法院将继续推动亲企业日程。 不难理解，近来堕胎问题成为大热门。 但不能忘记，最高法院还引领着一个司法体系，这个体系总是做出有利于经济效率的裁定，而不会关注分配问题。 经济学家对此肩负着很大责任。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "研究化解铁路债务的有效措施，逐步改善铁路企业债务结构。加大力度盘活存量资产，加强土地资产评估等工作，落实国家支持铁路实施土地综合开发的政策，支持铁路企业对车站和线路用地一体规划，加强地上、地下空间的综合开发，提升增量资产收益。研究出台促进铁路运输业发展的指导意见，适应市场需求变化，发展高铁快运和零散货物快捷运输，发挥价格机制作用，大力开拓运输市场，全面提升服务水平，扩大产品和服务有效供给，增强铁路企业市场竞争力，加快向现代物流企业转型发展。深入挖掘潜力，改革经营体制，发挥市场力量，深入实施多元化经营战略，延伸产业链和服务链，不断提升铁路经营效率效益。深化铁路企业改革，加快建立现代企业制度，推动市场化经营，强化内部管理，促进。降本增效，增强内生动力与发展活力，发挥铁路总公司在铁路建设中的关键作用。牢固树立安全发展观念，强化安全管理，确保铁路持续安全稳定。", "en": "Research effective measures to resolve railway debt and gradually improve the debt structure of railway enterprises. Increase efforts to activate existing assets, strengthen land asset evaluation, and implement national policies supporting comprehensive land development for railways. Support railway enterprises in integrating the planning of stations and track land, enhance the comprehensive development of above-ground and underground spaces, and increase the income from incremental assets. Study and issue guidelines to promote the development of the railway transportation industry, adapt to changes in market demand, develop high-speed rail and fast transportation of bulk goods, utilize price mechanisms, vigorously expand the transportation market, comprehensively improve service levels, expand effective supply of products and services, enhance the market competitiveness of railway enterprises, and accelerate the transformation and development into modern logistics enterprises. Tap into potential, reform the management system, leverage market forces, implement diversified business strategies, extend the industrial and service chains, and continuously improve the efficiency and benefits of railway operations. Deepen the reform of railway enterprises, accelerate the establishment of a modern corporate system, promote market-oriented operations, strengthen internal management, and promote cost reduction and efficiency improvement to enhance internal driving force and development vitality, and leverage the key role of the railway corporation in railway construction. Firmly establish a concept of safe development, strengthen safety management, and ensure the continuous safety and stability of railways."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When Hong Kong’s citizens pushed back, they paid a steep price. The 2014 “umbrella movement” earned its name from the shields protesters used against tear gas. When even larger protests erupted last year, they were met with more extreme violence by the security forces. Though the demonstrations were largely peaceful, especially early on, police deployed all manner of weapons – including batons and, in a few cases, live ammunition – with impunity. This past January, two UN special rapporteurs issued a communication alleging the “inappropriate use of chemical agents,” including “hazardous substances such as tear gas, pepper spray, pepper balls, and irritating chemical constituents dispersed from water cannons.” Moreover, in February, four UN human-rights experts wrote to the Chinese government detailing evidence of harassment, intimidation, and detention of health-care workers during the protests. According to the report, “large numbers” of such workers were arrested and “hand-cuffed with zip-cords.” Even after providing identification, they were arrested for “taking part in a riot” and detained for 24 hours with no access to legal counsel, before being released on bail, pending charges. The report also highlighted “the misuse of health-care transport, facilities, and confidential information.” The Hong Kong authorities – and the Chinese rulers who back them – have not backed down.", "zh": "当香港市民反击时，他们付出了高昂的代价。 2014年的“雨伞运动”得名于抗议者用雨伞来抵挡催泪瓦斯的盾牌。 在去年更大规模的抗议活动爆发时，他们遭遇了安全部队更极端的暴力。 尽管示威活动在很大程度上是和平的，尤其是在开始阶段，警察部署了各种武器 — — 包括警棍，在少数情况下，还有实弹 — — 但没有受到惩罚。 今年1月，两名联合国特别报告员发表了一份报告，指控“不当使用化学制剂 ” ， 包括“催泪瓦斯、胡椒喷雾、胡椒球和从高压水枪中散发的刺激性化学成分等危险物质 ” 。 此外，今年2月，四名联合国人权专家致信中国政府，详细列举了抗议期间骚扰、恐吓和拘留医护人员的证据。 根据这份报告 ， “ 大量”这样的工人被逮捕，并“被铐上手铐 ” 。 即使在提供了身份证明之后，他们还是因“参与暴乱”而被捕，并被拘留了24小时，无法获得法律顾问的帮助，之后被保释，等待指控。 报告还强调了\"医疗运输、医疗设施和机密信息的滥用 \" 。 香港当局没有让步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Kremlin has become essentially a bunker. Putin, who has historically avoided responding to corruption accusations, has even denied owning the opulent palace on the Black Sea that Navalny featured in a recent viral video. This shift reflects developments in Russia since the annexation of Crimea seven years ago. Western sanctions imposed in response to that move have gradually eroded Russia’s economy. And because state intervention in the economy is essential to maintain an autocratic regime – an approach that almost inevitably ends with attempts to regulate prices – political erosion soon followed. Welcome to the late Soviet Union. In today’s Russia, economic policy is becoming increasingly primitive: collect money from taxpayers, and spend it on whatever Putin and his cronies want, such as law enforcement and the bureaucracy (a prime source of patronage). That means powerful security services and black-helmeted riot police who chase young people in the streets and beat them with batons. It means judges who hand down whatever sentences the Kremlin wants. And it means a massive bureaucratic machine, with millions of employees, which mindlessly repeats the Kremlin line (for example, that Navalny’s poisoning was staged by the West). Less important, apparently, is a functioning economy. Since Russia invaded Ukraine, private and foreign investors have lost interest. With economic growth barely above zero, real incomes have fallen by 10.6% since 2014. The Russian government reports a 3.1% decline in GDP in 2020, but this is in ruble terms, and the ruble is weakening by the day.", "zh": "克里姆林宫已成困兽之势。 历史上，普京从未回应过腐败指控，现在甚至要站出来否认拥有纳瓦尔尼在最近的病毒视频中呈现的黑海行宫。 这一变化反映了七年前吞并克里米亚以来俄罗斯的发展形势。 因为吞并克里米亚而遭到的西方制裁逐渐破坏了俄罗斯经济。 而由于国家干预经济对于专制政权至关重要 — — 而这一方针又难免会带来价格监管 — — 政治破坏也接踵而至。 欢迎来到末期的苏联。 在当今俄罗斯，经济政策变得日益原始：从纳税人手中收取资金，用于普京及其裙带想要的一切，如执法体系和官僚体系（恩庇的主要来源 ） 。 这意味着强大的安全部门和防暴警察在街上追捕年轻人，用警棍殴打。 这意味着法官的判决唯克里姆林宫马首是瞻。 这意味着人数高达数百万人的臃肿的官僚机器无脑地重复克里姆林宫的旨意（比如纳瓦尔尼遭投毒乃西方所为 ） 。 显然，经济的运行并不那么重要。 自俄罗斯入侵克里米亚以来，私人和外国投资者就失去了兴趣。 经济增长难以为继，真实收入自2014年以来下降了10.6 % 。 俄罗斯政府报告2020年GDP下降了3.1 % ， 但这是卢布计价数字，而卢比每天都在贬值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Gordon’s 2015-2040 projection, annual growth in median income in the United States is only 0.4%, compared to average income growth of 0.8%, reflecting continuously rising inequality. (Compare this to 1.82% annual growth in median income from 1920 to 2014.) The intertwined forces of chronic Keynesian imbalance, a slowdown in productivity growth, and a concentration of income at the top lead to a very subdued outlook for growth in median income. With expectations about the future being undermined by such deep-rooted and multifaceted forces, perhaps it should not be surprising that voters in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere are expressing anger toward the establishment. Fortunately, there are reasons for hope. First, I do not share Gordon’s assessment of prospects for longer-term technological progress. I believe that, as the digital revolution and artificial intelligence restructure larger segments of economic activity, overall productivity growth may accelerate again, leading to higher expected returns and, therefore, more investment and faster growth. That in itself will not lead to a more balanced distribution of wealth or income, and it may not generate enough employment. But it could help create the political and fiscal space for inclusiveness-oriented policy reforms. Second, developing and emerging economies still offer immediate opportunities for large high-return investments, which should be financed by what appears as excess global savings. With significant room to move toward the technology frontier, including in services, there are still plenty of opportunities for “catch-up” growth. Such investments would help close the global savings gap and generate positive feedback for advanced economies as well.", "zh": "在戈登的2015—2040年预测中，美国中位收入年增长只有0.4 % ， 而平均收入增长为0.8 % ， 体现出不平等性的不断上升。 （而1920 — — 2014年间中位收入年增长为1.82 % 。 ） 长期凯恩斯主义失衡、生产率增长放缓、收入向顶层集中，这些纠缠在一起的因素导致了中位收入前景黯淡。 对未来的预期被这些深层次、多维度的因素影响，也许美国、欧洲和其他国家选民对体制表现出愤怒也就不足为奇了。 幸运的是，有理由保持希望。 首先，我不同意戈登对长期技术进步前景的评估。 我认为，随着数字革命和人工智能对更大的经济活动细分领域进行重组，总生产率增长可能再次加速，形成更高的预期回报，从而带来更多的投资和更快的增长。 这本身不会��来更平衡的财富和收入分配，也许也不会带来足够的就业。 但这能帮助包容导向的政治改革创造空间。 其次，发展中和新兴经济体仍然为大型高回报投资提供即刻的机会，这些投资应该通过看似过剩的全球储蓄融资。 有巨大的空间向技术前沿进步（包括服务业 ） ， “赶超”增长机会仍然充足。 这些投资将有助于缩小全球储蓄缺口，并为发达经济体带来正反馈。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Evolving Independent Economy BERKELEY – Working full-time for a single employer is no longer the norm in advanced economies. Instead, millions of “independent workers” – self-employed, freelance, or temporary employees – sell their labor, services, and products through digital platforms to numerous employers or clients. The growing share of independent work, which typically entails flexible hours, promises to bring significant aggregate economic gains, by raising labor-force participation rates, increasing the overall number of hours worked, and reducing unemployment. But the “gig economy” also creates complex new policy challenges in taxation, regulation, and access to social benefits and protections that traditionally have been provided through standard employer-employee relationships. According to a McKinsey Global Institute study, up to 162 million people throughout the United States and the EU-15 are currently engaged in some form of independent work. Based on a representative online survey of 8,000 workers in six countries (including the US), McKinsey found that 10-15% of the working-age population relies on independent work for their primary income. Another 10-15% – including students, retirees, household caregivers, and those with traditional jobs – take on such work to supplement their income. McKinsey’s findings challenge several common beliefs about independent work. First, the independent workforce is not dominated by young people: people under age 25 represent just 25% of independent workers. The independent workforce is also diverse in terms of income level, education, gender, occupation, and industry. Moreover, 70-75% of those engaged in independent work do so by choice, rather than out of necessity – a finding that is consistent with the results of other recent studies. Indeed, although 40-55% of low-income workers (earning $25,000 or less per year) engage in some independent work, they comprise less than 25% percent of all independent earners. Only about one-third of survey respondents said they rely on independent work because they cannot find conventional jobs or need supplemental income to make ends meet. That minority, however, still amounts to a large number of people. It is estimated that more than 50 million Americans and Europeans are engaged in independent work out of necessity, and more than 20 million rely on independent work as their primary source of income. Many are low-income workers who would otherwise be unemployed.", "zh": "变化中的独立经济 伯克利—为一位雇主全职工作已不再是发达经济体的常态。 相反，数百万“独立工作者 ” — —个体户、自由职业者或临时工 — — 通过数字平台向众多雇主和客户出售劳动、服务和产品。 独立工作比重的上升有望带来巨大的总经济效益。 独立工作通常工作时间十分灵活，它提高了劳动力参与率，增加了总工作时长，也降低了失业。 但“临时经济 ” （ gig economy）也给税收、监管和传统上通过标准雇主-雇员关系提供的社会福利与保护带来了复杂的新政策挑战。 据麦肯锡全球研究所（MGI）的研究，在美国和欧盟15国有多大1.62亿人参与了某种形式的独立工作。 基于六国（包括美国）8,000名工作者的代表性在线调查，麦肯锡发现10—15%的工作年龄人口依靠独立工作获得基本收入。 另有10—15 % — —包括学生、退休者、家政工作者和传统岗位工作者 — — 通过独立工作补充收入。 麦肯锡的发现对一些独立工作的常见观念提出了挑战。 首先，独立工作者并非主要为年轻人：25岁以下人群仅占25 % 。 独立工作者的收入水平、教育程度、性别、职业和行业也呈现出多样化。 此外，70—75%从事独立工作的人是出于自主选择，而不是出于必须 — — 这一发现与其他最新研究的结果一致。 事实上，尽管40—55%的低收入工人（每年收入25,000美元或以下）会参与一些独立工作，但他们只构成所有独立赚钱者的25%弱。 只有大约三分之一的调查受众表示他们是因为找不到常规工作或需要补充收入来满足需求才从事独立工作。 但是，尽管占比很少，所代表的人数仍然很多。 据估计，超过5,000万美国人和欧洲人参与非必须的独立工作，超过2,000万人依靠独立工作作为基本收入源。 许多底薪工作者若不从事独立工作就会失业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Iowa Caucuses and the Atlantic Alliance What do the victories of two relatively inexperienced outsiders, Barak Obama and Mike Huckabee, in the Iowa Caucuses mean for American foreign policy in general and the Atlantic Alliance in particular? It is too soon to predict, on the basis of a plurality of votes cast by a sliver of eligible voters in a small state, who will eventually prevail in the nomination process. But it is not too soon to ask if the Bush Administration’s unfathomably cavalier and gratuitously alienating attitude toward America’s European allies will change substantially on January 20, 2009. Commentators seem to agree that the voters who chose Obama and Huckabee felt that they were rejecting the status quo. To put the missteps of the past behind them, they apparently voted for the candidates about whom they knew the least. But exactly what status quo did they imagine they were rejecting? Upon inspection, the “politics as usual” that they apparently sought to rebuff looks nebulous. Obama has repeatedly linked Hillary Clinton, whose political team is personally and ideologically committed to wresting power from the current incumbents, to the thinking dominant in Washington from 2001 to 2007. Even more oddly, the genial and erratic Huckabee says that the Mormon former governor of Massachusetts, Mitt Romney, represents the powers that be.", "zh": "爱荷华州党团会议和大西洋联盟 在爱荷华州党团会议中两位相对并不老练的局外人奥巴马和赫卡比获得胜利，这对于美国的总体外交政策、特别是大西洋联盟意味着什么呢？ 根据一个小州有权投票的一少部分选民的多数来预测谁最终在提名中脱颖而出为时尚早。 奥巴马不断把希拉里·克林顿与在2001年到2007年主导华盛顿的思维联系起来。 更为不同寻常的是，和蔼可亲而又怪异的赫卡比说，属于摩门教派的马塞诸塞州前州长罗尼代表了权势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And will Likud members find the courage to unseat their leader (presumably an easier task now that his spell has clearly been broken)? Israeli politicians’ ingenuity in circumventing their professed principles should never be underestimated. One way out of the impasse could indeed be Lieberman’s grand coalition, but with the premiership rotating between Gantz and Netanyahu: the former could head the new government for the first two years of its term, while Netanyahu deals with his legal problems. But this is only one of many creative options that might emerge in the coming days. Clearly, this election is no victory for the Israeli peace camp, or even for the center-left. Whatever government emerges will not resuscitate the all-but-dead two-state solution, and will most likely launch a massive military campaign against Hamas in Gaza – something on which the two largest parties concur. It is also likely to engage with the United States regarding President Donald Trump’s “deal of the century” aimed at strengthening the Palestinian economy – a plan that the Palestinians are expected to ignore altogether. Nonetheless, the election result comes as a relief, and one is right to sense a breath of fresh air. Israeli voters have stopped the country’s slide toward xenophobic theocracy (one hopes not just temporarily). Moreover, halting Netanyahu, with his imperial ways and his divisive politics of hate and incitement, was no small achievement. Israel’s national poet Nathan Alterman might therefore have described the outcome as the “joy of the poor,” also the title of arguably his most famous work. But with the country again preoccupied with political bargaining, and regional tensions on the rise, it remains to be seen how long the elation will last – and whether Netanyahu really has left the political stage.", "zh": "利库德成员是否有勇气推翻他们的领袖（因为他的魔咒显然已经被打破，这或许是一个相对轻松的任务 ） ？ 以色列政客在规避自身所明确宣誓原则方面的聪明才智永远不应被低估。 摆脱僵局的方法之一可能的确是利博曼的大联盟，但随着总理职务在甘茨和内塔尼亚胡之间轮转：前者可能领导新政府任期的头两年，而内塔尼亚胡则利用这段时间处理其法律问题。 但这仅仅是今后几天可能浮出水面的许多创新方案之一。 显而易见，此次选举对以色列和平阵营，甚或对中左翼而言都不是什么胜利。 无论出现何种政府都无法复苏几乎已陷入死亡的两国方案，而且极有可能对加沙地带的哈马斯发动大规模军事攻击 — — 这一点经过两个规模最大的政党一致同意。 他还可能就唐纳德·特朗普总统旨在加强巴勒斯坦经济的“世纪交易”与美国接触 — — 该计划预计将遭到巴勒斯坦民众的完全无视。 尽管如此，选举结果还是让人松了一口气，而且人们的确能够感受到某种清新之气。 以色列选民成功阻止了国家滑向仇外的神权政体（人们希望这不仅仅是一种暂时的胜利 ） 。 此外，阻止内塔尼亚胡的帝国主义方式及其仇恨与煽动的分裂政治手段也是一种不小的成绩。 因此，以色列民族诗人内森·奥特曼可能会将这一结果形容为“穷人的快乐 ” ， 这同时也可以说是他最著名作品的标题。 但随着以色列再次忙于政治谈判，地区紧张局势不断加剧，这样的欢欣鼓舞能够持续多久 — — 以及内塔尼亚胡是否真的已经离开政治舞台仍有待观察确认。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, although the war with Georgia demonstrated the revived combat spirit of the Russian army – at least when compared to its ineptness in the two Chechen wars of the 1990’s – it also exhibited the grave defects of Russian military technology. Most of the arms used were yesterday’s weapons. As China is now able to harness its own technological might to produce sophisticated weapons, Russia’s usefulness in this area is waning fast. Nor do the Chinese have much interest in assuming de facto control of Asiatic Russia, despite shrieks from Russian strategic pundits that this is China’s real goal. China might, indeed, have an interest in some border areas with fertile soil and moderate climate. But it hardly wishes to colonize the frozen wastes of Siberia. In fact, Siberia is not much different from China’s own almost empty mountain/desert borderlands, where even agriculture is a daunting task. As for Russia’s Far East, the Chinese believe it will eventually fall to China anyway, so there is no need to hasten the process. China is far more interested in focusing on the United States, its major trade partner and rival, and on South Asia and Iran, which supplies much of China’s oil and regards it as a more reliable ally than Russia. Thus, the settling of the border dispute with Russia was not aimed so much at building a geopolitical marriage as securing each other’s rear, offering both sides a free hand to explore opportunities elsewhere. What China wants and what it gets may be different things. With its long borders with Russia, China knows it would have much to regret if a new, oil-fired Russian empire appeared on its doorstep.", "zh": "确实，虽然和格鲁吉亚的战争显示了俄罗斯军队战斗精神的复活 — — 至少与20世纪90年代的两次车臣战争相比如此 — — 它也显示了俄罗斯军事技术的严重缺陷。 在这次战争中使用的大部分武器都是过时了的。 因为中国现在能够使用其自身的技术制造复杂的武器，俄罗斯在这一领域的价值正在迅速减弱。 中国对取得俄罗斯亚洲部分的实际控制权也没有多少兴趣，尽管俄罗斯战略学者耸人听闻地说这才是中国真正的目标。 事实上，中国可能对一些富含石油并且气候温和的边界地区有兴趣。 但是，它不大可能希望将严寒荒芜的西伯利亚变成其殖民地。 事实上，西伯利亚和中国自己几乎没有人烟的高山/沙漠边界地区没有多大差别，在这些地区，即使种植农作物都是很艰巨的任务。 对于俄罗斯的远东地区，中国人认为这些地区不管怎样最终都会开始变成中国的一部分，所���现在没有必要急忙开始这一进程。 中国对关注作为其主要贸易伙伴和竞争对手的美国以及南亚和伊朗 — — 这些国家为中国供应许多石油并认为中国是比俄罗斯更可靠的盟友 — — 的兴趣远远比对俄罗斯大。 因此，中国和俄罗斯解决边界争端的主要目的不是为了建立地缘政治婚姻，以保护双方的后方并为双方发展其他地方的机会腾出手来。 中国想要的东西和得到的东西可能是不同的。 由于和俄罗斯拥有很长的边界线，中国知道如果一个新的以石油为武器的俄罗斯帝国出现在其门前，它会非常后悔的"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "少女一眼看到了西维和红衣大主教，不过她并没有打招呼，只是向两人稍微点了点头，接着就继续快步离开。 红衣大主教也没有显露出丝毫的不快，继续招呼着西维进那座恢宏的建筑物中。 而西维在迈入新约圣堂的时候还是忍不住回头看了一眼。 他所在意的并不是少女的美貌的容姿或是能够进出新约圣堂的身份之类的，而是她身上隐约流露出来的那种气息。 虽然很不明显，但却隐隐和磨砺之塔中那位身殒战场的大天使的气息有着相似之处。 要知道自从神话时代结束，天界就再也没了一点消息，如果教廷真的掌握了让天使降临的技术，那抽翻七曜法师塔和国王议会，成为人类第一大势力就是迟早的事了。 不过西维很快就回过神来——就算教廷真的掌握了那种技术，和他又有毛线关系。 想通了这一点之后，西维就将那个盔甲少女抛在脑后，打起精神走进了新约圣堂。接下来他要面对的，可是站在整个东部平原人类最为顶点的几个人之一，纯白教廷的现任教皇，尼古拉斯？派瑞德斯！", "en": "The girl saw Xiwei and the Cardinal Archbishop at a glance, but she didn’t say hello, just nodded to them a little, and then continued to leave quickly. The cardinal archbishop did not show the slightest displeasure~IndoMTL.com~ continued to greet Xiwei into the magnificent building. Sevi couldn’t help but glance back when he entered the New Testament church. What he cares about is not the beauty of the girl or the identity of being able to enter and exit the New Testament church, but the kind of breath that faintly exudes from her. Although it is not obvious, it is faintly similar to the breath of the archangel on the battlefield in the Tower of Grinding. You must know that since the end of the mythological era, there has been no news in the heavens. If the Holy See really masters the technology to allow angels to descend, then it will be sooner or later that the Qilu mage tower and the king’s council are removed, and it will become the largest power in mankind. It’s up. However, Xiwei quickly came back to his senses-even if the Holy See really mastered that kind of technology, it would have something to do with him. After figuring this out, Sivi left the armored girl behind and walked into the New Testament church with a spirit. The next thing he has to face is Nicholas, one of the most human beings standing on the eastern plains, the current Pope of the Pure White Holy See? Paredes!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "India’s Martian Chronicles NEW DELHI – The news that the Mars orbiter spacecraft Mangalyaan, launched by India on November 5, has left the Earth’s orbit, traversed the moon, and is on course for its ultimate destination, 400 million kilometers (249 million miles) away, brought early holiday cheer to Indians. Space missions have become a matter of pride for India, which is already one of the top countries in terms of rocket and satellite technology. Mangalyaan, India’s first inter-planetary satellite, was purpose-built for the Mars mission – and it was made entirely indigenously. Indian-educated scientists designed and fabricated it in barely 15 months – astonishingly fast for a country of chronic delays, where “Indian Standard Time” is a common joke. They also did so at a remarkably low cost, with the total bill coming in at under $73 million, or about a fifth of what the few other countries that have sought to explore Mars have spent. Indeed, while Indians often lament their country’s dysfunction, inadequate infrastructure, antiquated industrial processes, and uneven manufacturing record, it rose to the challenge and delivered. But it is too early to celebrate. Five years ago, India’s lunar mission, called Chandrayaan, was the occasion for another national celebration. Though it was intended to explore the moon for two years, the spacecraft was declared lost after 312 days. While scientists at the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) believe that they gained valuable lessons from the experience, the partial failure of the Chandrayaan mission still haunts them. Moreover, the challenge is even greater when it comes to Mars. It is a sobering fact that of a total of 51 Mars missions sent out by five countries, 30 ended badly. Among India’s Asian rivals, neither Japan, which launched a Mars orbiter in 2003, nor China, which followed suit in 2011, was able to complete its mission successfully. India hopes to join the three space programs that have succeeded – those of the Soviet Union, the United States, and the European Union. Mangalyaan’s objective is to reach Mars’s orbit by September 2014 and to look for the presence of methane gas, a sign of possible life. Success would mark a scientific advance for humanity; failure, Indian scientists aver, would still provide a learning experience.", "zh": "印度火星编年史 新德里—印度11月5日发射的火星轨道飞行器Mangalyaan号已经离开地球轨道、穿过月球、直奔其4亿公里外的最终目标，这个消息给了即将迎来假期的印度人民一个大惊喜。 空间任务已经成为印度人民引以为傲的成就，从火箭和卫星技术看，印度已跻身最先进国家行列。 Mangalyaan是印度第一颗行星间卫星，它是专门为火星任务建造的，并且完全自主研发。 在印度受教育的科学家大约用了15个月的时间设计和制造这颗卫星 — — 这对于印度这个以拖延症闻名 ， “ 印度标准时间”沦为世界笑话的国家来说不可谓不神速。 卫星的设计和制造还具有低成本的显著特征，总花费还不到7 300万美元，是其他极少数试图探索火星的国家的花费的五分之一。 事实上，尽管印度人时常哀叹祖国做事不争气、基础设施不足、工业生产过程不完善、制造业记录不平衡，但印度还是战胜了挑战，结出了成果。 但现在庆祝还为时过早。 五年前，印度的月球任务Chandrayaan也受到了举国庆祝。 尽管该任务的探月计划期是两年，但Chandrayaan实际只工作了312天。 印度空间研究组织（ISRO）的科学家们自信从这一教训中汲取了宝贵的经验，但Chandrayaan任务的局部失败仍使他们挥之不去的阴影。 此外，火星任务的挑战更加巨大。 一个令人警醒的事实是，迄今为止共有五个国家实施了51次火星任务，其中30次结果糟糕。 在印度的亚洲对手中，不管是2003年发射了火星轨道飞行器的日本，还是2011年实施火星任务的中国，都无法成功完成任务。 印度希望能加入获得成功的三大空间计划（分别来自苏联、美国和欧盟）的行列。 Mangalyaan的目标是在2014年9月抵达火星轨道，并寻找生命存在信号甲烷。 如若成功，将标志着人类科学的重大进步；而如若失败，印度科学家认为，仍能提供学习经验。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Corporate Tax for Europe? The European Commission is considering a common model of corporate taxation for the European Union that cannot possibly work. Instead, it should consider a simpler, and more viable, alternative that already exists. Corporate income in the EU is currently taxed under widely divergent national rules, based on separate accounting (SA) of income earned in each country. Cross-border intra-company transactions are accounted for according to market prices for similar transactions – the so-called “arm’s-length principle” (ALP). The system is complex, expensive to administer, and can result in double taxation because members usually do not allow full write-offs for losses and tax liabilities incurred abroad. It is also prone to tax evasion, owing to different definitions of corporate income in the member states and the vast opportunities for cheating offered by ALP (since reference market prices often do not exist), not to mention profit-shifting to low-tax jurisdictions. The Commission is now proposing that EU companies operating in more than one member state be taxed on a common definition of earned income – the Common Consolidated Base Taxation (CCBT). Earned income would be calculated on a consolidated basis for the group and then “apportioned” among the member states according to a formula reflecting each business unit’s contribution to overall group income. The formula could include such factors as sales, payroll, and tangible assets, as in Canada and the United States, or value-added, adjusted to exclude imports in order to measure the value-added “produced” in each country. Each member state would remain free to decide the tax rate applicable to its portion of group income. Under this approach, taxable income would be determined from the consolidated accounts based on international accounting standards (IAS), which since 2005 have become legally binding for EU-listed companies’ financial reports. This offers full tax write-offs for losses within company groups, and transfer prices would no longer matter. Even so, the Commission’s proposal has fatal shortcomings. For one thing, the factors included in the apportionment formula would in practice be taxed at the national rates, creating fresh incentives for factor- and profit-shifting. But it is two other obstacles that render CCBT hopeless.", "zh": "欧洲的公司税制 欧盟委员会正在考虑一种适用于整个欧盟的公司税收共同模式。 但这种模式肯定是行不通的。 因此，它应该考虑一种业已存在的，更为简单和可行的方案。 对公司收入的征税目前欧盟各国都有不同规定。 其基础都是将公司在各个国家所得收入进行分别核算(SA ) 。 公司内部的跨国交易根据类似交易的市场价核算—即所谓的“常规交易原则 ” ( ALP ) 。 这种会计体系颇为复杂，管理成本高昂，并可能造成双重征税—因为各成员国通常不允许对发生在国外的亏损和税收义务进行完全销账。 由于各成员国对公司收入的定义不同，再加上ALP所提供的大量舞弊机会（因为市场参考价通常不存在 ） ， 使得避税非常容易，更别说将利润转移到低税收国家。 欧盟委员会正提议对在一个以上的欧盟成员国营运的欧盟公司采用共同的所得收入征税—即统一共同税基（CCBT ） 。 该体系会把集团公司作为一个整体来计算所得收入，然后按照一个反映各业务单元对集团公司总收入的贡献的公式将收入“分配”到各成员国。 这一公式可能包括销售额、薪资和有形资产等要素（就像加拿大和美国那样 ） ； 或者是计算不包括出口的增加值，以便衡量各国所“产出”的增值部分。 每个成员国都有权决定适用于该国那一部分公司收入的税率。 按照这种方式，可征税收入就会通过基于国际会计准则的(IAS)统一账目来决定。 从2005年起，该准则成为欧盟上市公司财务报告的法定标准。 这就为公司内部的亏损提供了完全的税务注销，而交易价格也不再重要。 即便如此，欧盟委员会的提案也有着致命的弱点。 就其中一点来看，分配公式中所包含的要素在实际操作中适用国家税率，这就为要素和利润的转移提供了动机。 但真正让CCBT实行无望的还是另外两个障碍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Privatizing Development Aid LONDON – Much has changed about official development assistance (ODA) over the last 50 years. Since it originated during the Cold War, when members of the OECD’s Development Assistance Committee spent roughly $60 billion annually (an amount that the Soviet Union undoubtedly matched), recipient countries have been called “backward,” “developing,” “southern,” and, lately, “emerging.” Indeed, what defines a recipient country has increasingly been called into question in recent years. The United Kingdom is debating whether to discontinue aid to India, the third-largest recipient of capital inflows and the home of the UK’s largest manufacturing employer, the Tata Group. Likewise, eurozone countries have been looking to long-time aid recipient China, which holds $2.5 trillion of US government debt, to help them overcome their own debt crisis. Furthermore, development itself has been redefined, with the policy focus shifting to good governance, transparency, accountability, and human rights. As a result, initiatives aimed at improving health, education, and gender equality have replaced large-scale construction projects. Now it is time to re-examine the ODA system. After all, donor countries are mired in debt and stagnation, while some recipient economies are growing 5-7 times faster than they are. In 1969, Canada’s former prime minister, Lester Pearson, recommended that developed countries should spend 0.7% of their GDP on ODA by 1975, and that they should eventually increase the proportion to 1%.", "zh": "发展援助私人化 伦敦—过去五十年来，官方发展援助（ODA）改变了很多。 ODA起源于冷战，其时经合组织发展援助委员会每年拿出约600亿美元资金（苏联毫无疑问可以与之匹敌 ） ， 接受国被称为“后进国家 ” 、 “发展中国家 ” 、 “南方国家 ” ， 最近则被称为“新兴国家 ” 。 事实上，近几年来，如何定义受助国变得越来越值得商榷。 英国在讨论是否停止对印度的援助，后者是当今第三大资本流入国，也是英国最大制造业雇主塔塔集团（Tata Group）的母国。 类似地，欧元区国家眼巴巴地望着中国帮助它们克服债务危机，而中国是老牌受助国，如今持有2.5万亿美元美国国债。 此外，发展本身也被重新定义，政策焦点转移到良好治理、透明度、可问责性和人权上。 结果，旨在改善卫生、教育和性别平等的计划取代了大规模建设项目。 如今，是时候重新审视ODA体系了。 毕竟，援助国受困于债务和停滞，而受助国的增长速度比援助国快7—7倍。 1969年，加拿大前首相皮尔逊建议，到1975年，发达国家应该将GDP的0.5%用于ODA，并将这一比例逐渐增加到1 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Bush doctrine's bedrock notion is that of \"pre-emptive war,\" a doctrine that lacks international legitimacy and that therefore can usually count on only a limited number of allies. The idea behind pre-emptive wars is that American force should be projected through high-tech, blitzkrieg type wars waged from US soil, or from the soil of uncritical allies. On this view, NATO is merely to serve as a means to mobilize Europeans to tackle the inevitable postwar stabilization and reconstruction missions - obviating the need for the US to place its forces under NATO command. This is what happened in Afghanistan. But as NATO's Secretary General has said, if it is the mission that defines the coalition, then NATO - a permanent alliance - is no longer needed. John Kerry is focused upon the same type of security problems as Bush. This leaves many observers skeptical about the possibility for real change. Where he differs fundamentally from Bush is in his belief that resolving international problems that affect the US almost always calls for the support of others. He therefore considers the revival of America's alliances to be a key foreign policy priority, and he has proposed that US forces in Iraq should be integrated into a NATO operation, as long as this remains under US command. Acting jointly means that the US will have to take into account other interests and views - views that may not always be in harmony with its own. America will have to accept a world that is regulated not by the US unilaterally, but by global institutions and permanent alliances. And the norms and rules that govern international institutions constitute a boundary on American power - and thus as a check on its hegemony. Kerry and a growing number of Americans recognize that accepting limits on US power and the use of military force are a precondition for America's ultimate security, that what binds can also strengthen, and that such limits will reinforce America's ability to tackle the crisis in Iraq. Kerry knows that in most cases military power alone cannot be decisive, as there are other dimensions of power - so-called \"soft power\" - that are essential to resolving crises and establishing peace. These dimensions include international legitimacy, values (including tolerance), and public opinion.", "zh": "布什信条的理论基础是\"把握战争先机 \" ， 这样的原则十分缺乏国际基础，因此能得到的支持肯定也非常有限。 \"把握战争先机\"背后的理念是：美军应该从美国本土、或不持反对意见的盟国领土发动高科技闪电战。 在这种情况下，北约不过是动员欧洲人负起不可推卸的战后稳定和重建责任的一种手段－美国也根本用不着把军队置于北约的领导之下。 阿富汗的情况就是这样。 但正如北约秘书长所言，如果这就是北约联盟的所谓使命，那么北约－这个永久性的战略联盟－根本就没有存在的必要。 约翰·凯利关注的安全问题和布什一样，这也使不少观察家怀疑他能否带来真正的变化。 但他与布什最大的不同之处就是相信解决对美国造成重大影响的国际问题几乎无一例外地需要得到别国的支持，他也因此把美国战略联盟的复兴看作是外交政策的重中之重，而且还建议在保持美国领导的前提下，把驻伊美军纳入北约联盟的控制之中。 联合行动意味着美国将不得不考虑到别国的利益和看法－尽管这些看法不一定总能与自己保持一致。 美国必须接受不由美国单边控制、而由世界组织和永久性联盟管理的世界。 如果这样，管理国际组织的原则和惯例就构成了美国权力的界线¾进而也就阻止了美国的霸权企图。 凯利和越来越多的美国人都意识到：接受对美国权力和使用军事力量的限制是享受终极安全的前提条件，必要的限制同样能加强美国的力量，而这些限制将增强美国处理伊拉克危机的能力。 凯利知道在很多情况下仅有军事实力是不够的，因为还存在其它形式的力量－那就是所谓的\"软性力量 \" － 这种\"软性力量\"在解决危机和建立和平方面发挥了关键的作用。 上述领域涵盖了国际合法性、价值观（其中也包括容忍）和公众舆论。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is perhaps the main reason why American Jews, for example, unlike prosperous members of other minorities, such as the Irish, Italians, and increasingly Latinos, still consistently vote for Democrats. For a long time, many diaspora Jews have been keen to assimilate and become indistinguishable from the majority population. As with other minorities, this is often a matter of class: relative prosperity loosens the ties to traditional faiths and customs. But even the most ardent French, British, or American Jewish patriots tend to support their societies’ openness and oppose anti-immigrant bigotry. In France, such patriots would be mostly on the side of universal human rights and other French republican values. This would apply, for example, to the well-known philosopher Alain Finkielkraut, the son of a Polish father who survived Auschwitz. Finkielkraut fears the dangers of Islam no less than Zemmour, but he is not a nativist. The Islamic threat, in his view, is to the liberal, secular, republican ideas that Zemmour deplores. So, what drives Zemmour? How can a Jew become an anti-Dreyfusard, as it were? Perhaps the memories of the Nazi genocide and the Vichy regime’s complicity have faded so much that even a Jewish intellectual can flirt with nativist reaction without any sense of shame or fear. Or maybe he believes that stirring up French hostility to Muslims will deflect potential aggression against Jews. Many French Jews, especially the mostly Sephardic Jews living in poor neighborhoods, live in genuine fear of Muslim anti-Semitism. Zemmour is an extreme assimilationist.", "zh": "例如，这或许可以解释为什么美国犹太人与其他少数族裔（包括爱尔兰人、意大利人和越来越多的拉丁人）富裕成员不同，依然坚持投票支持民主党。 长期以来，许多散居海外的犹太人一直热衷于同化并完全融入主流人口。 与其他少数民族一样，这往往牵涉到阶层因素：相对繁荣导致与传统信仰和习俗的联系不那么紧密了。 但即便是最狂热的法国、英国或美国犹太爱国者也倾向于支持社会开放及反对反移民偏见的态度。 在法国，这些爱国者多数支持普世人权和其他法国共和派价值观。 例如，著名哲学家阿兰·芬基尔克劳特就是如此，其父是来自奥斯维辛集中营的波兰裔幸存人员。 虽然不是本土主义者，但芬基尔克劳特与泽穆尔一样害怕伊斯兰教的危险。 在他看来，伊斯兰教正威胁着泽穆尔所痛斥的自由、世俗和共和理念。 那么，究竟是什么驱使泽穆尔这样做？ 一个犹太人怎么可能成为一个反德雷福斯主义者？ 或许对纳粹种族灭绝和维希政权通敌合谋的记忆已经消退太多，乃至于就连犹太知识分子也可以毫无羞耻或恐惧感地挑动本土主义政策。 或者他认为激起法国人对穆斯林的敌意有可能转移对犹太人的怨恨。 许多法国犹太人，尤其是生活在贫困社区的以西班牙裔为主的犹太人，都生活在穆斯林反犹主义的真实恐惧中。 泽穆尔是一个极端的同化主义者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "先进环保产业，主要包括水污染防治装备、大气污染防治装备、土壤及场地等治理与修复装备、固体废物处理处置装备、减振降噪设备、环境监测仪器与应急处理设备、控制温室气体排放技术装备、海洋水质与生态环境监测仪器设备、其他环保产品、智能水务、大气环境污染防治服务、水环境污染防治服务、土壤环境污染防治服务、农业面源和重金属污染防治技术服务、其他环保服务等。其他环保服务，主要包括先进环保技术设备和环保材料及药剂评价、环保工程设计咨询和工程建设、环保设施运行效果、运营维护及评价、环境安全评估、生态效率评价服务、清洁生产审核、环境友好型产品评估和信息声明、环境服务质量评价、环境投融资及风险评估、环境调查和人才培训、噪声污染检测和治理服务、自然生态检测与保护服务、水力资源开发利用咨询服务、节水管理与技术咨询服务、化学品生态毒理测试与预测咨询服务。、碳交易市场化服务、碳排放数据统计核算服务、碳交易过程中的第三方认证服务、碳交易法律服务、碳减排方案咨询与服务、产品碳足迹评价服务、碳金融服务、碳信息管理服务、绿色低碳技术咨询服务。、企业环境监测、环境质量监测等第三方环境监测服务等。", "en": "Advanced environmental protection industries mainly include water pollution prevention and control equipment, air pollution prevention and control equipment, soil and site remediation and restoration equipment, solid waste treatment and disposal equipment, vibration and noise reduction equipment, environmental monitoring instruments and emergency response equipment, greenhouse gas emission control technology equipment, marine water quality and ecological environment monitoring instruments and equipment, other environmental protection products, intelligent water management, atmospheric environmental pollution prevention and control services, water environment pollution prevention and control services, soil environment pollution prevention and control services, agricultural non-point source and heavy metal pollution prevention and control technology services, other environmental protection services, etc. Other environmental protection services mainly include evaluation of advanced environmental protection technology equipment and environmental protection materials and agents, environmental engineering design consultation and construction, operation and maintenance and evaluation of environmental facilities, environmental safety assessment, ecological efficiency evaluation services, clean production audit, evaluation of environmentally friendly products and information declaration, environmental service quality evaluation, environmental investment and financing and risk assessment, environmental investigation and talent training, noise pollution detection and control services, natural ecological detection and protection services, hydraulic resource development and utilization consultation services, water conservation management and technical consultation services, chemical ecological toxicology testing and prediction consultation services, carbon trading market services, carbon emission data statistics and accounting services, third-party certification services in carbon trading process, carbon trading legal services, carbon emission reduction program consultation and services, product carbon footprint evaluation services, carbon finance services, carbon information management services, green low-carbon technology consultation services, enterprise environmental monitoring, third-party environmental monitoring services, etc."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Whither US Foreign Policy? NEW YORK – Joe Biden has been president of the United States for just a few weeks, but the central elements of his approach to the world are already clear: rebuilding at home, working with allies, embracing diplomacy, participating in international institutions, and advocating for democracy. All this puts him squarely in the largely successful post-World War II American foreign-policy tradition repudiated by his predecessor, Donald Trump. Delivering his first address on foreign policy from the State Department on February 4, Biden declared “America is back.” He emphasized that Secretary of State Tony Blinken speaks for him and went to great lengths to support both America’s diplomats and diplomacy. Biden also declared that he would stop any withdrawal of US armed forces from Germany, as Trump had ordered, presumably to help restore NATO members’ confidence in US security guarantees and to signal to Russian President Vladimir Putin that he should not try to use foreign adventurism to distract attention from domestic protests. On Saudi Arabia, Biden walked a fine line. He distanced the US from military and intelligence support for the war in Yemen, explaining how US involvement henceforth would be diplomatic and humanitarian. At the same time, he made clear that the Saudis were not on their own in facing Iran. Squaring this circle will be far from easy, especially given the added complication of US disagreements with Saudi leaders over their poor human-rights record.", "zh": "美国外交政策要向何处去？ 纽约—乔·拜登就职美国总统只有短短几个星期，但其世界策略的核心要素已经十分明确：那就是进行国内重建、与盟国合作、全心全意投入外交、参与国际机构以及倡导民主制度。 所有这一切都证明，他完全奉行二战后大体成功的美国外交传统，而拜登的前任特朗普则对此传统持否定态度。 2月4日，拜登在国务院发表了首次外交政策讲话，并向全世界宣布“美国的回归 。 ” 他强调，国务卿托尼·布林肯代表他的态度，并且竭尽全力支持美国的外交官和外交。 拜登还宣布，他将停止特朗普所下令的从德国撤出美军的行动，他这样做大概是为了恢复北约成员国对美国安全保障的信心，并暗示俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京不应企图利用在国外采取冒险行动来消解国内的抗议活动。 在沙特阿拉伯问题上，拜登采取了谨慎的态度。 他拉开了美国军方和情报部门与也门战争的距离，不厌其烦地解释美国今后的介入行动仅会出于外交和人道主义理由。 与此同时，他表示，沙特民众并非仅靠一己之力来面对伊朗。 完成这项几乎不可能完成的任务绝非易事，尤其考虑到美国与沙特领导人就沙特糟糕人权纪录所产生的分歧导致整个局面更加复杂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But one distressing circumstance totally thwarted the Canadian’s plans. The weather was thoroughly foul. We were approaching waterways where storms are commonplace, the very homeland of tornadoes and cyclones specifically engendered by the Gulf Stream’s current. To face a frequently raging sea in a frail skiff was a race to certain disaster. Ned Land conceded this himself. So he champed at the bit, in the grip of an intense homesickness that could be cured only by our escape. “Sir,” he told me that day, “it’s got to stop. I want to get to the bottom of this. Your Nemo’s veering away from shore and heading up north. But believe you me, I had my fill at the South Pole and I’m not going with him to the North Pole.” “What can we do, Ned, since it isn’t feasible to escape right now?” “I keep coming back to my idea. We’ve got to talk to the captain. When we were in your own country’s seas, you didn’t say a word. Now that we’re in mine, I intend to speak up. Before a few days are out, I figure the Nautilus will lie abreast of Nova Scotia, and from there to Newfoundland is the mouth of a large gulf, and the St. Lawrence empties into that gulf, and the St. Lawrence is my own river, the river running by Quebec, my hometown—and when I think about all this, my gorge rises and my hair stands on end! Honestly, sir, I’d rather jump overboard! I can’t stay here any longer! I’m suffocating!”", "zh": "但突然的险恶情势完全打破了加拿大人的计划。天气很坏。我们走近了这带常有暴风的海，就是台风和旋风产生的地方，产生的原因，正是由于大西洋暖流。在一只脆弱的小艇上，冒险与时常狂吼的波涛搏斗，那一定是白送性命。尼德·兰本人也同意这种看法。所以，对于他的发狂的思乡病，虽然只有逃走才能治疗，但现在，他也只能咬紧牙关，再忍耐一些时候了。 “事情必须结束了，”那一天他对我说，“我想对于这事必须有明确的决定。您的尼摩离开陆地，往上溯，向北开行了。但我公开对您说，南极我已经受够了，我决不跟他到北极去。” “怎么办，尼德？这时候，逃走是不可能呢！” “我还是我从前的那个主意。必须跟船长谈一下。当我们在您的祖国沿海中的时候，您并没有跟他说。现在到我的祖国沿海中了，我要跟他说了。当我想到，没有几天，诺第留斯号就要跟新苏格兰在同一纬度上，在那边，近纽芬兰岛，现出阔大的海湾，圣劳伦斯河流入这湾中，圣劳伦斯河是我的河，是我生长的城市魁北克所在的河，当我想到这事时，我的愤怒完全露在我脸上了，我的头发竖起来了。您瞧，先生，我情愿跳到海中去！我不愿留在这里！我闷死了！”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is especially true of Brazil, the source of much of this mistrust. Finally, Ecuador’s president, Rafael Correa, some time ago proposed an Organization of Latin American States to replace the Organization of American States (OAS). Although the inclusion of all Latin American states goes some way towards repairing the weakened Brazilian-Mexican axis, and creates a new and more positive environment for future political coordination, this new organization is unlikely to contribute much to actual regional integration. The lack of regional common policies is particularly noticeable in the areas of regional defense and internal security, where it has been impossible to identify a common position on inter-state tensions, the fight against organized crime, and drug trafficking. These difficulties are exacerbated by the OAS’s inability to address complex situations such as the coup d’état in Honduras, the conflict between Ecuador and Colombia, or broader regional problems. This regional stasis may worsen as a result of growing nationalism; an increase in social divisions within states; weapons proliferation and an increase in military spending; and environmental degradation. It seems that Latin America has abandoned the principles, commitments, and foundations of full regional integration. Indeed, national interests and nationalistic egos have now moved to center stage.", "zh": "其中巴西尤其如此，这个国家是南美国家联盟间不信任感的主要源头。 最后，厄瓜多尔总统拉斐尔·科雷亚不久前曾提议组建取代美洲国家组织的拉美国家组织。 尽管所有拉美国家的加入能够在某种程度上修复已经削弱的巴墨轴心，并为未来的政治协作创造新的、积极的环境，但这个新组织却不大可能为实际的地区融合作出多大贡献。 区域共同政策的缺位在地区防御和国内安全领域尤其显著，以致在国家间紧张局势、反对有组织犯罪和毒品贩运等领域根本无法确定共同的立场。 美洲国家组织在解决洪都拉斯政变、厄瓜多尔和哥伦比亚冲突或涉及面更广的地区性问题等复杂局势时所表现出来的无能为力进一步加剧了这样的困难。 这样的区域停滞可能伴随民族主义滋长、国家内部社会分化、武器扩散和军事开支增加以及环境质量恶化而变得更加严重。 拉丁美洲似乎已经放弃了全面地区融合的原则、目标和基础。 事实上，国家利益和民族自尊心现在已经开始登上舞台。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But when it comes to Taiwan, the US has adopted a policy of strategic ambiguity. This is the second point of difference: it remains unclear whether the US would intervene by force in a crisis involving Taiwan. Because the US prefers to leave undefined its position on how it would respond to an assault on Taiwan, China has (at least up to now) been discouraged from military adventurism. This is so because China’s rulers must account for the possibility that the US would indeed intervene militarily. At the same time, US ambiguity has forced Taiwan to consider the possibility that the US will not intervene militarily, and this has deterred radical pro-independence groups on the island. The US has maintained its Janus-faced policy for decades. But the third, most important difference between Ukraine and Taiwan suggests strongly that it is time for the US to reconsider its approach. Simply put, whereas Ukraine is an independent state beyond any doubt, Taiwan is not. Russia’s invasion is not only an armed violation of Ukraine’s territorial sovereignty, but also an attempt to overthrow the government of a sovereign state with missiles and shells. On this point, there is no controversy in the international community over the interpretation of international law and the UN Charter. While the extent to which countries participate in sanctions against Russia has differed, no country has claimed that Russia is not in serious violation of international law. By contrast, China claims that Taiwan is “part of its own country,” and the US and Japanese position is to respect this claim.", "zh": "但在台湾问题上，美国却采取了战略模糊政策。 这是第2个不同点：目前尚不清楚美国是否会在涉及台湾的危机中实施武力干预。 因为美国倾向于在如何应对对台攻击问题上不明确自己的立场，该策略（至少到目前为止）阻止了中国选择军事冒险主义。 这是因为中国统治者必须考虑到美国确实会进行军事干预的几率。 与此同时，美国的模糊态度也迫使台湾考虑美国不会军事干预的可能性，而这使得岛内激进的亲独派得到了遏制。 数十年来，美国一直维持其双面政策。 但乌克兰和台湾第3个，同时也是最重要的差异明确显示，美国是时候重新考虑其政策。 简言之，乌克兰毫无疑问是一个独立国家，而台湾则不是。 俄罗斯入侵不仅是武装侵犯乌克兰的领土主权，也是企图用导弹和炮弹推翻一个主权国家政府。 在这一点上，国际社会对国际法和联合国宪章的解读没有争议。 尽管各国参与对俄罗斯制裁的程度有所不同，但没有国家声称俄罗斯并未严重违反国际法。 相比之下，中国称台湾是“本国领土的一部分 ， ” 而美日的立场是尊重这一主张。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many Jews around the world, including me, despise Netanyahu’s racist politics. As an American, I am also deeply troubled by the US government’s knee-jerk support of Israel. Fortunately, I am not alone in this view. A growing number of Democratic Congressmen, Jews and non-Jews alike, have called on the United States to stop supporting Israel’s lawlessness. The truth is that the US government’s uncritical support for Israel has come to depend more on evangelical Christians, such as former US Secretary of State Michael Pompeo, than on American Jews, who are deeply divided by Netanyahu’s actions. And the evangelicals’ real interest in Zionism is not Jews’ security, but Armageddon, the end of the world, which they believe will come only when all Jews are in Israel. Moreover, the blank check that former President Donald Trump gave to Israel in recent years has encouraged extreme racism within parts of Israeli society, along with a sense among Israeli leaders that no abuse they commit or condone will shake US government support. The language of hate, racial exclusion, and pogroms is invoked all too easily among the Israeli right. The Palestinians’ pain and loss is powerfully described by my distinguished Columbia University colleague, Rashid Khalidi, in his new history of the conflict, The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. The recent Human Rights Watch report on Israeli policy toward the Arabs of Israel and occupied Palestine reaches a stark and telling conclusion: Israeli authorities methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians.", "zh": "全世界许多犹太人，包括我本人在内，都对内塔尼亚胡的种族政治持鄙视态度。 作为美国人，美国政府不加思索地支持以色列令我深感不安。 幸运的是，不止我一个人有这样的看法。 越来越多的犹太和非犹太裔民主党国会议员已呼吁，美国停止支持以色列无法无天的行动。 真相是，美国政府对以色列不分青红皂白的支持现在越来越依赖于福音派基督徒而非美国犹太人，如美国前国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥。 而犹太人对内塔尼亚胡的所作所为则持分裂态度。 但福音派对犹太复国主义真正的兴趣点不在于犹太人的安全，而在于世界末日，他们认为世界末日降临的前提是所有犹太人都被以色列所收留。 此外，前总统唐纳德·特朗普近几年开给以色列的空头支票鼓励了以色列社会的极端种族主义，同时也令以色列领导人感到，无论他们犯下或纵容何种罪行，美国政府都会坚定不移地支持他。 仇恨、种族排斥和大屠杀的语言被以色列右翼势力所过于轻易地引用。 巴勒斯坦人的损失和痛苦在我所尊敬的哥伦比亚大学同事拉希德·哈利迪有关最新冲突史的著作百年巴勒斯坦战争中得到了有力的描述。 人权观察最近就以色列国内阿拉伯人及被占领土巴勒斯坦人的政策报告得出了一个明确而有力的结论： 以色列当局有条不紊地优待以色列犹太人并歧视巴勒斯坦民众。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For Turkey, For Europe Turkey is now, finally, negotiating with the European Commission the terms of its possible membership in the European Union. But whether “possible” becomes “eventual” remains very much an open question. Indeed, completing the negotiations is likely to prove as difficult as the decision to start them. Recall that Turkey made its first application to join in 1959, and that since 1963, the European Economic Community, the forerunner to today’s EU, responded with a delaying tactic: a request for a customs agreement. At the same time, having never had to take “no” for an answer – and after receiving a series of nods and winks that hinted that membership might one day come – Turkey’s expectation of eventual EU integration became increasingly palpable. But ordinary Europeans have begun looking at maps, and the geography that they see cannot be denied: 95% of Turkey’s territory and 80% of its population is in Asia. As a result, the fierce and lively debate – in Turkey and much more emphatically in the EU – about whether Turkey really belongs to Europe has continued, despite the start of negotiations. Of course, the question of Turkey’s European identity cannot be answered with geography lessons. At least half of the body of Greek theater and philosophy was produced in Asia Minor. The first Christian evangelization trips of Saint Peter and Saint Paul were to Turkey.", "zh": "欧盟与土耳其双赢 土耳其现在终于同欧盟委员会谈判其可能加入欧盟的条件了。 但是 ， “ 可能”是否成为“最终”仍然悬而未决。 实际上，完成入盟谈判有可能与开启谈判的决定一样困难。 还记得土耳其最初于1959年提出申请，而且从1963年以来，今日欧盟的前身欧洲经济共同体使用拖延战术予以应付，那就是要求达成海关协议。 与此同时，土耳其从未把欧盟的答复视为拒绝，而且在收到一系列将来总有一天会入盟的暗示之后，其最终融入欧盟的期望变得愈发明显。 但是，普通欧洲人开始观查看地图，而他们所看到的地理情况无法否认：土耳其95％的领土和80％的人口分布在亚洲。 因此，尽管谈判已经开始，但是，有关土耳其是否真正属于欧洲的强烈而生动的辩论在土耳其和欧盟继续展开，欧盟内部的辩论更为激烈。 当然，土耳其的欧洲特征问题不能用地理课程来解答。 希腊戏剧和哲学中的至少一半产生于小亚细亚。 圣彼得和圣保罗的首次基督教福音之旅是前往土耳其。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The idea that some version of the Soros plan would have accelerated growth is speculative at best. Most of the benefit of mortgage reduction flows to consumers only over time. As a result, careful calculations about the impact of mortgage reductions on aggregate demand (which we performed and which Johnson and Soros have not) do not bear out their claims: The extra spending per dollar of relief was likely to be less than a dime on the dollar of government resources expended. This leaves aside the further lesson, gained from experience, that institutions with large amounts of public capital tend to be very passive about increasing lending. Fifth, in the political environment that prevailed in 2009, it would have been difficult or impossible to get more money for the Troubled Asset Relief Program. By the time Obama came into office, a substantial majority of the TARP funds had been committed. Most observers expected (wrongly, as it turned out) that the remainder might well be insufficient to close all the gaps in the banking system. There were trillions of dollars of outstanding mortgages and hundreds of billions in second mortgages and home equity lines, most of which were held by banks. Any large-scale program of mortgage reduction would have required wiping out subordinated mortgages and would have created a capital hole much larger than we could be confident of filling. Sixth, the authors admiringly cite the British experience. It is not the case that Britain has avoided slow growth, right-wing electoral success, or toxic populism, so I’m not sure what this argument proves.", "zh": "认为索罗斯的计划能够加快增长纯属猜测。 减少按揭的大部分好处只能逐渐流向消费者。 因此，仔细计算减少按揭对总需求的影响（我们这么做了，而约翰逊和乔治并没有）无法得出他们的结论：用于纾困的每一美元额外支出，效果还不如政府支出的一毛钱。 这与经验教训更是相去甚远：持有大量公共资本的机构，对于增加贷款的态度是相当消极的。 第四，在2009年的政治环境中，要受困资产纾困计划（TARP）拿出更多钱难于上青天。 奥巴马上任时，TARP的绝大部分资金已经用出去了。 大部分观察者认为（错误地认为）剩下的钱也足够填补所有银行体系的窟窿。 未偿清按揭贷款规模数万亿美元，二级按揭和房屋净值也有数百亿美元，大部分都持有在银行手上。 任何大规模按揭减少计划都需要清理次级按揭，造成无法自信填补的资本缺口。 第六，作者们以敬仰之情援引了英国的经验。 英国并没有避免慢增长、右翼选举胜利和有毒的民粹主义，因此我不确定这么做能证明什么。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the US was not particularly interested in a larger World Bank; instead of using its considerable influence – reflected in its power to appoint the Bank’s president – to create a stronger institution capable of responding to new demands, it went along with what became a modest Bank recapitalization. In fact, the US and its European allies are rumored to have rejected several major emerging economies’ quiet offers to provide additional funding, possibly to avoid diluting their own capital. This contrasts sharply with the experience of two large regional multilateral lenders: the Inter-American Development Bank and the African Development Bank. Whereas wealthy countries hold the most World Bank shares, borrowing countries hold a slight majority of the shares (and the presidency) at the regional banks. Their leaders pressed hard – and successfully – for substantial capital increases. America’s recent failure to champion the international financial institutions represents a reversal of its approach during the latter half of the twentieth century, when it invested heavily in securing and maintaining their effectiveness. US leaders understood that these institutions enabled America to pursue its own foreign-policy preferences and commercial interests in a more open and stable global economy. The end of the Cold War undercut the foreign-policy logic behind America’s backing, as increasing globalization of trade and investment made economic support for developing countries seem less necessary as a way to expand markets. Moreover, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, made non-state actors and so-called “failing” states with troubling sectarian and ethnic conflicts a new security concern.", "zh": "但美国对扩大世界银行并没有特别大的兴趣，它并没有利用其巨大的影响力 — — 表现在其任命世行行长的权力上 — — 建立更强大、有能力响应新需求的机构，结果世行只是进行了少许资本结构调整。 事实上，据说美国及其欧洲盟国还拒绝了一些主要新兴经济体悄悄提出的提供新资金的提议，也许是为了避免稀释它们自身的资本。 这与两家大型地区多边贷款机构 — — 反美开发银行和非洲开发银行的遭遇形成了鲜明对比。 富国把持着世界银行的大部分股份，但借款国在地区性开发银行占据略微多数（以及行长职位 ） 。 它们的领导人大量 — — 并成功地 — — 施压大幅提高资本。 美国最近在捍卫国际金融机构方面的失败体现了其二十世纪下半叶以来的方针转变。 此前，美国投入重金确保和维持这些金融机构的效率。 美国领导人知道，这些机构让美国得以在更开放、更稳定的全球经济中追求其自身的外交政策选择和商业利益。 冷战的结束也终结了美国支持背后的外交政策逻辑，而贸易和投资的日益全球化让支持发展中国家不再是扩大市场的必要手段。 此外，2001年9·11恐怖袭击让非国家行动方和存在麻烦的宗派和种族冲突的所谓“失败”国家成为新的安全隐患。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Xi’s Strong Hand Against Trump LONDON – The world will soon witness a historic test of wills between China and the United States, two superpowers whose leaders see themselves as supreme. In the immediate sense, it will be a battle over trade. But also at stake is the strategic leadership of East Asia and, eventually, the international order. As things stand, China holds a stronger position than many people realize. The question is whether Chinese President Xi Jinping will feel confident or brazen enough to want to prove it. The test of wills was hardly China’s choice; but nor does it come as a surprise. US President Donald Trump’s recently announced import tariffs on steel, aluminum, and other Chinese-made goods are in keeping with his brand of economic nationalism. And his decision to accept North Korea’s invitation to hold bilateral talks on its nuclear program reflects the same “bring it on” attitude that he applied to the North’s earlier threats of war. The upcoming test will be historic because it promises to reveal the true strengths and attitudes of the world’s rising power vis-à-vis the weakened but still leading incumbent power. For better or worse, the result could shape the world for decades to come. On the trade front, China’s large bilateral surplus with the US could mean that it has more to lose from a trade war, simply because it has more exports that can be penalized. It is often said that surplus countries will always be the biggest losers in any tit-for-tat escalation of tariffs and other barriers.", "zh": "习近平对特朗普的强手 伦敦—世界将目睹中国和美国之间的历史性考验，这两个超级大国的领导人都自视为超级领袖。 眼下，这场考验将是贸易战。 但同样有可能成为斗争对象的还有东亚以及最终的国际秩序的战略领导地位。 目前，中国手牌之强超乎许多人的意料。 问题在于中国国家主席习近平会充满自信还是会“任性”地想要证明这一点。 意志的考验向来不是中国的选择；但这也不是什么令人意外的事。 美国总统特朗普最近宣布对钢、铝和其他中国制造产品征收关税，这与他经济民族主义的名声倒是相符。 他还决定接受朝鲜的邀请，就朝鲜核计划进行双边对话，这反映了与他此前应对朝鲜战争威胁时相同的“放马过来”态度。 即将到来的考验之所以是历史性的，是因为它有可能揭示世界崛起强国对已削弱但仍起着领导作用的现任强国的真正优势和态度。 在贸易方面，中国对美国保持巨大的双边盈余，这意味着它在贸易战中可以输的东西更多，因为它有更多的出口可以被惩罚。 人们常说，盈余国永远是以牙还牙的关税和其他壁垒大爆发的最大输家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By contrast, households in the US and Europe lost $630 billion in net interest income as a result of QE. This hurt older households that have significant interest-bearing assets, while benefiting younger households that are net borrowers. Although households in many advanced economies have reduced their debt burdens since the financial crisis began, total household debt in the US, the UK, and most eurozone countries is still higher as a percentage of GDP (and in absolute terms) than it was in 2000. Many households still need to reduce their debt further and will be hit with higher interest rates as they attempt to do so. Some companies, too, have been affected by QE and will need to take appropriate steps if such policies are maintained. Many life-insurance companies and banks are taking a considerable hit, because of low interest rates. The longer QE continues, the more vulnerable they will be. The situation is particularly difficult in some European countries. Insurers that offer customers guaranteed-rate products are finding that government-bond yields are below the rates being paid to customers. Several more years of ultra-low interest rates would make many of these companies vulnerable. Similarly, eurozone banks lost a total of $230 billion in net interest income from 2007 to 2012. If QE continues, many of them will have to find new ways to generate returns or face significant restructuring. We could also witness the return of asset-price bubbles in some sectors, especially real estate, if QE continues. The International Monetary Fund noted in 2013 that there were already “signs of overheating in real-estate markets” in Europe, Canada, and some emerging-market economies. In the UK, the Bank of England has announced that in February it will end its mortgage Funding for Lending Scheme, which allowed lenders to borrow at ultra-low rates in exchange for providing loans. Of course, QE and ultra-low interest rates served a purpose. If central banks had not acted decisively to inject liquidity into their economies, the world could have faced a much worse outcome. Economic activity and business profits would have been lower, and government deficits would have been higher. When monetary support is finally withdrawn, this will be an indicator of the economic recovery’s ability to withstand higher interest rates.", "zh": "相比之下，欧美家庭在量化宽松政策下损失了6300亿美元的净利息收入。 那些拥有大量存款的成熟家庭成为了受害者，而身为净贷款者的新家庭则得到了实惠。 虽然许多发达国家家庭自从金融危机以来就降低了自身债务负担，但美国，英国和大多数欧元区国家的家庭总负债规模依然比2000年时增加了1 % （ 相对于GDP，以绝对价值计算 ） 。 许多家庭依然需要进一步降低其债务，并将在这一过程中遭受高利率的冲击。 一些企业也受到了量化宽松的影响并需要采取适当的步骤来应对这些政策的延续。 许多人寿保险企业和银行都将在高利率下遭受相当的冲击。 量化宽松政策延续越长，这些企业就会越脆弱。 一些欧洲国家的情况尤其艰难。 那些承诺固定回报率的保险产品会发现政府债券的回报低于它们支付给顾客的利率。 超低利率如果继续这样延续几年，许多这类企业就将变得极为脆弱。 同样，欧元区银行在2007至2012年间总共损失了2300亿美元净利息收入。 如果量化宽松政策延续下去，许多银行将需要开发新的利润增长点或是对其业务模式进行大规模重构。 如果量化宽松持续，我们也将见证某些部门的资产价格泡沫回调，尤其是房地产领域。 国际货币基金组织在2013年提到欧洲，加拿大和某些新兴市场国家已经出现了“房地产市场过热的迹象 ” 。 在英国，英格兰银行已经宣布将在1月结束其抵押贷款融资换贷款计划（Funding for Lending Scheme ） — —该计划允许银行等出借方以超低利率获得融资来发放贷款。 当然，量化宽松和超低利率都是为了特定目的服务的。 如果当年各大央行没能果断向经济中注入流动性，全球都将面对一个更加恶劣的局面。 经济活动和经营利润将会更低，政府赤字则会增加。 等到对抵押贷款的支持完全撤销之时，它就将成为经济复苏承受更高利率能力的一个指标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Chinese Shadows NEW YORK – These are interesting times in China. A senior Communist Party official, Bo Xilai, is brought down – accused of offenses that include wire-tapping other party bosses, including President Hu Jintao – while his wife is investigated for her alleged role in the possible murder of a British businessman. Meanwhile, a blind human-rights activist escapes from illegal house arrest, finds refuge in the United States’ embassy in Beijing, and leaves the compound only after claims that Chinese authorities in his hometown had threatened his family. Despite exhaustive press coverage of these events, it is remarkable how little we actually know. The British businessman’s body was allegedly cremated before any autopsy was conducted. None of the lurid tales about Bo’s wife have been proven. And the reasons for her husband’s political disgrace remain murky, to say the least. Things always tend to get interesting in China before a National People’s Congress, where the Party’s next leaders are anointed. Leadership change in most democracies is a relatively transparent process; it follows national elections. To be sure, even open democracies have their share of opaque jockeying and deal-making in what used to be called smoke-filled rooms. This is particularly true in East Asian countries, such as Japan. But, in China, everything takes place out of sight. Because leaders cannot be ousted through elections, other means must be found to resolve political conflicts. Sometimes, that entails deliberate public spectacles. The disgrace of Bo, Chongqing’s former Party leader, certainly falls into this category. A handsome, charismatic populist born into the Party elite, Bo was known as a tough official, whose methods in fighting organized crime – and others who got in his way – were often unrestrained by law. Bo’s ex-police chief, who is said to have done the dirty work, embarrassed the Party by fleeing to the US consulate in Chengdu in February, after he fell out with his boss.", "zh": "中国的阴暗面 发自纽约 — — 这段时间以来中国发生了一些有趣的事件。 一名共产党高官 — — 薄熙来 — — 被撤职，罪名包括对（国家主席胡锦涛在内的）其它党内大佬进行窃听 — — 而其妻子则因为牵涉到一名英国商人的怀疑谋杀案而受到调查。 与此同时，一名盲人人权分子从非法软禁他的家中逃了出来，跑到了美国驻北京大使馆寻求避难，随后在声明自己家人遭到所在地当局威胁后才离开了使馆。 虽然媒体对两件事的报道铺天盖地，但我们真正知道的东西却异常稀少。 那名英国商人的尸体据说未经解剖验尸就被送去了火化。 那些关于薄熙来妻子的离奇故事全都未经证实。 至少在目前来说，她丈夫究竟因何在政治上倒台，还是一件说不清楚的事情。 中共下任领导人通常都由全国人民代表大会开会选定，而在会议召开之前情况往往会变得诡异无比。 大多数民主国家的领导人更替都是一个相对透明的过程；只待全国大选后尘埃落定。 当然，即便是公开的民主制度也会有暗中的人选交易，或是所谓“吸烟室”里的讨价还价。 特别是在日本这样的东亚国家，这类情况尤为常见。 但在中国，一切都是暗中进行的。 由于无法用选举来罢免领导人，于是必须用其他方式来解决政治争端。 有时这就意味着刻意导演一场公开的闹剧。 重庆前市委书记薄熙来的陨落显然属于这个范畴。 他是一个长相英俊，富有魅力的民粹派，从小就在中国政治精英阶层中浸淫成长。 他也是一个铁腕领导，在打击有组织犯罪（黑社会 ） — —以及任何敢跟他对着干的人 — — 方面经常使用一些逾越法律的手段。 薄熙来手下的前公安局长，也就是传说中为他干这些脏活的人，在与他关系彻底破裂后于今年1月潜逃到了美国驻成都领事馆，让中共丢尽了脸。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unsafe at Any Speed? TOKYO – At least 38 people were killed and more than 200 injured by the recent crash of two high-speed trains near Zhenzhou in Zhejiang, a province in China. The wrecked body of the ruined train was buried immediately afterward, with no investigation. The intellectual-property dispute between Japan and China over the technology used in China’s new bullet trains was heated even before the accident. In the wake of the crash, the dispute has come to a boil. Japan, of course, was the first country to build “bullet” trains, and their safety record is enviable. The Shinkansen super bullet train, which was directly affected by the earthquake that devastated northeast Japan in March, was able to resume operations on April 29. The latest-model Japanese bullet train, the Hayabusa, which made its debut only a week before the earthquake, can operate at 320 kilometers (200 miles) per hour – and now does, following quick repairs to its line. Since it began operating between Tokyo and Shin-Osaka in 1964, Japan’s Shinkansen has served as a vital transport artery in Japan, and has suffered no fatal accidents. Let me reiterate: not a single person has died in a Shinkansen accident. The automatic train-stop system, perfected for the Shinkansen, functioned flawlessly even during the earthquake. Despite its technological lead and enviable record, Shinkansen trains were not exported overseas for decades. The first such technology transfer was the Taiwan High Speed Rail (THSR), which began operating in January 2001. THSR connects Taipei and Kaohsiung, which are 345 kilometers apart, in 90 minutes. As a result of a renewed emphasis on safety following an earthquake, the Taiwanese authorities decided to use Japanese technology for the rolling stock and a mixture of German and French technology for other facilities and operations. Today, the great stage for the Shinkansen is China’s vast territory, where economic development continues at a stunning rate. On June 30, the Beijing-Shanghai High-Speed Railway, covering the 1,318 kilometers between China’s two most important cities at approximately 300 kilometers per hour, began operating, timed to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. The rolling stock for China’s CRH380A bullet train is based on technology from Kawasaki Heavy Industries, whereas the German company Siemens provided the technology for the CRH380B.", "zh": "任何时速都不安全？ 发自东京 — — 最近在中国浙江温州市发生的高速列车相撞事故造成至少38人死亡，200余人受伤。 事件发生后当局在尚未进行调查的情况下就匆匆掩埋了出事列车残骸。 而原本就已甚嚣尘上的中日高速列车知识产权纠纷在撞车事故的刺激下更是到达了沸点。 日本作为第一个制造出“子弹头”火车的国家，其行车安全记录也是可圈可点的。 新干线超级子弹火车虽然遭到了今年东日本大地震的直接冲击，却依然能在4月29日恢复通车。 而时速达320公里（约200英里）的最新型号日本子弹火车“隼鸟号”在大地震发生之前一星期才正式投入运营，也在震后迅速修复线路并恢复行车速度。 自从在1964年开通往返东京和新大阪的第一条线路以来，新干线已经成为了日本的运输命脉，而且从未发生任何重大事故。 请允许我重申一次：没有任何一人在新干线事故中死亡。 而专门为新干线设计的自动停车系统甚至在地震期间都能完美运行。 尽管在技术和安全方面都处于领先地位，但新干线在登台数十年来都没未曾出口。 其第一次技术转让则是在2001年1月通车的台湾高速铁路。 该列车往返于台北和高雄，单程345公里，耗时90分钟。 台湾官方出于地震安全性的考虑选择了日本机车技术，而其他设备和操作系统则使用德法技术。 如今新干线的最大舞台则是经济飞速发展的中国大地。 在6月30日，京沪高速铁路正式通车，将北京上海这两个中国最重要的城市直接联系起来，路线长度1318公里，行车时速约每小时300公里，同时也作为对中国共产党建党90周年的献礼。 而这款CRH380A型机车的技术正是源自于日本川崎重工，而德国西门子则为另外一款CRH380B型机车提供技术。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, in the 20 years since the highest court in the international system issued its judgment, the states affected by it have still failed to launch “negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament.” Instead, they have set out on long-term programs to maintain, modernize, and in some cases augment their nuclear arsenals. Non-weapon states began to take action through a series of international conferences and UN resolutions. Finally, in October 2016, the UN General Assembly’s First Committee, which is responsible for international peace and security, voted “to convene in 2017 a United Nations conference to negotiate a legally binding instrument to prohibit nuclear weapons, leading towards their total elimination.” On December 23, the General Assembly ratified the decision, with 113 countries in favor, 35 opposed, and 13 abstentions. The new resolution’s instructions are straightforward: “States participating in the conference” should “make their best endeavors to conclude as soon as possible a legally binding instrument to prohibit nuclear weapons, leading towards their total elimination.” The treaty could be ready before the end of the year. The nine nuclear weapon states will finally be put to the test. Will they keep their promises to disarm and join the treaty, or will they choose their weapons over international law and the will of the global community? The non-weapon states that join the treaty will be tested, too. How will they organize to confront those countries in the world system that choose to be nuclear outlaws?", "zh": "但是，自国际制度的最高法院发布这一裁决20年来，受其影响的国家仍然没有启动“核裁军谈判 ” 。 相反，它们纷纷制定长期计划维持、现代化它们的核武库，有的国家甚至扩大了核武库。 无核国家开始通过一系列国际会议和联合国决议采取行动。 最终，在2016年10月，负责国际和平与安全的联合国大会第一委员会投票决定“2017年召开联合国会议谈判有法律约束力的禁止核武器方法，最终完全销毁核武器 。 ” 12月23日，联合国大会批准了这一决定，其中113个国家支持，35个国家反对，13个国家弃权。 新决议的精神是简单明确的 ： “ 与会各国”应该“竭尽全力尽快达成有法律约束力的禁止核武器工具，最终完全销毁核武器 。 ” 年底就可以完成条约。 九个有核国家最终将面临这场考验。 它们会信守裁军承诺并加入条约，还是选择武器，无视国际法和全球社会的意愿？ 加入条约的无核国家也将面临考验。 它们将如何组织起来面对世界体系中选择成为核暴徒的国家？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Serum Institute of India, the world’s largest vaccine producer, has boosted its capacity in order to manufacture one billion doses of the AstraZeneca-Oxford vaccine (known locally as Covishield), while Bharat Biotech will produce the government-backed Covaxin shot. This should be enough to vaccinate the country’s priority groups this year. And, because the vaccines produced domestically are priced to be the cheapest in the world, India has already supplied vaccines worth $47 million to 13 countries. India will rely heavily on its public-health infrastructure to scale up its vaccination drive. Three thousand COVID-19 vaccination centers have been established across the country, along with 27,000 cold chain points to keep supplies cool en route to and at their destinations. About 150,000 staff people in 700 districts have been specially trained to administer the vaccines. India already runs the world’s largest public-health immunization programs, targeting 27 million infants and 29 million pregnant women each year. Since a national campaign to vaccinate children against measles and rubella began four years ago, several states have achieved coverage rates of over 90%. The COVID-19 vaccination push is certainly ambitious, but its scale is not fundamentally different. As some countries – including the US – have found, multi-level government systems can hamper speedy vaccine rollout if there is inadequate information flow, lack of clarity on decision-making authority between the various levels, and diffuse accountability. India proactively addressed this issue when planning the deployment of COVID-19 vaccines by establishing a well-defined governance structure between the central government, state government, district government, and local administrative blocks.", "zh": "全球最大疫苗生产商印度血清研究所（The Serum Institute of India）已经提高了产能，可生产十亿剂阿斯利康-牛津疫苗（在印度称为Covishield ） ， 巴拉特生物科技公司（Bharat Biotech）将生产政府支持的Covaxin疫苗。 这样已经足够接种今年的优先群体。 此外，由于印度国产疫苗价格全球最低，目前已向13个国家提供价值4700万美元的疫苗。 印度将主要依靠其公共卫生基础设施扩大接种计划。 全国已建立了三千个COVID-19接种中心，27000个冷链点保证疫苗在运往目的地途中保持温度。 700个区的15万明工作人员专门接受培训管理疫苗。 印度正在实施全球最大规模的公共卫生免疫计划，目标是每年为2700万婴儿和 2900万孕妇提供免疫服务。 四年前，印度启动了儿童麻疹和风疹疫苗计划，多个邦已实现90%以上的覆盖率。 COVID-19接种计划固然宏伟，但其规模并无实质不同。 包括美国在内的一些国家发现，如果信息流动不充分，各级决策当局缺乏清晰度，责任不集中，那么多层次政府体系可能会妨碍接种计划推进。 印度在进行COVID-19疫苗部署规划时便对这一问题未雨绸缪，建立了中央政府、邦政府、区政府和地方行政区块之间的精心设计的治理结构。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After 2008, newly created liquidity flowed mainly into financial markets. But central banks’ current balance-sheet expansion is triggering large money flows into the real economy, through record fiscal deficits and rapid credit growth in many countries. Moreover, the monetary-policy response to the pandemic was much faster and more substantial than in the last crisis. Demographic shifts, increasing protectionism, and the US Federal Reserve’s de facto increase last year of its 2% inflation target are among other factors that could lead to higher inflation in the longer term. Although these structural factors are unlikely to trigger a surge in price growth in the short term, they could still facilitate it. A sharp rise in inflation could have devastating consequences. To contain it, central banks would have to raise interest rates, which would create financing problems for highly indebted governments, firms, and households. Historically, central banks have mostly been unable to resist government pressure for sustained budget financing. This has often resulted in very high rates of inflation, accompanied by large losses in the real value of most asset classes and political and social upheaval. In recent months, commodity prices, international transport costs, stocks, and Bitcoin have all risen sharply, and the US dollar has depreciated significantly. These could be harbingers of rising consumer prices in the dollar area. With inflation rates highly correlated internationally, higher inflation in the dollar area would accelerate price growth worldwide. Too many are underestimating the risk of a rise in inflation, and sanguine model-based forecasts do nothing to alleviate my fears.", "zh": "2008年后新创造的流动性主要流入金融市场，而当前央行的资产负债表扩张则通过许多国家创纪录的财政赤字和信贷快速增长将大量资金注入实体经济。 此外本轮货币政策对疫情的应对要比上一次危机迅速得多，力度也更大。 人口结构的转变、保护主义的加剧以及美联储去年事实上调高了其2%通胀目标等因素都可能导致长期的高通胀。 虽然这些结构性因素不太可能在短期内引发物价激增，但仍可能成为一个促进因素。 通胀的急剧上升可能会带来毁灭性的后果。 为了遏制通胀，各大央行将不得不提高利率，这将给负债水平较高的政府、企业和家庭带来融资问题。 历史经验表明央行大多无法抵御政府要求持续实施预算融资的压力。 这往往导致了非常高的通胀率，伴随着大多数资产类别的巨大实际价值损失以及政治和社会动荡。 近几个月来，商品价格、国际运输成本，股票和比特币均大幅上涨，而美元则大幅贬值。 这些都可能是美元地区消费者价格上涨的预兆。 由于通涨存在很高的国际相关性，较高的美元区通胀也将加速全球价格上涨。 太多的人低估了通胀上升的风险，而基于模型的乐观预测无助于减轻我的忧虑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile, annual export growth has fallen in recent years to just 3%, compared to 17.8% in 2003-2008, India’s rapid-growth phase. This is partly a result of a stronger rupee, which has raised the price of Indian goods in foreign markets. And, indeed, imports have risen sharply as well, as the rupee’s appreciation lowers the relative price of foreign goods: in the first half of this year, nominal merchandise imports grew by 28%. But there is another potential driver of the sharp rise in imports: people may be over-invoicing, in order to shift money abroad. This could indicate that big traders expect a correction in the rupee’s exchange rate, at which point they plan to sell the dollars that they are now accumulating for a larger sum of rupees. This possibility should worry the Indian authorities – and spur them into action. To boost domestic demand in the short term, India needs Keynesian interventionist policies. To mitigate the rupee’s appreciation, thereby boosting external demand, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) – one of India’s most respected institutions, populated by qualified professionals – must be given greater policy space and autonomy. My advice would be for the RBI to lower interest rates further, thereby aligning India’s monetary policy more closely with that of the world’s other major economies. While the current tendency toward very low interest rates is not ideal from a global perspective, the fact is that as long as India remains an outlier, it will encourage the so-called carry trade, which artificially drives up the rupee’s value. The bigger challenge facing India will be to nurture and sustain rapid growth in the long run. To figure out how to achieve that, it is worth considering the efforts of another major emerging economy: China. As part of its industrial policy, China’s government has identified specific economic sectors to boost. India can adopt a similar approach, with health and education being two particularly promising sectors. Despite its success, India’s medical tourism industry still has plenty of untapped potential – not least because health-care costs are rising around the world.", "zh": "与此同时，近年来的出口年均增长率下降到仅仅3 ％ ， 而在2003~08年印度快速增长的时期则为17.8 ％ 。 这部分归因于卢比汇率走强导致印度产品的国外市场价上涨。 实际上进口额也出现了大幅上涨，因为卢比的升值压低了外国货物的相对价格：今年上半年，名义商品进口额就增长了28 ％ 。 但进口急剧上升的另一个潜在推动力就是：人们可能会通过高开发票金额的方式以便将资金转移到国外。 这可能表明大交易商预期卢比的汇率即将出现修正，他们现在正在积聚美元以便到时抛出换回更多的卢比。 印度当局应当对这一举措感到忧虑 — — 并尽快采取行动。 为了在短期内推动国内需求，印度需要凯恩斯主义式的干预政策。 为了缓和卢比的升值从而增加外部需求，印度储备银行（印度最受尊敬的机构之一，由一批合格的专业人士组建）必须得到更大的政策空间和自主权。 我会建议印储行进一步降低利率，从而使印度的货币政策与世界其他主要经济体实现更紧密的联动。 虽然从全球角度来看当前不断压低利率的趋势并不理想，但事实上如果印度仍然特立独行，就会鼓励所谓的套利交易并人为推高卢比的币值。 印度面临的更大挑战则是如何培育和保持长期性的快速增长。 要弄清楚如何实现这一点，就得参考另一个主要新兴经济体 — — 中国 — — 所做出的努力。 作为其产业政策的一部分，中国政府会划定某些特定的经济部门并予以鼓励。 印度可以采取类似的做法，而卫生和教育则是其中两个特别有前景的部门。 尽管印度的医疗旅游业已经取得了成功，但仍然拥有无上限的未来发展潜力 — — 尤其是在全球卫生保健费用上涨的背景下。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Instead, they must lay the foundations of future-oriented growth models, underpinned by stronger human capital and innovation. This demands, first and foremost, deeper integration into the global economy. Nowadays, access to larger markets is vital to generating incentives for innovation and productivity growth. European Union countries obviously benefit from the single market. For emerging Europe and the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), however, taking advantage of economies of scale will require reduced trade barriers and better connectivity. In concrete terms, this means that emerging Europe and the MENA region need to invest more in infrastructure. And, in fact, according to the Transition Report’s estimates, these regions’ infrastructure investment requirements amount to about €2.2 trillion ($2.6 trillion). To meet this need, fiscally constrained countries will have to mobilize private resources, via private-public partnerships. Developed-country actors often worry that infrastructure investments in emerging economies may result in “roads to nowhere,” with money being channeled toward remote regions where nobody lives or from which existing residents are eager to leave, using those shiny new roads. But this does not have to be the case. Turkey is a case in point. In 2002, the country launched a major effort to turn 25% of its road network into dual carriageways over the course of about ten years. The EBRD’s Transition Report’s analysis shows that this investment has had a major impact on domestic trade and created jobs in the country’s previously underdeveloped eastern regions.", "zh": "相反，它们必须为未来导向的增长模式打好基础，而其根本在于加强人力资本和创新。 这首先要求更加深入地融入全球经济。 如今，能够进入更大的市场是产生创新红色生产率增长激励的关键。 欧盟国家显然因为单一市场而获益良多。 但对新兴欧洲和中东和北非（MENA）国家来说，利用规模经济需要降低贸易壁垒、加强联动性。 具体而言，这意味着新兴欧洲和MENA地区需要加强基础设施投资。 而事实上，据《转型报告》的估算，这些地区的基础设施投资要求高达约2.2万亿欧元。 要满足这一需求，财政吃紧的国家必须通过公私合作来动员私人资源。 发达国家行动方常常担忧新兴经济体的基础设施投资会导致“断头路 ” ， 资金被用在了没什么人居住或现有居民急切地想要利用这些新造好的公路逃之大吉的偏远地区。 但并不总是如此。 土耳其是一个很好的例子。 2002年，土耳其实施了一项浩大工程，在十年时间里将25%的公路网络拓宽为双车道。 欧洲复兴开发银行的《转型报告》分析表明，这项投资对国内贸易和此前不发达的东部地区的就业创造都产生了重要影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Grit is Good PARIS – The United States is widely recognized as possessing the deepest, most liquid, and most efficient capital markets in the world. America’s financial system supports efficient capital allocation, economic development, and job creation. These and similar phrases have been common currency among American legislators, regulators, and financial firms for decades. Even in the wake of the financial crisis that erupted in 2008, they trip off the word processors of a hundred submissions challenging the so-called Volcker rule (which would bar banks from making proprietary investments). The casual reader nods and moves along. But there are signs that these assumptions are now being challenged. Prior to the crisis, regulatory authorities focused mainly on removing barriers to trading, and generally favored measures that made markets more complete by fostering faster, cheaper trading of a wider variety of financial claims. That is no longer the case. On the contrary, nowadays many are questioning the assumption that greater market efficiency is always and everywhere a public good. Might such ease and efficiency not also fuel market instability, and serve the interests of intermediaries rather than their clients? Phrases like “sand in the machine” and “grit in the oyster,” which were pejorative in the prelapsarian days of 2006, are now used to support regulatory or fiscal changes that may slow down trading and reduce its volume.", "zh": "放慢脚步是好事 巴黎 — — 人们普遍认为美国拥有世界上最深、最具流动性和最有效的资本市场。 美国的金融系统支持有效的资金分配、经济发展和创造就业。 几十年来，这些词组以及类似的词组表达了美国立法者、监管者以及金融公司的共同心声。 甚至在2008年爆发的金融危机之后，他们还是跳过了单词加工者提供的一百条建议，质疑所谓的沃克尔法则（该法则禁止银行投资房地产 ） 。 随意的读者一扫而过了。 但是有迹象表明，这些观点现在受到了挑战。 危机之前，监管机构主要致力于消除贸易障碍，总体上支持如下措施：通过促进更加快速、更加节省、种类更加广泛的金融债权交易使市场更加完整。 现在情况已经不是这样了。 相反，许多人开始质疑如下观点：更高的市场效率总是有利无弊的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "徐翔 主要研究方向为网络传播、社交媒体挖掘、文本数据挖掘。 截止目前，出版学术专著3部、学术合著4部；参与编著四部。 在权威期刊、核心期刊发表科研论文数十篇，《中国社会科学文摘》《人大复印资料》全文转载多篇。 相关调研报告曾获中央政治局委员批示或其他政府奖项。 《新华文摘（网络版）》、《高等学校文科学术文摘》、《红旗文摘》、《党政干部参考》等全文或摘要转载多篇。 人民网、新华网、光明网、中国文明网等重要网站全文转载多篇次。 作为项目负责人，主持或完成国家级科研项目2项、省部级科研项目5项。 以科学严谨的研究与学术探索，助力国家文化发展战略与软实力建设。 其中，主持国家自然科学青年项目1项，国家社科基金青年项目1项。", "en": "Xiang Xu The main research directions are Network Communication, Social Media Mining, and Text Data Mining. Up to now, he has published 3 academic monographs and 4 academic co-authors; participated in the editing of 4 academic books. Dozens of research papers have been published on authoritative and core journals, many of which have been reprinted by Chinese Social Science Digest, Copying Newspapers and Periodicals of Renmin University of China. Related research reports have obtained instructions from members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee and have won other governmental awards. And the full texts or part texts have been reprinted by Xinhua Digest (online version), College Liberal Arts Academic Digest, Red Flag Digest, and Reference for Party and Government Cadres. Several reports have been reprinted by People's Daily Online, Xinhua Net, Guangming Net, and China Civilization Net in full texts, As the project leader, he presided over or completed 2 national-level scientific research projects and 5 provincial and ministerial-level scientific research projects. He relys on scientific and rigorous research and academic exploration to contribute to the national cultural development strategy and soft power construction. Among them, he presided over 1 National Natural Science Youth Project and 1 National Social Science Fund Youth Project."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be elected President of France, one needs more than charisma, a good program, and a strong political party. One also must avoid the fragmentation that doomed the left in 2002, when none of its six candidates qualified for the second round, leaving Jacques Chirac, who had received 19% of the vote in the first round – a record low for a final winner ­– to defeat Jean-Marie Le Pen in the runoff with 82% of the vote. The most openly conservative French government of the past decade was essentially elected by the left. A repeat of this scenario seems possible: on the left, outside of the Socialist Party, there are already four announced candidates, and a fifth is likely. On the right, Chirac’s antagonism toward Sarkozy makes it that another candidate will appear at some point, either Michele Alliot-Marie, the defense minister, or Chirac himself. At this point, the main point to remember is that all of France’s last seven presidential elections have sprung a surprise. The final result was never discernible in the polls more than six weeks in advance. So, for the moment, the election is too far off to know or predict anything with certainty. What we hear is idle speculation. But at least the media are doing brisk business, and we are being entertained.", "zh": "为了当选法国总统，你需要的不只是感召力、周密的计划和强有力的党派支持。 你还必须避免2002年左派那样的分裂，当时6位左派候选人全军覆没，没有一个进入到第二轮，从而使在首轮选举中只赢得19%选票的希拉克在决选阶段以82%的得票击败了让·马利·勒庞，这创下了最终获胜者在首轮选举中最低的得票记录。 左翼党派实际上选出了近10年来最为保守的法国政府。 这种情况可能再次发生：左翼方面，除社会党之外，已经有四名候选人公开参选，并且还可能继续增加。 而右翼方面，希拉克对萨尔科奇的敌意会在一定阶段导致另一位候选人的出现，这个人可能是国防部长米谢勒·阿利奥·马里（Michele Alliot-Marie ） ， 也可能就是希拉克本人。 此时人们要记住一点：那就是过去的七次法国总统选举结果都出人意外。 大选六个星期以前进行的民意测验永远不能代表最终的结果。 因此从目前看，对选举做出任何肯定的预测还为时尚早。 我们听到的预测都毫无意义。 不过至少媒体的生意红红火火，人们从铺天盖地的报导中得到了乐趣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The White House and Congress have also been acting to gut the 2010 Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, which strengthened the financial system in several ways, including by imposing higher capital requirements on banks, identifying “systemically important financial institutions,” and requiring more transparency in derivatives. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau – established by Dodd-Frank to protect borrowers with payday, student, and car loans – is also now being curtailed. Like most major legislation, Dodd-Frank could be improved. Compliance costs were excessive, especially for small banks, and the original threshold for stress-testing “too big to fail” institutions – $50 billion in assets – was too low. But the current US leadership is going too far in the other direction, including by raising the threshold for stress tests to $250 billion and letting non-banks off the hook, which increases the risk of an eventual recurrence of the 2007-2008 financial crisis. Now is the right point in the cycle to raise banks’ capital requirements as called for under Dodd-Frank. The cushion would minimize the risk of a future banking crisis. Other countries do macro-prudential policy better. Europeans have applied the counter-cyclical capital buffer to their banks. Some Asian countries raise banks’ reserve requirements and homeowners’ loan-to-value ceilings during booms, and lower them during financial downturns.", "zh": "白宫和国会也一直在努力绞杀2010年《多德 - 弗兰克华尔街改革和消费者保护法案 》 ， 该法案以多种方式加强了金融体系，包括向银行提出更高的资本要求，界定出一批“具有系统重要性的金融机构”并要求衍生品更具透明度。 因该法案而设立，用以保护发薪日贷款、助学贷款和汽车贷款者的消费者金融保护局如今也受到了压制。 跟大多数重要立法一样，多德-弗兰克法案也存在改善空间。 合规成本过高（特别是对于小型银行而言 ） ， 而对那些“太大而不能倒”的机构进行压力测试的初始门槛 — — 资产规模达500亿美元 — — 又太低。 但目前的美国领导层却在另一个方向走得太远，包括将压力测试的门槛提高到2500亿美元，让许多非银行机构的以摆脱监管，也因此增加了2007~08年金融危机最终卷土重来的风险。 现在是周期中按照多德-弗兰克法案的要求提高银行资本要求的正确时点。 这一缓冲措施将最大限度地降低未来银行危机所造成的风险。 其他国家的宏观审慎政策则更为明智。 欧洲人已经将逆周期资本缓冲施加于本地区银行。 一些亚洲国家会在繁荣期提高银行的存款准备金率以及购房者贷款价值上限，并在金融危机期间调低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this Hobbesian worldview, the threats can stem from virtually any development – political, strategic, or otherwise – and amount to existential challenges to the entire Jewish nation. The only way to avoid catastrophe is to remain constantly vigilant. By this logic, risks and challenges cannot be approached with a view toward resolution; they must be held up as reminders for the Jewish people to keep up their guard. Netanyahu would dismiss as political lunacy the notion that the nuclear agreement opened a 10-15-year window for creative statesmanship to reshape regional politics. A regional system of peace and security based on an accord with Arab countries that includes nuclear non-proliferation is, he would argue, the agenda of naïve dreamers, not of a leader so aware of the lessons of Jewish history. Palestine is no different from Iran, from this perspective. The Palestinian conflict is unsolvable, too; at best, it can be managed. With Hamas control in Gaza reinforcing the view of Palestine as a threat, the issue galvanizes the Israeli-Jewish nation. If Israel is to reverse its shift toward international isolation, and help build a stable regional security environment, it must change its approach. Paranoia and antagonism must give way to sober politics, with Israeli leaders discussing potential strategic compensation with the US, working with other powers to address Iran’s support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and considering a credible revival of peace negotiations with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.", "zh": "在这一霍布斯式（Hobbesian）的世界观中，威胁来自几乎任何发展趋势 — — 政治的、战略的或其他的 — — 并构成对整个犹太国家（nation）的生存挑战。 避免灾难的唯一办法是永远保持警惕。 根据这一逻辑，风险和挑战无法通过解决方案的观点接近；而必须将它们视为一个提醒，让犹太人保持警惕。 内塔尼亚���会认为，伊核协议开启了一个10—15年的机会窗口以供创造性政治家精神重塑地区政治，这一概念纯属政治失心疯。 一个构建在与阿拉伯国家的包括核不扩散内容的协定基础上的和平稳定的地区体系，他会这样认为，纯属痴人说梦，绝不是了解犹太史教训的政治家所追求的目标。 从这一角度讲，巴勒斯坦和伊朗没有区别。 巴勒斯坦冲突也是无法解决的；它最多只能管理。 哈马斯控制加沙加强了巴勒斯坦是威胁的观念，因此也刺激了以色列-犹太国家。 如果以色列想要扭转国际孤立化的趋势，为构建稳定的地区安全环境贡献力量，就必须改变方针。 偏执和对抗必须让位给清醒政治，以色列领导人应该讨论与美国的潜在战略报酬，与其他大国合作解决伊朗支持哈马斯和真主党的问题，并考虑可信地重启与巴勒斯坦总统阿巴斯的和平谈判。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the moral calculus becomes a bit more intricate when you cannot make good on all of your commitments and have to decide which to honor and which to avoid. To date, under former President Hugo Chávez and his successor, Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela has opted to service its foreign bonds, many of which are held by well-connected wealthy Venezuelans. Yordano, a popular Venezuelan singer, probably would have a different set of priorities. He was diagnosed with cancer earlier this year and had to launch a social-media campaign to locate the drugs that his treatment required. Severe shortages of life-saving drugs in Venezuela are the result of the government’s default on a $3.5 billion bill for pharmaceutical imports. A similar situation prevails throughout the rest of the economy. Payment arrears on food imports amount to $2.4 billion, leading to a substantial shortage of staple goods. In the automobile sector, the default exceeds $3 billion, leading to a collapse in transport services as a result of a lack of spare parts. Airline companies are owed $3.7 billion, causing many to suspend activities and overall service to fall by half. In Venezuela, importers must wait six months after goods have cleared customs to buy previously authorized dollars. But the government has opted to default on these obligations, too, leaving importers with a lot of useless local currency. For a while, credit from foreign suppliers and headquarters made up for the lack of access to foreign currency; but, given mounting arrears and massive devaluations, credit has dried up. The list of defaults goes on and on. Venezuela has defaulted on PDVSA’s suppliers, contractors, and joint-venture partners, causing oil exports to fall by 45% relative to 1997 and production to amount to about half what the 2005 plan had projected for 2012. In addition, Venezuela’s central bank has defaulted on its obligation to maintain price stability by nearly quadrupling the money supply in 24 months, which has resulted in a 90% decline in the bolivar’s value on the black market and the world’s highest inflation rate. To add insult to injury, since May the central bank has defaulted on its obligation to publish inflation and other statistics. Venezuela functions with four exchange rates, with the difference between the strongest and the weakest being a factor of 13.", "zh": "但当你无法履行承诺，不得不选择兑现哪些承诺、回避哪些承诺时，道德算计就变得更加复杂了。 如今，在前总统查韦斯及其继任者马杜罗治下，委内瑞拉选择了偿付其外国债券（其中有很大一部分持有在关系深厚的委内瑞拉富人手中 ） 。 委内瑞拉流行歌星约达诺（Yordano）或许认为其他事情更加要紧。 今年早些时候，他被诊断出癌症，不得不发动一场社交媒体运动寻找治疗所需药物。 委内瑞拉严重缺乏救命药物，这是拜政府对35亿美元药品进口账单违约所赐。 同样的局面在其他经济领域也广泛存在。 粮食进口偿付拖欠已达24亿美元，导致日常用品的大量短缺。 在汽车业，违约规模超过30亿美元，由此导致的零部件缺乏让交通服务陷入瘫痪。 航空业也欠债37亿美元，导致许多航空公司停业，航班数量下降了一半。 在委内瑞拉，进口商必须在商品清关后等待六个月才能买到此前已获批的美元。 但政府对于这些义务也选择了违约，致使进口商手里只有大量无用的本国货币。 在一段时间里，来自外国供应商和总部的信用可以补救缺少获得外币途径的问题；但是，随着拖欠的积累和大规模贬值，信用逐渐干涸。 违约清单还可以列得更长。 委内瑞拉对PDVSA的供应商、承包商和合资企业合作商违约，导致其石油出口较1997年下降了45 % ， 2012年产量只有2005年所制定的计划产量的一半。 此外，委内瑞拉央行无视其稳定物价的义务，在24个月内将货币供应量增加了近三倍，导致玻利瓦尔价值在黑市上贬值了90 % ， 委内瑞拉利率也成了世界之最。 雪上加霜的是，自5月以来，中央银行连发布通胀和其他统计数据的义务也不履行了。 委内瑞拉存在四套汇率，最高和最低汇率之间相差13倍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But while theory suggests that flexible exchange rates should blunt foreign monetary or financial shocks, in practice, such a currency regime rarely works on its own. Indeed, my research with the Asian Development Bank’s Xuehui Han has shown that when the US raises or lowers interest rates, most developing countries tend to follow suit, even when they have a flexible exchange rate. The key reason is that they want to avoid large swings in the value of their currency. Appreciation can harm competitiveness, while depreciation increases the cost of servicing foreign-currency debt, erodes market confidence, and leads to higher inflation. The notable exceptions to this trend are countries that manage cross-border capital flows, especially the corporate sector’s exposure to foreign-currency debt. Indeed, certain types of capital-flow management – including limiting domestic debt denominated in foreign currency for both firms and households – have been shown to increase resilience. Third, domestic macroprudential and microprudential policies increase resilience. These policies should aim at reducing or eliminating the wedge between activities that are good for individuals, banks, and firms, and those that benefit society as a whole. One example of such a policy is to link banks’ mandatory reserve ratios to the speed at which credit is expanding or to the stage of the business cycle. Thus, during periods of expansion, when banks are eager to fund ever more risky borrowers, the reserve ratio rises, curbing potentially disruptive asset bubbles or overinvestment. For those countries capable of designing and implementing prudential regulations, management of cross-border capital flows becomes less useful and less desirable.", "zh": "但尽管有理论认为弹性汇率应该可以弱化货币或金融冲击，但在实践中这种汇率制度却很少能自行运作。 事实上，笔者与亚洲开发银行的韩雪辉研究表明，当美国提高或降低利率时，大多数使用弹性汇率的发展中国家往往也会跟风。 关键原因是他们要避免本国币值出现大的波动。 升值会损害竞争力，而贬值会增加外币债务的偿还成本，削弱市场信心，并导致更高的通货膨胀。 而这一趋势的显著例外是那些管理跨境资本流动，尤其是监管企业部门承担外币债务的国家。 事实上，某些类型的资本流动管理 — — 包括限制企业和家庭以外币计价的国内债务 — — 都被证明能增加抗冲击能力。 第三，国内宏观和微观调控政策可以增加抗冲击能力。 这些政策应该是减少或消除对个人、银行、企业和那些有利于社会整体利益的活动之间的脱节状况。 这类政策的其中一个例子是将银行的法定存款准备金率与信贷业务扩大的速度或商业周期的不同阶段联系起来。 因此，在扩张期间，当银行急于向偿付风险更大的借款人贷款时，提升存款准备金率，抑制潜在的破坏性资产泡沫和过度投资。 对于那些能够设计和实施审慎监管的国家来说，跨境资本流动管理就显得不那么有用也不太可取。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Joint action to counter China’s anti-competitive commercial and trade practices, export and investment restrictions in response to China’s human-rights abuses, and a push for high standards for overseas infrastructure projects should be welcomed. But the current US-EU agenda on China might be overly ambitious. Clearer prioritization is needed to maximize the benefits of coordination. Furthermore, differing legal systems and threat perceptions in the US and Europe will make progress in key areas – such as carbon taxes, antitrust policy, or responses to Chinese disinformation campaigns – painfully slow. The prospects for meaningful military and security cooperation vis-à-vis China are especially limited. While European countries have made some symbolic moves – for example, the German warship Bayern recently demonstrated the right to free passage in the South China Sea – they are wary of going much further. This is the case even for France, the only European country with a significant military presence in the Indo-Pacific. As French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian recently explained, “We do not underestimate the depth of competition with China, which can be ferocious, and the need for a constant evaluation of risks, but we try to avoid the militarization of our strategy to allow us to include – respectful of their sovereignty – all interested countries.” This unwillingness to take a hard stance on China is set to persist.", "zh": "打击中国的反竞争商业和贸易行为，应对中国侵犯人权行为的出口和投资限制，以及推行海外基础设施项目的高标准的联合行动应该会受到欢迎。 但目前美国和欧盟关于中国的议程可能过于雄心勃勃。 需要更明确的优先级才能实现协作收益最大化。 此外，美国和欧洲不同的法律制度和威胁感受将让关键领域 — — 例如碳税、反垄断政策或应对中国虚假宣传等 — — 进展缓慢。 针对中国开展有意义的军事和安全合作的前景尤其堪忧。 欧洲国家采取了一些象征性举措 — — 例如，德国军舰拜恩号最近在南海宣示了自由通行权 — — 但不敢再跨越雷池一步。 即便是法国也是如此，它是唯一在印太地区拥有重要军事存在的欧洲国家。 法国外交部长勒德里昂 (Jean-Yves Le Drian) 最近解释说 ， “ 我们没有低估与中国的激烈竞争的深度（可能相当惊人 ） ， 也没有低估不断评估风险的必要性，但我们尽量避免战略军事化，进而让我们把所有利益国家牵涉进来 — — 尊重他们的主权 。 ” 这种不愿对中国采取强硬立场的态度将长期存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“大史!”常伟思厉声制止了他。“不吱声没人拿你当哑巴!”旁边一位警官探过身去对大史低声说，后者拿起桌上的茶杯，看到里面的烟头后，“咚”的一声又放下了。大史又令汪淼像吃了苍蝇一样难受，刚才那一一丝感激消失得无影无踪。但他还是克制着回答了这个问题：“我与‘科学边界'的接触是从认识申玉菲开始的，她是一名日籍华裔物理学家，现在为一家日资公司工作，就住在这个城市。她曾在三菱电机的一家实验室从事纳米材料研究，我们是在今年年初的一次技术研讨会上认识的。通过她，又认识了几位物理专业的朋友，都是‘科学边界’的成员，国内国外的都有。和他们的交往时，谈的都是一些很……怎么说呢，很终极的问题，主要就是丁博士刚才提到的科学底线的问题。", "en": "“Shut up, Da Shi!” General Chang said.Another police officer leaned over and whispered to Shi, “Do you think we’ll forget you have a mouth if you don’t use it all the time?” Shi picked up his teacup, saw the drowned cigarette butt inside, and put it back down.Shi’s questions irritated Wang again, not unlike the feeling a man has upon finding out that he has swallowed a fly with his meal. The gratitude he had felt earlier was gone without a trace. But he restrained himself and answered, “My contact with the Frontiers of Science began with Shen Yufei. She’s a Japanese physicist of Chinese descent who currently works for a Japanese company here in Beijing. She once worked at a Mitsubishi lab, researching nanotech. We met at a technical conference at the beginning of this year. Through her, I met a few other physicist friends, all members of the Frontiers of Science, some Chinese, some foreign. When I talked with them, all the topics were… how do I put this? Very radical. They all involved the question that Dr. Ding just described: What is the limit of science?"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The share of female employment in total employment is among the lowest in the world. Indeed, South Asia, with deeper regional disparities than the rest of the world, is really two South Asia’s. A lot of attention has been given to the “Shining Asia,” while the “Suffering Asia” has been forgotten. The gap between them is so wide that they seem to be anchored in two different centuries. Worse still, it continues to increase. The leading regions have experienced rapid growth. They have acted as gateways connecting South Asia to the developed world, and have benefited from globalization, education, capital accumulation, and technological advancement. This is sustainable as there is huge room for South Asia to catch up to rich countries’ productivity levels. This transformation has become a virtuous circle where initial growth has spiraled into greater growth, leading to more growth. Some leading regions in India are now the envy of other middle income countries. Indeed growth can eliminate poverty in leading regions in a generation. But the lagging regions are doing no better than many Sub-Saharan African countries. Indeed, their social and human development indicators are worse than in Sub-Saharan Africa. South Asia’s worst problems – poverty, conflict, hunger, and gender inequalities – are largely concentrated in its lagging regions, where there are limits to growth, because geography, institutions, and globalization will continue to favor the concentration of economic activity in the leading regions. With migration to leading regions low, poverty remains concentrated in the lagging regions. What can be done? There is no universal “fix” in economic development, and pluralism of approaches has great value. The challenge is to find what works best inwhich setting. While economic growth is critical for poverty reduction, reviving growth in lagging regions will take time.", "zh": "女性占总体就业人口的比例是全世界最低的。 事实上，由于区域发展不平衡现象比世界其他地区更为严重，所以南亚实际上是割裂成两个部分的 — — 世人的目光仅仅聚焦在“闪耀的南亚”上，而“苦难的南亚”因此被遗忘在光环之下。 这两者之间的距离如此巨大，让人仿佛身处两个不同的世纪。 更糟糕的是，这一鸿沟还在不断扩大之中。 南亚较发达的地区已经实现了快速增长。 这些区域得益于全球化，教育发展，资本积累和技术革新，并已成为南亚与发达国家之间的联系门户。 目前看来，这种快速发展也是可持续的，南亚仍有巨大的发展空间来赶超发达国家的生产力水平。 与此同时，这一转型已经演变成一个良性循环，初始增长已经螺旋上升为更大范围的增长，并带动进一步发展。 印度国内一些较富裕地区现已开始向中等收入水平国家看齐。 毫无疑问，在那些较发达地区，贫困将会在一代人的时间内被消灭。 但在那些落后地区，情况并不比许多撒哈拉以南非洲国家好多少。 一个明显的事实是，该地区各项社会和人民生活质量指标都比撒哈拉以南非洲低很多。 南亚面临的几个最深重问题 — — 贫困，冲突，饥饿以及性别歧视 — — 几乎都集中落后地区。 由于地理因素，制度因素以及全球化都将继续向经济活动较为集中的发达地区倾斜，落后地区的发展还将受到诸多限制。 而向发达地区迁移的人口数量又不多，因此贫困仍将集中在落后地区。 针对以上情况，我们能做些什么呢？ 有一点是需要牢记的，经济发展中没有放之四海而皆准的“补救措施 ” ， 而多元主义方法论在这个问题上也存在着巨大的价值。 因此，需要回答的问题就是在什么情况下哪些方法是最好的。 毫无疑问，经济增长对减少贫困至关重要，但落后地区经济的振兴却是需要耗费时日的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Sunni-Shia Bridge Too Far BAGHDAD – Iraq’s recent parliamentary election, the first since United States troops left the country in 2011, was held amid a rising tide of violence that is fast approaching the levels experienced during the 2005-2007 insurgency. Can the new government restore order and address the many immense challenges that Iraq faces? The challenges are indeed daunting. The authorities must resolve fundamental constitutional questions (such as whether Iraq should be a federal state or a confederation), rebuild civil society, reform state institutions, reconstruct the economy, and end the waste and corruption in the oil sector. But perhaps the most intractable challenge of all is bridging the sectarian rift between the country’s Shia and Sunni citizens. These fissures are mirrored in other Arab countries (such as Syria, Lebanon, the Gulf countries, and Yemen) and, increasingly, in the wider Muslim world (including Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia). Is this a historical aberration, or are Islam’s two largest sects condemned to perpetual mutual hostility? Certainly, there have been periods when the two communities have coexisted peacefully. But what matters today is that Shia and Sunni relate to their past differently, and that this historical memory can be distorted – and even invented – to create mistrust and hate. The overthrow of the first Muslim dynasty, the staunchly anti-Shia Umayyads, in the year 750, by the Abbasids, who traced their lineage to the Prophet Muhammad’s uncle, raised hopes, albeit short-lived, of a Sunni-Shia rapprochement. The 500 years of Abbasid reign that followed provide many valuable illustrations of how these two communities subsequently related to each other. In particular, there is much to be learned from the different legacies of the caliph al-Nasir (1180-1225) and the last Abbasid caliph, al-Musta’sim (1242-1258). The rule of al-Nasir – who viewed the Shia as an intrinsic part of the Islamic community and sought to treat all of his subjects equally – was characterized by a marked decrease in sectarian tensions. By contrast, Sunni-Shia clashes – including killings, arson, and other violence – were common during al-Musta’sim’s rule.", "zh": "弥合逊尼-什叶分歧任重道远 巴格达—最近，伊拉克举行了自2011年美军撤离后的第一次议会选举。 这次选举是在暴力活动不断升级、直指2005—2007年动乱程度的情况下举行的。 新政府能够重建秩序、解决伊拉克所面临的诸多紧迫挑战吗？ 挑战着实棘手。 当局必须解决基本宪政问题（如伊拉克应该成为联邦还是邦联 ） 、 重建公民社会、改革国家机构、复兴经济并根除石油部门的浪费和腐败。 但或许最艰巨的挑战在于弥合伊拉克什叶派和逊尼派公民之间的宗派分歧。 这一分歧在其他阿拉伯国家也存在（如叙利亚、黎巴嫩、海湾国家和也门 ） ， 并大有席卷穆斯林世界（包括巴基斯坦、马来西亚和印度尼西亚）之势。 这只是一个历史插曲，还是伊斯兰教最大的两个宗派已经陷入了持久的对立？ 毫无疑问，历史上曾有过两派和平共处的时期。 但如今最重要的是什叶派和逊尼派都强调过去的不同，而历史记忆是可以扭曲 — — 甚至捏造 — — 从而炮制不信任和厌恶的。 顽固反什叶派的第一个穆斯林王朝 — — 倭马亚王朝（白衣大食）在公元750年被自称是先知穆罕默德叔父的后裔阿巴斯王朝（黑衣大食）推翻。 这带来了短暂的逊尼派-什叶派和解希望。 阿巴斯王朝统治的500年涌现出大量日后两派互相援引的极有价值的事件。 特别是，可以从内綏尔哈里发（al-Nasir，1180—1225）和阿巴斯王朝末代哈里发穆��台绥木（al-Musta’sim，1242—1258）的不同遗产中得到很多教训。 内綏尔认为什叶派是伊斯兰教的固有组成部分，并试图平等对待他的所有子民，在他统治期间，宗派紧张大为缓和。 相反，穆斯台绥木统治期间，逊尼派-什叶派冲突 — — 包括杀戮、焚烧和其他暴力 — — 十分普遍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It means re-thinking our strategy. This year, the Copenhagen Consensus Center commissioned research from top climate economists examining feasible ways to respond to global warming. Their research looked at how much we could help the planet by setting different levels of carbon taxes, planting more trees, cutting methane, reducing black soot emissions, adapting to global warming, or focusing on a technological solution to climate change. The Center convened an expert panel of five of the world’s leading economists, including three Nobel Prize winners, to consider all of the new research and identify the best – and worst – options. The panel found that expensive, global carbon taxes would be the worst option. This finding was based on a groundbreaking research paper that showed that even a highly efficient global CO2 tax aimed at fulfilling the ambitious goal of keeping temperature increases below 2oC would reduce annual world GDP by a staggering 12.9%, or $40 trillion, in 2100. The total cost would be 50 times that of the avoided climate damage. And if politicians choose less-efficient, less-coordinated cap-and-trade policies, the costs could escalate a further 10 to 100 times. Instead, the panel recommended focusing investment on research into climate engineering as a short-term response, and on non-carbon-based energy as a longer-term response. Some proposed climate-engineering technologies – in particular, marine cloud-whitening technology – could be cheap, fast, and effective. (Boats would spray seawater droplets into clouds above the oceans to make them reflect more sunlight back into space, reducing warming). Remarkably, the research suggests that a total of about $9 billion spent implementing marine cloud-whitening technology might be able to offset this entire century’s global warming. Even if one approaches this technology with concerns – as many of us do – we should aim to identify its limitations and risks sooner rather than later.", "zh": "后备方案意味着重新思考我们的策略。 今年，哥本哈根共识研究中心委托全球顶尖气候经济学家来对那些可以用于应对全球变暖的方法进行检验。 他们研究包括设置不同等级的碳排放税，种植更多树木，削减甲烷排放量，降低煤烟排放，适应全球变暖，或者致力于气候变化的技术性解决方案等各种不同的方法，并对这些方法究竟对我们地球能有多少帮助得出结论。 研究中心召集了一个由5位全球顶尖的经济学家组成的专门小组（成员包括3位诺贝尔奖得主）来仔细考察有关问题的全部最新研究，并鉴别出其中最好和最差的选择。 专家组发现昂贵的全球碳排放税是最差的选择。 而这一发现则基于一篇突破性研究论文，文中指出即使是一项高效的，旨在实现把全球温度升高限制在2°C范围内这个充满野心目标的全球性二氧化碳税都会使得全球年GDP在2100年时降低足足12.9 % （ 等值于40万亿美元 ） 。 并且其总成本是其防止之气候损害的50倍之多。 此外如果政治家们选择效率更低而且欠缺协调性的“碳限额及交易”政策，我们所付出的代价可能会在此基础上再扩大10至100倍。 相反，专家组建议将投资重点放在气候工程研究��以作为短期的应对措施，并将无碳基能源的研究来作为长期应对措施。 一些人提议说，气候工程学技术 — — 尤其是海上云层白效应技术 — — 是一种经济、迅速而高效的方案（这项技术是用船只喷洒雾状海水射入空中形成云层使其反射更多的太阳光线，降低地球温度 ） 。 而引人注目的是，研究指出总共耗费大约90亿美元执行此项海上云层白效应有可能解决本世纪所有地球变暖效应，即便一个人谨慎地实施这个方法 — — 就如我们中大多数所做的那样 — — 我们都应当尽早地识别其局限性和风险，而不是延后。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By contrast, many emerging economies, highly dependent on commodity export earnings, have been stressed by the commodity-price reset, sluggish growth in developed economies, and slower growth in China. Capital flight would materially add to their plight – in some cases disastrously so. Since the 2008 financial crisis, the world has become accustomed to such linkages and spillovers. And yet policy responses to crises remain decentralized. There is no ECB for the emerging economies. They cannot be confident of appropriate reactions by their policymakers to rapid capital outflows, or of their capacity in terms of policy tools, reserves, and balance sheets. And they cannot be fully certain of the speed and effectiveness of the international policy responses that might otherwise act as “circuit breakers.” The reality is that emerging markets that benefited after the 2008 crisis from China’s economic growth, rising commodity prices, and cheap foreign capital must now adjust to reversals in all of these factors. The necessary transitions for these markets will be complex, risky, and not entirely within their control. While the Fed’s rate hike, prudently accompanied by an emphasis on small and gradual steps, may not turn out to be a trigger, the concerns about the knock-on effects are legitimate. It would be unwise to assume that, with the initial hike now behind us, systemic risk has somehow disappeared. In the long run, of course, emerging markets will benefit from interest-rate normalization, because they will no longer suffer the distortions and imbalances that lead to unsustainable growth patterns. But the hard part will be getting from here to there without an accident.", "zh": "相反，许多新兴经济体高度依赖大宗商品出口收益，它们因为大宗商品价格暴跌、发达经济体增长乏力和中国增长减速而饱受压力。 资本外逃则令它们雪上加霜 — — 一些国家因此一蹶不振。 自2008年金融危机以来，世界已经习惯于这样的联系和溢出效应。 而应对危机的政策反应仍然是各自为政。 新兴经济体没有自己的欧洲央行。 它们无法信任它们的决策者能应对快速的资本外流，也无法信任政策工具、储备和资产负债表。 它们无法确定国际政策反应的“断路器”效果。 现实是在2008年危机后受益于中国经济增长、大宗商品价格上涨和廉价外国资本的新兴市场现在必须适应所有这些因素的一齐逆转。 这些市场的必要转型是复杂而危险的，它们自身未必能够完全掌控。 美联储在升息的同时强调了微小、渐进的节奏原则，因此这也许不会成为触发因素，但对连锁反应的担忧不无道理。 认为第一步升息已经过去，因此系统性风险已经有所消散的观点是不明智的。 当然，从长期看，新兴市场将从利率正常化中获益，因为它们不再需要面对导致不可持续增长路径的扭曲和失衡。 但难点在于平安地从短期过渡到长期。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Revolt of the Meritocrats PARIS – The bailout of the financial system was a bizarre moment in economic history, for it benefited those who benefited most from the markets’ irrational exuberance – the bosses of financial firms. Before the crisis hit, however, redistribution of wealth (and the tax and social security payments that make it possible) was considered the biggest obstacle to economic efficiency. Indeed, the values of solidarity had given way to those of individual “merit,” judged by the size of one’s paycheck. The paradox is that a part of this evolution may be attributable to two positive factors: the slow work of democracy, which liberates individuals but at the same time leaves them more isolated; and the development of a welfare system that shares risks and makes individuals more autonomous. With this isolation and autonomy, people increasingly tend to believe, for better or for worse, that they alone are responsible for their own fate. Here lies the conundrum. An individual is free and autonomous only because of the collective decisions taken after democratic debate, notably those decisions that guarantee each person access to public goods such as education, health care, etc. Some sense of social solidarity may remain, but it is so abstract that those for whom the wheel of fortune has spun so favorably feel little debt. They believe that they owe their status purely to merit, not to the collective efforts – state-funded schools, universities, etc. – that enabled them to realize their potential. When merit is measured by money, there is no ethical limit to the size of an individual’s paycheck. If I earn ten, a hundred, or a thousand times more than you, it is because I deserve ten, a hundred, or a thousand times more than you. Merit and skills are how we give an intrinsic value to money. Human nature – ego and/or arrogance – does the rest. It is no surprise, then, that many people think of themselves as priceless. The central place where this self-(over)evaluation meets the fewest obstacles is the financial market. Money there is an abstraction – “the abstraction of abstractions,” as Hegel put it – which helps explain why salaries are no longer rooted in reality.", "zh": "英才的反叛 巴黎 - - 拯救金融体系是经济史上的一个怪异时刻，因为它的最大受益者是那些从市场的非理性繁荣中获得最多利益的人 - - 金融公司的大佬们。 然而，在危机到来之前，财富的再分配（以及使之成为可能的税收与社会保障费用）却被认为是实现经济效益的最大障碍。 的确，团结的价值已经屈从于个人的“功绩 ” ， 而后者则是以人的收入多少来衡量的。 矛盾的是，这种情况的形成可以被归咎于两个积极的因素：民主的循序渐进使个人获得自由但同时也使人陷入孤立；福利体系的发展分担风险，并使得个人更加自主。 有了这种孤立和自主，人们更加愿意相信，不论是福是祸，他们自己对自身的命运负责。 而难题也正在于此。 个人自由和自主的获得恰恰是因为民主辩论后的集体决策，特别是那些确保每个人有机会享有教育、医疗等公共商品的决策。 虽然社会连结感还在一定程度上存在，但它已经变得如此抽象，以至于那些得到命运眷顾的人极少感恩社会。 他们相信自己所取得的地位完全是个人功绩使然而不是集体努力 - - 国家资助的学校、大学等等 - - 使他们能发挥自身的潜力。 当我们用金钱来衡量成功，那么个人收入的多少就没有了任何的道德局限。 如果我的收入是你的十倍、一百倍或者一千倍，是因为我理应比你多赚十倍、一百倍或一千倍。 我们通过功绩与技能赋予金钱内在价值。 人性 - - 自负和/或傲慢－最终完成这一过程。 因此，有许多人认为自己是无价之宝也就不足为奇了。 而能够几乎毫无阻碍地完成这一自我评价的中心场所就是金融市场。 这里的金钱是抽象的－如黑格尔所说“抽象中的抽象 ” － 这就有助于解释为什么薪酬会脱离现实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If US Treasury debt lost its investment-grade rating, institutional investors would be prohibited by their mandates from holding it, while foreign investors, including central banks, would think twice. US borrowing costs would go up. Some studies find that the dollar’s safe-haven status saves the Treasury upward of $700 billion in interest payments over a decade – enough, ironically, to fund nearly three-quarters of the bipartisan infrastructure package. There is some already evidence of this bonus being lost. Uncertainty, as the COVID-19 crisis has reminded us, is what investors dread the most, and uncertainty would spike with an interest-payment suspension of unknown duration. Stock markets would react negatively. Moreover, because Treasury securities are used as collateral in a wide range of private financial transactions, short-term funding markets would be impaired if the Treasury was forced to suspend interest payments. Withdrawals would force money-market mutual funds to engage in fire sales of Treasury bills and, conceivably, to suspend redemptions. Estimates of the economic fallout range from deeply damaging to catastrophic. One representative forecast suggests that GDP would decline by 4%, while unemployment would rise to 9%. It would activate emergency measures discussed in the run-up to prior debt-ceiling crises. It would purchase defaulted Treasury securities and accept them as collateral in its own lending operations, albeit at their now-lower market prices. Democrats would criticize it for shielding Republicans from the consequences of their inaction. Republicans would accuse the Fed of complicity with the Democrats’ “socialist” agenda.", "zh": "如果美国国债失去投资级评级，机构投资者将被强制禁止持有美国国债，他国央行等外国投资者将三思而后行，美国借贷成本将会上升。 一些研究发现，美元的避险地位在十年内为财政部节省了超7,000亿美元的利息，十分讽刺的是，这足以为两党基础设施方案提供近四分之三的资金。 已有证据表明，美元地位优势正在消失。 新冠危机提醒着我们，不确定性是投资者最害怕的，暂停支付利息的时间越不明确，不确定性越是严重，股市也会走低。 此外，由于美国国债在许多种私人金融交易中被用作抵押品，如果财政部被迫暂停支付利息，短期融资市场将受到损害。 撤资将迫使货币市场共同基金贱卖国库券，并可能暂停赎回。 根据预估，对经济产生的负面影响可能是巨大的，甚至是灾难性的，某代表预测GDP将下降4 % ， 失业率将上升到9 % 。 当然，美联储会介入，就像它在每次危机中所做的那样，启动在以往债务上限危机之前讨论过的紧急措施，购买违约的美国国债，并在自己放贷时接受这些债券作为抵押品，即使它们目前市场价格偏低。 但这将使得美联储如履薄冰，它会发现自己处于一场政治冲突之中，民主党人会批评它保护共和党人免受不作为而导致的后果，共和党人会指责美联储与民主党的“社会主义”议程串通一气。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump’s early pledge to move the US embassy to Jerusalem, and his support for Israeli settlements in the West Bank, was particularly alarming to America’s Arab allies. But Trump has since backtracked on promises to move the embassy, and, after meeting with Jordan’s King Abdullah in February, changed his position on new settlement construction. Trump’s now-frozen travel ban has been similarly polarizing. Michael Morell, a former deputy director of the US Central Intelligence Agency, deemed it “a recruitment boon” for the Islamic State, while influential Muslim cleric Yusuf al-Qaradawi tweeted that the move “kindles hostility and racism.” The Iranian Foreign Ministry, meanwhile, called the travel restrictions “a clear insult to the Islamic world, and especially the great nation of Iran.” (Iraq, one of the other states singled out, was equally incensed by the original order; the other countries targeted were Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen). Compare those responses with the silence from Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the suggestion of a “fresh start” from Turkey, and the approval expressed by the UAE’s foreign minister. It remains to be seen how the turn from Obama’s collaborative policy approach to Trump’s more polarizing tactics might affect regional stability, though it is easy enough to speculate. Trump’s ambivalence about the Iran nuclear deal, for example, could have devastating consequences down the road.", "zh": "特朗普最初承诺要将美国大使馆迁往耶路撒冷，并支持以色列在西岸地区兴建定居点在美国的阿拉伯盟友看来是尤其值得警惕的。 但特朗普之后已经收回了搬迁大使馆的承诺，并且在2月与约旦国王阿卜杜拉会晤后，改变了他对建设新定居点的立场。 特朗普目前遭到冻结的旅行禁令同样极具争议。 美国中央情报局前副局长迈克尔·莫雷尔认为这是伊斯兰国招募新人的福音，而著名的穆斯林牧师优素福·卡拉达维在推文中说这一举措“点燃了种族主义和敌对态度 。 ” 此外，伊朗外交部将旅行限制称为“对伊斯兰世界、特别是对伟大的伊朗民族的明确侮辱 。 ” （另外一个被选中的国家伊拉克同样被原来的禁穆令所激怒；其他目标国包括利比亚、索马里、苏丹、叙利亚和也门 ） 。 让我们将埃及和沙特阿拉伯的沉默、土耳其提议的“新开始”和阿联酋外交部长所表示的赞同互相比较。 尽管推测起来非常容易，但奥巴马合作的政策态度向特朗普更极端的策略转变可能对地区稳定造成何种影响仍然有待于观察。 举例来讲，特朗普对伊朗核协议的矛盾态度或许会在未来带来灾难性的后果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Manchuria Crisis Revisited OXFORD – Ninety years ago, on September 18, 1931, a junior Japanese military officer detonated an explosive that had been carefully laid by a Japanese-owned railroad near the northeastern Chinese city of Shenyang (then known in the West as Mukden). The blast did little damage, but that wasn’t the point. The Japanese blamed Chinese soldiers for the explosion, which they used as a pretext to capture Shenyang and occupy the entire territory, known as Manchuria. Though Manchuria was a Chinese territory, controlled by warlords loyal (in name if not in reality) to China’s nationalist government, thousands of Japanese soldiers were stationed there under the terms of an earlier treaty. This enabled Japanese forces to overrun the area quickly. Within weeks of the Manchurian Incident, they controlled the southern part of Manchuria, with the north following by early 1932. This was no imperial invasion, the Japanese claimed. Rather, it was a response to the cries for help coming from the people of Manchuria, who were suffering under the warlords’ iron-fisted rule. Japan merely wanted to help oppressed people to establish an independent state that would liberate them from the maelstrom of corruption that enveloped the rest of China. Japan even had a name for this new state: Manchukuo, or “land of the Manchus.” To add luster to their vision, they recruited the most famous Manchu around – China’s last emperor, Puyi – to lead it. (Having been deposed in 1912, Puyi was available for alternative monarchical engagements.) The effort to create an independent Manchurian state became an international cause célèbre, and a test for the League of Nations, the precursor to the United Nations tasked with preserving peace after World War I. The League sent a commission, led by British diplomat Lord Lytton, to investigate the situation. The commission concluded that Japan had effectively staged a coup. Japan was undeterred. It withdrew from the League of Nations, and held onto its Manchurian puppet state until its defeat in World War II. At that point, the Soviet Union took over, occupying the territory for a year. At the same time, however, the long-running war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists was heating up again, with Mao Zedong’s forces claiming more and more territory, beginning in the northeast.", "zh": "重新审视满洲危机 牛津—90年前，也就是1931年的9月18日，一名日本下级军官在中国东北城市沈阳（当时被西方称之为奉天）一条由日本拥有的铁路附近引爆了事先精心铺设的炸药。 那次爆炸并没有造成什么损失，但那并不是重点。 日本人指责中国士兵制造了爆炸，并以此为借口占领沈阳及整个区域，史称满洲。 尽管当时名义上（若非实际）满州系由效忠中国国民政府的军阀所控制的中国领土，但数千名日本士兵根据之前签署的条约规定驻扎在那里。 这导致日本军队能够迅速占领该地区。 满洲事变爆发短短几周内，他们就控制了满洲南部，而到1932年初，又控制了满洲北部地区。 日本声称这不是帝国主义侵略。 相反，这是为了解放军阀铁腕统治下受苦受难的满洲人民。 日本不过希望帮助受压迫人民建立一个独立国家，将他们从笼罩中国其他地方的腐败漩涡中解救出来而已。 日本甚至为这个新国家取了一个名字 ： “ 满洲人的土地 ， ” 也叫满洲国。 为了给他们的目标增光添彩，他们招募了当时最著名的满洲人 — — 中国末代皇帝溥仪 — — 来领导满洲国。 （因为于1912年遭到废黜，溥仪可以出任其他国家的君主。 ） 独立满洲国的建立成为一场国际盛事，同时也考验一战后负责维护和平的联合国的前身 — — 也就是当时的国际联盟。 国联派出了一个由英国外交官立顿勋爵领导的委员会赴满洲调查情况。 而委员会的结论是，日本实际发动了一场政变。 这并未阻止日本的侵略。 日本退出了国联，并一直保持其对傀儡满洲国的占领，直到其在第2次世界大战中被击败。 那时，苏联接管了这片领土，并且继续占领了一年。 但与此同时，中国国民党和共产党之间旷日持久的战争再次升温，而毛泽东的军队从东北开始夺取越来越多的领土。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even very low inflation hampers countries’ ability to address over-indebtedness. And there is little sign of inflationary pressure, even in the US, which is near “full” employment. Given such large demand shortfalls and output gaps, it should surprise no one that even exceptionally generous monetary conditions have proved insufficient to bolster inflation. With few options for fighting deflation, countries have resorted to competitive devaluations. But this is not an effective strategy for capturing a larger share of tradable global demand if everyone is doing it. And targeting exchange-rate competitiveness doesn’t address the aggregate demand problem. If the global economy remains on its current trajectory, a period of intense volatility could destabilize a number of emerging economies, while undermining development efforts worldwide. That’s why policymakers must act now. For starters, governments must recognize that central banks, however well they have served their economies, cannot go it alone. Complementary reforms are needed to maintain and improve the transmission channels of monetary policy and avoid adverse side effects. In several countries – such as France, Italy, and Spain – reforms designed to increase structural flexibility are also crucial. Furthermore, impediments to higher and more efficient public- and private-sector investment must be removed. And governments must implement measures to redistribute income, improve the provision of basic services, and equip the labor force to take advantage of ongoing shifts in the economic structure. Generating the political will to get even some of this done will be no easy feat.", "zh": "即使是极低的通胀也不利于于各国解决过度负债问题。 而几乎没有迹象表明会出现通胀压力，即使是在接近“充分”就业的美国。 在需求短缺和产出缺口如此巨大的情况下，毫不奇怪，即使是无与伦比地宽松的货币条件也不足以提振通胀。 各国对于如何解决通缩问题几乎没有选择，只能求助于竞争性贬值。 但如果每个人都这样做，那么争取可贸易全球需求的更大份额也没有什么意义。 而以汇率竞争力为目标无法解决总需求问题。 如果全球经济继续沿着当前轨迹运行下去，那么一段时间的剧烈波动可能动摇许多新兴经济体，也破坏全球发展努力。 因此，决策者必须立刻行动起来。 首先，政府必须认识到，决不能让央行独力支持经济，不管它们在这方面做得多么出色。 需要实施补充性改革以维持和改善货币政策的传递渠道并避免不利的副作用。 在一些国家 — — 如法国、意大利和西班牙 — — 旨在增加结构灵活性的改革也至关重要。 此外，阻碍增加和提高公共和私人部门投资的因素必须消除。 政府必须实施措施重新分配收入、改善基本服务的供给，并训练劳动力大军抓住经济结构变化的良机。 争取政治意愿，让这些要点（哪怕是其中一些）得以实现绝非易事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Avoiding Conflict in the South China Sea OXFORD – When a US Navy P8-A surveillance aircraft recently flew near Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea, it was warned eight times by the Chinese Navy to leave the area. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that, “China’s determination to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity is as firm as a rock.” US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter replied that, “[T]here should be no mistake about this: the United States will fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows us, as we do all around the world.” So, is a US-China conflict in the South China Sea imminent? In 1995, when I was serving in the Pentagon, China began building structures on Mischief Reef, which is claimed by the Philippines and lies much closer to its shores than to China’s. The US issued a statement that we took no position on the competing claims by five states over the 750 or so rocks, atolls, islets, cays, and reefs that comprise the Spratlys, which cover a vast area – 425,000 square kilometers (164,000 square miles) – of the South China Sea. We urged that the parties involved settle the disputes peacefully. But the US took a strong stand that the South China Sea, which includes important sea lanes for oil shipments from the Middle East and container ships from Europe, and over which military and commercial aircraft routinely fly, was subject to the United Nations Law of the Sea Treaty (UNCLOS). To back up its territorial claim, China relies on a map inherited from the Nationalist period – the so-called “nine-dashed line,” which extends nearly a thousand miles south of mainland China and sometimes as close as 40 or 50 miles from the coastline of states like Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and the Philippines. All of these states claim the 200-mile exclusive economic zones granted under UNCLOS. When the dispute over Mischief Reef erupted, Chinese officials failed to clarify the meaning of the nine-dashed line, but, when pressed, they agreed that the dashes demarcated areas where China had sovereign claims. At the same time, they agreed that the South China Sea was not a Chinese lake, and that it was governed by the UN treaty.", "zh": "避免南海冲突 牛津—最近，当中国海军P8-A侦察机飞越南沙群岛永暑礁附近时，遭到中国海军八次警告离开该区域。 中国外交部长王毅说 ： “ 中国捍卫国家主权和领土完整的决心坚如磐石 。 ” 美国国防部长阿什顿·卡特（Ashton Carter）回答说 ， “ 这并没有什么错误：美国将进行国际法允许的飞行、航海和其他行动，我们在全世界都是这么做的 。 ” 那么，美国和中国在南海起冲突已是迫在眉睫了吗？ 1995年，我在五角大楼供职，当时中国刚开始建设美济礁。 美济礁是菲律宾宣布主权的岛礁，距离菲律宾海岸比中国海岸更近。 美国发表声明称我们对于五个国家在构成面积庞大的南海南沙群岛群岛（425,500平方公里）的750个左右的礁石、环礁、小岛、珊瑚砂和暗礁的竞争性主张不持立场。 我们指出，涉及的各方应该和平解决争端。 但美国强烈要求南海问题需受联合国海洋法公约（UNCLO）约束。 南海是大量中东油轮和欧洲集装箱轮的重要航路，也是军用和商用飞机的常规航线。 为了支持其领土主张，中国的依据是继承自国民党时代的地图 — — 所谓的“九段线 ” 。 九段线将中国领海扩到距离中国大陆以南近一千英里的地方，有时距离越南、马来西亚、文莱和菲律宾等国家的海岸线只有40到50英里。 所有这些国家都主张UNCLOS所规定的200英里专属经济区。 美济礁纠纷爆发时，中国官员没有澄清九段线的含义，但是，在受到压力时，中国官员指出九段线划定了中国拥有主权的区域范围。 与此同时，他们还指出南海不是中国的内湖，受联合国公约约束。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Empty Promises and Dead Children LONDON – Buried among the 169 targets contained in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) – adopted by the United Nations last September amid a blaze of glitzy events, celebrity endorsements, and back-slapping by world leaders, aid donors, and non-governmental organizations – was the vital pledge to eliminate “preventable child deaths” by 2030. It is a cause for our generation – but one that will take a lot more than UN communiqués to advance. The last set of international development targets, the Millennium Development Goals, certainly brought about important progress; the number of children who died before reaching their fifth birthday dropped from ten million in 2000, when the MDGs were adopted, to 5.9 million in 2015. Some of the world’s poorest countries have registered some of the most significant gains. This progress was driven by several factors, including falling poverty and heavy investment in community-based health systems. By deploying nurses, midwives, and other health workers, these systems extended the availability of prenatal care, simple obstetric interventions, clean cord cutting, and post-natal care. Ethiopia, for example, has deployed a small army of some 38,000 health workers over the last decade. International cooperation was also crucial. Aid for child and maternal health has grown dramatically since 2000, and now stands at some $12 billion annually. Development assistance has enabled the creation of community-based health programs, and played a key role in supporting the development and deployment of the vaccines, mosquito nets, and medical treatments that have cut child deaths from the major killer infectious diseases – pneumonia, diarrhea, malaria, and measles – by some 70% since 2000. Now for the bad news. In the time it takes you to read this article, more than 30 children will die from causes that could have been prevented or treated. Every year, more than one million children die the day they are born, and another million die within their first week of life. Almost half of all child deaths occur in the neo-natal period (the first 28 days) – and the share is rising. The vast majority of these deaths could be averted. Yet, if progress continues at its current rate, there will still be some 3.6 million such deaths per year by 2030.", "zh": "空头承诺和死去的儿童 伦敦—2030年根除“可预防的儿童死亡”的承诺被淹没在可持续发展目标（SDG）的169个小目标（target）中。 可持续发展目标于去年9月由联合国实施，当时可谓人人关注，获得诸多名流支持和世界领导人、援助机构和非政府组织背书。 这是我们这一代人的事业 — — 但要推进它，光有联合国公报是远远不够的。 上一批国际发展小目标，即千年发展目标（MDG ） ， 显然带来了重大进步；五岁前夭折的儿童数量从2000年MDG开始实施的一千万下降到2015年的590万。 世界上一些最贫穷国家取得了最显著的进步。 这一进步受到诸多因素推动，包括贫困的下降和大量基于社区的卫生系统投资。 通过部署护士、助产士和其他卫生工作者，这些系统增加了产前保健、简单产科干预、清洁线路切割和缠手保健的易得性。 比如，埃塞俄比亚在过去十年部署了一支38,000人的卫生工作者大军。 国际合作也很重要。 母婴健康援助自2000年以来大幅增加，现在每年高达120美元。 发展援助促进了基于社区的卫生项目的建立，并在开发和推广疫苗、蚊帐和治疗方案中起到了关键作用。 2000年以来，其所支持开发的治疗方案让儿童因主要致死传染病 — — 肺炎、腹泻、疟疾和麻疹 — — 而夭折的数量下降了70%左右。 再来看坏消息。 在你阅读本文的时候，有30多个儿童因为可防可治的原因而死去。 每年都有一百万以上儿童在出生当天死去，另有一百万儿童活不过生命的第一周。 新生儿阶段（最初28天）夭折占所有儿童死亡的近一半 — — 并且这一比例仍在上升。 这些死亡绝大部分可以避免。 但是，按照现在的进展速度，到2030年每年仍会有360万左右儿童死亡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As to the Yukos affair, my office cannot intervene in any legal process until it is completed. Former Yukos CEO Mikhail Khodorkovsky's lawyers have sent a complaint to the European Court for Human Rights in Strasbourg. If Khodorkovsky disagrees with the final decision of the Russian courts, he will undoubtedly appeal to that court. Only then will I be able to express an opinion. Many observers nonetheless insist that those under criminal investigation should be released on bail instead of being kept in prison. Others say that this is not an option in Khodorkovsky's case - being very rich, he could easily jump bail and flee abroad. In fact, this is precisely what happened with other figures accused in the Yukos case. All of these serious human rights questions expose the fact that Russia's legal institutions remains half-formed. For example, the Duma has taken far too long to enact a law on lobbying, which in most developed democracies clearly defines what constitutes acceptable and unacceptable behavior. Khodorkovsky might not be in as much trouble if such precise laws existed. Unformed laws are directly related to unformed ideas. Human rights in Russia are often violated simply because people are not aware that they have some particular right. The most important strategic goal of my office is that people learn how to defend their rights better, and to make the authorities take the complaints of ordinary Russians into consideration. Sadly, most bureaucrats still look upon human rights values with disdain.", "zh": "至于尤科斯事件，司法程序完成前我没法干预。 尤科斯前首席执行官米卡耶·克多可夫斯基的律师已经向斯特拉斯堡的欧洲人权法庭提起了申诉。 如果克多可夫斯基对俄国法庭的裁决不满，他肯定会向人权法庭再次上诉，那时我才有机会表达意见。 虽然如此，很多观察家坚持：刑事调查对象有权取保候审，而不该一直羁押。 其它人则说在克多可夫斯基的案子里，这其实根本就不现实－像他那么富有，可以轻而易举地摆脱看管，逃往国外。 实际上，尤科斯案件的其它被告不少已经这么做了。 所有严重的人权问题都暴露出俄国法制还不太完善。 举例来讲，杜马长时间通不过游说法，而在多数发达的民主国家，游说法明确划定了合法和非法的界线。 如果这样的法律存在，克多可夫斯基的问题也就不会那么严重。 法律不完善与观念的不成熟有着直接的联系。 俄国的人权被破坏，很多时候只是因为人们不知道有哪些人权。 我办公室最重要的战略目标是告诉人们如何维护自己的权利，让当局重视俄国百姓的呼声。 可悲的是，多数官僚分子还是对人权嗤之以鼻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another Nobel Surprise for Economics NEW HAVEN – The winner of this year’s Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, Richard Thaler of the University of Chicago, is a controversial choice. Thaler is known for his lifelong pursuit of behavioral economics (and its subfield, behavioral finance), which is the study of economics (and finance) from a psychological perspective. For some in the profession, the idea that psychological research should even be part of economics has generated hostility for years. Not from me. I find it wonderful that the Nobel Foundation chose Thaler. The economics Nobel has already been awarded to a number of people who can be classified as behavioral economists, including George Akerlof, Robert Fogel, Daniel Kahneman, Elinor Ostrom, and me. With the addition of Thaler, we now account for approximately 6% of all Nobel economics prizes ever awarded. But many in economics and finance still believe that the best way to describe human behavior is to eschew psychology and instead model human behavior as mathematical optimization by separate and relentlessly selfish individuals, subject to budget constraints.", "zh": "又一个诺贝尔经济学奖惊喜 发自纽黑文 — — 今年诺贝尔经济学奖得主芝加哥大学理查德·泰勒（Richard Thaler）是一个有争议的人选。 泰勒以其对行为经济学（及其子领域行为金融学 ） — —也就是从心理学的角度来研究经济学（和金融 ） — —的毕生研究而闻名。 但对于一些经济学领域的人来说，这种将心理学研究纳入到经济学研究（哪怕只是其中一部分）的观念就足以对他产生多年的敌意了。 不过我觉的没什么，也感觉诺贝尔文学奖的选择是很棒的。 诺贝尔经济学早就授予过给一些可被归类为行为经济学家的人，包括乔治·阿卡洛夫（George Akerlof ） ， 罗伯特·福格尔（Robert Fogel ） ， 丹尼尔·卡尼曼（Daniel Kahneman ） ， 埃里诺·奥斯特伦（Elinor Ostrom）和我本人。 随着泰勒的加入，我们这群人如今已经占了所有诺贝尔经济奖得主的6％左右了。 但许多经济和金融专业人士仍然认为，描述人类行为的最好方式是避开心理学，将人类定义为由独立、无情感且受到各类预算限制的自私个体，并将其行为总结成数学优化模型，这要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "358.第358章 乔恋发怒！ 接下来，就顺理成章了。 苏美美虽然凄惨，可乔恋却一点也不同情她。 她垂了垂眸子，回到了自己的办公室。 施念姚屁颠屁颠跟在后面，“你说，现在怎么办？” “怎么办？” 乔恋笃定的开口，“苏美美估计会打包滚蛋了。 以后，我们再也不用看见她那么讨厌的人了。” 施念姚立马点头，“活该！” 事情处理的很快，刘志兴是靠老婆才走到了今天这一步的，当然不可能让老婆不开心，所以当机立断就开除了苏美美，并且连给收拾东西的时间都没有，就将她赶了出去。 至于她叫嚣着要去状告他们的事儿，刘志兴非常嚣张：“你去告啊！ 大不了我赔偿你钱！ 你自己愿意跟我睡，你自己贱，跟我老婆什么关系？” 苏美美被推攮着赶出了报社，还在报社外面骂骂咧咧。 偶尔想到了什么，苏美美眼睛一亮，对刘志兴的老婆开口道：“你以为刘志兴在报社里就干干净净？ 我告诉你！ 我不是他的第一个女人，我们报社还有一个叫乔恋的，也跟他不清不楚，他们也睡过！ 那个乔恋就是她，你看看她长得这幅狐媚子的模样！” 这话一出，刘志兴老婆立马扭头，恶狠狠看向坐在办公室，也被波及到的乔恋。 乔恋真是哭笑不得。 这个苏美美，简直可恶到了极致！ 她噌的站了起来，“苏美美你有病啊？” 刘志兴也急忙对老婆否认：“老婆，没有！ 真没有！ 就这一个！ 我真的知道错了，老婆，你原谅我吧！”", "en": "Chapter 358 Qiao Lian was getting angry! What followed next goes without saying. Although Su Meimei was in a tragic state, Qiao Lian felt no sympathy for her. Looking down, she turned around and walked back to her own office. Shi Nianyao followed her, groveling, “What do you think will happen now?” “What will happen?” Qiao Lian said calmly, “Su Meimei will probably be fired. And we won’t have to deal with her anymore.” Shi Nianyao nodded enthusiastically. “It serves her right!” The matter was quickly resolved. Liu Zhixing owed his successful career to his wife, and of course he would do anything to appease her. Hence he fired Su Meimei and had her leave immediately, without even giving her time to pack and retrieve her belongings. As to her threats of suing them, Liu Zhixing said arrogantly, “Go ahead and sue us! At worst I’ll pay a compensation fee. We were both consenting adults. What has it got to do with my wife that you’re so low-down?” Su Meimei was firmly escorted out of the office despite her violent objections, and even after being escorted out, she stood outside the agency shouting and yelling. Whenever something came to mind, her eyes would light up and she would yell out to Liu Zhixing’s wife, “You think Liu Zhixing is clean? Let me tell you, I’m not his first affair, we have a worker by the name of Qiao Lian and both of them have something going on too. They slept together as well! Look at Qiao Lian, she looks like a vixen!” As soon as she said this, Liu Zhixing’s wife immediately turned around and glared at Qiao Lian, who was already in her office. Qiao Lian didn’t know whether to laugh or to cry. This Su Meimei, she was rotten to the core! Qiao Lian stood up immediately. “Su Meimei, are you mentally sick?” Liu Zhixing quickly denied it. “Honey, that’s utter rubbish! Really, there’s no one else. Only this one. And I admit my mistake, honey, please forgive me!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The temptation for Trump to “wag the dog” by manufacturing a foreign-policy crisis will be high, especially if the Democrats retake the House of Representatives this year. Since Trump has already started a trade war with China and wouldn’t dare attack nuclear-armed North Korea, his last best target would be Iran. By provoking a military confrontation with that country, he would trigger a stagflationary geopolitical shock not unlike the oil-price spikes of 1973, 1979, and 1990. Needless to say, that would make the oncoming global recession even more severe. Finally, once the perfect storm outlined above occurs, the policy tools for addressing it will be sorely lacking. The space for fiscal stimulus is already limited by massive public debt. The possibility for more unconventional monetary policies will be limited by bloated balance sheets and the lack of headroom to cut policy rates. And financial-sector bailouts will be intolerable in countries with resurgent populist movements and near-insolvent governments. In the US specifically, lawmakers have constrained the ability of the Fed to provide liquidity to non-bank and foreign financial institutions with dollar-denominated liabilities. And in Europe, the rise of populist parties is making it harder to pursue EU-level reforms and create the institutions necessary to combat the next financial crisis and downturn. Unlike in 2008, when governments had the policy tools needed to prevent a free fall, the policymakers who must confront the next downturn will have their hands tied while overall debt levels are higher than during the previous crisis. When it comes, the next crisis and recession could be even more severe and prolonged than the last.", "zh": "尤其是如果民主党今年重夺众议院的话，特朗普就很可能忍不住要去人为制造外交政策危机来“转移注意力 ” 。 由于特朗普与中国的贸易战已经开打，同时又不敢惹拥有核武器的朝鲜，他的最佳目标会是伊朗。 通过挑起与该国的军事对抗，他将引发一场与1973年，1979年和1990年的油价飙升大同小异的滞胀式地缘政治冲击。 毋庸多言，这将使得即将到来的全球经济衰退更为严重。 最后，上述特大风暴一旦席卷而来，应对它的政策工具将非常缺乏。 财政刺激的空间已经受到大规模公共债务的限制。 动用更多非常规货币政策的可能性将受到臃肿的资产负债表以及捉襟见肘的削减政策利率空间所限。 在那些民粹主义运动高涨且政府近乎破产的国家，金融部门的救助行动将是无法容忍的。 具体在美国来说，立法者限制了美联储向以美元计价负债向非银行和外国金融机构提供流动性的能力。 在欧洲，民粹主义政党的崛起使得推动欧盟层面改革并创建必要机构来应对下一次金融危机和经济衰退的努力更加无以为继。 2008年时各国政府手中还握有防止经济自由落体式下跌所需的政策工具，而必须直面下一次经济衰退的政策制定者却将受到束缚，而且总体债务水平还要高于上次危机期间。 当一切最终降临时，下一次危机和衰退可能会比上一次更加严重而持久。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This resonated in countries like Hungary, where Prime Minister Victor Orbán has praised “illiberal democracy,” as well as among the diaspora along Russia’s borders, in impoverished countries of Central Asia, and among right-wing populist movements in Western Europe. Information warfare can be used offensively to disempower rivals, and this could be considered “negative soft power.” By attacking the values of others, one can reduce their attractiveness and thus their relative soft power. Nongovernmental actors have long understood that multinational corporations are vulnerable to having their brand equity diminished through “naming and shaming” campaigns. The available evidence suggests that when the Russians began their intervention in the American presidential election in 2015, their objective was to sully and discredit the US democratic process. The election of Donald Trump, who had praised Putin, was a bonus. Now, Russian interference in European democracies’ domestic politics is designed to reduce the attractiveness of NATO, the embodiment of Western hard power, which Russia views as a threat. In the nineteenth century, the outcome of contests for mastery of Europe depended primarily on whose army won; today, it also depends on whose story wins. Information warfare goes well beyond soft power, and it is not new. Manipulation of ideas and electoral processes by cash payments has a long history, and Hitler and Stalin were pioneers in radio attacks. But broadcasting that seems too propagandistic lacks credibility and thus does not attract – or produce soft power among – some audiences.", "zh": "这引起了匈牙利等国的共鸣，匈牙利总理维克托·欧尔班一直赞赏“非自由民主 ” ， 同样被这一理念所吸引的还有中亚贫困国家和西欧右翼民粹运动等散居于俄罗斯边境线上的民众。 信息战可以用来攻击对手，这可以被归结为“消极软实力”的范畴。 攻击别人的价值观可以降低他们的吸引力，从而导致其相对软实力的削弱。 非政府主体早已明白可以通过“点名羞辱”等活动来影响跨国公司的品牌资产。 现有证据表明当俄罗斯人开始干预2015年美国总统大选时，其目标在于亵渎和抹黑美国的民主进程。 赞赏普京的唐纳德·特朗普当选不过是个意外收获。 现在，俄罗斯干预欧洲民主国家国内政治旨在削弱代表西方硬实力的北约联盟吸引力，北约联盟一直被俄国视为威胁。 十九世纪，谁能掌握欧洲控制权主要取决于谁的军队获胜；而今天，它还取决于谁的故事更加动人。 信息战并非新概念，而且远超软实力的范畴。 通过现金贿选操纵理念和选举过程已经有悠久的历史，而希特勒和斯大林曾是无线电攻击的先锋。 但宣传性貌似太强的广播缺乏可信度，因此未能吸引某些受众。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, the US is pursuing a strategy of primacy in Asia, not a partnership between equals, and this, together with China’s own internal tensions, is undermining China’s ability to participate productively in regional and global forums. As it stands, China lacks the confidence and experience needed to navigate the international arena. For example, it will not consider resolving in an international forum its dispute with Japan in the East China Sea over the Diaoyu Islands (called the Senkaku Islands in Japan). International law, China understands, is a double-edged sword that can be used against China in other territorial disputes, or even in its domestic affairs. Similarly, China’s miserly initial offer of $100,000 in aid following the recent typhoon in the Philippines demonstrates how far the country is from being a mature member of the international community. As a Chinese official admitted at a recent seminar in Seoul, concepts like “regional order” have never been a part of the country’s political vocabulary. With regard to Japan, China faces a conundrum. It is relatively content with Japan being a US security protectorate, because it fears the alternative: a Japan that expands its independent military reach. But US efforts to avoid precisely such an outcome cannot be good news for the Chinese, either, given that they entail a deepening of the bilateral defense relationship and support for upgrading Japan’s military capabilities. In short, China’s regional exceptionalism has landed it in a strategic trap.", "zh": "事实上，美国追求的是一个主导亚洲的战略，而不是平等关系，这与中国内部的紧张因素一道削弱了中国积极参与区域和全球对话的能力。 目前来说中国还缺乏在国际舞台上的信心和经验。 例如它不会考虑在通过国际对话去解决与日本在中国东海钓鱼岛（日本称为尖阁群岛）的主权争端问题。 中国认为国际法是把双刃剑，可以在其他领土争端问题上，甚至在其国内事务上对自身不利。 类似的还体现在最近菲律宾台风的援助工作中，中国最初仅仅吝啬地提出10万美元的援助金额，显示该国距离一个成熟的国际社会成员尚有一段距离。 而正如一个中国官员在最近首尔举行的一次研讨会上承认的那样，像“区域秩序”这样的概念从未被列入该国政治词汇之中。 而日本则是中国的一大难题。 中国对日本处于美国保护之下的状态相对感到满意，因为它担心另一种情况：一个扩展其独立军事影响力的日本。 但美国努力避免出现这种局面的做法对中国也不是什么好消息，因为日美必将不断深化双边防御关系并支持日本提高自身军事实力。 总之，中国的区域例外主义（exceptionalism）已经导致其落到了一个战略陷阱里。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Brazilian Lessons for Industrial Policy SAO PAULO – Few economic ideas are more lauded and reviled than that of industrial policy. Proponents, such as those who studied the rise of the East Asian economies, swear by it. Opponents see red at its very mention. The former point to economic development; the latter maintain that tens, even hundreds, of billions of dollars have been squandered. One recent theatre of (dis)content is that of renewable fuels. Worldwide, $184 billion is being allocated in public stimulus investments to promote clean energy, led by the United States ($67 billion) and China ($47 billion). Of course, there is some progress – wind power meets 20% of the electricity demand in Denmark and about 15% in Spain and Portugal, for example – but the recipe for success remains elusive. In this vein, Brazil’s experience at promoting renewable fuels, beginning in the 1970’s, is directly relevant to today’s polarized views of industrial policy. A 10-year industrial policy program called Pro-álcool was crucial in the development of the industry. Today, Brazil is the world’s most competitive producer of renewable fuels, based primarily on bioethanol. Ethanol accounts for more than 50% of current light-vehicle fuel demand in the country, and Petrobras – Brazil’s energy giant and one of the largest companies in Latin America – expects this share to increase to more than 80% by 2020.", "zh": "产业政策之巴西经验 圣保罗 — — 没有多少经济理念像产业政策那样备受赞美和斥责。 研究东亚经济崛起的支持者们对其推崇备至。 而反对者则是乍闻其名就勃然大怒。 前者直指行业政策带来经济发展，而后者则坚持行业政策浪费了成百上千亿美元。 可再生燃料是（不）满意的最新演示场。 在全球范围内，用于推动洁净能源发展的公共刺激计划投资高达1840亿美元，其中美国居于首位（670亿美元 ） ， 中国紧随其后（470亿美元 ） 。 毋庸置疑，洁净能源领域也取得了一些进展 — — 比如风能满足了丹麦20%的能源需求，在西班牙和葡萄牙总能耗中的占比也达到了15 % — —尽管如此，取得成功的秘诀仍然难以捉摸。 在这样的背景下，巴西20世纪70年代开始的推动可再生燃料发展的经验直接关系到今天对行业政策截然相反的观点。 一项名为“Pro-álcool ”的十年期行业政策计划在可再生能源的发展中起到了关键的作用。 今天，巴西已经成为全球以生物乙醇为基础的可再生燃料最具竞争力的生产国。 乙醇占到了巴西国内轻型车燃料需求的50%以上，巴西能源巨头、拉美最大的企业之一巴西国家石油公司预测这一比例到2020年会增长到80%以上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It would be better if the ECB and the EU finance ministers adopted a common position ahead of G-7 meetings, then allowed their joint view to be represented by a single Council representative and the ECB’s president. Because ministers meet before each G-7 meeting, this would be an easy procedure to introduce. Indeed, a “financial G-6” may today make more sense than the current G-7, but that may no longer hold true tomorrow. In another 10 years, India may be in the top echelon of economic powers. Or Britain might have joined the euro, making its independent role redundant. Can Canada keep its place while Russia and Brazil are excluded? And what other economic giants are waiting in the wings? Clearly, therefore, we need to devise a system of membership for key international organizations that ensures that their structures are relevant but that is also flexible enough to allow members to come and go. One way forward would be to establish numerical guidelines – along the lines of the Maastricht Treaty – for conferring G-7 membership. Europe should lead by example – offering the world the benefit of its deep experience of financial diplomacy and volunteering to take the first steps forward.", "zh": "如果欧洲央行和欧盟的财政部长们能够在G-7会议之前达成一个共同的立场，并允许由一个共同的会议代表和欧洲央行总裁来阐述他们的统一观点，那么情况会好得多。 由于部长们在每次G-7会议前都要碰头，所以这项程序应该很容易引入。 的确，今天一个“金融G-6”可能比现在的G-7更有意义，但这种情形可能明天就不复存在。 再过十年，印度可能进���第一层次的经济强国之列。 抑或英国也可能加入了欧元区，从而使其独立的角色变成多余。 在俄罗斯和巴西仍被排除在外的情况下，加拿大还保得住自己的位置么？ 还有哪些蓄势待发的经济强国？ 诚然，我们需要为重要的国际组织建立一种成员制度从而确保它们的架构是合适的，并确保有足够的灵活性允许成员更替。 改革的方式应该是建立一种量化的指南—在马斯特利赫特条约的框架内—来授予G-7的成员资格。 欧洲应该显示出模范的领导力—让世界从其在金融外交方面的深厚经验中获益，并愿意迈出前进的第一步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The sovereign-debt-and-banking crisis that has roiled the monetary union since 2010 has steadily exposed the realities at play here, as irrevocably fixed exchange rates lock in and deepen differences in eurozone members’ competitiveness. In France’s case, the loss of competitiveness and resulting sharp decline in export performance has been aggravated by relying on crushing taxation of labor to finance generous welfare programs and top-drawer public services (a practice exacerbated by stifling labor-market regulation). In a monetary union, there are only two ways to close a competitiveness gap between countries: transfers from the more competitive to the less competitive, or internal devaluation, which means real wage cuts. Not surprisingly, the preference has been for transfers, which, until the 2008 financial crash, took the form of cross-border private-sector lending to governments and banks. Following the credit-bubble burst in 2008, fiscal transfers replaced these private financial flows, causing budget deficits to balloon. And now, with the German government, as chief creditor, calling the shots on cross-border transfers to weaker eurozone countries, all such transfers are conditional on austerity (that is, internal devaluation). Bailouts from the European Stability Mechanism represent the clearest example of this, with the fiscal compact now committing signatories to tight deficit targets and structural adjustment. And more austerity is a vital, if less well remarked on, condition of the European Central Bank’s declared willingness to buy unlimited quantities of troubled countries’ short-term government debt.", "zh": "自2010年以来一直困扰着货币联盟的主权债务及银行危机已经逐步暴露了当前的现实，这是由于无法取消的固定汇率锁定以及不断分化的欧元区成员国竞争力。 就法国来说，竞争力流失并因此导致的出口急剧下降状况不断加重，因为政府对劳动者施加重税来资助慷慨的社会福利计划以及高端公共服务（这种作为又在极端死板的劳动力市场监管之下进一步恶化了 ） 。 在一个货币联盟内部，只有两种方法来消除国家之间的竞争力差距：从比较有竞争力的地方转移财富到竞争力较低之处，或者实施内部贬值 — — 这意味着削减实际工资。 不出所料，人们一直都倾向于实施转移支付，在2008年金融危机之前以跨国私人部门给政府和银行贷款的形式进行。 随着2008年信贷泡沫破灭，财政转移取代了这些私人资金流，这导致了预算赤字膨胀。 而今德国政府作为主要债权人操纵着对弱势欧元区国家的跨国转移支付，而所有这些转移都是以实施紧缩为条件的（也就是内部贬值 ） 。 欧洲稳定机制的救助就是最具代表性的例子 — — 财政契约要求签署国制订严格的赤字目标和结构调整承诺。 如果要欧洲央行无限量购买受困国家短期政府债务的话，条件就是要实施更多的紧缩（对这一点的讨论不多 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What’s Really at Stake at the CCP Congress? LONDON – This month, international media are understandably focused on the Chinese Communist Party’s 19th National Congress, a carefully choreographed event that will reveal who’s “in” and who’s “out” with Chinese President Xi Jinping. But while it is important to know who Xi’s favorites are, I do not find the theater and intrigue of the event to be as interesting as it is made out to be. Far more important is whether China’s leadership is acting in accordance with what the CCP has promised the country’s 1.3 billion people. Just before the last congress, in 2012, Xi’s two-week absence from public view raised concerns. In the unlikely event that the same thing happened again this year, alarm bells would have rung. Moreover, if the agenda that Xi presents for the next five years suggests that he and the rest of the CCP leadership are losing credibility and struggling to maintain the party’s economic and social contract with the people, the 19th Congress will be very relevant. But I doubt we should worry too much. More pertinent questions come to mind – two in particular. First, will the modest rise of the Chinese consumer continue to fuel 6-7% annual growth? And, second, will the somewhat undefined Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – continue to be a major priority for China’s leadership?", "zh": "关于中共十九大的核心问题 发自伦敦 — — 本月，各国际媒体都不出意料地将目光聚焦在中国共产党第十九届全国代表大会上，而这场一个精心策划的大会将揭示中国国家主席习近平身边谁走谁留。 而虽然很有必要去知道是谁得到了习主席的重用，但我并不觉得这一事件的场景和阴谋论跟它所呈现的那般有趣。 在我看来更重要的是中国的领导层是否有遵照中国共产党对13亿人民许下的承诺来行事。 就在2012年上届大会之前，习近平在公众视野中消失了两周时间，引发了外界极大关注。 虽然今年不太可能再度出现同样的事件，但这也相当于一道警钟。 此外，如果习近平在会上所提出的今后五年议程表明他和其他中共的其他领导人正在失去信誉且无力维护党与人民群众订下的经济和社会契约，那么十九大就将意义重大。 不过我觉得没必要担心太多。 有更多相关问题浮现在我的脑际 — — 其中两个最为突出。 首先，中国消费者的温和崛起能否持续支撑6~7％的年增长率？ 另一方面，那个在某种程度上尚未定义的“一带一路倡议”是否将继续成为中国领导层的重点优先事务？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "陈懿，物理化学家。 南京大学教授。 1933年4月生于福建福州，1955年毕业于南京大学化学系。 2005年当选中国科学院院士。 曾任南京大学代校长，介观化学教育部重点实验室学术委员会主任，教育部高校化学教学指导委员会主任，国务院学位委员会化学学科评议组召集人，中国化学会理事长。 长期从事多相催化研究。 对不同价型氧化物在一些常用氧化物载体上的分散做出定量描述，提出考虑被分散物种本征性质和载体表面结构的嵌入模型, 对多种非晶态合金催化剂和低维纳米材料化学制备的反应机理进行研究，阐明制备条件和产物的结构和性能之间的关联，为了解相关催化剂和材料的结构与性能间的关系及其科学设计提供了参考依据。", "en": "Yi Chen, Physical Chemist. Professor at Nanjing University. Born in Fuzhou, Fujian in April 1933, he graduated from the Chemistry Department of Nanjing University in 1955. He was elected an academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 2005. Chen once served as Acting Principal of Nanjing University, Director of the Academic Committee of the Key Laboratory of Mesoscopic Chemistry of the Ministry of Education, Director of the University Chemistry Teaching Steering Committee of the Ministry of Education, Convener of the Review Group of Chemistry Subject of the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council, Chairman of the Chinese Chemical Society. He has long been engaged in Heterogeneous Catalysis Research. Chen quantitatively describe the dispersion of different valence oxides on some common oxide carriers, proposed an embedding model that considers the intrinsic properties of the dispersed species and the surface structure of the carrier, studies the reaction mechanism of various amorphous alloy catalysts and low-dimensional nanomaterials chemical preparation, clarified the relationship between the preparation conditions and the structure and properties of the product, and provided a reference for understanding the relationship between the structure and performance of related catalysts and materials and their scientific design."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, while open markets and increased competition certainly produce winners and losers in the international arena, they may be having an even more pronounced effect on inequality at the national level. Moreover, the growing divide between the precariat and the privileged is being reinforced by 4IR business models, which often derive rents from owning capital or intellectual property. Closing that divide requires us to recognize that we are living in a new type of innovation-driven economy, and that new global norms, standards, policies, and conventions are needed to safeguard the public trust. The new economy has already disrupted and recombined countless industries, and dislocated millions of workers. It is dematerializing production, by increasing the knowledge intensity of value creation. It is heightening competition within domestic product, capital, and labor markets, as well as among countries adopting different trade and investment strategies. And it is fueling distrust, particularly of technology companies and their stewardship of our data. The unprecedented pace of technological change means that our systems of health, transportation, communication, production, distribution, and energy – just to name a few – will be completely transformed. Managing that change will require not just new frameworks for national and multinational cooperation, but also a new model of education, complete with targeted programs for teaching workers new skills. With advances in robotics and artificial intelligence in the context of aging societies, we will have to move from a narrative of production and consumption toward one of sharing and caring. Globalization 4.0 has only just begun, but we are already vastly underprepared for it. Clinging to an outdated mindset and tinkering with our existing processes and institutions will not do. Rather, we need to redesign them from the ground up, so that we can capitalize on the new opportunities that await us, while avoiding the kind of disruptions that we are witnessing today. As we develop a new approach to the new economy, we must remember that we are not playing a zero-sum game. This is not a matter of free trade or protectionism, technology or jobs, immigration or protecting citizens, and growth or equality. Those are all false dichotomies, which we can avoid by developing policies that favor “and” over “or,” allowing all sets of interests to be pursued in parallel.", "zh": "比如，开放市场和竞争的加剧毫无疑问了早就了国际竞争的赢家和输家，但它们可能会给国家层面的带来更加深远的不平等效应。 此外，无产者和特权者之间日益扩大的差距因为4IR商业模式而被强化，在新的商业模式中，拥有资本或知识产权能够给你带来租金。 填补这一差距要求我们认识到，我们生活在一个新型的创新驱动的经济中，新的全球规范、标准、政策和惯例都必须捍卫公共信任。 新经济已经破坏和重新组合了无数产业，让数百万工人失去了工作岗位。 它增加价值创造中的知识密集度，从而淡化生产。 它强调国内产品、资本和劳动力市场内部的竞争，以及采用不同贸易和投资战略的国与国之间的竞争。 它助长了不信任，特别是对科技公司和它们对我们的数据的管理。 前所未有的技术变迁速度意味着我们的医疗、交通、通讯、生产、分配和能源和其他诸多体系将发生彻底的变化。 管理这一变化不但需要新的国家和跨国合作框架，还需要新的教育模式，辅之以针对性的工人新技能培训计划。 随着老龄化社会中机器人和人工智能的进步，我们需要从生产和消费的叙事转变为共享和看护的叙事。 全球化4.0才刚刚开始，但我们完全没有做好准备。 框定于过时的思维、对现有流程和制度进行修修补补无济于事。 相反，我们需要从头开始进行重新设计，以利用眼前的新机会，同时避免目前正在发生的破坏。 我们在制定面向新经济的方针时，必须牢记我们不是在进行零和博弈。 这不是一个自由贸易对保护主义、技术对就业、移民对保护公民、增长对平等的问题。 这些问题属于错误的二分法，我们可以通过制定扬“和”抑“或”的政策来避免它们，让各种利益都能得到平等的照顾。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The private projects will include the provision of infrastructure, the cost of which is to be repaid through tolls or user fees collected by a private operator. Unlike some other critics, I do not expect the program to fail to bolster demand in the European economy. After all, the €315 billion that is expected to be distributed over three years amounts to 2.3% of the EU’s annual GDP. Such a sizeable level of investment is bound to have an impact. But the program remains legally dubious, as it creates a massive shadow budget financed by borrowing that will operate parallel to the EU and national budgets, thereby placing a substantial risk-sharing burden on taxpayers. Because every country, regardless of its creditworthiness, can borrow at the same interest rate, projects will be undertaken in countries that recently have burned such huge amounts of capital that they can no longer tap financial markets for funding. Just like the many other “protective” measures taken during the crisis, this distortion of market processes will help to cement the sub-optimal allocation of European investment capital, hampering economic growth for years to come. Making matters worse, only a fraction of the new borrowing enabled by the mutualization of liability will be factored into national budgets. This will render meaningless EU-wide debt-management agreements, including the Stability and Growth Pact, which limits the overall deficit to 3% of GDP, and the 2012 “fiscal compact,” which stipulates that countries whose debt-to-GDP ratios exceed the 60% limit should reduce them by one-twentieth annually until they are in compliance. In recent years, banks have been berated for using shadow budgets, in the form of special-purpose vehicles and conduits, to take on excessive risk. It is worrisome, to say the least, that the EU is now resorting to similar tricks.", "zh": "私人项目将包括提供基础设施，通过私人运营商收取过路费或使用费来偿还债务。 我不像其他某些批评者那样认为该计划无法支撑欧洲经济体的需求。 毕竟，计划于3年内投资完成的这3，150亿欧元占欧盟年GDP2.3%的份额。 如此庞大的投资势必会产生影响。 但上述计划在法律上仍然非常可疑，因为它凭空创造了与欧盟和国家预算平行运作的巨额影子预算，从而将巨大的风险负担强加在纳税人头上。 因为国家无论其资信状况都可以以相同的利率借用资金，且很多项目申请国因为不久前刚刚烧光巨额资金而无法再次从金融市场获得融资。 就像危机期间采取的许多其他“保护”措施一样，这种对市场过程的扭曲将有助于巩固欧洲投资资本的次优配置，并对未来几年的经济增长构成阻碍作用。 雪上加霜的是，这种债务共同化带来的新增借款仅有一小部分将被纳入国家预算之中。 这会导致欧盟范围内债务管理协议形同虚设，包括将总体赤字限制在GDP3％的稳定与增长公约，以及2012年 “财政契约 ” ， 该契约规定债务占GDP比率超过60%的国家在完全符合契约规定前必须每年削减二十分之一的债务。 近年来，银行一直因通过特殊用途工具和管道、利用影子预算过度承担风险而饱受指责。 欧盟现在也在采用类似的措施，这即便从最保守的意义上讲也非常令人担任。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Solving Syria in the Security Council NEW YORK – The ongoing bloodletting in Syria is not only the world’s greatest humanitarian disaster by far, but also one of its gravest geopolitical risks. And the United States’ current approach – a two-front war against the Islamic State and President Bashar al-Assad’s regime – has failed miserably. The solution to the Syrian crisis, including the growing refugee crisis in Europe, must run through the United Nations Security Council. The roots of US strategy in Syria lie in a strange– and unsuccessful – union of two sources of American foreign policy. One comprises the US security establishment, including the military, the intelligence agencies, and their staunch supporters in Congress. The other source emerges from the human-rights community. Their peculiar merger has been evident in many recent US wars in the Middle East and Africa. Unfortunately, the results have been consistently devastating. The security establishment is driven by US policymakers’ long-standing reliance on military force and covert operations to topple regimes deemed to be harmful to American interests. From the 1953 toppling of Mohammad Mossadegh’s democratically elected government in Iran and the “other 9/11” (the US-backed military coup in 1973 against Chile’s democratically elected Salvador Allende) to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and now Syria, regime change has long been the coin of the US security realm. At the same time, parts of the human-rights community have backed recent US military interventions on the grounds of the “Responsibility to Protect,” or R2P. This doctrine, adopted unanimously by the UN General Assembly in 2005, holds that the international community is obliged to intervene to protect a civilian population under massive attack by its own government. In the face of the brutality of Saddam Hussein, Muammar el-Qaddafi, and Assad, some human-rights advocates made common cause with the US security establishment, while China, Russia, and others have argued that R2P has become a pretext for US-led regime change. The problem, as human-rights advocates should have learned long ago, is that the US security establishment’s regime-change model does not work. What appears to be a “quick fix” to protect local populations and US interests often devolves into chaos, anarchy, civil war, and burgeoning humanitarian crises, as has happened in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and now Syria.", "zh": "在安理会框架内解决叙利亚问题 纽约—持续不断的叙利亚流血局势不但造成了迄今为止全世界最大的人道主义灾难，也是一场最严重的地缘政治危机。 而美国当前的方针 — — 对伊斯兰国和巴沙尔·阿萨德政权两面开战 — — 是一场彻头彻尾的失败。 叙利亚危机，包括欧洲日益严重的难民危机的解决办法必须通过联合国安理会进行。 美国的叙利亚战略源自一个奇怪的 — — 也是不成功的 — — 美国外交政策两大来源的结合。 一个来源是美国现有安全体系，包括军队、情报机关以及他们在国会中的坚定支持者。 另一个来源是人权组织。 这两个来源的特殊结合体现在最近美国在中东和非洲的多场战争中。 不幸的是，结果无不是灾难。 现有安全体系背后是美国决策者长期以来军力和秘密行动颠覆被认为有害于美国利益的政权。 从1953年颠覆民选的伊朗摩萨德政府和“其他9/11 ” （ 美国支持的针对民选的智利总统阿连德的1973年军事政变 ） ， 到阿富汗、伊拉克、利比亚以及现在的叙利亚，颠覆政权长期以来一直是美国安全政策的不二法门。 与此同时，某些人权组织支持最近美国打着“保护责任 ” （ Responsibility to Protect）旗号进行的军事干预。 保护责任思想在2005年联合国大会上获得一致通过，它认为，国际社会有义务实施干预以保护遭受本国政府大面积打击的平民。 面对萨达姆、卡扎菲和巴沙尔等人的暴政，一些人权活动家与美国安全体系站到了一起，而中国、俄罗斯和其他人则认为保护责任已成为美国领导的颠覆政权行动的借口。 人权活动家想必早就清楚，问题在于美国安全体系的颠覆政权模式并没有效果。 貌似保护当地民众和美国利益的“速决之计”常常带来混乱、无序、内战和剧烈的人道主义危机，阿富汗、伊拉克、利比亚和现在的叙利亚莫不如此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The port of Calais has become a chokepoint of the crisis, with migrants desperately trying to force their way onto trucks and trains bound for the United Kingdom. The situation screams “emergency” – and has triggered a response by the EU. Most notably, the EU has tripled the budget of Operation Triton, designed to strengthen border security; launched an EU-wide naval operation against human smugglers and traffickers in the Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med); and allocated additional funds to overwhelmed frontline member countries. Some individual member countries have also acted. Most notably, Germany, despite facing the arrival of a predicted 800,000 asylum-seekers this year, has suspended implementation of the EU’s Dublin Regulation, which would have led to the deportation of thousands of Syrian refugees. But these measures, though helpful, are far from adequate. In fact, they are examples of crisis-mode policymaking, which tends to favor impressive-seeming stopgap measures (not to mention lofty declarations that can verge on hollowness or hyperbole), instead of real solutions. By allowing EU leaders to avoid acknowledging the long-term nature of the migrant challenge, this approach weakens their motivation to take collective action. And, indeed, a reluctance to cooperate was on display at last month’s meeting of the EU’s Justice and Home Affairs Council, where representatives failed to produce an arrangement on how to distribute the paltry 40,000 refugees that the European Council agreed to accept in June. The fact is that the pressure of migration is here to stay. After all, the factors driving hundreds of thousands of people to risk everything to get to Europe are nowhere near being resolved. Iraq and Syria remain mired in violence and chaos; Eritrea is in the grip of a repressive regime; and Libya has become a collapsed state. Add to that weak or non-existent governance in much of Africa (and the concomitant security threats and bleak economic prospects), and it is difficult to imagine how the tide of migrants will be slowed. The chance of a better life – or any life at all – is all but irresistible to the people trapped in these areas.", "zh": "加来港已经成为危机的瓶颈，移民在那里拼命试图强行登上开往英国的卡车和火车。 目前局势时时处处昭示着“紧急 ” — —欧盟也因此采取了措施。 最引人注目的是，欧盟已将海卫行动的预算增加了三倍，目的是加强边境安全；在地中海启动了欧洲范围内针对 走私贩运人口的海军行动（EUNAVFOR Med ） ； 并为不堪重负的一线会员国划拨了额外的资金。 某些成员国也采取了行动。 其中以德国最为显著，该国在今年面临 800,000名庇护寻求者入境的情况下已暂停执行可能导致数千名叙利亚难民被驱逐的欧盟都柏林公约。 但上述措施虽然不无帮助，但却远远解决不了问题。 事实上，它们是危机模式决策活生生的例子，相比于真正的解决办法，更倾向于采取看似令人印象深刻的权宜性措施（更不用说称得上空洞或夸张的豪言壮语 ） 。 这种方法允许欧盟领导人避免承认移民挑战的长期性，并因此削弱了他们采取集体行动的动机。 事实上，上月召开的欧盟司法和内政事务委员会已经表现出不愿合作的姿态，会议代表未能就如何分配欧洲理事会在6月协议安排的区区40，000名难民达成一致。 事实上，移民压力仍将持续下去。 毕竟，驱动成千上万人甘冒一切风险奔赴欧洲的因素根本没有消除。 伊拉克和叙利亚依然陷于暴力和混乱；厄立特里亚处于专制政权的掌控之中；利比亚则成了崩溃国家的典型。 再加上非洲大部分地区脆弱或几乎感觉不到的治理（以及由此造成的安全威胁和黯淡的经济前景 ） ， 很难想象移民潮能够得到遏制。 美好生活的机会 — — 或者任何生的机会 — — 在这些地区的民众看来都无法抗拒。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Machiavelli in the Ruins of Greensill Capital PRINCETON – The collapse of Greensill Capital, a London-based financial services firm, offers a timely but costly warning about a number of contemporary trends. Clearly, we should be wary of the hype around financial innovation. But we also need to shine a brighter spotlight on the shady world of corporate lobbying, the regulation of risk, and other issues at the intersection of capitalism and government. Greensill reportedly tried to use former British Prime Minister David Cameron to entice the Saudi government to press investors to contribute more funds to SoftBank so that SoftBank could increase its backing of Greensill. Then, following the start of the pandemic, Cameron reportedly lobbied for Greensill to secure access to an emergency loan scheme, and pressed the National Health Service to adopt an app owned by Greensill to pay NHS staff daily instead of monthly. But the fact that Greensill was pedaling an advanced-payment app doesn’t mean that it was a genuine financial innovator. In reality, its financing activities were largely limited to a narrowly focused steel business: Indian businessman Sanjeev Gupta’s GFG Alliance. Why would government officials from Saudi Arabia to the United Kingdom place their trust in such a company? The superficial answer is that Greensill was selling glitzy new financing models that promised to help the Saudis modernize their handling of the annual Mecca pilgrimage, and the NHS to streamline its payroll. And yet, these offerings were nothing new. The great push of financialization that began in the late twentieth century has long been driven by securitization, which allows firms to devise an endless array of “new” products. The process involves bundling together a diverse set of assets to create an apparently safer or more transparent set, which can then be carved up and remarketed according to various criteria. Ultimately, types and levels of risk can thus be disaggregated and sold to those willing to hold them. After the 2008 financial crisis, securitization was blamed for amplifying, rather than reducing, risk, and the euphoria around the process duly evaporated. But the practice didn’t end.", "zh": "格林希尔资本废墟中的马基雅维利 普林斯顿—总部位于伦敦的金融服务公司格林希尔资本倒闭了，这也为当下一些趋势给予了及时但却代价高昂的警醒。 显然，我们应警惕围绕金融创新的炒作。 但我们也需将更多的目光聚焦在企业游说、风险监管以及资本主义与政府交汇处等其他问题的阴暗面上。 据报道，格林希尔曾试图利用英国前首相戴维•卡梅伦(David Cameron ) ， 诱使沙特政府向投资者施压，并向软银提供更多资金，这样软银便能够增加对格林希尔的支持。 随后，据报道称，在新冠大流行开始后，卡梅伦曾游说格林希尔获得一项紧急贷款计划，并敦促英国国民健康服务体系(NHS)采用格林希尔旗下的一款应用程序，并向NHS员工支付每日工资，而非月薪。 但对于格林希尔而言，推出这款高级支付应用，并不意味着自己就是一个真正的金融创新者。 实际上，它的融资活动主要局限于一个狭义上的钢铁企业：印度商人桑吉夫•古普塔(Sanjeev Gupta)的古普塔家族联盟（GFG Alliance ） 。 那么，为何从沙特阿拉伯到英国的政府官员，都会信任这样一家公司呢？ 表面上看答案是：格林希尔出售的是高大上的新融资模式，并承诺帮助沙特实现麦加年度朝圣仪式的现代化，同时还会帮助NHS精简其工资。 然而，这些产品并并非什么新鲜事物。 金融化的巨大推动力始于20世纪后期，并长期以来一直是由证券化推动的，这使得公司能够设计出无穷无尽的“全新”产品。 该过程包括将不同的资产集合在一起，以创建一个明显更安全或更加透明的集合，然后根据不同的标准进行分割与再销售。 最终，风险的类型及水平可以被予以分解，并出售给那些愿意持有它们的人。 2008年金融危机之后，证券化被指责为扩大了(而不是降低了)风险，围绕这一过程的喜悦之情随之烟消云散。 然而，这种做法却并没有结束。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Aggregate capital flows to emerging markets are likely to rebound later this year, but not all countries and all sectors will benefit. And there are significant downside risks to the rebound forecast. A sharp slowdown in China would have negative spillover effects on manufacturing exporters like Korea and Taiwan and commodity exporters like Brazil and South Africa. Stronger-than-expected growth could trigger an increase in long-term US interest rates, encouraging investors to shift more of their holdings from emerging market assets to US assets. A more rapid “taper” of quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve in response to signs of incipient inflationary pressure would have a similar effect. And now there are new risks emanating from worsening East-West relations, escalating sanctions on Russia, and possible contagion effects on other emerging-market countries. Over the long term, however, the outlook for investing in emerging-market economies, particularly those with strong macroeconomic fundamentals, stable political environments, and an expanding middle class, is promising. The current wave of industrialization and urbanization – associated with faster productivity growth as resources move to higher-productivity activities – is far from over. With faster population and productivity growth, most emerging-market economies’ relative growth advantage over the developed economies will remain sizeable, albeit smaller than in the last decade. Major emerging-market multinational corporations like Samsung, Tata, and Alibaba will also drive growth in their home countries and foster FDI flows among emerging markets. Stronger interest by institutional investors in emerging-market assets should also boost future capital flows. As part of long-term portfolio-diversification strategies, many large institutional investors have set targets for the share of their funds in emerging-market assets. When retail investors sold off their holdings of such assets during the summer of 2013, institutional investors kept buying. The next several months are likely to be marked by volatility in capital flows to emerging economies, with significant pressure on vulnerable countries. But a broad-based and sustained withdrawal by global investors from these markets is unlikely. For both retail and institutional investors who distinguish between individual countries’ and sectors’ prospects, emerging markets will remain attractive long-term investment opportunities.", "zh": "面向新兴市场的总资本流很可能在今年晚些时候有所回升,但不是所有国家的所有部门都能从中受益。 同时在反弹的预期中也存在着严重的下行风险。 倘若中国经济发展急剧减速，必将对韩国和台湾这类制造业出口地区和巴西南非等大宗商品出口国产生负面的溢出效应。 高于预期的增长将触发美国长期利率走高，令投资者将更多新兴市场资产转为美国资产。 而美联储更加迅速的量化宽松“收紧”将产生类似的效应。 如今又有新的风险产生于不断恶化的东西方关系，对俄罗斯制裁的升级以及对其他新兴市场国家的潜在危机蔓延效应。 然而在长期看来，投资新兴市场经济体，尤其是那些宏观经济基础良好，政治环境稳定且中产阶级不断壮大的国家，是前景良好的。 当前的工业化和城市化浪潮 — — 与资源转移到高生产率活动所引发的生产力更快速增长相结合 — — 远未结束。 随着人口与生产力不断增长，尽管将少于过去十年，但大多数新兴市场经济体相对于发达经济体的增长优势将依然可观。 韩国三星，印度塔塔以及中国阿里巴巴等主要新兴市场跨国企业也将推动本国的增长并在新兴市场各国之间的外国直接投资。 机构投资者对新兴市场资产的更浓厚兴趣也将会促进未来的资本流动。 作为长期投资组合区别精选策略的一部分，许多大型机构投资者都会将一部分资金投入新兴市场资产。 当零售投资者在2013年夏天纷纷卖出这类资产的同时，机构投资者却在不断买入。 未来数月很可能将出现新兴经济体资本流的极大波动，那些弱势国家也将承受极大压力。 但全球投资者不太可能大规模且持续地撤出这些国家。 对于那些区别检视各国各行业前景的零售和机构投资者来说，新兴市场依然存在着极为吸引的长期投资机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With thriving economies came increased strategic clout, leading to the rise of regional geopolitics shaped by national interests and fears, rather than by external forces. The West’s failures in Iraq and Afghanistan, followed by the global economic crisis (which exposed severe structural weaknesses in the US and the EU that their democratic governments have been unable to resolve), accelerated this process. As a result, Europe has practically abandoned its global geopolitical role, with virtually no evidence of its presence, aside from trade, remaining in East Asia. Although the US has retained considerable influence, the combination of structural economic problems, a divided elite, and two de facto military defeats has impeded its ability to exercise that power. Old alliances – such as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, the Central Eastern Treaty Organization, and the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty – have died or are dying. And forming new alliances has proved difficult, with India rejecting what the US, with uncharacteristic humility, has proposed. Meanwhile, Asia is being roiled by intensifying territorial disputes in the South and East China Seas, as countries revive old claims against each other. East and South Asia are embroiled in an arms race, mainly at sea. Everyone is afraid of China, which remains relatively peaceable, but no longer bothers to conceal its growing military capacity. With no pan-Asian security architecture expected to emerge in the near future, the West’s departure from the region is generating a security vacuum.", "zh": "和经济繁荣一起到来的是战略实力的增加，这使得地区地缘政治开始受国家利益和忧虑主导，而不再是外部势力。 西方在伊朗和阿富汗的失败，以及随后的全球经济危机（暴露了美国和欧盟的民主政府无法解决的严重的结构性弱点）加速了这一过程。 结果，欧洲事实上已经抛弃了其去阿牛地缘政治角色，在东亚也不再拥有除贸易以外的影响力。 尽管美国的影响力依然卓著，但结构性经济问题、精英的分裂以及两场事实军事失败已让其行使权威的能力大为削弱。 旧同盟 — — 如东南亚条约组织、中欧条约组织以及澳大利亚、新西兰、美国安全条约 — — 不是已经寿终正寝，就是行将就木。 而寻找新同盟十分困难，印度以异乎寻常的谦卑态度拒绝了美国的提议。 与此同时，亚洲正饱受东海和南海领土纠纷加剧的困扰，各国纷纷拿出昔日主张宣示主权。 东亚和南亚卷入了军备竞赛，主要是海军竞赛。 所有人都忌惮中国。 中国仍保持着平和的姿态，但已不再隐瞒其日益增长的军事实力。 短期内不会有泛亚洲安全安排出现，在这样的情况下，西方的离去会给该地区造成安全真空。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "专家说通过美国人口普查收集移民资料用于众院席位分配违宪\n一些民权组织和好几个美国城市和县对美国联邦政府提出起诉，称特朗普总统府试图将无证移民排除在美国人口普查之外是行不通的，也是违宪的。\n美国人口普查将决定美国国会众议院席位的分配。\n美国民权自由联盟执行律师萨拉·布兰农对美国之音说，“这么做是行不通的。”\n她接着说，特朗普要求在人口普查中确定接受普查的人的公民身份难以做到，而且“不是很可靠。”\n另一个公民自由组织共同事业组织星期四提出诉讼，对特朗普的行政令提出挑战。\n新泽西州、乔治亚州的一些城市加入了诉讼。\n维吉尼亚州的阿灵顿县星期五也加入了诉讼。\n阿灵顿县的管理董事会主席加维说，“美国宪法要求每10年准确地清点我们的人口。我们必须准确地清点居住在阿灵顿县的每一个人，不能让这种非法试图吓跑人和压缩我们的移民社区人数的做法得逞。”\n另一些组织和个人则赞扬特朗普总统的行政令。\n阿拉巴马州司法部长马歇尔称，该行政令是该州的一个“胜利”。\n他说，“分配各州的国会众议院席位和选举团席位的时候，必须根据居住在各州的居民人数，而且是合法居住的居民的人数。”\n美国最高法院去年阻止了特朗普行政当局将公民身份问题纳入2020年人口普查表中。\n特朗普总统本星期早些时候签署一项行政令，指令监管美国人口普查局的商业部长罗斯提交人口普查所得的无证人口的数据，以便行政当局将这些无证人口排除在各州的人口普查数字之外，并以此确定每个州究竟是增加还是减少或保持众议院议员席位。\n美国每隔10年就要根据人口变化情况重新分配众议院席位", "en": "Experts say it is unconstitutional to collect immigration data through U.S. Census for seat allocation in the House of Representatives\nSome civil rights organizations and governments of several U.S. cities and counties filed suits against the U.S. federal government, claiming that the attempts made by Trump’s Presidential Palace to exclude undocumented immigrants from the U.S. Census are unworkable and unconstitutional.\nThe U.S. Census will determine allocation of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives.\nSarah Brannon, the executive attorney of the American Civil Liberties Alliance, told VOA, \"It won't work. ”\nShe went on to say that Trump's request to identify the citizenship of the people through the census is difficult and \"not very reliable. ”\nAnother civil liberties organization Common Cause filed a lawsuit on Thursday to challenge Trump's executive order.\nSome cities in New Jersey and Georgia joined the lawsuit.\nArlington County, Virginia, also joined the lawsuit on Friday.\nArlington County Board of Management Chairman Garvey said, \"The U.S. Constitution requires an accurate count of our population every 10 years.  We must accurately count everyone who lives in Arlington County, and we will not allow this illegal attempt for scaring away people and shrinking the number of our immigrant communities to succeed. ”\nSome other organizations and individuals praised President Trump's executive order.\nAlabama Attorney General Marshall called the executive order a \"victory\" for the state.\nHe said, \"The allocation of seats in the House of Representatives and Electoral College seats in each state must be based on the number of residents living in each state, and the number should be that of the residents living legally there. ”\nThe U.S. Supreme Court last year prevented the Trump administration from including citizenship issues in the 2020 census form.\nPresident Trump signed an executive order earlier this week instructing Secretary of Commerce of the U.S. Census Bureau to submit data on the undocumented population obtained from the census so that the administration can exclude these undocumented populations from the state census, and in addition to that, the data will be used to determine whether each state will increase or decrease or maintain the seats of the House of Representatives.\nThe United States redistributes the seats of House of Representatives every 10 years based on the demographic changes."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "TowerBlocks"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Year of Resilience NEW YORK – Ten years ago this month, representatives from 168 United Nations member states met in Kobe, the capital of Japan’s Hyogo Prefecture, to decide how to manage risk better in the wake of the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami, which claimed more than 227,000 lives. Over five days, which included the anniversary of the 1995 Kobe earthquake, they crafted the Hyogo Framework for Action (HFA), composed of a raft of measures designed to “reduce the losses in lives and social, economic, and environmental assets of communities and countries.” In two months, UN member states will gather for the third World Conference for Disaster Risk Reduction in another Japanese city synonymous with disaster risk: Sendai – the center of the Tōhoku region, which bore the brunt of the 2011 earthquake and tsunami that led to the Fukushima nuclear meltdown. One question will be on everyone’s mind at the meeting: Has the world lived up to the HFA’s ambitious goals? The evidence of the last decade – which has been marked by some of the worst natural disasters on record – is far from favorable. Port-au-Prince collapsed in an earthquake. Hurricane Katrina devastated New Orleans. Drought killed an unknown number of people in the Horn of Africa. Floods and earthquakes affected millions in Pakistan and China. Heat waves and wildfires ravaged countries around the world. These disasters serve as a stark reminder of the need for instruments like the HFA, especially because the drivers of disaster risk – improper land use, non-existent or poorly implemented building codes, environmental degradation, poverty, climate change, and, most important, weak governance by inappropriate and insufficient institutions – still abound. That is why world leaders need to agree on an updated version of the HFA at the Sendai conference. To be sure, there have been some important, albeit less noticeable, successes over the last ten years. In Asia, where 80% of the world’s disasters are concentrated, the number of people directly affected has dropped, decade-on-decade, by almost one billion, owing to measures like the Indian Ocean tsunami early-warning system. Indeed, timely evacuations in the face of accurately forecasted major storm systems have enabled the Philippines and India to save thousands of lives just in the last year.", "zh": "恢复力之年 纽约—十年前的这个月，来自联合国168个成员国的代表齐聚日本兵库县首府神户，讨论在印度洋海啸灾难的背景下如何更好地管理风险。 印度洋海啸夺走了227,000等多人的生命。 会议进行了五天，其中也包括了1995年神户地震纪念日，与会者起草了兵库行动框架（Hyogo Framework for Action，HFA ） ， 该框架包括了多条旨在“降低生命损失和国家与地区社会、经济和资产损失”的措施。 两个月后，联合国成员国将在另一座可作为灾难风险代名词的日本城市 — — 仙台参加第三次世界灾难风险遏制会议（World Conference for Disaster Risk Reduction ） 。 仙台是日本东北地方中心城市，即导致福岛核电站事故的2011年地震和海啸的重灾区。 所有与会者脑海中都会带着这样一个问题：世界实现HFA的宏大目标了吗？ 过去十年的证据相当令人沮丧。 这十年爆发了不少史上最严重灾难。 太子港在一场地震中沦为废墟。 卡特里娜飓风摧毁了新奥尔良。 干旱在非洲之角夺走了无数人的生命。 洪水和地震影响了巴基斯坦和中国的数百万人民。 热浪和山火在全世界各国肆虐。 这些灾难让我们警醒 — — 我们需要HFA这样的工具，特别是在灾难风险助推因素仍无处不在的时候。 土地的不恰当使用、建筑法规缺失或执行不力、环境破坏、贫困、气候变化，还有最重要的机构治理能力不适和不足，这些因素让灾难风险节节高升。 因此，世界领导人需要在仙台会议上就修订HFA达成一致。 平心而论，在过去十年中，我们取得了一些重要（尽管不太惹人注意）的成功。 亚洲集中了80%的世界灾难，但直接受灾难影响的亚洲人口数量在十年间下降了近十亿，原因就在于采取了印度洋海啸预警系统等措施。 事实上，在正确预测大风暴的基础上及时疏散让菲律宾和印度在去年挽救了成千上万生命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such rules tend to have an uncertain impact on innovation while generating substantial rents for US patent and copyright holders. In the TTIP, the reduction of so-called non-tariff barriers to trade between the US and Europe will almost certainly restrict the space for domestic regulatory action. Even if regulatory harmonization does not create a race to the bottom, the interests of investors and exporters will cast a longer shadow than before over social and environmental goals. Perhaps most worrisome are the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) provisions of the two agreements. These provisions establish a separate judicial track, outside a country’s own legal system, that allows firms to sue governments for apparent violations under trade treaties. Proponents defend ISDS by saying that it will not have much consequence for countries, such as the US, where there is good rule of law, and that it will promote investment in countries, such as Vietnam, where there is not. In that case, it is unclear why ISDS provisions are needed for the TTIP, which covers the advanced economies of North America and Europe. In all of these areas, the TPP and TTIP seem to be about corporate capture, not liberalism. One of the most important, and equally ambiguous, objectives of these agreements relates to a subject that will not make any appearance in the texts: China. Both the US and Europe would like China to play the trade game by their rules. Negotiating these rules without China’s participation can be viewed as part of a strategy aimed at eventually coaxing China into a liberal global system. But this approach can also be considered a way to isolate China and erect discriminating barriers against it in lucrative markets. Finally, what especially grates on the agreements’ critics is the secrecy of the negotiations. The draft texts are not open to public scrutiny, and the few outsiders who are allowed access to them are prohibited from divulging the contents. The stated goal of this policy is to facilitate negotiations.", "zh": "但这些管制在为美国专利和版权持有人不断创造收入之外很可能对其他创新行为带来不确定的影响。 在泛大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系协定方面，对美欧双边贸易中所谓非关税壁垒的削减几乎肯定会限制国内监管行为的运作空间。 即便监管协调不会导致双方贸易竞争拼杀到最后一滴血，但投资者和出口商的不同利益会在社会和环境目标上笼罩一个比以往更深的阴影。 或许最令人感到忧心的是两项协定的投资者-国家争议解决条款。 这些条款在一个国家自由的司法体系之外确立了一条单独的司法路径，让企业可以基于明确违反贸易条约的行为而起诉国家。 该项条款的支持者们辩护说这不会对像美国这样拥有良好法治的国家产生什么不利后果，并将促进对越南这类法治不完善国家的投资。 在这种情况下，既然泛大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系协定的缔约方都是北美和欧洲的发达经济体，又为何需要附加上述条款呢？ 在所有这些领域，两项协定似乎都与自由化无关，而是更与企业俘获策略有关（指大企业利用操纵公共政策获取利益 ） 。 其中一个最重要也同样含糊不清的地方是，这些协定的目标都与一个不会在任何条文中出现的事物相关：中国。 美欧都想中国按照他们的玩法来进行贸易。 而在没有中国参与的情况下商讨这些规章可被视为是旨在最终诱使中国进入一个自由化全球体系的某一部分策略。 但这种做法同时也可以被看作是一种孤立中国并建立歧视性壁垒阻止其进入高回报市场的手段。 最后，尤其让这些协定招致批评的是谈判的隐秘性。 相关协定的草案都并未公开给公众审查，仅有的几个被允许参与谈判的局外人都被禁止透露相关内容。 对外宣称这一做法是为了加速谈判的进程。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the Biden administration abandons economic decoupling and treats China as a major competitor, rather than an implacable adversary, it will tip the scales in the opposite direction, relieving pressure on Chinese President Xi Jinping’s regime and undermining faith in US leadership. This could embolden China to destabilize the Indo-Pacific further, with Taiwan possibly its next direct target. Moreover, US conciliation would give India second thoughts about aligning itself too closely with the US, and would likely lead to Japan’s militarization – a potential game changer in the Indo-Pacific. It would also facilitate China’s efforts to leverage its vast market to draw in America’s democratic allies – a risk underscored by its recent investment deal with the European Union. All of this would undermine efforts to forge the united democratic front Biden envisions, compounding the threat of China’s aggressive authoritarianism. The worst choice Biden can make is to seek shared leadership with China in the Indo-Pacific, as some are advocating. Worryingly, Biden’s team does not seem clear on this. In a 2019 essay, Jake Sullivan (Biden’s national security adviser) and Kurt Campbell (Biden’s “Indo-Pacific czar” at the National Security Council) championed “coexistence with China,” describing the country as “an essential US partner.” To be sure, Sullivan and Campbell did not call for Sino-American joint hegemony, in the Indo-Pacific or beyond.", "zh": "如果拜登政府放弃经济脱钩并将中国视为主要竞争者而非冷酷无情的对手，就将转向相反的方向，放松对中国国家主席习近平政权的压力，破坏对美国领导力的信仰。 这可能刺激中国进一步动摇印太地区，台湾可能是下一个直接目标。 此外，美国的绥靖将让印度三思是否与美国走得太近，也将导致日本军国主义化 — — 成为印太地区的潜在局面改变因素。 中国利用其巨大市场诱惑美国的民主盟友也将更加便利 — — 中国最近与欧盟的投资协议便突出了这一风险。 所有这些都将破坏构建拜登所设想的统一民主国家战线的努力，让中国的侵略性极权主义威胁进一步加剧。 拜登最糟糕的选择便是如某些人所鼓吹的，试图与中国共享印太地区领导地位。 令人担心的是，拜登团队并没有在这一问题上挑明立场。 在2019年的文章中，杰克·苏利文（Jake Sullivan，拜登的国家安全顾问）和柯尔特·坎贝尔（Kurt Campbell，拜登的国家安全委员会“印太沙皇 ” ） 提出“与华共存 ” ， 将中国说成是“美国的潜在合作伙伴 ” 。 平心而论，苏利文和坎贝尔并没有提出在印太或其他地区实现中美联合霸权。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Soft Underbelly of China’s Growth China’s explosive economic growth hinges on the rest of the world, radically changing the global production chain and challenging the global trading system. If China maintains its growth momentum over the next two decades, the global system will face huge challenges. Indeed, the question is not so much whether the global system will endure the imbalances spawned by China, but how severe those imbalances will prove to be. Much of the concern over the past few years has centered on America’s yawning current account and fiscal deficits, and its effort to get China to let the yuan float more freely against the dollar. China, by contrast, sees its growth as tied to a stable currency, and may not want to introduce a more flexible exchange-rate regime, even after the 2.1% revaluation in July, pending alleviation of structural problems for which it is extremely difficult to set a timetable. In fact, even as China’s economy has boomed over the past decade, structural adjustment in its domestic sectors slowed, mainly owing to political constraints. The banking system remains unhealthy and fragile; capital markets are dying. The private sector’s growth is hemmed in by its inability to invest in economic sectors that the government still monopolizes. Mounting regional disparities, as well as the widening urban-rural divide, impede household consumption growth, increasing the economy’s dependence on exports and foreign investment. For years, as optimists see it, China has been the world’s cheap assembly shop for shoes, clothing, and microwave ovens. Now, it is laying the groundwork to become a global power in more sophisticated, technology-intensive industries. Billions of dollars are flowing into auto, steel, chemical, and high-tech electronics plants, setting the stage for China to be a major exporter of high-end products. While this argument suggests that the global trading system must make more room for a rising China (and India), it overlooks the need to address the enormous structural problems in China’s domestic sectors if export-led growth is to become sustainable. For these sectors, rapid investment-driven growth in the past decade has produced a mountain of excess capacity, reflected in stagnant prices and the banking sector’s soaring volume of bad loans, as price wars squeeze profitability and stimulate real-estate speculation.", "zh": "中国增长的弱点 中国爆炸式的经济增长无疑依赖了世界经济。 但它急剧改变了全球生产链并且挑战全球贸易体系。 如果中国在以后二十年中继续维持其增长势头，全球体系将面临巨大挑战。 实际上，真正的问题并不在于全球体系是否会忍受中国带来的不平衡，而在于评估这种不平衡有多么严重。 过去几年里，世界对于美国巨大的经常项目赤字和财政赤字，以及试图让中国允许人民币更为自由地针对美元浮动而忧心忡忡。 相比之下，中国认为其经济增长需要稳定的货币，并且即使在今年七月人民币上浮2.1 ％ ， 也并不想要引入更为灵活的汇率体系，而是等候结构性问题得以缓解。 中国想要为此制定一个时间表极为困难。 实际上，尽管在过去十年中中国经济实现了腾飞，但是由于政治上的约束，其国内部门的结构性调整却放慢了。 银行体系仍然不够健康而且弱不禁风；资本市场则病入膏肓。 私营部门的增长由于无法投资于政府目前仍然垄断的经济部门而裹足不前。 地区以及城乡差异突出限制了家庭消费增长，增加了经济对出口和外资的依赖。 正如乐观人士所见，多年来，中国一直是世界鞋类、服装以及微波炉的廉价组装场。 现在，中国自在为成为更为尖端以及技术密集型产业的全球性大国而奠定基础。 几十亿美元正在流入汽车、钢铁、化工以及高技术电子工厂，从而为中国变成高端产品的主要出口国做准备。 尽管有人主张全球贸易体系必须为崛起的中国（以及印度）提供更大的空间，但是他们却忽视了，为了维持出口型增长，中国必须解决其国内经济部门中庞大的结构性问题。 对于这些部门而言，过去十年中由投资带动的快速增长造成了生产能力大量过剩，由于价格战挤压了利润并刺激了房地产投机，反映出的是通货紧缩压力，银行体系的坏帐急剧上升。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Waiting for Macron PARIS – Although the French presidential election is just two months away, it still feels as though the campaign hasn’t really begun. On both the right and the left, the candidates are busy marking their territories off from close rivals. Each seems to be more focused on settling internal accounts than on confronting the incumbent, Emmanuel Macron. On the left, seven candidates are playing a zero-sum game for no more than 25% of the electorate. On the right, a similar contest is playing out between the center and the extreme, with three candidates ultimately vying for about 45% of the electorate. Opinion polls currently show Macron winning the first round with 25% and being re-elected in the second round, regardless of whether he faces Marine Le Pen of the far-right National Rally or Valérie Pécresse of the traditional center-right party, Les Républicains. Macron, meanwhile, seems content to watch his challengers fight among themselves. He has been postponing the official announcement of his candidacy until the last minute and has made clear that he will not participate in the first-round debates. Macron’s remarkable hold on French political life is anomalous. In most large democracies, politics has become increasingly polarized, with the left and the right locked in a state of mutual hatred. How has Macron managed to hold a moderate centrist line? Part of the answer lies in the exceptional circumstances in which he was elected in 2017.", "zh": "等待马克龙 巴黎—尽管距离法国总统大选只有两个月的时间，但仍然感觉竞选活动还没有真正开始。 左翼和右翼候选人都在忙着将自己的票仓与不相上下的对手区隔开来。 每个人似乎都更专注于解决内部问题，而不是如何与现任总统埃马克龙对抗。 在左翼，七名候选人正在围绕不超过 25% 的选民玩一场零和游戏。 在右翼，中间派和极端派之间也在上演类似的竞争，三名候选人最终争夺约 45% 的选民。 目前民意调查显示马克龙第一轮将得到25％的选票，并在第二轮中连任，无论他面对的是极右翼的国家集会党（National Rally）的玛丽娜·勒庞（Marine Le Pen ） ， 还是传统中右翼的共和党（Les Républicains）的瓦莱里·佩克雷斯（Valérie Pécreese ） 。 与此同时，马克龙似乎满足于看着他的挑战者相互厮杀。 他迟到最后一刻才正式宣布参选，并明确表示不会参加首轮辩论。 马克龙对法国政治生活的非凡掌控是反常的。 在大多数大型民主国家，政治变得越来越两极化，左翼和右翼陷入了相互仇恨的状态。 马克龙是如何设法保持温和的中间路线的？ 部分答案在于他2017年当选时的 特殊环境。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Could there be a better place to do business, build stadiums and skyscrapers, or sell information technology and media networks than a country without independent trade unions or any form of organized protest that could lower profits? Meanwhile, concern for human or civic rights is denigrated as outmoded, or an arrogant expression of Western imperialism. There is, however, a fly in the ointment. No economy keeps growing at the same pace forever. Crises occur. What if the bargain struck between the Chinese middle classes and the one-party state were to fall apart, owing to a pause, or even a setback, in the race for material wealth? This has happened before. The closest thing, in some ways, to the China Model is nineteenth-century Germany, with its industrial strength, its cultivated but politically neutered middle class, and its tendency toward aggressive nationalism. Nationalism became lethal when the economy crashed, and social unrest threatened to upset the political order. The same thing could happen in China, where national pride constantly teeters on the edge of belligerence towards Japan, Taiwan, and ultimately the West. Aggressive Chinese nationalism could turn lethal, too, if its economy were to falter. This would not be in anyone’s interest, so we should wish China well in 2008, while sparing a thought for all the dissidents, democrats, and free spirits languishing in labor camps and prisons.", "zh": "还有哪一个比一个没有会减少赢利的独立的工会组织或任何形式的有组织的抗议活动的国家更好的做生意、盖博物馆和摩天大楼或者兜售信息技术和媒体网络的地方吗？ 与此同时，对人权或公民权利的担心被蔑视为已经过时了或者不过是西方帝国主义傲慢的措辞而已。 然而，还是有美中不足的地方。 没有哪个经济会永远以同一种速度保持增长。 危机会发生。 如果在中国的中产阶级和一党制国家之间的交易因为物质财富增长的停顿或者甚至是倒退而分崩离析，情况会怎样呢？ 这样的事情以前是发生过的。 在某种程度上与中国模式最接近的是十九世纪时的德国。 它们都有强大的工业、受过良好教育但是在政治上保持中立的中产阶级以及咄咄逼人的民族主义倾向。 当经济崩溃时民族主义���为极具破坏力的事物，而社会的不安宁很有可能会颠覆政治秩序。 同样的事情也可能会在中国发生，那里的民族自豪感使它频频对日本、台湾，最终是西方摆出一副好斗的姿态。 中国咄咄逼人的民族主义也会变得极具破坏力，如果它的经济出现摆动的话。 这不符合任何人的利益，所以我们应该希望中国在2008年一切都好，同时也略加考虑一下在劳改所和监狱里倍受煎熬的所有持不同政见者、民主人士和自由精神者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "跟着他走到电梯，她又问。 如果不是在意自己的形象，谁会在见一个人之前还专门把衣服换一件？ 洛易北脚下的步子一顿，侧头看向她，眉梢轻抬了抬，“我衣服渐上了咖啡，想换，有意见？” 他今天脾气倒好，方池夏问什么答什么，似乎还挺有耐心的样子，那感觉像极了……在逗着自己的小宠玩。 方池夏怔了怔，没再说话。 原来是这样！ “不过，方小姐，你这么介意这问题做什么？” 洛易北好整以暇看着她，那眼底，似乎还藏了几分戏谑。 方池夏回过神，目光有些不自在地和他错开，轻描淡写的说，“只是随便问问而已。” “是吗？问的时候顺便连脑子都忘了带上？” 洛易北唇角鄙夷地扬了扬，接着又毒舌地飘出一句，“就苏瑞那张脸，也需要出卖色相？” 他讽刺得挺犀利的，一针见血，前面损的是方池夏，后面是直接踩的苏瑞。 他如果毒舌起来，说出的话一般都很难听，而且不会顾及任何人的情面。", "en": "Stepping into the elevator after him, she asked again. If one didn’t care about one’s image, who would change clothes specifically before meeting someone? Luo Yibei stood straight and gave her a look from the side. He lifted a quizzical brow, “My shirt was spilled with coffee. I wanted to change. Any other opinions?” His temper today was quite pleasant. Whatever Fang Chixia asked, he answered patiently. It felt much like… Petting a little pet. Fang Chixia was again struck dumb and shut her mouth. It turned out to be this case! “But, Miss Fang, what made you so entangled with this issue?” Luo Yibei stared at her, the amusement hidden in between the lines couldn’t be missed. Fang Chixia was caught short and stared back at him uncomfortably. She answered lightly, “Just asking.” “Is that right? When you asked, did you forget to even consider my brain.” Luo Yibei’s lips rose smugly as another sentence floated out of his poisonous tongue. “In front of Su Rui’s face, do I need to sell my charm?” His sarcasm hit sharply and wrecked the front Fang Chixia was trying to put up while trampling Su Rui behind. When he smothers with his tongue, it really was hard to hear what he says. He wouldn’t care about anyone’s feelings."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pakistan’s Quest for Inclusive Growth ISLAMABAD – Last year, Pakistan witnessed the second successful democratic transition in its 71-year history, with Prime Minister Imran Khan taking office after his party won the general election on an anti-corruption slogan. Hopes are high for the new administration, which seems willing to work with both technocrats and opposition parties to address Pakistan’s many urgent challenges. But the government faces a daunting economic agenda. In addition to restoring economic stability, it also must develop a bold plan for inclusive, sustainable long-term growth. The current situation is not very encouraging. Foreign-exchange reserves fell sharply in 2018 as exports stagnated and imports rose rapidly. What’s more, the government had to borrow heavily to finance the growing fiscal deficit, which was caused in part by losses at public-sector enterprises and energy companies. Not surprisingly, the Pakistani rupee fell and inflation ticked upward. With tighter monetary policy and lower public-sector development spending also dampening demand, GDP growth in 2019 is projected to fall below 5%. Equally concerning are the debt repayments that fall due during this fiscal year. Given this outlook, the new government is slowly persuading the public that Pakistan will need another International Monetary Fund bailout. At the same time, it has stepped up diplomatic efforts to secure short-term financial support from friendly countries. This approach appears to be bearing fruit. The government recently received $4 billion from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and is expecting a further $2.5 billion loan from China. Such bilateral support may allow Pakistan to seek a much smaller IMF package than expected. Securing new loans to repay old ones is no cause for celebration, and is not the long-term economic model that a democratically elected government should be offering its citizens. But whereas the current government took office barely six months ago, Pakistan has received 21 IMF assistance packages over the past six decades. Clearly, the country’s economic problems are chronic and long-term. The new government must take decisive steps toward breaking this cycle of dependency. I believe that five key measures would make a big difference. For starters, the authorities need to attract the best people to work for the public sector. At present, Pakistan’s civil servants lack the strategic guidance and motivation to implement economic revival plans. Performance-based incentives are weak, and multiple layers of accountability add to the institutional sclerosis.", "zh": "巴基斯坦的包容性增长追求 伊斯兰堡—去年，巴基斯坦实现了其71年历史中的第二次民主转型，总理汗的政党凭借反腐败口号赢得大选，上台执政。 新政府被寄予厚望，他表现出愿意与技术官僚和反对党齐心协力解决巴基斯坦的诸多紧迫挑战。 但政府面临艰巨的经济日程。 除了恢复经济稳定，它还必须制定大胆的包容性可持续长期增长计划。 目前的状况不太令人鼓舞。 2018年，因为出口停滞而进口迅速上升，外汇储备急剧下降。 此外，政府必须大幅举债为日益膨胀的财政赤字融资，赤字膨胀的部分原因在于公共部门企业和能源公司损失。 毫不奇怪，巴基斯坦卢比贬值，通胀上扬。 紧缩的货币政策和较低的公共部门开发支出也抑制了需求，2019年GDP增长预计将跌至5%以下。 同样令人但有的是本财年需要支付的债务偿付。 在这样的背景下，新政府正在慢慢说服公众，巴基斯坦需要再次向国际货币基金组织（IMF）寻求援助。 与此同时，它也采取了外交手段保证从友邦获得短期金融支持。 这套方针正在产生效果。 目前，政府从沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋获得40亿美元，预计还能从中国获得25亿美元贷款。 这些双边支持有望大幅缩小巴基斯坦的IMF援助规模。 保证新贷款以偿还旧债并不值得庆贺，也不是民主选举的政府应该给公民的做法。 但现任政府上台不过六个月，而巴基斯坦在过去六十年里接受过21次IMF援助计划。 显然，巴基斯坦的经济问题是长期的、慢性的。 新政府必须采取果断措施打破依赖循环。 我认为五项关键措施可以带来巨大的不同。 首先，当局需要吸引最好的人才进入公共部门。 目前，巴基斯坦公务员缺少落实经济复兴计划的战略指引和动力。 基于表现的激励不够强，多层问责更导致机构僵化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The overall objective should be a society in which, health permitting, citizens work and pay taxes until close to the age of 70, but less intensively with advancing age and in a flexible manner that reflects individual circumstances. In fact, gradual and flexible retirement would in many cases benefit not only employers and governments, but also workers themselves, because continued occupational engagement is often a source of personal satisfaction and emotionally enriching social interaction. Using the Gallup World Poll, my colleagues at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, Carol Graham and Milena Nikolova, have found that the happiest cohorts are those who work part-time voluntarily. In exchange for longer work lives, citizens would have more time for both leisure and skill formation throughout their lives, with positive effects on productivity and life satisfaction. The new social contract for the first half of the twenty-first century must be one that combines fiscal realism, significant room for individual preferences, and strong social solidarity and protection against shocks stemming from personal circumstances or a volatile economy. Many countries are taking steps in this direction. They are too timid. We need a comprehensive and revolutionary reframing of education, work, retirement, and leisure time.", "zh": "总目标应该是建设这样的社会：只要身体健康允许，公民可以工作和纳税到将近70岁，但随着年龄的增长，工作环境应该根据个人状况增加弹性。 事实上，在很多情形中，渐进、弹性的退休不但有利于雇主和政府，也有利于工人本身，因为继续工作通常可以带来个人满足感和有益于身心的社会关系。 我的华盛顿布鲁金斯研究所同事格雷厄姆（Carl Graham）和尼科洛娃（Milena Nikolova）通过盖洛普全球民调（Gallup World Poll）的数据发现，最幸福的人群是那些自愿参与兼职工作的人。 作为延长工作寿命的交换，公民终其一生将拥有更长时间的闲暇和技能形成，有利于生产率和生活满意度的提高。 21世纪上半叶的新社会契约必须兼顾财政现实、个人偏好的巨大空间以及强大的社会凝聚力和对个人情况和经济波动的冲击的保护。 许多国家正在朝这个防线努力。 它们的步子迈得不够大。 我们需要对教育、工作、退休和闲暇来一个全面的、革命性的再安排。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We have far more money and much greater technological ability to adapt than our forebears ever did. Of course, cities also will be hit by temperature increases from CO2, in addition to further warming from urban heat islands. But we have an opportunity to act. Unlike our forebears, who did very little or nothing about urban heat islands, we are in a good position to tackle many of their effects. While celebrity activists focus entirely on cutting CO2, we could do much more – and at much lower cost – if we addressed urban heat islands. Simple solutions can make a vast difference to temperatures. Cities are hotter than the land around them because they are drier. They lack moist green spaces and have drainage systems that efficiently remove water. In London, the air around the River Thames is cooler than it is a few blocks away in built-up areas. If we plant trees and build water features, we won’t just beautify our surroundings, but we’ll also cool things down – by upwards of 8°C, according to climate models. Moreover, although it may seem almost comically straightforward, one of the best temperature-reducing approaches is very simple: paint things white. Cities have a lot of black asphalt and dark, heat-absorbing structures. By increasing reflection and shade, a great deal of heat build-up can be avoided.", "zh": "我们拥有更多的钱和更高的技术能力，因而使我们的适应能力远比我们的祖辈要高。 当然，城市还因为二氧化碳含量的上升而导致气温的升高，从而进一步加剧了因为城市热岛效应而带来的气候变暖。 但是我们有机会采取行动。 与我们对于城市热岛效应所做甚少或者无所作为的祖辈不同，我们有很好的办法应对它所带来的许多影响。 当著名的活动家把注意力全部放在削减二氧化碳含量的问题上时，其实我们能够做到的要多得多并且是以低得多的成本，如果我们着手解决城市热岛问题的话。 简单的解决方案能够给温度带来巨大的差异。 城市比它们周围的地方热的原因在于它们更干燥。 它们缺少潮湿的绿地，并且排水系统会大量地排出水分。 在伦敦，泰晤士河周围的空气比几个街区外的建成区要凉快得多。 如果我们种更多的树和建造更多的水景，那我们就不仅仅能美化我们的环境，并且还可以降低温度。 根据气候模型，最高可降低8℃。 此外，尽管这看上去几乎有点令人发笑地直截了当，但是有一个降低温度的方法非常简单：把物体涂成白颜色。 城市里有大量黑色的沥青和黑色的、吸热的结构。 通过增加反射和遮光物，大量聚集起来的热量是可以避免的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Europe Avert a US-China War? NEW HAVEN – European countries are currently divided over whether to join US President Joe Biden’s diplomatic boycott of the upcoming Winter Olympics in Beijing. The episode underscores yet again that when it comes to dealing with China, Europe and the United States truly are an ocean apart. Beyond sharing fundamental political values, the US and Europe often employ similar rhetoric about the challenge China poses to the international order. Nonetheless, most European governments cannot reconcile their interests with the vision of a US-led coalition of democracies standing up to the world’s autocracies, and European officials balk at pursuing a China policy focused on containment, under the guise of competition. While the European Union wants to deepen transatlantic cooperation, there is no consensus on how to do so without alienating China or undermining the very international system it aims to defend. Nor are European governments convinced of America’s reliability as a partner. Biden might value the transatlantic relationship, but his predecessor, Donald Trump, did not. Who is to say what the next US president – possibly Trump himself – will stand for? This doubt is a key motivation behind the EU’s effort to operationalize its vision of “strategic autonomy.” To be sure, there is scope for transatlantic collaboration on China. In fact, efforts to advance such cooperation are already in motion, in the form of initiatives like the US-EU Dialogue on China and the US-EU Trade and Technology Council.", "zh": "欧洲能否消弭美中战争？ 纽黑文—欧洲国家目前在是否与美国总统拜登一起对即将在北京举行的冬季奥运会进行外交抵制的问题存在分歧。 这一事件再次突显出，在与中国打交道时，欧洲和美国确实是同床异梦。 除了基本的政治价值观相同之外，美国和欧洲对于中国对国际秩序构成的挑战也是口风类似。 尽管如此，大多数欧洲政府无法让他们的利益与美国领导的、对抗世界专制的民主联盟保持一致，欧洲官员也不愿打着竞争的幌子推行以遏制为核心的对华政策。 欧盟希望深化跨大西洋合作，但对于如何在不疏远中国或不破坏其旨在捍卫的国际体系的情况下如何做到这一点，尚未达成共识。 欧洲政府也不相信美国作为合作伙伴的可靠性。 拜登可能重视跨大西洋关系，但他的前任特朗普并不重视。 谁能说下一任美国总统 — — 可能正是特朗普本人 — — 立场如何？ 这种怀疑是欧盟努力落实其“战略自治”愿景的关键动机。 平心而论，在中国问题上颇有跨大西洋合作的空间。 事实上，一些推动这方面合作的措施已在进行中，如美欧中国问题对话和美欧贸易和技术委员会等。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, after all that has happened in the past six months, Central Europeans can no longer look up to old countries representing the moral values of Western civilization. This crisis was not caused by bad luck or some professional misunderstanding, but by character problems, especially in the United States and later Western Europe. Money was stolen, not merely “mismanaged.” Investments were not simply bad, but unacceptably risky. The moral state of business leaders caused this crisis, and you cannot find Central Europeans among those leaders. Central Europe has found itself in a completely new situation. Crisis management measures undertaken in the Western world are practically cutting our countries off from the EU market. In this situation, Central European countries must cooperate to defend their own interests, as well as their dream of a common Europe. The question for the European elite is whether we believe in the work of the past 20 years, whether we believe in an integrated European market and an ever-widening European Community. If not, then first the biggest and the strongest countries, and then the Central Europeans, will turn away from the European dream. Those of us who believe that the past 20 years made sense, and that we are on the right track, are still the majority in Hungary. Everyone in Europe and the world needs a unified, robust Europe.", "zh": "此外，过去六个月发生的金融危机也迫使中欧人对那些曾经代表西方道德价值观的国家擦亮了眼睛 — — 这场危机的发生并不是因为碰巧倒霉或某些专业上的失误，而是来源自于道德品质的迷失，这点在美国以及后来的西欧国家尤其严重。 人们的财富是被盗走了，而不仅仅是“管理不善 ” 。 投资策略也不仅仅是失误，而是罔顾风险的赌博。 是企业领导人的低劣道德酿造了这一危机，所幸他们没有一个来自中欧。 而事实上，中欧人发现自己已经处于一种全新的形势之下：西方世界的危机处理方式几乎将我们国家与欧盟市场的联系完全切断。 在这种情况下，中欧国家必须紧密合作，不仅为了维护自身利益，更为了维护一个欧洲大同的梦想。 目前欧洲精英们面临问题,就在于能否坚信过去20年来所付出的努力，能否坚信一体化的欧洲市场和不断扩大的欧洲共同体。 如果我们失去了信心，那么首先是那些最大和最强的国家，其次是中欧所有的国家，都将弃欧洲大同之梦于不顾。 许多匈牙利人依然坚信过去20年是没有白费的，并坚信自己走的是一条正确的道路。 世界和欧洲的每个人都需要一个统一的，强大的欧洲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "然后忽然听到外面大声的吵闹声：“李管家，阿绿的腿撞伤了，我拿了先生的上等药膏给她用了一下，就在客厅的茶几上，您别给扔了。” 过了一会儿，别墅里的人都离开了。 乔恋推开房门，大大方方的下楼，觉得今天真是天助我也！ 餐厅里桌子上的饭菜很丰盛，她大快朵颐。 吃完后，正要上楼，忽然看到茶几上放着一盒药膏。 这个药膏，在医院里，医生建议给她开了，可是因为太贵，被她拒绝了，现在……不用白不用，不是吗？ 沈凉川在楼下，呆到天色都黑了，看到楼上的灯灭了，他又等了一会儿，这才下车，悄悄推开别墅的大门，慢慢上楼。 不亲眼看一下她的脸，他不放心。 主卧的房门没有反锁，他推开走进去，就发现乔恋侧躺在床上，已经睡熟了。", "en": "At that moment, she suddenly heard a loud commotion coming from outside, “Caretaker Li, Ah Lu’s foot is injured! I grabbed Sir’s high-quality medicine for her to use. It’s on the coffee table in the living room, so please don’t throw it away.” After a while, everybody in the villa, except Qiao Lian, had left. Qiao Lian pushed open the door and sauntered downstairs. The gods were definitely on her side today! The meal on the dining room table was sumptuous indeed. She started to chow down on the food. After she finished, she was just about to go upstairs when she suddenly saw a box of medicine sitting on the coffee table. This medicine was one that the doctor had prescribed for her in the hospital. However, because it had been too expensive, she had refused his prescription. Now that it was in front of her… it would be a waste not to use it, right? Shen Liangchuan sat in his car until the sky turned dark. After noticing that the lights upstairs had been turned off, he waited a while more before stepping out of the car. He then quietly opened the front door of the villa and slowly went upstairs. His mind would not be at ease until he saw her face. The door to the master bedroom was not locked from the inside. Hence, he pushed it open and walked in, immediately noticing that Qiao Lian was lying on the bed, fast asleep."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Central Banks’ Outdated Independence BUENOS AIRES – The global financial crisis has raised fundamental questions regarding central banks’ mandates. Over the past few decades, most central banks have focused on price stability as their single and overriding objective. This focus supported the ascendancy of “inflation-targeting” as the favored monetary policy framework and, in turn, led to operational independence for central banks. The policy was a success: the discipline imposed by strict and rigorous concentration on a sole objective enabled policymakers to control – and then conquer – inflation. But, as a consequence of this narrow approach, policymakers disregarded the formation of asset- and commodity-price bubbles, and overlooked the resulting banking-sector instability. This, by itself, calls for a review of the overall efficacy of inflation-targeting. Moreover, after the financial crisis erupted, central banks were increasingly compelled to depart from inflation targeting, and to implement myriad unconventional monetary policies in order to ameliorate the consequences of the crash and facilitate economic recovery. With advanced economies struggling to avoid financial collapse, escape recession, reduce unemployment, and restore growth, central banks are being called upon to address, sometimes simultaneously, growing imbalances. This has triggered a search for a radical redefinition of central banks’ objectives – and has cast doubt on the appropriateness of maintaining their independence. In particular, central banks’ behavior during the crisis has called into question whether inflation-targeting is an effective framework in the presence of systemic shocks, and, more broadly, whether it can be sustained throughout economic cycles. After all, a policy regime that sets aside its only goal during a crisis seems to lack the ability to cope with unexpected challenges. Critics identify this “crisis straitjacket syndrome” as the main problem with single-minded inflation targeting. While theoretical arguments can be made to justify recent departures from policy, the reality is that in the post-crisis world, advanced-country central banks’ goals are no longer limited to price stability. In the United States, the Federal Reserve has essentially adopted a quantitative employment target, with nominal GDP targets and other variations under discussion in other countries. And financial stability is again a central-bank responsibility, including for the more conservative European Central Bank. This shift toward multiple policy objectives inevitably reduces central-bank independence.", "zh": "过时的央行独立性 布宜诺斯艾利斯—全球金融危机引起了人们对央行权威的根本性质疑。 在过去几十年中，大部分央行将价格稳定性作为它们的唯一的最高目标。 这导致了“通胀目标”作为货币政策框架的支配地位，反过来又形成了央行的操作独立性。 这一政策是成功的：严格而精确的单一目标所带来的纪律让决策者得以控制 — — 并征服 — — 通货膨胀。 但是，这一狭隘目标方法的一个后果是决策者无视资产和商品价格泡沫的形成，并忽略由此带来的银行部门不稳定。 这本身足以引起对通胀目标总体有效性的反思。 此外，金融危机爆发后，央行逐渐被迫偏离通胀目标，实施各种非常规货币政策以减轻崩溃的后果，协助经济复苏。 发达国家挣扎着避免金融崩溃、摆脱衰退、降低失业和重塑增长，有时人们呼吁央行同时纠正日益严重的失衡问题。 这让人们寻求彻底修改央行目标，也对维持其独立性的合理性产生了质疑。 特别是，央行在危机期间的行为已让人们怀疑，在系统性冲击下，通胀目标是否是有效的框架，以及（更广泛地说）它能否在整个经济周期中得到维持。 毕竟，在危机期间放弃其唯一目标的政策机制似乎没有能力处理意外挑战。 批评者将这一“危机约束综合症 ” （ crisis straitjacket syndrome）视为一根筋通胀目标的主要问题。 论证最新的政策转向的理论观点不难找，但现实是在后危机时代，发达国家央行的目标不再局限于价格稳定。 在美国，美联储事实上采取了量化就业目标，其他国家则在讨论名义GDP目标和其他目标。 金融稳定性也再次成为央行的责任，包括较为保守的欧洲央行。 这一变化 — — 转向多重政策目标 — — 难免会削弱央行独立性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Man Without a Plan NEW HAVEN – During the United States’ recent presidential election campaign, public-opinion polls consistently showed that the economy – and especially unemployment – was voters’ number one concern. The Republican challenger, Mitt Romney, sought to capitalize on the issue, asserting: “The president’s plans haven’t worked – he doesn’t have a plan to get the economy going.” Nonetheless, Barack Obama was reelected. The outcome may reflect the economy’s slight improvement at election time (as happened when Franklin Roosevelt defeated the Republican Alf Landon in 1936, despite the continuing Great Depression). But Obama’s victory might also be a testament to most US voters’ basic sense of economic reality. Economic theory does not provide an unambiguous prescription for policymakers. Professional opinion in macroeconomics is, as always, in disarray. Because controlled experiments to test policy prescriptions are impossible, we will never have a definitive test of macroeconomic measures. Romney had no miracle cure, either, but he attempted to tap into voters’ wishful-thinking bias, by promising to reduce the size of the government and cut marginal tax rates. That would work if it were true that the best way to ensure economic recovery were to leave more money on the table for individuals. But the electorate did not succumb to wishful thinking. The idea that Obama lacks a plan is right in a sense: nothing he has proposed has been big enough to boost the US economy’s painfully slow recovery from the 2007-9 recession, nor to insulate it from shocks coming from Europe and from weakening growth in the rest of the world. What Obama does have is a history of bringing in capable economic advisers. Is there anything more, really, that one can ask of a president? And yet US presidential campaigns generally neglect discussion of advisers or intellectual influences. Although a president’s advisers may change, one would think that candidates would acknowledge them, if only to suggest where their own ideas come from; after all, realistically what they are selling is their ability to judge and manage expertise, not their own ability as economists.", "zh": "没有计划的人 发自纽黑文 — — 在最近的美国总统大选期间，其民意调查始终显示经济 — — 尤其失业率 — — 是选民们关心的首要问题。 来自共和党的挑战者 — — 米特·罗姆尼（Mitt Romney）试图利用这一问题，他宣称 ： “ 奥巴马总统的计划并不凑效，他没有一个能推动经济的计划 。 ” 然而巴拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama）依然成功连任了。 这个结果也许反映了经济在选举期间的轻微改善，正如1936年大萧条持续期间富兰克林·罗斯福（Franklin Roosevelt）击败来自共和党的阿夫尔·兰登（Alf Landon）时所发生的情况那样。 但奥巴马的胜利或许也证实了大部分美国选民对经济现实的基本观感。 经济理论并不能为政策制定者开出一个明确的药方。 对宏观经济学的专业判断一如既往地杂乱无章。 由于不可能用受控的实验来测试政策，因此我们永远都不可能对宏观经济措施实施明确的检验。 罗姆尼也没有什么神奇疗法，而是试图通过承诺缩小政府规模及降低边际税率来影响选民的主观选择。 如果把更多的钱留在个人手上确实是保证经济复苏的最好办法，也许罗姆尼的策略就凑效了。 但选民们对这种一厢情愿的想法并不买账。 奥巴马缺乏计划这一说法在某种意义上来说是对的：他所提议的政策没有一个足以推动美国经济摆脱2007~09年衰退后痛苦而迟缓的复苏，也不能使其免受来自欧洲经济危机的冲击或全球���长减缓的影响。 不过奥巴马却有着引进优秀经济顾问的历史记录。 难道我们还能对一个总统作更多的要求么？ 然而美国的总统竞选通常忽略了对顾问或知识界影响的讨论。 尽管一个总统的顾问人选可能会变更，大家可能会觉得候选人会提到这些人的名字，哪怕只是为了说明自己的观点来自何处；毕竟实际上这些候选人要展示的只是自己在决策管理方面的专长而非作为经济学家的能力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The myriad rulings that have resulted from this process have left the exercise of national defense without any clear position under the Constitution and impede Japan from exercising its “collective self-defense” rights and treaty obligations with its allies (principally the United States). Tortured reasoning about phrases like “use of force” or “exclusively defense-oriented policy” amounts to an open invitation to confusion, both in the military and to countries in the region. And the so-called “three principles on arms exports” have placed absurd limits on what may be sold or supplied abroad, as even flying boats used for sea rescue have been viewed as banned from export. Given the current regional security environment– international terrorism tied to local, Asian-based terrorists, various challenges to the security of vital sea lanes, North Korea’s search for nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, and China’s rapid enhancement of its naval power–, Asia today is far less stable and more complex than it was when Japan's constitution was written. By revising the country’s National Defense Program Guideline (conventionally called an Outline) last December, Koizumi’s government began the process of clarifying some of these debilitating ambiguities. The Guideline lifted some of the more foolish limits on arms exports by ending the “all-out prohibition policy” maintained since the Miki Administration of 1976. For example, it clearly determined that the ongoing Japanese-US joint technical research to develop and produce the SM-3 sea-based ballistic missile defense system is an exception. More generally, the government may now review requests for weaponry from friendly governments on a case-by-case basis, according to whether the sale risks instigating or fueling international conflicts. As a result, the sale or supply of used or new surface combat vessels by the Japan Coast Guard or even Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) to ASEAN countries, say, Malaysia, Indonesia or Singapore, to help them fight maritime terrorism and piracy more effectively will now likely be permitted. Supplying European countries as well ASEAN countries with JMSDF flying boats for sea rescue, patrol, and fire fighting will also now likely be approved. These favorable and appropriate actions will allow Japan, for the first time in its postwar history, to meet the international community’s requests in a timely way. Yet, without fundamental constitutional reform, Japan’s position in Asia and the world will remain anomalous.", "zh": "这个过程所产生的无数条规定使得国防行动在宪法框架下毫无明确立场可言，并阻止日本使用“集体自卫”权利以及实施同盟之间（尤其是美国）履行条约规定的义务。 对诸如“使用武力”或者“专守防卫政策”这些词语曲解的推理，结果给该地区的军队和国家带来重重疑云。 所谓的“武器出口三大原则”对那些原本可以出售或向国外提供的武器作了荒谬的限制，甚至连用于海上救援的水上飞机也被禁止出口。 在当前地区安全环境下 — — 全球恐怖主义与亚洲本地的恐怖主义分子关系紧密，重要海上通道的安全面临多种挑战，朝鲜寻求发展核武器和弹道导弹，中国迅速扩张的海军力量 — — 比起日本制定宪法的那个时候，如今的亚洲已没有那么稳定了， 局势也复杂得多。 去年十二月，通过修改《国家防卫计划大纲 》 （ 以前称之为概要 ） ， 小泉政府开始澄清某些削弱日本实力、模棱两可的条例。 《概要》结束了自1976年三木武夫政府起保留至今的“全面禁止政策 ” ， 取消了一些愚蠢的武器出口禁止。 例如，它明确规定，为发展并生产SM-3海域弹道导弹防卫体系而进行的日-美联合技术研究是个例外。 更普遍而言，政府现在也许能根据销售风险是否会引发或加剧国际争端，一个一个回顾友好国家政府所提出的武器需求。 结果，日本海上保安厅乃至于日本海上自卫队（JMSDF ） ， 现在很有可能得到允许，能够向ASEAN国家，例如马来西亚、印度尼西亚或新加坡等国销售或者提供或旧或新的海面战舰，以帮助他们更有效地抵御海上恐怖主义活动或海盗。 向欧洲国家和ASEAN国家提供日本海上自卫队的海上救援、巡逻和救火战舰现在也很有可能被批准。 这些有利的得当行动将会使日本有史以来第一次能够适时地满足国际社会的需求。 但是，没有重大宪法改革，日本在亚洲和全世界的地位仍然难以正常化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第70章: 东来洞主（八） 这正是宋扶等人想问的，被人抢先问出，你看看我，我看看你，都不知道怎么回事，哪里答的出来。 苗毅立刻飞身向发出巨响的地方飞去，阎修三人立刻跟上。 宋扶等人相视一眼，也跟了上去一看究竟。 众人来到山门门口，只见月色下，刻着‘东来洞’三个字的石雕大牌坊已经碎了一地，让众人皆是一惊，竟然有人毁了东来洞的山门。 苗毅霍然回头，面目狰狞地看向宋扶等人，冷笑不止道：“好啊！” “我今天才刚到，看来就有人迫不及待想给我一个下马威！” “很好！” 宋扶等人一愣，对方话里的意思他们明白，可这事绝对不是他们干的，因为他们刚才正围坐在一起小聚，也正商量着今后怎么给苗毅颜色看，也是听到异常响声才跑出来的。", "en": "Chapter 70: East Arrival Cave Master (8) This was what Song Fu and his group wanted to ask, but having someone else ask it first, they instead looked at each other, and were clearly unaware of what was going on, so how could they answer? Miao Yi immediately dashed towards the place where the loud noise originated from, and Yan Xiu and his group instantly followed suit. Song Fu’s group looked at each other, also following behind to see what had happened. Everyone had reached the mountain gates, and under the moonlight, they could see that the large stone memorial arch that had the words ‘East Arrival Cave’ carved onto it was left shattered to just pieces on the ground. Everyone was shocked to find out that someone had actually destroyed the mountain gates of East Arrival Cave. Miao Yi suddenly turned his head, and giving Song Fu and his group a vicious look, he said coldly, “Good!” “I’ve just arrived today, and it seems like someone was anxious to knock me down a peg!” “Very good!” Song Fu and his group were taken aback—they understood what the other party meant, but this incident was not their doing. They’d just been sitting together and holding their own gathering, discussing precisely on how to teach Miao Yi a lesson from now on, and had only run out after hearing the strange noise."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "今年以来，面对世界经济不稳定性不确定性明显增强，单边主义、保护主义蔓延，中国对外开放非但没有止步，而且推出了一系列扩大开放的政策措施，包括全面实施外商投资法及其实施条例、进一步缩减外商投资准入负面清单、稳步推动金融市场准入、出台海南自由贸易港建设总体方案、强化深圳和浦东的改革开放举措、深化服务贸易创新发展试点等。 我愿重申，中国对外开放的决心坚定不移，对外开放的大门会越开越大。 我们将继续推动贸易和投资自由化便利化，同更多国家商签高标准自由贸易协定，积极参与多双边区域投资贸易合作机制，打造更高水平的开放型经济。 完善外商投资准入前国民待遇加负面清单管理制度，依法保护外资企业合法权益，有序扩大服务业对外开放，持续打造市场化、法治化、国际化营商环境。 赋予自由贸易试验区更大改革自主权，建设对外开放新高地。", "en": "The world economy has faced more instability and uncertainty this year. Protectionism and unilateralism are mounting. Yet China has not stalled in its pursuit of opening-up. As a matter of fact, we have taken many policy steps to open the country still wider. It includes the following: The Foreign Investment Law and its supporting rules and regulations have been fully implemented. The negative list for foreign investment has been further cut. Access to the financial market has been steadily eased. A master plan has been drawn up for the development of the Hainan Free Trade Port. Reform and opening-up in Shenzhen and Pudong have been further advanced. And more pilot programs have been conducted for creative promotion of trade in services. I wish to reiterate that China’s commitment to opening-up is strong, and that China will open its door still wider to the world. China will continue to advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, to conclude, through negotiation, high-standard free trade agreements with more countries, and to actively engage in bilateral, multilateral and regional mechanisms for trade and investment cooperation. The purpose is to build a higher-standard open economy in China. China will improve its system for foreign investment management based on pre-establishment national treatment and negative list. The lawful rights and interests of foreign investors will be protected. China will open up the service sector in a well-planned way, and foster a market-oriented, world-class business environment underpinned by a sound legal framework. China will give its pilot free trade zones greater power in carrying out reform, and turn them into new pacesetters of opening-up."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To this end, 22 leading groups have united to create The European Nutrigenomics Organization, or NuGO. Funded by the European Commission, NuGO gives scientists from organizations that usually compete for funding and the best researchers their first real opportunity to work together. Difficulties stemming from professional jargon, organizational structure, and distance are more than offset by the benefits of integrating nutrigenomics facilities and expertise to ensure cooperative use of knowledge and its application in nutritional research. Nutrigenomics is not the Holy Grail of nutrition, but neither is it irrelevant to all but the worried-but-wealthy few that will be able to afford the new food products when they arrive. Determining the structure of DNA and the sequence of the human genome has revolutionized biology and medicine. It has created new specialties and advanced our understanding of disease. But rarely does this knowledge allow us to control outcomes – prevention rather than cure. Indeed, in the twenty-first century, we still cannot describe health except in terms of the absence of disease. Today’s new technologies enable health to be identified in terms of patterns of gene expression, protein production, and metabolic response. Applied to nutrition, nutrigenomics will allow us to understand, and perhaps more importantly, to manipulate our individual response to existing foods so as to benefit our health. For some people, this will mean expensive genetic testing and designer diets, but for most, it will mean realistic advice based on visibly demonstrable phenotypes – a tendency to gain weight, for example, or an intolerance or allergic response to certain food types. Above all, nutrigenomics holds out the promise of providing the healthy independence that everyone hopes for in later years.", "zh": "为此，22个尖端团队已经联合组成一个欧洲营养基因学组织（The European Nutrigenomics Organization ） ， 即NuGO。 NuGO由欧洲委员会提供资金，为科学家们提供第一次真正合作的机会。 这些科学家都来自为基金和最优秀研究人员彼此竞争的组织。 比起为了保证知识共享及其在营养学研究方面的运用而整合营养基因学设备和人力资源所带来好处，专业术语、组织结构以及远程交流的困难要大得多。 营养基因学并非营养学的圣杯，但对几乎忧心冲冲但却富有得足以承受新食物（当新食物诞生时）的少数阶层来说，它也并非毫不相关。 DNA的结构和人类基因图排列顺序的确定已使生物界和医药界发生革命，产生了新的专业，发展了我们对疾病的认识。 但是，就目前所掌握的知识而言，我们还不能控制结果 — — 即不能治疗只能预防。 事实上，在二十一世纪，如果不使用疾病术语，我们还是不能对健康进行描述。 当今的新技术使得我们能够按照基因表现图、蛋白质制造和新陈代谢反应来定义健康。 将营养基因学应用于营养学，能使我们了解，也许更重要的是，使我们能够控制个体对现有食物的反应，造福我们的健康。 对一部分人而言，这将意味着昂贵的基因测试和饮食设计，但是对大多数人来说，它意味着根据显而易见的表现型而提出的实际建议 — — 比如，体重加剧的倾向，或者对某个食品种类的过敏现象。 最重要的是，营养基因学提出了每个人在未来几年都希望实现的健康独立性的承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The definition of manhood is already turning upside down. You've read about how the new economy is changing the roles of caregiver and wage earner. They're throwing it up in the air. So our sons are going to have to find some way of adapting to this, some new relationship with each other, and I think we really have to show them, and model for them, how a real man is someone who trusts his sisters and respects them, and wants to be on their team, and stands up against the real bad guys, who are the men who want to abuse the women. And I think our job in the Netflix queue is to look out for those movies that pass the Bechdel Test, if we can find them, and to seek out the heroines who are there, who show real courage, who bring people together, and to nudge our sons to identify with those heroines and to say, \"I want to be on their team,\" because they're going to be on their team. When I asked my daughter who her favorite character was in \"Star Wars,\" do you know what she said? Obi-Wan. Obi-Wan Kenobi and Glinda. What do these two have in common? Maybe it's not just the sparkly dress. I think these people are experts. I think these are the two people in the movie who know more than anybody else, and they love sharing their knowledge with other people to help them reach their potential. Now, they are leaders. I like that kind of quest for my daughter, and I like that kind of quest for my son. I want more quests like that. I want fewer quests where my son is told, \"Go out and fight it alone,\" and more quests where he sees that it's his job to join a team, maybe a team led by women, to help other people become better and be better people, like the Wizard of Oz. Thank you.", "zh": "现在的男子气概的定义已经本末倒置了。 你已经知道新的经济环境 正在改变女性在家男性养家胡口的角色。 他们正逐渐被替代。 我们的儿子需要能够适应这些改变， 适应相互之间的新关系， 我认为我们需要身先士卒,展示如何成为 一个真正的男人， 他会信任他的姐妹 尊重她们，希望与她们为伍， 对抗真正的坏蛋， 那些虐待妇女的大坏蛋。 而且我认为我们需要在 Netflix Queue 中 寻找符合贝尔德尔测试的电影， 找到之后，再找出电影中的 女英雄们, 她们英勇无比，把大家团结起来， 并且鼓励我们的儿子认识到这些女主人公的英勇 并且说：\"我想加入她的队伍。\" 因为他们将来需要与她们合作。 当我问我的女儿最喜欢《星球大战》中的哪个角色， 你猜她说谁？ 欧比-旺 欧比-旺·克诺比和葛琳达 他们有什么共同点？ 或许跟漂亮的衣服没有关系。 我认为他们都是专家。 两个人在各自的电影中 都拥有比别人更多的知识， 并且乐意与他人分享他们的知识 帮助他人挖掘潜能。 现在，他们是领袖。 我希望自己的女儿有这样的追求， 也希望自己的儿子有这样的追求。 我希望这样的追求越多越好。 我希望我的儿子不要被教育成 \"冲出去一个人战斗\" 而是主动的融入一个团队， 或许由一个女性来指挥， 帮助其他人成就自己， 变得更好， 就像奥兹仙女一样。 谢谢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Next Social Contract PARIS – Around the world nowadays, persistent unemployment, skill mismatches, and retirement frameworks have become central to fiscal policy – and to the often-fierce political debates that surround it. The advanced countries are facing an immediate “aging” problem, but most of the emerging economies are also in the midst of a demographic transition that will result in an age structure similar to that of the advanced economies – that is, an inverted pyramid – in just two or three decades. Indeed, China will get there much sooner. Multiple problems affect employment. Weak demand in the aftermath of the global financial crisis that began in 2008 remains a key factor in Europe, the United States, and Japan. But longer-term structural issues are weighing down labor markets as well. Most important, globalization results in a continuous shift of comparative advantage, creating serious adjustment problems as employment created in new activities does not necessarily compensate for the loss of jobs in old ones. In any case, most new jobs require different skills, implying that workers losing their jobs in dying industries have little hope of finding another one. Moreover, technological progress is becoming ever more “labor-saving,” with computers and robots replacing human workers in settings ranging from supermarkets to automobile assembly lines. Given the volatile macroeconomic outlook, many firms are reluctant to hire new workers, leading to high youth unemployment throughout the world. At the same time, aging – and the associated cost of health care for the elderly – constitutes the main fiscal challenge in maturing societies. By the middle of this century, life expectancy at age 60 will have risen by about ten years relative to the post-World War II period, when current retirement ages were fixed. Marginal changes to existing arrangements are unlikely to be sufficient to respond to technological forces, reduce social tensions and young people’s fears, or address growing fiscal burdens. A radical reassessment of work, skill formation, retirement, and leisure is needed, with several principles forming the core of any comprehensive reform. For starters, skill formation and development must become a life-long process, starting with formal schooling, but continuing through on-the-job training and intervals of full-time education at different points in life.", "zh": "新的社会契约 巴黎—如今，放眼全球，持久的失业、技能失配和退休框架已成为财政政策的核心，也是动不动就激烈上演的围绕财政政策的政治争论的核心。 发达国家面临着迫在眉睫的“老龄化”问题，但大部分新兴国家也处于人口结构转型中，不出二三十年便将步入与发达经济体想死的年龄结构（即倒金字塔结构 ） 。 事实上，中国达到这一步会早得多。 诸多问题影响着就业。 2008年开始的全球金融危机的后果仍在欧洲、美国和日本起着主要作用。 但更长期的结构问题也在压抑着劳动力市场。 最重要的是，全球化导致了比较优势的持续变化，由于新活动所创造的就业不足以补偿旧活动损失的就业，于是形成了严重的调整问题。 无论如何，大部分新岗位需要不同的技能，这意味着因行业衰落而失业的工人难以找到新工作。 此外，技术进步变得越来越“节约劳动力 ” ， 从超市到汽车流水线，电脑和机器人取代了人工。 由于宏观经济前景波动不已，许多企业不愿意招聘新员工，这导致全世界年轻人失业率高企。 与此同时，老龄化 — — 以及相应的老年人健康支出成本 — — 构成了高龄社会的主要财政挑战。 但在本世纪中叶，60岁年龄段的预期寿命将比二战后时期增加十年，而当前的退休年龄就是那时候制定的。 对当前安排予以微调不可能足以应对技术力量、降低社会紧张和年轻人恐慌，或解决日益增长的财政负担。 必须对工作、技能形成、退休和闲暇予以彻底的重新评估，任何全面的改革都必须包括几大原则。 首先，技能形成和开发必须成为一生的过程，从正式入学开始，并在一生的时间里参与数次在职培训和脱产全职教育。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ambivalent Arabia A democratic tide seems to be sweeping across the Arab world. Even the traditional Arab monarchies and Emirates are changing in its wake. Kuwait now allows women to vote, Qatar has embraced an ambitious reform program, Bahrain has shown great tolerance of mass demonstrations, and the U.A.E. is allowing something like a free press. But Saudi Arabia continues to be deeply wary of any sort of change, and thus remains a huge and seemingly immovable obstacle to region-wide reform. Although the Saudi ruling family, the al-Saud, is under enormous pressure to follow the example of its neighbors, internal resistance to doing so remains very strong. So the al-Saud have become Janus-faced: looking in one direction, the royal family encourages democratic reformers to speak out; looking in the opposite direction, it jails them when they do. On May 15, in a closed trial without legal representation for the accused, three leading reformers – Ali Al Dumaini, a well-known journalist and poet, and university professors Abdullah Al Hamid and Matruk al Falih – were condemned and sentenced to prison terms ranging from six to nine years. Their crime was to call for a constitutional monarchy. The official verdict states that they threatened national unity, challenged those in authority, and incited public opinion against the state while using “foreign,” that is, Western, terminology.", "zh": "矛盾的沙特阿拉伯 一股民主浪潮正在席卷阿拉伯世界。 即使是那些传统的阿拉伯君主国和酋长国也正循着这股浪潮发生着某种改变。 科威特现在已经允许妇女参加投票，卡塔尔接受了一项艰巨的改革计划，巴林对群众示威游行表现出了极大的容忍，阿拉伯联合酋长国正允许通过某种新闻自由制度。 但是沙特阿拉伯却依然对任何一种改变谨慎提防，也因此成为了阿拉伯地区改革进程中一块巨大无比、看起来岿然不动的绊脚石。 尽管沙特的统治家族 — — 邵德（al-Saud）家族，承受了要求他们学习邻国榜样的巨大压力，但是内部的反对力量依然很强。 因此，邵德家族变成了双面派：一方面，皇室家族鼓励民主改革者大胆直言，另一方面，当民主改革者这么做的时候，皇室就把他们打入大牢。 5月15日，在一场被告人无法合法抗辩的秘密审判中，三名改革领导人 — — 著名记者兼诗人Ali Al Dumaini，大学教授Abdullah Al Hamid 和 Matruk al Falih — — 被判有罪，分别被判入狱六至九年。 他们的罪行是提倡鼓动宪法君主体制。 官方判决称，他们使用“外国的 ” ， 也就是“西方的”的术语，威胁国家统一，挑战国家主权，煽动民众反对国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bad News for Women LONDON – Nancy Pelosi is the highest-ranking elected female politician in the history of the United States. Theresa May is only the second female British prime minister. Amal Clooney is a world-renowned human-rights lawyer. Serena Williams is arguably the greatest female athlete of all time. All four are succeeding in environments where high-achieving women are the exception rather than the rule. Yet parts of the media have portrayed them in a way that suggests their achievements and abilities are secondary to their appearance, age, or association with other people, particularly the men in their lives. Consider Pelosi, the Speaker of the US House of Representatives. On the day she was elected to serve another term in the post, The New York Times published a tweet accompanying an image of her: “Nancy Pelosi, wearing a hot pink dress, ascended to the marble dais in the center of the House chamber to accept the wooden gavel.” The tweet was later deleted, with the Times calling it “poorly framed.” But it spoke volumes about the sexism, whether implied or overt, that still exists at the heart of the media industry. Theresa May has been one of Europe’s leading female politicians for most of the past decade. Yet the British media have long been fascinated by her love of fashion, devoting many a column inch and image to her sartorial choices and penchant for shoes, instead of focusing on her policy decisions. The subconscious effect of the messaging is to diminish May’s role as a woman in a male-dominated world.", "zh": "女性的坏消息 伦敦 — — 南希·佩洛西是美国历史上级别最高的民选女政治家。 特雷莎·梅是英国第2位女首相。 阿玛尔·克鲁尼是世界著名的人权律师。 瑟琳娜·威廉姆斯也许是有史以来最伟大的女运动员。 在目前成就卓著的女性是例外而非惯例的环境中，所有4个人都取得了成功。 但部分媒体对她们的描述暗示她们的成就和能力赶不上她们的外表、年龄或与他人，特别是她们生活中的男人的关系。 以美国众议院议长佩洛西为例。 在她选举连任的当天，纽约时报就发表了一篇附带她照片的推特，称 ： “ 南希·佩洛西，身着一条热辣的粉红色连衣裙，登上位于众议院核心位置的大理石讲台来接受木槌 。 ” 这条推特后来被删除，纽约时报表示因为措辞不当。 但它却充分表明了仍然存在于媒体行业核心的隐含或者公开的性别歧视。 过去10年来，特雷莎·梅一直是欧洲主要的女性政治家之一。 但英国媒体却一直为她对时尚的热爱而着迷，将众多版面和图片都倾注在她对衣着和鞋子的偏好上，而不是专注于她的政策决定。 这种信息的潜意识效果是贬低梅在一个男性主导社会中所扮演的女性角色。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This shift is a bit like when websites moved from HTTP to HTTPS as the global standard: it lets consumers know that their information is protected by default. Second, so-called non-custodial cryptocurrency wallets now enable customers to store their own private keys (which allow one to move funds) instead of relying on a third party. By not actually storing customer funds, the providers of non-custodial wallets are aiming to position themselves as software companies rather than financial institutions subject to regulation. In the past, non-custodial wallets required a certain degree of technical sophistication to operate, limiting their use. But, like encrypted messaging apps, they are becoming increasingly accessible to a mass market. Unsurprisingly, these innovations have alarmed banks, regulators, and law-enforcement agencies. But just as the early Internet needed encryption to enable digital commerce, cryptocurrencies need privacy protections to unlock their full power and potential. Whether one needs to guard against authoritarian regimes, data harvesters, or criminals, the best way to ensure that sensitive financial data isn’t hacked is to avoid having to collect it in the first place. Enhancing consumer financial protections does not mean giving free rein to criminals. Law-enforcement agencies still have a wide range of tools at their disposal, from subpoenaing cryptocurrency exchanges to examining conversions into and out of fiat currencies (which are likely to remain the choke points for law enforcement). And these exchanges will continue to be regulated as financial services, regardless of whether consumers are using privacy coins or non-custodial wallets.", "zh": "上述转变有点像网站从HTTP转向HTTPS作为全球标准：它告诉消费者，其信息在默认情况下受到保护。 其次，所谓的非监控数字货币钱包现在使客户不必依赖第三方就能够存储自己的私钥（并可以通过私钥来转移资金 ） 。 通过不实际存储客户资金，非监控钱包服务的提供者将自己定位于软件企业而不是需要接受监管的金融机构。 过去，非监控钱包需要掌握一定程度的技术才能操作，并因此限制了它们的使用。 但就像加密信息传递程序一样，它们越来越广泛地被大众市场所访问。 并不出人所料的是，上述创新技术令银行、监管机构和执法机构感到震惊。 但就像早期的互联网需要加密来实现数字商务一样，加密货币也需要隐私保护才能释放其全部的力量和潜能。 无论你需要防范专制政权、数据收集者还是犯罪分子，确保敏感金融数据不被盗取的最佳方法是从一开始就避免搜集它们。 增强消费者财务保护并不意味着放手让犯罪分子为所欲为。 执法机构仍然可以使用各种各样的工具，从传唤加密货币交易所到核查法定货币的进出转换（这仍有可能成为执法的瓶颈 ） 。 而且这些交易将继续被视为金融服务而加以监管，无论客户使用隐私货币亦或非监控钱包服务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many countries – most notably, Greece – also maintained large budget deficits and high debt levels. They confirmed longstanding fears among wealthier members – especially Germany – that they would end up being forced to bail out their profligate partners, for which the expectation of being rescued amounted to a perverse incentive. To their credit, the architects of Europe’s monetary union recognized moral hazard as a central vulnerability, and tried to address it by requiring that countries cap their budget deficits at 3% of GDP, and including a “no bail-out” clause in the Maastricht Treaty. But the fiscal rules proved un-enforceable. Virtually all eurozone members (including Germany) soon breached the 3% deficit ceiling. And though governments repeatedly claimed that fiscal targets would be achieved in the future, those expectations were based on overly optimistic growth forecasts. It did not help that, with the creation of the eurozone, highly indebted periphery governments were suddenly able to borrow at virtually the same interest rates as Germany. Even within the United States, indebted states like Illinois must pay an interest-rate premium relative to other states. The eurozone’s failure to shift more fiscal authority to the supra-national level was repeated in the area of banking regulation. European economists had warned that pan-eurozone banking regulation is essential to the common currency’s long-term sustainability, only to be ignored. To be fair, these problems cannot really be called mistakes by eurozone leaders, as any attempt to address them would have faced overwhelming political opposition. In other ways, however, the eurozone’s leaders really did shoot themselves in the foot. For example, the ECB mistakenly raised interest rates in July 2008 and again, twice, in 2011, despite the global recession. Moreover, when the Greek crisis erupted at the beginning of 2010, European leaders did not respond effectively. Instead, they delayed sending Greece to the International Monetary Fund and writing down Greek debt, even though the debt-to-GDP ratio was clearly on an unsustainable path, even with stringent fiscal austerity. In fact, the push for austerity after 2009 backfired spectacularly, as it caused incomes in periphery countries to fall far more than the European Commission, the ECB, and the IMF had anticipated.", "zh": "许多国家 — — 主要是希腊 — — 还保持着庞大的预算赤字和较高的债务水平。 它们确认了富裕成员国（尤其是德国）的长期担忧，即它们最终将被迫援助放纵的伙伴国，而被救助的预期形成了负面激励。 平心而论，欧洲货币联盟的设计师们认识到道德风险其核心弱点之一，并要求各国将预算赤字限定在GDP的3%之内，还将“无援助”条款写入了马斯特里赫特条约，希望以此解决这个问题。 但事实证明财政规则是无法执行的。 几乎所有欧元区成员（包括德国）很快就突破了3%的赤字上限。 而尽管政府一再宣称，未来能够实现财政目标，这些预期却是基于过于乐观的增长预测。 欧元区成立后，重债外围国政府一夜之间能够以与德国几乎相同的利率借贷，这让问题变本加厉。 即使是在美国国内，伊利诺伊等负债州也必须付出相对其他州的利率升水。 欧元区没有将更多财政权力转移到超国家层面的错误在银行监管领域也存在。 欧洲经济学家曾经警告说，泛欧元区银行监管对共同货币的长期可持续性至关重要，但被完全忽视了。 平心而论，这些问题都无法称之为欧元区领导人所犯的错误，因为任何纠正这些问题的尝试都会遇到令人窒息的政治反对。 但是，从另外角度看，欧元区领导人确实是自作自受。 比如，欧洲央行在2008年7月错误地提高利率，2011年又犯了两次同样的错误，尽管期间发生了全球衰退。 此外，2010年年初希腊危机爆发时，欧洲领导人没有有效地应对。 相反，他们迟迟不把希腊推向国际货币基金组织寻求帮助并减记希腊债务，即使其债务-GDP之比显然已不经不可持续，哪怕进行了最严格的财政紧缩也是如此。 事实上，2009年后推行紧缩的方针造成了巨大的反弹，因为紧缩导致外围国家收入下降多于欧盟委员会、欧洲央行和IMF的预计。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Kremlin-backed regime in Syria has pushed 90% of that country’s people into poverty, and the United Nations reports that 14.6 million Syrians, out of a population of 17.5 million, require humanitarian assistance. Now, Ukraine has become the West’s battered shield against Putin. With the international security system in tatters, and humanitarian laws being violated again and again, what Ukraine needs most urgently are weapons and missile systems to protect the sky. But, in addition to military, economic, and humanitarian assistance, Ukraine desperately needs the world to isolate Putin further through legal action. That is why the Ukrainian Parliament’s Committee on Anti-Corruption Policy is calling on the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering to expel the Russian Federation and add it to the blacklist of High-Risk Jurisdictions. As the international body charged with combating terrorist financing and money laundering, the FATF could make international transactions with Russia impossible, thus crippling the country’s war engine. Yet even in the face of crimes like those committed in Mariupol, the FATF has failed to act. The FATF was created by the G7 in 1989 to coordinate legal and regulatory action against threats to the world financial system from money laundering and terrorist financing. The organization has 39 members, including the Russian Federation, and more than 200 member jurisdictions. Among its members’ core responsibilities (outlined in its 40+9 Recommendations) are to criminalize “the financing of terrorism and associated money laundering” and to freeze and confiscate “terrorist assets.” Among other tasks, the FATF identifies jurisdictions that pose a threat to the international financial system through weak enforcement of rules against money laundering and terrorist financing, and places them on a list of High-Risk Jurisdictions. Russia was blacklisted in 2000 for its repeated failure to comply with international measures against money laundering, and was removed from the list in 2002 for progress in compliance. Obviously, given the amount of information about money laundering and terrorism financing conducted by the Russian government, whatever progress occurred has been reversed. And make no mistake: Russia’s actions in Ukraine constitute terrorism. The so-called Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhansk People’s Republic have been engaging in terrorism while operating under direct Russian control for eight years. In July 2014, a Russian Buk missile downed Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 over eastern Ukraine, killing 298 passengers and crew.", "zh": "克里姆林宫支持的叙利亚政权已将该国90%的人民推入贫困，联合国报告称1750万叙利亚人中有1460万需要人道主义援助。 如今乌克兰也已经沦为西方国家对抗普京的挡箭牌。 在国际安全体系支离破碎、人道主义法律一再被违反的情况下，乌克兰急需武器和导弹系统来保护自己的领空。 但除了军事、经济和人道主义援助之外，我们还迫切需要世界通过法律行动去进一步孤立普京。 这就是乌克兰最高达拉（议会）反腐败政策委员会呼吁反洗钱问题金融行动特别工作组驱逐俄罗斯联邦，并将其列入高风险管辖区黑名单的原因。 作为负责打击恐怖主义融资和洗钱的国际机构，该工作组可以完全切断俄罗斯的国际交易进而瘫痪该国的战争引擎。 然而即使面对像马里乌波尔这样的犯罪行为，工作组也并未采取行动。 该工作组由七国集团于1989年创建，旨在协调法律和监管行动以应对洗钱和恐怖融资对世界金融体系的威胁，拥有包括俄罗斯联邦在内的39个成员并通过类似区域性实体覆盖200多个司法管辖区。 其成员的核心责任（在其《反洗钱40+9条建议》中列明）包括将“资助恐怖主义及相关洗钱行为”定义为犯罪，并冻结和没收“恐怖主义资产 ” 。 除其他任务外，工作组还会找出那些因反洗钱和恐怖融资规则执行不力而对国际金融体系构成威胁的司法管辖区并将其列入高风险和受强化监控司法管辖区名单。 俄罗斯曾因多次未能遵守国际反洗钱措施而在2000年被列入该名单，两年后又因在合规方面取得一定成果而被移出名单。 但根据外界当前掌握的大量俄罗斯政府洗钱和恐怖融资信息，这些进展显然都已经荡然无存了。 而且俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动无疑已经构成了恐怖主义行为。 所谓的顿涅茨克人民共和国和卢甘斯克人民共和国一直在从事恐怖主义活动，而且这些活动已经在俄罗斯的直接控制下进行了8年。 2014年7月，一枚俄罗斯“山毛榉”防空导弹在乌克兰东部上空击落了马来西亚航空MH17航班，造成298名乘客和机组人员死亡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "You observe that, over the course of the millennia, Earth is continually bombarded with asteroids up until a point, and that at some point, corresponding roughly to our year, 2000 AD, asteroids that are on a collision course with the Earth that otherwise would have collided mysteriously get deflected or they detonate before they can hit the Earth. Now of course, as earthlings, we know the reason would be that we're trying to save ourselves. We're trying to prevent an impact. But if you're an alien race who doesn't know any of this, doesn't have any concept of Earth intelligence, you'd be forced to put together a physical theory that explains how, up until a certain point in time, asteroids that would demolish the surface of a planet mysteriously stop doing that. And so I claim that this is the same question as understanding the physical nature of intelligence. So in this program that I undertook several years ago, I looked at a variety of different threads across science, across a variety of disciplines, that were pointing, I think, towards a single, underlying mechanism for intelligence. And so, taking all of these different threads and putting them together, I asked, starting several years ago, is there an underlying mechanism for intelligence that we can factor out of all of these different threads? Is there a single equation for intelligence?", "zh": "你观察到，几千年来， 地球不断地与小行星发生碰撞 直到某一刻， 而在那一刻， 大约对应的是公元2000年， 那些在地球撞击轨道 上的小行星， 本该相撞 但却被神秘地弹开了 或者在碰到地球之前就引爆了。 当然，作为地球人， 我们知道其中的原因是 我们正试图自我拯救。 我们要防止撞击发生。 但如果你是一个外星人， 对这些一无所知， 对地球上的智能也没有任何概念， 这就迫使你去总结 一种物理理论， 去解释其原因， 直到在某一刻， 本应摧毁一个星球表面的小行星， 神秘地停止了这种行为。 因此我声称这个问题 与理解智能的物理本质的问题 是相同的。 因此，在我几年前着手的 这个项目中， 我研究了许多不同的线程， 跨越科学界，跨越多个学科， 在我看来，他们都指向 一个统一的、潜在的 智能机制。 因此，考虑所有这些不同的线程 并把它们放在一起， 从几年前开始我就在问， 有没有一种潜在的智能机制 可以让我们分解出 所有这些不同的线程？ 是否存在一个 关于智能的公式？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The idea that asset-price movements can be unrelated to fundamentals is not strange to students of economic theory. After all, there are two reasons to hold an equity claim: because it will pay a dividend or because its price is expected to go up. Price movements (the expected capital gain) can drive buying and selling decisions even in the absence of changes to expected dividends (the fundamentals). In other words, it is perfectly rational to pursue a “keep buying because the price will keep rising” strategy – until it is not. But when will that be? When will the bubble burst? Economic theory is silent on the matter. Or, at best, theorists can wave their hands about an exogenous (read: unexplained) shock to expectations. Bubbles can persist for decades (think of real-estate prices in fashionable cities) or just minutes (as in hard-to-justify intraday fluctuations). The only sure thing, John Maynard Keynes is supposed to have claimed, is that the market can remain misaligned much longer than you or I can remain solvent. The widespread use of machine-driven trading is likely making all of this worse. The algorithms used vary, and are becoming much more complex. But, to the extent that they contain a stop-loss element – and they often do – they will cause bouts of selling into declining markets, and that in turn will amplify volatility. It is not just nerdy professors who are skeptical on the importance of fundamentals.", "zh": "资产价格运动和基本面无关，这样的概念对于学习经济学理论的人来说并不陌生。 毕竟，持有股权的原因有二：因为股权会支付红利，或者因为预期股价会上涨。 哪怕预期红利（基本面）不变，价格运动（预期资本利得）也可以促使人们做出买入和卖出决定。 换句话说，采取“越长越买”策略，直到股价不再上涨，这完全是理性的。 但股价什么时候不再上涨？ 泡沫什么时候会破裂？ 经济学理论对于这个问题保持沉默。 或者说，对于外生（即无法解释的）预期冲击，理论专家只能视而不见。 泡沫可以维持数十年（想想热门城市的房地产价格 ） ， 也可能只持续几分钟（难以找到原因的日内波动 ） 。 想必凯恩斯会说，唯一确定的事情是市场偏离方向的时间可能比你我保持不破产的时间长得多。 机器驱动交易的广泛使用可能让所有这些情况变得更加糟糕。 使用的算法各有各的不同，并且越变越复杂。 但是，由于它们通常都包含停损要素，因此会导致下跌的市场中卖单扎堆，反过来放大波动性。 质疑基本面的重要性的可不只是书呆子教授。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Islam’s Path to Modernity UPPSALA – Many in the Muslim community have long taken issue with the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The declaration, these critics attest, was created by colonial powers with a long history of gross human-rights violations, and amounts to yet another attempt by a few Western players to impose their will upon Muslim countries. Islamic conservatives and fundamentalists go a step further, as they declare that no human invention can equal – much less supersede – sharia law, which amounts to the word of God. This clash between the UN’s secular human-rights standards and Muslim religious doctrine mirrors the broader conflict between Islam and modernity – a conflict that has left some citizens of Muslim countries, including women and non-Muslims, highly vulnerable. Fortunately, an emerging school of Muslim thought addresses the question in a new way, emphasizing that the Quran, like any religious text, must be interpreted – and that those interpretations can change over time. In fact, the Quran does defend principles like liberty, impartiality, and righteousness, which indicates a fundamental respect for justice and human dignity. The problem, as emphasized by the Iranian theologian Mohsen Kadivar, is that many parts of sharia law are linked to pre-modern social structures, which deny women or non-Muslims the same protections as Muslim men receive. It does not help that, as George Mason University’s Abdulaziz Sachedina points out, men have been the ones to interpret Islam’s holy texts. This, rather than those texts’ true content, is the root cause of legal discrimination against women in Muslim countries. The theologian Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Fazel Meybodi points out that Islamic law regarding punishment – which includes brutal practices like stoning and amputation – originates from the Old Testament. Islam did not invent these punishments; they were simply the prevailing practices of the time. As societies progress and evolve, so must the rules and standards that govern them.", "zh": "伊斯兰教的现代性之路 乌普萨拉—穆斯林社会的很多人一直对联合国《世界人权宣言 》 （ UDHR）持有异议。 这些批评者认为，制定该宣言的殖民列强长期侵犯草根人权，该宣言只是一小撮西方国家将自己的意志凌驾于穆斯林国家之上的又一阴谋。 伊斯兰教保守派和原教旨主义者更进一步，认为人一切人类发明都不能与伊斯兰教法 — — 即神相提并论，遑论超越伊斯兰教法。 联合国的世俗人权标准与穆斯林宗教教条之间的这一冲突体现的是伊斯兰教和现代性之间的更加广义的冲突 — — 这一冲突让一些穆斯林国家公民，包括女性和非穆斯林，处于危险境地。 幸运的是，一个新崛起的穆斯林思想流派以一种新方式解决这一问题，它强调古兰经与其他宗教经典一样，必须被解释 — — 并且这些解释可以随时间变化。 事实上，古兰经确实捍卫自由、公正、正义等原则，这表明古兰经从根本上尊重正义和人类尊严。 如伊朗神学家莫森·卡迪瓦尔（Mohsen Kadivar）所强调，问题在于伊斯兰教法的诸多内容联系的是前现代社会结构，它们否认女性和非穆斯林获得与穆斯林男性一样的保护。 如乔治梅森大学的阿卜拉齐兹·萨奇迪纳（Abulaziz Sachedina）所指出的，解读伊斯兰教圣经的一直是男性。 这，而不是这些经文的真实内容，才是穆斯林国家法律歧视女性的根源。 神学家阿亚图拉（Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Fazel Meybodi）指出，关于惩罚的伊斯兰法律 — — 包括石刑和截肢 — — 源自《旧约 》 。 伊斯兰教并没有发明这些惩罚；它们无非当时流行的惩罚措施。 随着社会的进步和演化，治理社会的规则和标准也必须进步和演化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "中方愿同各方携手高质量共建“一带一路”，为亚太互联互通建设搭建更广阔平台，为亚太和世界经济注入更强劲动力。 第四，坚持合作共赢。 亚太各成员发展高度互补，利益深度融合。 亚太经济合作从来不是零和博弈、你输我赢的政治游戏，而是相互成就、互利共赢的发展平台。 马来西亚有句谚语，“遇山一起爬，遇沟一起跨”。 这正是亚太大家庭精神的精髓。 疫情再度告诉我们，只有团结合作，才能战胜挑战。 我们要深化互信、包容、合作、共赢的亚太伙伴关系，秉持共商共建共享理念，不断提升区域合作水平，做大亚太合作蛋糕，实现共同繁荣。 我们要在协商一致基础上推进务实合作，妥善处理矛盾和分歧，维护亚太合作正确方向，让亚太经合组织行稳致远。 应对疫情是当前最紧迫的任务。 我们要加强疫苗研发和交流，努力让疫苗成为全球公共产品，促进疫苗在发展中国家的可及性和可负担性。 中方已经加入“新冠肺炎疫苗实施计划”。 中方支持亚太经合组织加强公共卫生、中小微企业等领域政策交流和能力建设，提出远程医疗倡议，让贫困和偏远地区人民得到及时、有效医治，助力抗疫合作和经济复苏。 中方高度重视亚太经合组织作用，将继续支持亚太经合组织发展，始终不渝扎根亚太、建设亚太、造福亚太。 各位同事！", "en": "On China’s part, we hope to work with all partners in high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, which we believe will set up a bigger platform for connectivity in the Asia-Pacific and inject a stronger impetus into the economy of our region and the wider world. Fourth, we need to promote mutually beneficial cooperation. The Asia-Pacific economies have a high degree of mutual complementarity and enjoy deeply intertwined interests. Our economic cooperation has never been a zero-sum political game in which one gains at the expense of the other. Rather, our cooperation has provided us with a development platform to ensure what we each do can be mutually reinforcing and beneficial to all. “bukit sama didaki, lurah sama dituruni”, which means to climb the hill together and go down the ravine together. It aptly captures the spirit of our Asia-Pacific family. There is a Malay proverb that goes, COVID-19 serves as another reminder that only solidarity and cooperation can enable us to prevail over challenges. We need to deepen the Asia-Pacific partnership featuring mutual trust, inclusiveness and mutually beneficial cooperation and follow the approach of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits. We need to keep raising the level and scope of our regional cooperation to achieve shared prosperity for the whole region. It is important that we advance practical cooperation on the basis of consensus, properly manage differences and disagreements, and keep Asia-Pacific cooperation in the right direction to ensure APEC’s sound development in the long run. At this very moment, fighting COVID-19 is the most pressing task for us all. We must step up research and development of vaccines and related exchanges, and work harder to make the vaccines a global public good to improve their accessibility and affordability in developing countries. For that purpose, China has joined the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility (COVAX). We support APEC in strengthening policy exchanges and capacity building in the areas of public health and MSMEs. China has made a telemedicine initiative to give people in poor and remote areas access to timely and quality medical services. We hope these efforts will contribute to anti-epidemic cooperation and economic recovery. China highly values the role of APEC. We will continue to support the organization’s development, and with our root struck deep in the Asia-Pacific, we will continue to serve its development and prosperity. Colleagues,"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By law, financial firms are required to collect reams of personal information about their customers. This information ultimately ends up on online databases, where it presents a tempting target for hackers. In 2017, the credit-rating firm Equifax revealed that a data breach had exposed sensitive information about more than 147 million consumers, or just under half the US population. That followed a similar breach in 2013, when hackers famously obtained the names, credit card numbers, and other information about tens of millions of Target customers. Fortunately, a solution is on the horizon. Cryptocurrencies hold the promise of creating a more open financial system, with worldwide access, instantaneous fund transfers, lower costs, and vastly improved consumer-privacy protections. When Bitcoin first gained popularity, many people incorrectly assumed that it was anonymous money. In fact, as a blockchain technology, it uses a public ledger that records a digital trail of every transaction. Blockchain analytics firms are thus now helping law enforcement track down criminals who thought their trail was covered. And cryptocurrency exchanges like Coinbase have instituted robust anti-money-laundering and know-your-customer programs that rival those of any financial institution. Several more recent developments in cryptocurrency technologies promise to take consumer privacy to even higher levels, and they are sure to be controversial. First, “privacy coins” such as Zcash and Monero offer new cryptocurrency protocols that make every transaction untraceable. Other cryptocurrencies aspire to replicate these features, and even JP Morgan has explored private transactions through its Quorum cryptocurrency.", "zh": "法律要求金融企业必须搜集有关其客户的大量个人信息。 上述信息最终存储于在线数据库，并成为对黑客颇具诱惑力的目标。 2017年，信用评级公司Equifax披露，一次数据外泄事故泄露了与1.47亿用户，或者近半数美国人口相关的敏感信息。 此前，在2013年也发生过类似的数据泄露事件，当时，黑客人尽皆知地获取了与数千万目标客户相关的姓名、信用卡号和其他信息。 幸运的是，解决方案即将推出。 加密货币有望开创更加开放的金融系统，而且从世界各地均可访问、能够实现即时资金转账、降低成本并且极大地改善客户隐私保护。 当比特币最初流行时，许多人误认为比特币属于匿名性质。 事实上，作为一种区块链技术，比特币采用公账来记录每笔交易的数字痕迹。 区块链分析公司现在正在协助执法部门追查那些自以为行踪得到掩盖的犯罪分子。 而且像Coinbase这样的加密货币交易所已经实行了强大的反洗钱和了解客户计划，上述计划可以与任何金融机构相媲美。 加密货币技术的几项新进展有望将消费者隐私提升到新高度，因此肯定会引发争议。 首先，像Zcash和Monero这样的“隐私货币”推出了新的加密货币协议，导致每笔交易都无法追踪。 其他加密货币也有望复制上述功能，就连摩根大通也通过其Quorum数字货币探索隐私交易的可能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China must slow its growth to deal with overcapacity and excessive leverage; otherwise a hard landing will be triggered. And already-fragile emerging markets will continue to feel the pinch from protectionism and tightening monetary conditions in the US. Sixth, Europe, too, will experience slower growth, owing to monetary-policy tightening and trade frictions. Moreover, populist policies in countries such as Italy may lead to an unsustainable debt dynamic within the eurozone. The still-unresolved “doom loop” between governments and banks holding public debt will amplify the existential problems of an incomplete monetary union with inadequate risk-sharing. Under these conditions, another global downturn could prompt Italy and other countries to exit the eurozone altogether. Seventh, US and global equity markets are frothy. Price-to-earnings ratios in the US are 50% above the historic average, private-equity valuations have become excessive, and government bonds are too expensive, given their low yields and negative term premia. And high-yield credit is also becoming increasingly expensive now that the US corporate-leverage rate has reached historic highs. Moreover, the leverage in many emerging markets and some advanced economies is clearly excessive. Commercial and residential real estate is far too expensive in many parts of the world. The emerging-market correction in equities, commodities, and fixed-income holdings will continue as global storm clouds gather. And as forward-looking investors start anticipating a growth slowdown in 2020, markets will reprice risky assets by 2019. Eighth, once a correction occurs, the risk of illiquidity and fire sales/undershooting will become more severe. There are reduced market-making and warehousing activities by broker-dealers. Excessive high-frequency/algorithmic trading will raise the likelihood of “flash crashes.” And fixed-income instruments have become more concentrated in open-ended exchange-traded and dedicated credit funds. In the case of a risk-off, emerging markets and advanced-economy financial sectors with massive dollar-denominated liabilities will no longer have access to the Fed as a lender of last resort. With inflation rising and policy normalization underway, the backstop that central banks provided during the post-crisis years can no longer be counted on. Ninth, Trump was already attacking the Fed when the growth rate was recently 4%. Just think about how he will behave in the 2020 election year, when growth likely will have fallen below 1% and job losses emerge.", "zh": "中国必须放慢增长速度以应对产能过剩和过度杠杆化，否则就将触发硬着陆。 本已风雨飘摇的新兴市场将继续感受到美国保护主义和货币环境收紧的压力。 第六，由于货币政策紧缩和贸易摩擦，欧洲也将出现增长放缓。 此外，意大利等国家的民粹主义政策可能导致欧元区内产生无以为继的债务事态发展。 政府与持有公共债务的银行之间尚未解开的“死循环”将放大这个风险分担机制有问题的不完全货币联盟的现有风险。 在这种情况下，下一轮全球经济衰退可能促使意大利和其他国家完全退出欧元区。 第七，美国和全球股市泡沫化。 眼下美国的市盈率已经比历史平均水平高出50 ％ ， 私募股权估值过高，低收益率和负期限溢价也使得政府债券变得过于昂贵。 由于美国企业杠杆率达到历史高位，高收益信贷也变得日益昂贵。 此外，许多新兴市场和一些发达经济体的杠杆率明显过高。 商业和住宅房地产在世界许多地方都太过昂贵了。 随着全球风暴不断积聚成型，新兴市场股票，商品和固定收益持有物的价格修正将继续。 随着具有前瞻性的投资者开始预测到2020年增长放缓，市场将在2019年之前对风险资产进行重新定价。 第八，一旦出现修正，流动性不足和紧急/降价抛售的风险会更大。 经纪商-经营商的做市和囤货行为也会减少。 过度的高频/算法交易将增加“闪电式崩溃”的可能性。 而固定收益工具则更加集中于开放式交易所交易和专用信贷基金。 在出现避险情绪的情况下，拥有大量美元计价负债的新兴市场和发达经济体金融部门将不无法最终求助于美联储。 随着通胀上升和政策正常化的推进，也无法指望中央银行能提供像前几年危机后那样的支持。 第九，特朗普在最近增长率为4％时就已经在抨击美联储。 那么试想如何在2020年大选之年增长率跌至不到1％且就业流失增加的情况下他会如何表现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "这让安格尔想起曾经桑德斯说的话：拥有先天才能的人，有的时候并非是被眷顾的。 沥之息流的嗜睡，影仆青年的停滞生长，似乎都在印证着桑德斯的这番话。 就像巫师世界的默认潜规则——等价交换原则，一饮一啄间，必然是平衡的。 某个冥冥中的法则，在忠实的执行着“平衡之道”，它给了你什么东西，必然会收回什么东西。 而且它的作风，就像是深渊大魔神，有种强买强卖的感觉。 难怪桑德斯会感慨，拥有先天才能的人，不一定是真正的被眷顾。 换到自己身上，如果给你天生“虚妄之体”，然后需要剥夺你以后所有的生理成长，你愿意吗？ 安格尔是绝对不愿意的，虽然你的见识随着时间推移在增加，但生理成长却依旧是必备的过程，在长大的过程，身体会分泌激素，让你从内部开始进化。大脑释放的波段、以及接受的频率，都会随着生理成长而不同。 这是一个进化的过程。 其实在安格尔的眼中，那个影仆实际年龄虽然已经18岁了，但因为生长停滞，很多内部的东西跟不上，其实心理年龄或许还在1o岁左右，一言不合就哭哭啼啼，这显然是小孩子的心性。 一辈子做个长不大的彼得潘，换来一种天生才能。", "en": "Angor recalled that Sunders once mentioned something about how “not everyone with special powers is favored by this world”. Angor began to understand Sunders’ words now. Dripping River tended to fall asleep a lot, and now this Phantom Servant was left with a child’s body forever… This could also be the very basic rule in the wizarding world—equivalent exchange. Something unknown out there always maintained such a rule. If someone gained something, he or she had to lose something in return. And sometimes this was not optional.  The Phantom Servant probably did not have a choice when he gained the ability of “Void Shift” in exchange for his future growth. At least Angor would not accept an exchange like that. Growth on the body was necessary as it brought many new forms of development in one’s life. It was evolution. Despite his real age, the Phantom Servant still seemed like a kid, both body and mind. "}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My own sarcastic reaction was to think, “Oh, now the IMF thinks that some of the core eurozone countries are a default risk.” Having served as the IMF’s chief economist from 2001 to 2003, I am familiar with the Fund’s need to walk a tightrope between building investor confidence and shaking up complacent policymakers. But it is one thing to be circumspect in the midst of a crisis; it is quite another to spew nonsense. The late Chicago-school economist George Stigler would have described the IMF’s role in Europe as reflecting acute “regulatory capture.” Simply put, Europe and the US control too much power in the IMF, and their thinking is too dominant. What European leaders may want most from the Fund are easy loans and strong rhetorical support. But what Europe really needs is the kind of honest assessment and tough love that the Fund has traditionally offered to its other, less politically influential, clients. The IMF’s blind spot in dealing with Europe until now is only partly due to European voting power. It also stems from an “us” and “them” mentality that similarly permeates research at the top Wall Street investment houses. Analysts who have worked their entire lives only on advanced economies have learned to bet on things going well, because for the couple of decades prior to the crisis, things mostly did go well – very well.", "zh": "我不无讽刺地想 ： “ 哦，现在IMF认为某些欧元区核心国家也存在违约风险了 。 ” 作为2001—2003年IMF首席经济学家，我十分熟悉IMF的处境 — — 它需要在提振投资者的信心和威慑踌躇满志的政客之间走钢丝。 但在危机中保持细心周到是一回事，信口胡说则是完全不同的另一回事。 已故的芝加哥学派经济学家乔治·斯蒂格勒会把IMF在欧洲的角色称为病入膏肓的“监管俘虏 ” 。 在IMF，欧洲和美国把持了太多的权力，在行为方式中占据了太大的主导地位。 欧洲领导人最希望从IMF手中获得的是宽松的贷款和给力的口头支持。 但欧洲实际上需要的是诚实的评估和苦口良药，即IMF传统上对政治影响力较低的客户所做的那些事。 在应对欧洲问题上，IMF至今仍存在盲区，欧洲在IMF所拥有的投票权只是原因之一。 “我们”和“他们”有别的心态也是IMF不能客观行事的原因，这一点在华尔街顶级投资机构的研究中也存在。 一辈子都在研究发达经济体的分析师得到的经验是凡事朝好的方向看，因为从危机前的20年来看，一切都会好的 — — 是大好不是小好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obviously, ambitious targets are not enough: the EU must also create the necessary conditions to meet them. Here, the bloc can leverage the European Investment Bank, which von der Leyen has proposed to convert partly into a “climate bank.” The EIB is already the largest multilateral investor in climate-related projects, and it plans to channel at least 50% of its financing to climate action and environmental sustainability by 2025. Moreover, the bank recently confirmed that, from the end of 2021, it will no longer consider new financing for unabated fossil-fuel energy projects. This momentous shift will enable the EIB to dedicate more resources to green energy and to exploring mitigation options such as carbon capture and storage. In addition, the EU is working to classify economic activities and financial products according to how “green” they are. This regulatory taxonomy will be extremely useful for investors, because it will limit the practice of passing off some products as green when they really are not. If the EU succeeds in creating a solid and reliable taxonomy, it could set a global standard – something that we lack today. The EU’s leadership by example in the fight against climate change is, without a doubt, cause for celebration. The Spanish government’s offer to host the United Nations’ upcoming annual climate summit – COP25 – is further evidence of this leadership. After Chile, the original host of the conference, declined to hold it because of the ongoing civil unrest in the country, Spain stepped in. The December summit will now take place in Madrid, under Chile’s presidency. This solution, devised against the clock, symbolizes the political will and collaborative spirit with which we must face the climate crisis. When it comes to the collective challenge of decarbonization, three unequivocal truths have emerged: we have a long way to go, we are not progressing as fast as necessary, and the only way to reach our objective is if every country plays its part.", "zh": "显而易见，仅有雄心勃勃的目标还不够：欧盟还必须为实现这些目标创造必要的条件。 在这方面，欧盟可以利用欧洲投资银行，冯德莱恩已经建议将其部分转化为扮演“气候银行”的角色。 欧洲投资银行已经是气候相关项目最大的多边投资方，该行还计划到2025年将至少50%的资金投向气候行动和环境可持续计划。 此外，欧洲投资银行不久前证实 ，从2021年底开始，它将不再考虑为未经改造的化石燃料能源项目提供新的资助。 上述重大转变将导致欧洲投资银行可以将更多资源用于绿色能源，并探索碳捕获及储存等缓解气候变化的方法。 此外，欧盟正按照经济活动和金融产品的“绿色”程度对其进行分类。 这种监管分类法对投资者极为有用，因为它们将限制将某些非绿色产品假冒为绿色的做法。 如果欧盟能成功发明可靠的分类法，它就可能创建一套全球标准 — — 这是今天我们所不具备的。 毋庸置疑，欧盟在反对气候变化领域以身作则的领导行为是值得庆祝的。 西班牙政府愿意主办联合国即将召开的年度气候峰会 — — COP25 — — 就进一步证明了欧盟的领导地位。 在此次会议原东道国智利由于持续内乱而婉拒召开此次会议后，西班牙及时接手了。 12月峰会现在将在马德里举行，但仍然在智利的主持之下。 上述解决方案实质是与时间赛跑，象征我们应对气候危机所必须的政治意愿和协作精神。 涉及脱碳的集体挑战，有三个不容置疑的真相已经非常明确了：我们还有很多工作要做、我们目前的进展速度不够快，而每个国家都发挥作用是实现目标的唯一方法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "These populists promise solutions that dispense with the habits and norms of moderation, notably with centrist democratic policies and an internationalism that seeks to promote peace and prosperity. One sometimes wonders whether we are experiencing not so much the end of history as the end of enlightened history, perhaps of the enlightenment itself. But another look at the list of populists tells us something else as well: most of them do not last. As long as they accept elections and election results, they may be gone almost as quickly as they arrived. It does not take long for voters to discover that the promises of populists were empty. Once in power, they simply make for bad government. Taking two recent European examples, Poles and Slovaks will likely soon realize that their new populist governments do more harm than good to the people and their country. To be sure, this is not much of a consolation. For one thing, some populist leaders may not accept the result of the next elections. It took Silvio Berlusconi quite a while to admit that he had lost. Beyond that, populist episodes are signs of an underlying instability that neither serves national progress nor contributes to international order. Austria paid a price for its Haider interlude, and France did not exactly benefit from the runoff between President Jacques Chirac and Le Pen in the last Presidential election. Is there a remedy? Political parties have had a bad press in recent years, and there are good reasons for this. Still, they do fulfill a useful function by bundling interests and issues, thereby providing an element of stability in the political system. Existing parties urgently need to recapture the support of citizens. To succeed requires programmatic clarity, organizational honesty, and an understanding of the concerns of societies that have lost their traditional structures. Those structures are gone forever, but a liberal-democratic order cannot succeed through situational politics built on popular resentments. It requires a sense of the medium term and a commitment to rational debate of issues, for one tradition that can be revived – that of enlightened thinking – is the most important of all.", "zh": "这些民粹主义者许诺的解决办法要抛开温和的惯例和常规，特别是中间派的民主政策以及寻求和平与繁荣的国际主义，让人禁不住想，我们看到的与其说是历史的终结，还不如说是文明史的终结，或许是文明本身的终结。 不过这个民粹主义者名单还告诉我们另一件事：他们大多好景不长。 只要他们承认选举和选举结果，垮台的速度几乎可以和他们崛起的速度媲美。 选民们用不了多久就会发现民粹主义者的许诺空空如也。 他们一旦掌权，只会形成糟糕的政府。 举两个欧洲近期的例子：波兰人和斯洛伐克人多半很快就会发现，他们的民粹主义新政府给人民和国家带来的弊远大于利。 当然，这种结果谈不上什么安慰。 一方面，某些民粹主义领导人可能不会承认下届选举的结果。 西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼就过了很长一段时间才承认失败。 再往深里看，民粹主义者掌权的时期是潜在不稳定性的表象。 这种不稳定既不利于国家进步，也无益于国际秩序。 奥地利为海德尔过渡时期付出了代价，法国也没有从上届总统选举上雅克·希拉克总统与勒庞之间的对决中得到任何好处。 那么有办法补救吗？ 近年来政治党派的口碑不好，而且事出有因。 但是不管怎样，政治党派把各方面的利益和问题捆在一起，的确发挥了一定的作用，从而为政治制度注入稳定的因素。 现有的党派急切需要重新获得民众的支持。 要取得成功，必须要有明确的行动纲领和正直的机构组织，并且要理解已失去传统结构的社会所关心的问题。 这些结构已经一去不复返，但是开明、民主的社会秩序不可能通过建立在大众不满情绪上的机会政治实现，而是需要长远的眼光，以及理性思辨的原则，因为一种可以复兴的传统 — — 即文明思考的传统 — — 是最重要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "房间里的梳妆台和沙发上，虽然看着整洁，可对于他这种有洁癖的人来说，还是显得有点乱，他再次皱了皱眉头，这家伙……难道这一周就没收拾房间吗？ 他视线在房间里环视，最后落在了卫生间里。 走过去，打算推开卫生间，却发现门被反锁，里面的女人小心翼翼的询问：“沈先生？” 沈凉川皱起眉头，做到沙发上，等了十分钟。 卫生间里的女人，还没出来。 他站起来，走到门口处，伸手敲了两下，就听到里面的女人声若游丝的开口：“沈先生，我拉肚子……你要是用厕所，就用客房的吧。” 一周没有看见她鲜活的面容，他其实只是想看看她。 可听到这话，沈凉川第三次皱起眉头，烦闷的开口：“我去上班了。” “啊，好，去吧！” 听到自己去上班，她就这么开心？ 沈凉川心里更闷了，转身走出去，“砰”的关上了房门。", "en": "Even though the room’s dressing table and sofa were clean, to a germaphobe like him, they still seemed a little messy. He frowned again. This woman… Had she not tidied up this room at all last week? He surveyed the entire room, before his gaze finally fell on the bathroom door. He walked over and intended to push open the bathroom door. However, he realized that the door had been locked from the inside. The woman inside asked cautiously, “Mr. Shen?” Shen Liangchuan frowned, sat on the sofa and waited for ten minutes. However, she still did not come out from the bathroom. He stood up, walked to the doorway and knocked twice with his hand. He then heard a woman’s voice emanate from within the bathroom, saying, “Mr. Shen, I have a stomach ache… If you wish to use the toilet, please use the one in the living room.” He actually only wanted to see her, after not being able to see her lively expression for an entire week. However, after hearing what she said, Shen Liangchuan frowned for the third time and said irritatedly, “I’m going to work.” “Ah, that’s fine, please go!” Why did she sound so happy after hearing that he was going to work? Shen Liangchuan felt even more irritated and turned to leave. Bang! He shut the door to the room."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Learning from Mexico On July 2, Mexico held a presidential election that triggered what has become a bitter political firefight. After conservative candidate Felipe Calderon was declared the winner by less than 1% of the vote, his populist rival, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, quickly claimed fraud. For the past two months, thousands of Lopez Obrador’s most fervent supporters have transformed the Zocalo, Mexico City’s central square, into a virtual sea of tents – the center of gravity of opposition to the official result. On September 1, dozens of opposition lawmakers created a primetime spectacle inside Mexico’s parliament by occupying the speaker’s podium, thereby denying outgoing President Vicente Fox the chance to deliver his final state of the nation address in person. Four days later, Mexico highest electoral court ruled that Fox had improperly interfered in the election but unanimously reaffirmed Calderon’s victory. Lopez Obrador has vowed to obstruct Calderon’s presidency from the moment he takes office on December 1. You learn a lot about a country’s underlying stability by how it responds to a crisis. Similar electoral conflicts unfolded in the United States in 2000 and in Ukraine in 2004. In the wake of fiercely contested presidential elections, large numbers of voters in each country questioned the legitimacy of the outcome. The nation’s highest courts were compelled to rule on demands for a ballot recount. But US political and economic stability was never in doubt in 2000, because public confidence in the country’s governing institutions allowed them to resolve the conflict peacefully. These institutions proved far more powerful than the political personalities involved. In Ukraine, on the other hand, public outrage, buttressed by international pressure, brought the government to a halt. In a second vote, the election’s loser was crowned the winner. But the initial euphoria that accompanied the so-called “Orange Revolution” quickly faded, and Ukraine is still dealing with the political and economic fallout. What, then, should we make of Mexico and its disputed election? Here, too, a large segment of the electorate told pollsters that they doubted the legitimacy of the official result. The judiciary rejected calls for a full recount, though they did examine roughly 9% of the ballots before ruling that the review indicated no challenge to the election’s outcome.", "zh": "墨西哥的启示 今年7月2日，墨西哥举行总统大选，引发了一场剧烈的政治斗争。 在宣布保守派竞选人卡尔德隆以不到1%的优势成为赢家之后，其民粹派对手洛佩斯立刻声称有舞弊行为。 过去两个月来，数千名最狂热的洛佩斯支持者们把墨西哥城的中心广场实际上变成了一个帐篷的海洋，使之成为反对官方大选结果的重心。 9月1日，几十名反对派议员在电视黄金时间制造了一起轰动事件。 他们占领了墨西哥议会大厦讲台，从而阻止了即将卸任的福克斯总统亲自发表他最后一次的国情咨文演说。 四天后，墨西哥最高选举法院裁决福克斯不恰当地干预了选举，但是再次一致确认了卡尔德隆的胜利。 洛佩斯誓言要在从12月1日卡尔德隆就任总统之后阻碍其履行总统职务。 人们可以通过观察一个国家如何应付危机来了解该国的基本稳定程度。 类似的选举冲突2000年在美国以及2004年在乌克兰也发生过。 在激烈的总统选情结束后，这两个国家的大量选民都质疑结果的合法性。 两国的最高法院都不得不对重新记票的要求做出裁决。 但是在2000年，美国的政治和经济稳定从来没有受到怀疑，因为公众信任该国的治国机制，从而使得他们平和地解决冲突。 这些机制要比所涉及的政治人物远远更为强大。 相反，在乌克兰，公众的愤怒在国际社会压力的支持下让政府限于瘫痪。 在第二次投票中，选举的输家成了赢家。 但是最初的伴随所谓“橙色革命”的乐观情绪马上褪去，而乌克兰目前还在应付其政治和经济余波。 那么，我们应如何看待墨西哥及其有争议的选举呢？ 在墨西哥也是一样，选民的很大一部分告诉民意调查机构说他们怀疑官方结果的合法性。 司法机关拒绝了全部重新记票的要求，而只是检查了大约9%的选票，随后做出裁决说，复查的结果没有表明选举结果有什么问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, negative interest rates have worked, without triggering a flight to cash, especially when combined with outright asset purchases, long-term credit operations (including “fixed-rate full allotment” and “targeted” variants), and forward guidance. As such, negative interest rates should be understood as a specific non-standard monetary-policy instrument different from low interest rates. The law-and-order camp’s case for banning cash also wilts under scrutiny. By acting as a store of value and a means of payment, cash fulfills an important social function for many law-abiding citizens. Would anyone suggest forbidding private ownership of luxury cars or gems because criminals like them? Harming the decent majority in order to punish a misbehaving minority would be like cracking a nut with a sledgehammer – and breaking the table it is on in the process. Finally, the fintech alliance promises that, with its innovative digital-payment solutions, it can ease the conduct of financial transactions. Customers would no longer need to carry wads of cash or search for ATMs. But it is an open question whether the still highly fragmented digital-payment sector will help customers more than the companies offering the payment solutions. There is one more major problem with the arguments for a cashless society: most people, at least in the eurozone, don’t want it. According to an as-yet-unpublished European Central Bank survey of 65,000 eurozone residents, almost 80% of all point-of-sale transactions are conducted in cash; and, in terms of value, more than half of payments are made in cash. As is often the case in Europe, the differences among member states are pronounced: the share of cash transactions ranges from 42% in Finland to 92% in Malta. But, overall, the public’s commitment to cash remains strong – and is becoming stronger. In fact, growth in overall demand for cash is outpacing nominal GDP growth. In the last five years, the average annual growth rate of euro banknotes was 4.9% by value and 6.2% by piece. This rise includes denominations that are predominantly used for transactions, rather than for savings. These findings confirm the appropriateness of the ECB’s neutral stance on payments, which allows for both cash and cashless payments.", "zh": "事实上负利率已经奏效，特别是在与直接资产购买，长期信贷操作（包括“固定利率全额分配”和设定“针对性”变量）以及前瞻指导相结合之时，也并未导致人们一窝蜂地兑换现金。 因此，负利率应被理解为一个与低利率不同的特定非标准货币政策工具。 法律与秩序派的现金取缔说也站不住脚。 作为一种价值储藏物和支付方式的现金为许多守法公民实现了重要的社会功能。 试问有没有人会呼吁禁止私人拥有豪华车或宝石，只因为犯罪分子也喜欢这些东西？ 为了惩罚少数的害群之马而妨害守法生活的多数人，就如把孩子和洗澡水一起倒掉一样荒谬。 最后，金融技术联盟承诺说，创新的数字支付解决方案可以让金融交易操作变得更轻松。 客户不再需要携带现金或者四处寻找取款机。 但有一个悬而未决的问题则是当前仍然高度碎片化的数字支付部门为消费者带来的好处是否会大于那些提供支付解决方案的企业。 无现金社会的论点还存在一个主要障碍：大多数人 — — 至少在欧元区 — — 无意实现这一点。 根据一份尚未公布的欧洲央行对6.5万名欧元区居民的调查，所有的销售点交易中有约80%是以现金进行；而在交易总额方面，超过一半的数额都是以现金支付的。 正如欧洲经常出现的情况那样，成员国之间的差异相当显著：现金交易所占的份额在芬兰为42 ％ ， 而马耳他则高达92 ％ 。 但总的来说，公众对现金的信任度仍然很强，而且有变得越来越强的趋势。 事实上，对总体现金需求的增长正在超过名义GDP增长。 近五年来，欧元纸币总面额和总数量的年均增长率分别为4.9％和6.2 ％ 。 这种上涨包括主要用于交易的面额，而不只是储蓄。 这些调查结果都印证了欧洲央行对支付方式所持的中立立场 — — 同时允许现金和非现金支付 — — 的适当性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Where Did Market Volatility Go? Television and newspapers continue to trumpet every twist and turn of global financial markets. In truth, however, the big story is the uneerie calm that has engulfed virtually every major asset class, from stocks to bonds. Is the whole investment world on Prozac? Conspiracy theories abound, particularly among the ranks of financial traders, for whom volatility is like wind to a sailor. These traders confidently figure that as long as markets gyrate, no matter what the direction, they can always make money. And, thanks to the rest of us who don’t have the time, information, and skill to match wits with them, they are mostly right. But, with today’s dormant markets, the pickings are slim. The favored bogeymen of the day are giant government investors, particularly Asian central banks, with their trillions of dollars in assets. These superfunds, whose managers do not necessarily share the same passion for profit as private investors, are said to be squeezing the life out of interest rates and exchange rates. “The big Asian central banks are oppressing us,” one young trader recently complained to me. What a difference a decade makes. During the 1990’s, private investors looked at big, lumbering central banks as cash cows, long on money and short on financial acumen. George Soros once made a billion dollars off the Bank of England in just an hour.", "zh": "市场波动到哪里去了? 电视和报纸依然在鼓吹着全球金融市场的每一次波动。 然而，从大的层面上讲真正的情况却是令人不安的平静几乎已经席卷了从股票和债券所有大的资产品种。 难道整个投资界都服了缓解焦虑的百忧解了吗？ 合谋理论大量存在，尤其是在金融投资者的阶层中，对他们来说波动就像是水手眼里的风。 这些投资者声称只要市场在转动，不管它是转向哪个方向，他们总能够赚到钱。 并且，我们其他的人并不拥有足够的时间、信息和技能去与他们斗智斗勇，所以他们总是对的。 可是面对今天平静的市场，他们的利润就少得可怜了。 今天受益的精灵是巨大的政府投资者，尤其是拥有数以万亿计美元资产的亚洲中央银行。 这些超级基金，它们的经理人并不需要像私人投资者那样一心一意地追求利润，被认为挤压了利率和汇率的活力。 一位年轻的投资者最近向我抱怨说 ： “ 巨大的亚洲中央银行在压制着我们 。 ” 仅仅十年间就发生了怎样巨大的变化啊。 在二十世纪九十年代，私人投资者把行动迟缓的中央银行看作现金金牛，它们有的是钱但是却缺乏敏锐的金融洞察力。 乔治·索罗斯曾在一个小时内从英格兰银行身上赚了十亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though, as the Yale historian Timothy Snyder points out, collaborators in the “bloodlands” between Berlin and Moscow often supported the Nazis’ crimes, these societies lack Germany’s guilt complex. One reason for this is that Eastern Europeans do not share in the legacy of colonialism. The stepchild of empire – migration – is thus a problem to be handled by those who produced it: the old European colonial powers. The countries of Eastern Europe – insecure newcomers to the fragile economic progress offered by EU membership – do not believe that they have any obligations in this regard. But Eastern Europe does not simply lack the will to welcome migrants; it is actively opposed to doing so, in line with Władysław Gomułka’s maxim that “countries are built on national lines, not multinational ones.” This stance, too, stems at least partly from World War II, as first the Holocaust and then the postwar ethnic cleansing of more than 30 million people, including virtually all Germans in the region, reinforced an aversion to multiethnicity. Indeed, multinational states like Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia disintegrated without dictatorships to hold them together. Historical memories die hard. Poles and others who fell under Soviet rule after 1945 cannot forgive Western Europe for sacrificing them to Stalin at Yalta. Nor do they see their liberation from totalitarianism as a Western European achievement. Eastern Europeans’ gratitude lies elsewhere.", "zh": "尽管如耶鲁大学历史学家蒂莫西·斯奈德（Timothy Snyder）所指出的，柏林和莫斯科之间的“鲜血地带”的合谋者常常支持纳粹的罪行，但这些社会缺少德国的负罪感。 一个原因是东欧人没有殖民主义遗产。 因此，帝国的继子 — — 移民 — — 成为需要由始作俑者处理的问题：旧欧洲殖民势力。 东欧国家 — — 欧盟成员资格所提供的脆弱的经济进步的不安全的新来者 — — 不认为自己有这方面的义务。 但东欧并不只是缺少欢迎移民的意愿；东欧积极地反对接收移民，瓦迪斯瓦夫·哥穆尔卡（Władysław Gomułka）的格言 — — “国家是民族的，不是多民族的 。 ” 很好地说明了这一点。 这一立场至少部分也来自二战，大屠杀以及清除3,000万人的战后种族清洗（包括几乎所有该地区的德国人）增强了对多元民族的厌恶。 事实上，没有独裁统治的捷克斯洛伐克和南斯拉夫等多民族国家纷纷解体。 历史记忆很难消磨。 波兰人和其他1945年后被苏联统治的民族无法原谅西欧在雅尔塔会议上将他们牺牲给斯大林。 他们也不认为从极权主义中获得解放是西欧的成就。 东欧人的感激之情在别处。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China, the Digital Giant SHANGHAI – China has firmly established itself as a global leader in consumer-oriented digital technologies. It is the world’s largest e-commerce market, accounting for more than 40% of global transactions, and ranks among the top three countries for venture capital investment in autonomous vehicles, 3D printing, robotics, drones, and artificial intelligence (AI). One in three of the world’s unicorns (start-ups valued at more than $1 billion) is Chinese, and the country’s cloud providers hold the world record for computing efficiency. While China runs a trade deficit in services overall, it has lately been running a trade surplus in digital services of up to $15 billion per year. Powering China’s impressive progress in the digital economy are Internet giants like Alibaba, Baidu, and Tencent, which are commercializing their services on a massive scale, and bringing new business models to the world. Together, these three companies have 500-900 million active monthly users in their respective sectors. Their rise has been facilitated by light – or, perhaps more accurate, late – regulation. For example, regulators put a cap on the value of online money transfers a full 11 years after Alipay introduced the service. Now, these Internet firms are using their positions to invest in China’s digital ecosystem – and in the emerging cadre of tenacious entrepreneurs that increasingly define it.", "zh": "中国，晋身数字化巨头 上海 — — 中国已经稳固奠定了自身作为消费者导向型数字技术全球领导者的地位。 它是全球最大的电子商务市场，占据了全球零售电商40％以上的交易额，在自动驾驶汽车，3D打印，机器人，无人机和人工智能等领域，其风险投资规模位列全球三甲。 全世界1/3的独角兽企业（估值超过10亿美元的创业公司）都来自中国，同时，中国科技企业的运算效率依然保持着世界纪录。 虽然中国的总体服务贸易仍呈现逆差，但近年来，在数字服务贸易方面，中国已实现每年150亿美元的顺差。 推动中国数字经济取得如此瞩目进步的是阿里巴巴、百度和腾讯等互联网巨头，这些巨头正在大规模地将其服务商业化，为全球带来新的商业模式。 这三家公司在各自领域分别拥有5~9亿月活跃用户。 而它们的崛起则得益于宽松 — — 或者更准确地说，是略显滞后 — — 的监管。 比如，监管机构在支付宝推出网上转账服务整整11年后才开始对转账额度进行了限制。 如今，这些互联网巨头正利用其强势地位不断投资中国的数字生态系统，以及那些层出不穷的，持续拓展着数字生态系统定义的创业群体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Antitrust Is Back in America CHICAGO – President Joe Biden is signaling that his administration will get tough on monopoly. With the appointments of Columbia University law professors Timothy Wu to the White House National Economic Council and Lina Khan to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), he has selected two well-known proponents of breaking up the Big Tech monopolies. Moreover, these appointments come on the heels of a major antitrust reform bill that Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota introduced in the US Senate last month. Klobuchar’s bill aims to bolster antitrust enforcement in a number of ways. It would increase funding for the FTC and the Department of Justice Antitrust Division, establish new bureaucratic offices to investigate and monitor antitrust compliance and market conditions, slap new civil penalties on violators, and expose firms to liability for anticompetitive business practices that currently fall through the cracks. Notwithstanding the fierce Republican opposition the bill is expected to receive, there is good reason to think that the antitrust momentum in the United States will continue. Already during Donald Trump’s presidency, the Justice Department and the FTC launched investigations into the tech industry, which have (so far) resulted in lawsuits against Google and Facebook, filed just before Trump left office. While it may simply have been Trump’s unhappiness with culturally liberal tech companies that lit a fire under previously sleepy bureaucrats, other Republicans also have begun to rethink their traditional opposition to antitrust liability. Antitrust law has long straddled ideological divides in the US. Although it involves significant “intervention” in the market by regulatory agencies and private lawyers (which Republicans loathe), the goal of such interventions is to preserve economic competition (which Republicans ostensibly favor). Decades ago, conservative-leaning economists and lawyers managed to square this circle by contending that markets are self-correcting: because monopolies generate outsize profits, they are juicy targets for other market actors. Moreover, because regulators and courts are hopelessly unsophisticated about economics and industry, any attempt on their part to enforce antitrust law would do more harm than good. Such thinking provided a convenient excuse for Republicans to claim that they were both pro-market and pro-business, allowing them to take financial contributions from businesses that had no interest in a free market. Businesses fear competition, which drives down profits. But times have changed, and not only because of concerns about Big Tech.", "zh": "反垄断重返美国 芝加哥—拜登政府日前声明将对垄断企业采取强硬措施。 近期，拜登政府任命哥伦比亚大学法学教授吴修铭（Timothy Wu）和林娜·汗（Lina Khan）分别出任白宫国家经济委员会(the White House National Economic Council)委员和联邦贸易委员会(the Federal Trade Commission)委员，两人也曾大力倡导打破大型科技企业的垄断。 此外，在这两位任命之前，上月明尼苏达州的艾米·克洛布查尔（Amy Klobuchar）于美国参议院提出一项重大反垄断改革法案，该法案旨在通过多种形式加强反垄断执法。 这项法案提倡增加对联邦贸易委员会和司法部反垄断司的资助、建立新的官僚机构来调查和监测反垄断合规性和市场状况，对违反者施加新的民事处罚，并迫使公司对目前为法律漏洞的反竞争商业行为承担责任。 尽管该法案预计将遭到共和党的强烈反对，但事态表明美国的反垄断势头将持续不断。 早在特朗普总统任职期间，司法部和联邦贸易委员会就已对科技行业展开调查，这也包括特朗普离任前对谷歌和脸书提出的诉讼。 但其他共和党人也正开始反思自身对反垄断责任的一贯立场。 反垄断法长期以来与美国的意识形态分歧并存。 尽管涉及监管机构和私人律师对市场的重大“干预”这是共和党人所反感的，但干预的目标是维护经济竞争，而这是共和党人表面上所支持的。 几十年前，保守派的经济学家和律师曾自圆其说，认为市场能自我修正，即垄断企业由于产生巨额利润，从而成为其他市场参与者的攻击目标。 此外，由于监管者和法院对经济和行业动向过于无知，他们实施反垄断法的任何尝试都将弊大于利。 这种说法为共和党人提供了一个方便的借口，让他们能够宣称自己既亲市场又亲商，并继续从不主张自由市场的企业获得资金捐赠。 竞争将压低利润，企业也因此害怕竞争。 然而今非昔比，这项转变也不仅是源于对大科技的担忧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Russian foreign ministry’s statement in response to the Western reports says it all. “Russian citizens” were in Syria, it said, “of their own free will and for different reasons,” and the “ministry does not have the authority to assess the validity and legality of their decisions.” Russia has used such forces to do its bidding before, including during the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. The Kremlin could then argue that it was not a Russian invasion, but the will of the people living in Crimea. Similarly, in Syria, mercenaries enable the Kremlin to downplay Russia’s involvement, as well as its losses, which many observers predicted, from the outset of its intervention, would be staggeringly high. Putin surely doesn’t want to be accused of repeating the disastrous Afghan War of 1979-1989, which helped to bring about the Soviet Union’s collapse. That is why Putin has taken great care to present Russia’s military operation as a limited endeavor, undertaken solely for the purpose of ridding the world of the Islamic State (ISIS). In fact, last December, on a visit to the Russian airbase in Khmeimim, Putin announced the withdrawal of troops, precisely because that objective had officially been achieved. The Ministry of Defense declared that the situation had been “stabilized,” following the elimination of some 35,000 militants and 700 training camps. So, officially, Russia was to maintain in Syria only limited forces at Russia’s permanent military bases in Tartus and Khmeimim.", "zh": "俄罗斯外交部对西方报道的声明说明了一切。 “俄罗斯公民”在叙利亚，声明说 ， “ 他们是出于不尽相同的原因自愿前往 ， ” 而“军方没有权力评估他们的决定的可行性和合法性 。 ” 俄罗斯以前也干过这样的勾当，包括在2014年非法吞并克里米亚期间。 当时，克里姆林宫说这不是俄罗斯入侵，而是克里米亚居民的意愿。 类似地，在叙利亚，雇佣兵让克里姆林宫可以将俄罗斯的介入和损失轻描淡写 — — 许多观察家预测，从俄罗斯干预开始到现在，人员损失已经非常巨大。 普京显然不想因为重蹈1979—1989年阿富汗战争的灾难而受人指摘。 阿富汗战争成为苏联解体的助推因素。 因此，普京小心翼翼地将俄罗斯的军事行动包装为有限动作，以消灭伊斯兰国为唯一目标。 事实上，去年12月，普京在访问Khmeimim俄罗斯空军基地时宣布撤军，原因正是干预目标已经正式达成。 俄国防部宣布，在消灭了大约35,000人的军事力量和700座训练营后，局势已经“稳定 ” 。 因此，在官方口径，俄罗斯只需要在叙利亚Tartus和Khmeimim的俄永久军事基地维持有限的部署。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The answers to both questions are obvious: “No” to the first; “Yes” to the second. EU leaders should present a clear choice: either Britain remains an EU member after negotiating some additional reforms to satisfy public opinion; or it disengages completely and deals with the EU on the same basis as “any country in the World Trade Organization, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe,” which is how Britain’s Institute for Fiscal Studies describes the most plausible alternative to full membership. By making exit conditions non-negotiable, while offering room for maneuver on the terms of continuing membership, Europe could shift attention to the second, constructive question: Can voters be persuaded to feel positive again about the EU? Addressing this question seriously would focus attention on the many tangible benefits of EU membership beyond technocratic abstractions about the single market: environmental improvements, rural subsidies, financing for science, infrastructure, and higher education, and the freedom to live and work throughout Europe. By excluding spurious intermediate options such as the “Norwegian” or “Swiss” models – which May has, in any case, rejected, because they imply free movement of people – the EU could make Brexit’s economic implications unequivocally clear. London would cease to be Europe’s financial capital because regulations would be deliberately changed to shift business activities into EU jurisdictions. For the same reason, many UK-based export industries would become non-viable.", "zh": "两个问题的答案显而易见。 第一个是“否 ” 。 欧盟领导人应该给出明确的选择：要么英国在进行了一些满足公共意见的附加改革谈判后保留欧盟成员资格；要么完全脱离欧盟，以与“从阿富汗到津巴布韦在内的所有世界贸易组织成员”一样的标准与欧盟谈判。 这是英国财政研究所（Institute for Fiscal Studies）所描述的除了完全成员地位之外最可靠的替代方案。 表明脱欧条件不可谈判，同时为保留成员资格条件提供操作空间，这样一来欧洲可以把注意力引向第二个建设性问题：能否说服选民，让他们对欧盟持积极态度？ 严肃地回答这个问题要把注意力集中在欧盟成员地位的除了对单一市场的技术官僚抽象（technocratic abstractions）之外的诸多有形好处上：环境改善、农业补贴、科研资金、基础设施、高等教育以及在全欧洲生活和工作的自由。 欧盟应该排除“挪威”或“瑞士”模式等虚幻的中间道路选项 — — 而梅耶拒绝了这些选项，因为它们隐含人的自由迁徙 — — 从而让英国脱欧的经济影响明确化。 伦敦将不再是欧洲金融首都，因为监管将有意识地做出改变，让商业活动转移到欧盟司法辖区。 出于同样的理由，许多位于英国的出口产业也将无法维持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But this foundation of rules turned out to be an illusion: principles always need the support of power; otherwise they cannot stand the test of reality. The eurozone, a confederation of sovereign states with a common currency and common principles and mechanisms, is now failing that test. Unable to respond decisively to a crisis, the eurozone is losing the confidence that is any currency’s most important asset. Unless political power in Europe is Europeanized, with the current confederation evolving into a federation, the eurozone – and the EU as a whole – will disintegrate. The political, economic, and financial costs of renationalization would be enormous; an EU collapse is feared around the world for good reason. By contrast, if the currency union’s political deficit is addressed now, first by establishing a fiscal union (a common budget and common liabilities), a real political federation will be possible. And let us be clear: anything less than a United States of Europe will not be powerful enough to prevent the looming disaster. Like it or not, the eurozone will have to act as the EU’s avant-garde, because the EU as a whole, with its 27 member states, will be neither willing nor able to accelerate political unification. Unfortunately, unanimous support for the necessary EU treaty changes simply could not be secured. So, what should be done? Europeans made decisive progress on integration outside the scope of the EU treaties (but very much in the European spirit) when they agreed to open their borders with the so-called Schengen Agreement (today a part of the EU treaties). Drawing on that successful experience, the eurozone should avoid the EU’s original sin of creating a supra-national structure that lacked democratic legitimization. The eurozone needs a government, which, as things stand at the moment, can consist only of the respective heads of state and government – a development that has already started. And, because there can be no fiscal union without a common budget policy, nothing can be decided without the national parliaments. This means that a “European Chamber,” comprising national parliaments’ leaders, is indispensable.", "zh": "但这一规则的基础本身被证明只是一场幻觉：原则从来都需要权力的支持，否则无法经受现实的考验。 而如今，欧元区作为一个采用共同货币和共同原则及机制的主权国家联合体在现实的考验中失败了。 欧元区没能对危机作出决定性的反应，因此失去了比黄金还要宝贵的信心。 除非欧洲的政治权力也得到欧洲化，让现在的联合体进化为联邦，否则欧元区 — — 以及整个欧盟 — — 将分崩离析。 再度国家化将导致巨大的政治、经济和财政成本；欧盟的瓦解足以让全世界产生恐慌。 相反，如果货币联盟的政治赤字能够现在就解决掉 — — 第一步是成立财政联盟（共同预算和共同债务 ） — —那么建立真正的政治联邦仍有可能。 我们要认清形势：唯有欧罗巴合众国才有防止迫在眉睫的灾难的力量。 不管你愿不愿意承认，欧元区是欧盟的前哨，因为拥有27个成员国的欧盟既没有意愿，也没有能力加快政治统一日程。 不幸的是，没有人可以保证对欧盟条约进行必要修改的建议能获得一致通过。 那么，我们应该做些什么？ 欧洲曾签署过所谓的申根协议（如今是欧盟条约的一部分 ） ， 开放边境，这是在欧盟条约之外（但仍带有鲜明的欧洲精神烙印）迈出的具决定性意义的统一步骤。 从这一成功先例看，欧元区应该避免欧盟建立缺乏民主合法化基础的超国家结构的原罪。 欧元区需要一个政府，从目前的情况看，这个政府可以仅由各国政府首脑组成 — — 此步骤已经开始了。 此外，由于财政联盟不可能在没有共同预算政策的情况下产生，因此不通过各国议会，什么事情都决定不了。 这意味着由各国议会首脑组成的“欧洲议事厅 ” （ European Chamber）也是必不可少的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Dry China ANSHUN, GUIZHOU PROVINCE, CHINA -- The Huangguoshu Waterfall in China’s southwestern Guizhou Province is a magnificent sight, when there is water. The largest waterfall in Asia, it plunges over a sheer cliff more than 200 feet high in a thundering display of foam, mist, and rainbows. Unfortunately, this wonder of nature has recently suffered an indignity. Each evening, it gets turned off as if it were a garden fountain. This part of China’s southwest, known for its abundant rainfall, mountains, underground rivers and caves, and tropical flora, has recently been gripped by a drought that many say is the worst since the Ming Dynasty. So, after all the tourists that irrigate this poor region with precious income leave the viewing platforms below the falls, authorities close the sluice gates that dam the White Water River on the dangerously low upstream reservoir, and the falls cease. Then, each morning, before the tourists reappear, they unceremoniously open the gates again, so that the eerily silent falls suddenly revive in a simulacrum of normalcy. The disturbance to so elemental a part of this region’s natural architecture is a measure of only one of the many kinds of severe weather aberrations – from floods and droughts to unseasonal blizzards and massive dust storms – that have been unsettling China of late. No one can say with any certainty what the causes are.", "zh": "干涸的中国 发自中国贵州安顺 — — 位于中国贵州省西南部的黄果树瀑布是一处无比壮观的景点，作为亚洲最大的瀑布，激流从200英尺高的峭壁上一泻而下，发出惊雷般的声响，白浪纷飞，彩虹隐现 — — 但这一切都得在瀑布有水的时候。 不幸的是，这处自然奇观最近却正饱受煎熬。 每天晚上，瀑布就像某座被拧紧了水龙头的花园喷泉那样 — — 断水了。 以其充沛的降雨，山川，地下河，溶洞以及热带植物闻名于世的中国西南部地区，如今却正在遭遇一场据说是自明代以来最严重的干旱。 因此当给这个贫困地区带来宝贵收入的游客陆续离开了瀑布的观景台之后，当地政府就会关闭控制白水河（该河上游水库的蓄水量已经低于警戒线了）的水闸，然后瀑布的水就停了。 赶在第二天早上游客到来之前，他们又开闸放水，于是这个死一般寂静的瀑布突然又像安装了某种虚拟视觉装置那样转眼间变得生机勃勃了。 而这种对该区域自然景观的控制只是应对最近侵扰中国的严酷气候灾害 — — 从洪水，干旱，再到非季节性暴风雪以及大规模沙尘暴 — — 的其中一项措施，也没有人能说明白这些灾难背后的成因究竟是什么。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Practical development strategy recognizes that public investments – in agriculture, health, education, and infrastructure – are necessary complements to private investments. The World Bank has instead wrongly seen such vital public investments as an enemy of private-sector development. Whenever the Bank’s extreme free-market ideology failed, it has blamed the poor for corruption, mismanagement, or lack of initiative. This was Wolfowitz’s approach, too. Instead of focusing the Bank’s attention on helping the poorest countries to improve their infrastructure, he launched a crusade against corruption. Ironically, of course, his stance became untenable when his own misdeeds came to light. The Bank can regain its relevance only if it becomes practical once again, by returning its focus to financing public investments in priority sectors, just as the Chinese leadership is prepared to do. The good news is that African governments are getting the message on how to spur economic growth, and are also getting crucial help from China and other partners that are less wedded to extreme free-market ideology than the World Bank. Many African governments at the Shanghai meeting declared their intention to act boldly, by investing in infrastructure, agricultural modernization, public health, and education. The Wolfowitz debacle should be a wake-up call to the World Bank: it must no longer be controlled by ideology. If that happens, the Bank can still do justice to the bold vision of a world of shared prosperity that prompted its creation after World War II.", "zh": "实际的发展战略认可公共投资¾对农业、卫生、教育及基础设施的投资¾这些都是私有投资必要的补充。 而世界银行则错误得将这些关键的公共投资看作是私有经济发展的敌人。 当世界银行极端的自由市场理念失败时，它会指责贫困国家的腐败、管理不善，缺乏动力。 沃尔福威茨也是如此。 沃尔福威茨并不强调世界银行帮助贫困国家提高基础设施，而是向腐败宣战。 具有讽刺意味的是，当他自己的不良行为曝光后，他的立场则变得站不住脚。 世界银行只有再次变得实际起来，将其重点转向帮助重点部门的公共投资，才能够发挥作用，正如中国领导人所愿意做的那样。 好消息是，非洲政府得到了如何刺激经济增长的信息，也正在得到中国以及其他不如世界银行般热衷于极端自由市场理念的经济伙伴的重要帮助。 许多非洲政府首脑在上海宣布，他们将对基础设施、农业现代化、公共卫生以及教育进行大胆的投资。 沃尔福威茨的倒台应该是给世界银行一个叫醒电话：世界银行不应该再被意识形态所控制。 如果这样做了，那么世界银行仍然可以在这个二战后促成了其存在的共享繁荣的世界里发挥自己的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The native-born population wins, too, because the new labor performs menial or unpleasant tasks, broadens the tax base, and expands domestic markets. More important, immigrants can bring considerable entrepreneurial energy and enrich the local community with their culture, food, and traditions. Supporting immigration also has an added moral appeal. Hard-nosed free traders can find it hard to persuade tenderhearted skeptics that allowing faraway sweatshops to operate is kinder than eliminating the low-wage jobs they provide. Sheltering immigrants who would face torture or starvation in their homelands aligns more easily with our humanitarian instincts. There is no better illustration of the benefits of immigration than the United States. Successive generations of immigrants turned the young country, with its industrially backward agrarian economy, into the world’s leading technological and military power. Immigrants made New York City a cultural mecca and Los Angeles a center of the global film industry. And welcoming the “huddled masses yearning to breathe free” long gave the country an uplifting purpose. But not even an immigrant like me can ignore the risks that immigration carries. Unlike free trade, immigration is often a unilateral choice, rather than a voluntary, two-sided exchange. And, while immigration can bring advantages to the native-born, that is not guaranteed. An extreme example of this is colonization. The “New World” that European explorers “discovered” wasn’t new to those already living there.", "zh": "本土出生的人口也将因此获益，因为新劳动力往往从事卑微或令人不快的工作、同时可以拓展国内市场并且扩大税基。 更重要的是，移民能够带来可观的创业精力，并用他们的文化、食品和传统来丰富当地社区。 支持移民还具有额外的道德吸引力。 顽固的自由贸易人士可能很难说服那些好心肠的怀疑主义者，让他们相信允许遥远国度的血汗工厂正常运营比彻底消灭它们所提供的低工资岗位更加温和。 为那些在家乡面临酷刑或饥饿的移民提供庇护则更容易唤醒我们的人道主义本能。 最能证明移民好处的莫过于美国。 连续几代的移民使这个年轻国度从一个工业上落后的农业经济体逐渐演变成全世界顶尖的技术和军事强国。 移民使纽约成为一个文化圣地，并使洛杉矶成为全球影业的核心。 而且欢迎那些“渴望自由呼吸的挤成一团的民众”一直赋予这个国家振奋人心的目标。 但就连像我这样的移民都无法忽视移民所带来的风险。 与自由贸易不同的是，移民往往是一种单向，而非双向、自愿的选择。 而且，尽管移民可以为本土居民带来好处，但这一点在一开始是无法确定的。 这方面的一个极端例子是殖民化。 欧洲探险家“发现”的“新大陆”对那些已经生活在那里的人而言并不新。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Israel’s Centrist Victory JERUSALEM – Israel’s election is a victory for centrism and national consensus. Indeed, that is the key to understanding not only the vote count, but also Israeli public opinion, the next government, and its policies. From experience, most Israelis have developed a worldview that combines traditional left-wing and right-wing thinking. On one hand, they want to achieve a comprehensive political solution with the Palestinians based on creating a Palestinian state, in exchange for real, lasting peace. On the other hand, they understand that there is no Palestinian leadership strong or moderate enough to bring it about. Both the left and the right have been proven wrong. The left offered big concessions and was ready to take high risks for the sake of peace. Yet there is no credible way to achieve an agreement with such radical forces as Iran, Syria, Hamas, and Hezbollah, all of whom seek Israel’s destruction. The Palestinian Authority (PA) is less extreme, but its leadership is weak, doesn’t control Gaza, and is still full of hard-line elements. This approach also lost credibility as a result of the rise of Hamas and its determination to wage permanent war on Israel; Iran’s expanding influence and nuclear weapons’ program; and the high – even rising – levels of hatred against Israel among Arabs and Muslims. In addition, the world didn’t reward Israel for making concessions and taking risks. Indeed, the more Israel gave, the more slander and hostility it faced in many sectors. At the same time, the right-wing mantra – victory – failed to offer a credible way to replace the Iranian and Syrian governments, or to destroy Hamas and Hezbollah. There is neither the illusion nor the desire to hold onto captured territories permanently, or to build Jewish settlements, and Israel has virtually no international support for any of these goals. With alternatives to the status quo constrained, it has become clear that Israel is in a long transitional period in which old ideas don’t work and a new approach is needed. Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni’s Kadima party, opposition leader Binyamin Netanyahu’s Likud party, and Defense Minister Ehud Barak’s Labor party all fall – with only secondary variations – within a centrist consensus, which also reflects a popular national consensus.", "zh": "以色列的中间派胜利 耶路撒冷-以色列的选举是中间主义和国民意见的胜利。 事实上，这不仅是解释票数多寡的钥匙，也是理解以色列公众舆论、下届政府及其政策的关键。 源于经验，大多数以色列人都已经发展出一套融合了传统左翼和右翼思想的世界观。 一方面，他们想在建立巴勒斯坦国的基础上与巴勒斯坦人达成全面的政治解决方案，以此交换真正的持久和平。 另一方面，他们知道没有巴勒斯坦领袖足以强硬或温和到促成此事发生。 左翼和右翼都已经被证明是错误的了。 左翼做出大幅度退让，为了和平甘冒巨险。 但是它没有可靠方法来与伊朗，叙利亚，哈马斯和黎巴嫩真主党等激进势力达成一致，所有这些势力都谋求摧毁以色列。 巴勒斯坦民族权力机构(PA）没有这么极端，但是它的领导力量薄弱，没有控制加沙，而且仍然充斥着了强硬原素。 由于哈马斯兴起并决心向以色列发动持久战争，伊朗影响力扩大又发展了核武器项目，阿拉伯人和穆斯林则对以色列怀有强烈的憎恨，而且仇恨还在加剧，这条道路也无法走通。 此外，世界并没有因为以色列作出让步和冒了风险就给出回报。 事实上，以色列付出的越多，它在许多领域面临的诋毁和敌意就越是沸沸扬扬。 与此同时，右翼的口头禅“胜利”也没能就替换伊朗和叙利亚政府，或是摧毁哈马斯和真主党提出可靠办法。 没有人幻想或渴望要永久性地保有被占领土，或是建立犹太定居点。 以色列事实上也不会因为上述目标赢得任何国际支持。 由于现状之外的其他选择寥寥无几，很明显以色列正处在一个漫长的转折阶段，此时旧观点不再有效，需要新方法。 外交部长齐皮·利夫尼的前进党、反对派领袖本雅明·内塔尼亚胡的利库德集团、国防部长埃胡德·巴拉克的工党在中立派的民意里相差无几，全部失利。 这也反映了广泛的国民意见。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the Munich Agreement has haunted American foreign policy, possibly even more than Britain’s, like a vengeful ghost. Presidents and prime ministers have been terrified of being compared to Chamberlain and have dreamed of being heroic Churchills. “1938” emerged in US political rhetoric in pretty much every foreign crisis since the war. President Harry S. Truman invoked it at the beginning of the Korean War in 1950, when he vowed to “contain” communism. When the British refused to send troops to Vietnam to help the French fight against Ho Chi Minh in 1954, Eisenhower accused Churchill, of all people, of “promoting a second Munich.” And so it has continued. In Vietnam again during the 1960s, Richard Nixon, among many others, warned of another Munich. More recently, in the US-led wars against Saddam Hussein, both Presidents Bush, father and then son, compared the Iraqi dictator to Hitler, and fancied themselves in the role of Churchill. On the eve of that war, British Prime Minister Tony Blair read Chamberlain’s diaries as a lesson in what not to do. It may be that in today’s world, when a superpower conflict could destroy much of mankind, China and the US will avoid a war over Taiwan. So far, China appears to be playing a game of chicken, probing Taiwanese defenses, flying into its airspace, stepping up naval patrols, engaging in military practice runs for an invasion, and making provocative statements about “not ruling out the use of force.” This is met on the American side with more arms shipments to Taiwan and tough talk about a new cold war. A game of chicken is a test of who will crack first, so it can escalate quickly and unpredictably. Being in thrall to the ghosts of history makes it harder to back down. If both sides refuse to do so in a crisis, everyone will lose.", "zh": "但慕尼黑协议一直如复仇的幽灵般困扰着美国的外交政策，这种困扰甚至可能比英国还要严重。 历任总统和总理都惧怕被拿来与张伯伦相比较，同时梦想成为丘吉尔般的英雄。 “1938年”从战后以来几乎出现在美国每一次外国危机的政治辞令中。 哈里·杜鲁门总统在1950年朝鲜战争伊始就引用了这个词，当时他发誓要“遏制”共产主义的发展。 1954年，当英国人拒绝向越南派兵协助法国与胡志明作战时，艾森豪威尔居然指责丘吉尔“推动第2个慕尼黑协定 。 ” 而且这种情况一直沿续了下来。 20世纪60年代，还是在越南，理查德·尼克松和其他人再次警告了慕尼黑协定的风险。 最近，在美国所领导的反对萨达姆·侯赛因的战争中，布什父子两任总统都把萨达姆·侯赛因这位伊拉克独裁者比作希特勒，并幻想自己扮演丘吉尔的角色。 在那场战争爆发前，英国首相托尼·布莱尔读了张伯伦的日记，以便了解什么事不能做。 或许在当今世界，因为一场超级大国冲突可以摧毁绝大部分人类，中国和美国能够在台湾问题上避免爆发战争。 迄今为止，中国似乎一直在玩儿一场谁是懦夫的游戏，探查台湾的防御力量、飞入台湾领空、加强海军巡逻，进行为入侵做准备的军事演习，同时“在不排除使用武力的问题上”发表挑衅性言论。 而美国的回应则是加强对台武器运输以及有关新冷战的强硬言论。 谁是懦夫的游戏考验的是谁先崩溃，因此可能迅速升级，而且可能带来不可预测的局面。 受制于历史的鬼魂导致双方都更难退缩。 如果双方拒绝在危机爆发时后退一步，那么所有人都会面临输的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "复活后，她继续蛮干，跟那两个人杠上了。 中路这边被攻击，他一时分身乏术。 她就这么死了又去，去了又死。 一直死了四次以后，她这才命令的开口：“子川，你去帮我报仇!一定要杀他们四次！” 沈凉川撇嘴，“你自己蠢，明知道打不过还硬打，我为什么要替你报仇？” “因为你是我男朋友啊！我被欺负了，当然是你替我出头了！ 快点去。” 一句话，让他就真的杀了对方四次，平复了她的怒火。 后来，他告诉她，“遇到事情，脑残才会硬碰硬，你被杀第一次的时候，就应该等我帮你报仇。” “是是是，小女子记住了，以后还请相公多多关照！” 那时候的理直气壮，与现在的情况，形成了鲜明的对比。 沈凉川忽然觉得心很疼。", "en": "After her character revived, she stubbornly continued to fight against those two players. The centre lane was being attacked as well, so he was unable to assist her in her fight. After her character had died four times, she said commandingly, “Zi Quan, go and avenge me! You must definitely kill them four times!” Shen Liangchuan pursed his lips and said, “Why should I help avenge your deaths when you died due to your idiocy? You knew that you could never defeat them, and yet fought them anyway!” “Because you are my boyfriend! When I get bullied, it’s natural for you to protect me. Hurry up and go!” That one sentence triggered him to ultimately kill the enemy players four times, as promised, which made her anger subside. After the incident, he said to her, “Only idiots would still stubbornly try the same method even after failing numerous times. You should have waited for me to avenge you after dying the first time.” “Yes, yes, yes, this little girl has learnt her lesson. Dear husband, please continue to take care of me in the future!” The headstrong girl he had seen at that moment was a stark contrast to the girl that he saw today. Shen Liangchuan’s suddenly felt his heart hurting."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Weaker unions and workers’ reduced bargaining power have flattened out the Phillips curve, with low structural unemployment producing little wage inflation. Oil and commodity prices are low or declining. And technological innovations, starting with a new Internet revolution, are reducing the costs of goods and services. Standard economic theory suggests that the correct monetary-policy response to such positive supply shocks depends on their persistence. If a shock is temporary, central banks should not react to it; they should normalize monetary policy, because eventually the shock will wear off naturally and, with tighter product and labor markets, inflation will rise. If, however, the shock is permanent, central banks should ease monetary conditions; otherwise, they will never be able to reach their inflation target. This is not news to central banks. The Fed has justified its decision to start normalizing rates, despite below-target core inflation, by arguing that the inflation-weakening supply-side shocks are temporary. Likewise, the ECB is preparing to taper its bond purchases in 2018, under the assumption that inflation will rise in due course. If policymakers are incorrect in assuming that the positive supply shocks holding down inflation are temporary, policy normalization may be the wrong approach, and unconventional policies should be sustained for longer. But it may also mean the opposite: if the shocks are permanent or more persistent than expected, normalization must be pursued even more quickly, because we have already reached a “new normal” for inflation.", "zh": "日益弱势的工会以及更低的工人议价能力削平了菲利普斯曲线，低结构性失业率导致工资水平一蹶不振。 石油和大宗商品价格维持低位或一路走低。 而以新互联网革命为首的技术革新正在降低商品和服务的成本。 经典经济理论认为，针对这些正面性供给冲击的正确货币政策应对取决于冲击的持续时间。 如果一切只是暂时的，央行不应对此作出回应；它们应该使货币政策正常化，因为最终冲击会自然而然地消失，同时随着商品和劳动力市场的收紧，通胀将会上升。 倘若这种冲击是长期性的，央行应该放宽货币条件；否则它们就永远无法实现其通胀目标。 这对中央银行来说并不新鲜。 美联储就已经在核心通胀低于目标值的情况下决定开始实施利率正常化，因为它认定这种削弱通胀的供给侧冲击只是暂时的。 同样，欧洲央行也判定通胀率将在适当的时候回升，并为此计划在2018年缩减其债券购买量。 如果政策制定者在抑制通胀的正面性供应冲击的暂时性判断上出现了失误，那么政策正常化可能是错误的做法，而非常规政策应维持更长时间。 但这也可能意味着相反的做法: 如果冲击是长期性的或比预期的更持久，那么正常化就必须更快地进行，因为我们已经走到了一个通货膨胀的 “新常态 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第七十四章 学费三十万！ “不要想了，据我所知圣手也治不好你的病，圣手之后，就是神医了。” 徐妙林似乎看穿方丘所想，立刻说道，说完才又重新坐回到椅子。 “不过，神医也只在传言之中。” “原来中医界这么复杂。” 方丘苦笑。 “我这里还有一个数据。” 徐妙林微笑着，说道：“既然你感兴趣，那我就一并跟你说了。” 闻言。 方丘立刻静心，继续听。 “目前，全国中医的注册人数的50万，但是经过中医界认可的匠医，在全国范围内只有1253人，经过认可的明医有451人，大医有50人，圣手只有3人。” 徐妙林笑着说道，“这只是关于中医界的四个层次而已，想要治好你的病，除了层次上的提升之外，你还必须得精通针、灸、推拿、刮痧、正骨、气功、火疗、药浴、偏方、甚至还有道加的丹药咒语，和佛家的咒语等等，任重而道远啊！” 方丘当然知道任重道远，但他更好奇的是一个问题。", "en": "Chapter 74 Tuition Fee of 300,000! “Stop thinking. As far as I know, the holy hands can cure your illness. After holy hands, it comes to doctors of divinity.” Xu Miaolin, knowing exactly what Fang Qiu was thinking, added before sitting back down into the chair. “However, doctors of divinity are only in myths and legends.” “The Chinese Medicine circle is so complicated.” Fang Qiu smiled wryly. “I have some data here.” Xu Miaolin continued with a beam, “Since you are interested, I’ll tell you as well.” Upon hearing that. Fang Qiu calmed himself down and waited to hear more patiently. “At present, there are 500,000 registered Chinese Medicine doctors in China. However, only 1,253 of them are approved doctors of ingenuity by the Chinese Medicine circle. There are 451 qualified doctors of brightness, 50 doctors of greatness, and only 3 holy hands.” Xu Miaolin explained with a smile, “These are the four levels of the Chinese Medicine circle. To cure your illness, besides promoting yourself through the levels, you also need to master acupuncture and moxibustion, chiropractic, skin scraping, boneset, Qigong, fire therapy, herbal bath, and folk remedy as well as Taoist elixirs and spells and Buddhist chants. You’ve got a long way to go!” Fang Qiu knew too well that there was still a long way to go. But at that moment something else had him puzzled."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It beggars belief that China and India are not members of the G-7. The Bretton Woods organizations – the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO – remain heavily Western in structure, leadership, and mentality. This is especially true of the WTO, where Washington and Brussels seem more concerned at settling old scores and protecting their respective turfs than in engaging with the new players. China will soon be the world’s biggest trading power. Yet euroatlantic introversion still permeates the WTO. This mindset is also pervasive in Western governments, industry, business schools, and the media. None of these institutions in the West is ready for Asia’s re-emergence. History is not particularly encouraging when it comes to adjusting to profound changes – new actors and shifting balances of power – as the twentieth century tragically and repeatedly demonstrated. The tsunami that so devastated much of Asia has provided an opportunity for all key players – in government, industry, academia, the media, and civil society – to look at Asia anew, at both the challenges and the opportunities that have arisen from Asia’s resurgence. These opportunities need to be seized with as much alacrity as the world has responded to Asia’s sorrow.", "zh": "其支持者坚信中国和印度不是七国首脑集团的成员。 布雷顿森林机构 — — 世界货币基金组织、世界银行和世界卫生组织在结构、思想和领导方式上仍是西方化的。 尤其是世贸组织，美国和比利时政府似乎更关心如何保护从前的成绩和他们各自的土地，而不是与新成员国的合作。 中国将很快成为全球最大的贸易国，然而世贸组织内部仍然充满了欧洲的内向性思想。 这种思想在西方政府、工业、商学院和媒体也普遍深入人心。 这些机构和行业没有一个愿意看到亚洲的复兴。 正如上世纪不断上演的悲剧那样，当历史开始为深远巨变做出调整时，它往往并不鼓舞人心，新的人物不断涌现，权力平衡发生转移。 海啸破坏了亚洲大部分的地区，给所有的重要政府、行业、学术界、媒体和文明社会提供了一个机会去重新审视亚洲，审视由亚洲复兴所带来的挑战和机遇。 我们要迅速抓住这些机会，就向世界对待亚洲悲剧采取的行动一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Internet companies may, more than most, hide their true motives behind ersatz, democratic-sounding slogans, but in the end they are advertising products like any other. In advertising or self-promotion, the choice of words is determined by customer expectations, not by managers’ philosophy, as they mostly have none. Capitalism is always a trade-off: we must live with unethical behavior by money-making corporations that provide us with useful new tools. These tools can be used by Iranians fighting dictatorship, or by Tibetan dissidents trying to save their culture. They also can be used to compute the number of exterminated Jews, to arrest a Chinese dissident, or to break a human-rights group in Russia. Microsoft in Russia or Google in China teach us that capitalism is not ethical: it is only efficient. Entrepreneurs are greedy by definition: if they were not, they would go bankrupt. An open society will never be created or sustained by righteous entrepreneurs or be the mere byproduct of political engineering. Liberty, as always, remains the endeavor of vigilant, free men and women.", "zh": "网络公司或许比其他公司更愿意用民主口号隐藏他们的真实动机，但归根结底他们像其他企业一样宣传自己的产品。 在广告或自我推销中，词汇的选择取决于客户的期望而不是管理者的理念，因为多数管理者并无理念可言。 权衡和折衷永远是资本主义的真谛： 我们必须容忍为我们提供有效工具的赚钱企业的不道德行为。 伊朗人可以用这些工具来反抗专政，西藏持不同政见者也可以用这些工具来拯救他们的文化。 这些工具也可以用来统计灭绝犹太人的数量，逮捕中国的持不同政见者，或者破坏俄罗斯的人权组织。 俄罗斯的微软或者中国的谷歌告诉我们资本主义并不道德： 而是更加注重效率。 贪婪是企业家的定义： 如果不贪婪，他们就会陷入破产的结局。 永远不能依靠有正义感的企业家或者某项政治工程的副产品来建设或者维护一个开放的社会。 一如既往，自由依然要靠谨慎、自由的人们付出不懈的努力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "During that time, the public-health system could do its job: testing a random sample of the population, tracking the contacts of those with symptoms, and resupplying an already sapped health-care system while scaling up efforts to develop a vaccine and more effective treatments. After a month or so of this, the businesses that were functioning as of March 1 could probably restart. The policy response could ensure that nobody loses their livelihood as a result of anything that happened between March 1 and May 1. In the meantime, the production and distribution of medical tests, food, utilities, and activities that do not involve human contact would represent the full extent of the economy. Absolutely everything else would be temporarily shut down. After a month would come a Jubilee: the government would assume all debts incurred during the shutdown, sparing businesses from bankruptcy. The significant increase in government debt would then justify a highly progressive tax on income and wealth, both to reassure investors that long-term public finances are sound, and to recoup some of the unearned gains of those who have managed to profit from the lockdown. Unfortunately, what the US should do is not what it will do. The country is desperately short of tests and other critical supplies, and the Trump administration has shown no inclination to do anything about it. Here in Berkeley, hospitals are running short of surgical masks and asking for donations. Their plight is symptomatic of an underlying condition that has inevitably aggravated the current public-health crisis.", "zh": "在此期间，公共卫生体系将发挥作用：检测随机人口样本，跟踪有症状者的密切接触情况，让已经不堪重负的卫生体系得到补给，同时加码开发疫苗和更有效的疗法。 在经过一个月左右之后，截至3月1日在产的企业可能重新启动。 政策应对可以确保没人会因为3月1日至5月1日之间的情况而失去生计。 与此同时，医学检测生产和销售、食品、公用设施以及不涉及人际接触的活动将构成整个经济。 其他所有活动都将绝对暂时停止。 一个月后将迎来大赦：政府将承担停转期间所发生的所有债务，让企业免于破产。 政府债务的大幅增加意味着需要实施高度累进的所得税和财富税，既向投资者保证长期公共财政情况可靠，也能返还一些能够从封锁中盈利者的不劳而获。 不幸的是，美国应该做的并不是它将会做的。 美国极度紧缺检测和其他重要供应，特朗普政府没有任何填补短缺的迹象。 在伯克利，医院医用口罩不足，需要捐赠。 他们的困境其实是必然会加剧当前公共危机的基本条件的症候。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Does Legalizing Prostitution Work? AMSTERDAM – Prostitution is virtually the only part of the personal services industry in the Netherlands that works. One can’t get a manicure in Amsterdam without booking an appointment two weeks in advance, but men can buy sex anytime – and at an attractive price. The legalization of prostitution in October 2000 merely codified a long-standing Dutch tradition of tolerance towards buying and selling sex. But is legalization the right approach? Even in the Netherlands, women and girls who sell their bodies are routinely threatened, beaten, raped, and terrorized by pimps and customers. In a recent criminal trial, two German-Turkish brothers stood accused of forcing more than 100 women to work in Amsterdam’s red-light district ( De Wallen ). According to the attorney who represented one of the victims, most of these women come from families marred by incest, alcohol abuse, and parental suicide. Or they come from countries in Eastern Europe or Southeast Asia and have fallen victim to human trafficking, lured by decent job offers or simply sold by their parents. These women are Amsterdam’s leading tourist attraction (followed by the coffee shops that sell marijuana). But an estimated 50-90% of them are actually sex slaves, raped on a daily basis with police idly standing by. It is incomprehensible that their clients are not prosecuted for rape, but Dutch politicians argue that it cannot be established whether or not a prostitute works voluntarily.", "zh": "卖淫合法化有用吗？ 阿姆斯特丹－卖淫大概是荷兰个人服务业中唯一有效率的部分。 在阿姆斯特丹，在没有提前两周预约的情况下，修个指甲都不行，但是，男性却可以在任何时候买到性 — — 并且价格还很具有吸引力。 荷兰在2000年10月将卖淫合法化，只不过是将荷兰长期存在的容忍卖淫嫖娼的传统条文化而已。 但是，将卖淫合法化是解决问题的正确途径吗？ 即使是在荷兰，那些出卖其身体的妇女和女孩子，也常常遭到皮条客和嫖客的威胁、殴打、强奸和恐吓。 在最近的一次刑事审判中，土裔德籍的俩兄弟被指控强迫100多位妇女到阿姆斯特丹的红灯区( De Wallen )工作。 根据一位受害人的代理律师的说法，这些妇女中的大多数人来自被乱伦，酗酒以及父母自杀破坏的家庭，或者来自东欧或东南亚国家，受到体面工作机会的诱惑或被其父母卖掉，从而成为非法人口买卖的牺牲品。 这些妇女是阿姆斯特丹旅游最吸引人的地方（接下来是卖大麻的咖啡馆 ） 。 但是，这些妇女中估计有50％到90%的人事实上就是性奴隶，每天都遭到强奸而警察却袖手旁观。 她们的客人没有因为强奸而被起诉，是令人难以理解的，然而，荷兰政治家认为，妓女是不是自愿工作不能确定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such an apotheosis, of course, served the political interests of the emperor’s successors, who could claim a godly lineage while aspiring to be raised to godlike status themselves. Chávez excelled in ridiculing his political enemies, but he was too much of a narcissist to approach the end with the kind of humor that, according to Suetonius, inspired Emperor Vespasian’s deathbed quip: “Oh dear, I must be turning into a God.” The grotesque idea of embalming Chávez’s body was finally discarded precisely because of the damage suffered by the corpse during its display to the masses in a chaotic exercise in political manipulation. A god, certainly not, but a saint, perhaps. Indeed, what was good enough for “Santa Evita,” as the Argentine writer Tomás Eloy Martínez called her, might be good enough for Chávez. Like the dying tyrant in Gabriel García Márquez’s The Autumn of the Patriarch, who righteously lamented the fate that would befall the poor after his passing, Chávez will remain for years to come the saintly benefactor, martyr, and redeemer of the destitute in the eyes of the Venezuelan masses. Indeed, he is likely to achieve the kind of immortality that he always believed he deserved. Part of the legend is almost invariably the mystery surrounding the circumstances of the leader’s death. An ordinary, natural death does not accord with the superhero image of the patriarch fighting the nation’s enemies.", "zh": "当然，如此崇拜是为了满足皇帝继任者的政治利益，他可以自称神授君权，同时还可以授予自己神圣地位。 查韦斯长于戏弄政敌，但他太过于自我陶醉，无法在弥留之际像维斯帕先那样临终自嘲 ： “ 天哪，我一定会成为神 。 ” （苏维托尼乌斯记载 ） 。 长久保持查韦斯遗体的可笑想法最终被放弃，正是因为尸体在政治操纵的匆忙之中向大众展示期间会遭受损坏。 肯定不是。 圣人？ 有可能。 事实上 ， “ 圣艾薇塔 ” （ 阿根廷作家马丁内兹如是说）已足够好，查韦斯亦然。 就像马尔克斯《独裁者的黄昏 》 （ The Autumn of the Patriarch）中的垂死独裁者 — — 他道貌岸然地对身后穷苦大众的命运表示哀痛 — — 查韦斯在多年中都会被委内瑞拉民众视为神圣的施主、殉道者和穷人的救世主。 事实上，他有可能获得他认为自己该得的不朽。 传奇中有一部分几乎永远不会改变，它们是围绕在领袖之死周围的神秘感。 稀松平常的自然死亡与独裁者外御强敌内惩国贼的英雄形象格格不入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And, perhaps most important, it means becoming an engaged tech citizen. For example, all young people should understand who has access to their personal data, how it is being used, and why that matters. Accomplishing this will not be easy. It will take more than simply making sure that children have access to iPads. Any initiative to boost tech literacy must focus on three areas. First, kids must be inspired to learn about the technology they use every day; they must “connect” with tech concepts and find them exciting. At BT, we are collaborating with tech entrepreneurs and education thinkers to develop fresh and creative ways to engage young people’s innate curiosity. Second, teachers must be supported, as many do not feel confident to teach tech literacy. We can help with that. Already, we have engaged with thousands of teachers in the United Kingdom; in the last school year, we reached nearly 350,000 primary-school children, and we aim to reach five million by 2020. We have also collaborated with education innovators at MIT to bring new coding tools into classrooms. Third, schools must be properly equipped. Making sure students have access to the latest technology is a challenge even for advanced countries. In the UK, we are working to ensure that our high-speed fiber broadband connects the hardest-to-reach schools. And we are using our expertise to help teaching professionals who are eager to make tech an integral part of schools’ everyday life.", "zh": "也许最重要的是，这意味着积极参与技术领域。 比方说，所有年轻人都应该明白谁有权访问他们的个人数据、这些数据如何被利用、以及由此产生的意义。 完成这项任务并不容易。 除确保孩子会使用ipad以外还需要更多东西。 提高科技素养的计划必须集中在三个领域。 首先，必须鼓励孩子们学习他们每天都在使用的技术知识；他们必须与技术理念建立“联系 ” ， 并从中找到乐趣。 在英国电信，我们正和高科技企业家和教育思想家展开合作，寻找新的、创造性的方式来激发年轻人与生俱来的兴趣。 其次，因为很多教师对技术素养教育信心不足，因此必须对他们予以支持。 在这方面我们可以做很多事。 我们已经与英国成千上万名教师展开了合作；上个学年，我们为近350,000名小学儿童提供了技术教育，我们的目标是到2020年扩大到500万人。 我们还与麻省理工学院的教育创新人士合作，在课堂上引入了新型编程工具。 第三，学校必须配备合格的装备。 确保学生接触到最新技术即使对发达国家来讲也同样是个难题。 在英国，我们竭力确保高速光纤宽带接入到哪怕最偏远的学校。 我们正在利用自己所掌握的知识教授那些想让高科技成为学校���活有机组成部分的教学专业人士。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe Must Oppose Trump NEW YORK – With Donald Trump due to visit Europe again for the G7 summit later this month, European leaders have run out of options for dealing with the US president. They have tried to charm him, persuade him, ignore him, or agree to disagree with him. Yet Trump’s malevolence is bottomless. The only alternative, therefore, is to oppose him. The most immediate issue is European trade with Iran. This is no small matter. It is a battle that Europe cannot afford to lose. Trump is capable of inflicting great harm without compunction, and is now doing so by economic means and threats of military action. He has invoked emergency economic and financial powers that aim to push Iran and Venezuela to economic collapse. He is trying to slow or stop China’s growth by closing US markets to Chinese exports, restricting the sale of US technologies to Chinese companies, and declaring China a currency manipulator. It is important to call these actions what they are: the personal decisions of an incontinent individual, not the result of legislative action or the outcome of any semblance of public deliberation. Remarkably, 230 years after its constitution was adopted, the United States suffers from one-man rule. Trump has rid his administration of anyone of independent stature, such as the former defense secretary, retired General James Mattis, and few congressional Republicans murmur a word against their leader. Trump is widely mischaracterized as a cynical politician maneuvering for personal power and financial gain. Yet the situation is far more dangerous. Trump is mentally disordered: megalomaniacal, paranoid, and psychopathic. This is not name-calling. Trump’s mental condition leaves him unable to keep his word, control his animosities, and restrain his actions. He must be opposed, not appeased. Even when Trump does back down, his hatreds seethe. When face to face with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the G20 summit in June, Trump declared a truce in his “trade war” with China. Yet a few weeks later, he announced new tariffs. Trump was incapable of following through on his own word, despite the objections of his own advisers. Most recently, a plunge in global markets has forced him to retreat temporarily. But his aggression toward China will continue; and his intemperate actions vis-à-vis that country will increasingly threaten Europe’s economy and security.", "zh": "欧洲必须反对特朗普 纽约—本月晚些时候，美国总统即将再次访问欧洲，出席G7峰会。 欧洲领导人对付美国总统已经没了选择。 他们曾经试过吸引他，说服他，忽略他，或一致不同意他。 但特朗普之恶没有底线。 因此，唯一的办法是反对他。 最紧迫的问题是欧洲对伊朗贸易。 这不是小事。 这是一场欧洲输不起的战斗。 特朗普可以造成巨大的伤害而毫无愧色，而现在他正在用经济手段和军事行动威胁这样做。 他动用紧急经济和金融力量，旨在让伊朗和委内瑞拉陷入经济崩溃。 他试图通过对中国关闭美国市场、限制美国对中国公司出售技术、宣布中国为货币操纵国来延缓或阻止中国增长。 为这些行动正名很重要：它们是昏聩之徒的个人决定，而不是合理行为或任何名义上的公共协商的结果。 令人关注的是，美国在宪法诞生230年后，遭到了杜夫统治。 特朗普已经将政府中所有的独立之士扫除殆尽，包括前国防部长、退休将军詹姆斯·马蒂斯（James Mattis）以及一些胆敢小声抱怨领袖的国会共和党人。 特朗普普被广泛误解为一个犬儒主义政客，而动机则是个人权力和金融利益。 但情况要危险得多。 特朗普心智不正常：自大狂，偏执狂，精神病。 我不是在骂人。 特朗普的精神状况让他出尔反尔，无法控制憎恨，也制约了他的行为。 他必须被反对，绝不能取悦。 即便特朗普真的有所让步，也会记恨在心。 在6月份在G20峰会上与中国国家主席习近平会面时，特朗普宣布他的对华“贸易战”停战。 但不出几周，他又宣布征收新关税。 特朗普无法兑现自己说过的话，尽管他自己的顾问也反对。 最近的全球市场暴跌迫使他暂时有所收敛。 但他对中国的咄咄逼人之势还会继续；其肆无忌惮的对华动作将日益威胁到欧洲的经济与安全。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If tourists are avoiding a city – or having a negative experience because of the Games – they will have nothing good to report back to their family and friends. Beyond tourism, no smart business makes investment or trade decisions simply because a city has hosted the Olympics. If anything, the expense to the city creates fiscal distress, implying a less favorable business environment in the future. Another drawback to hosting the games is the public scrutiny a city receives. Rio de Janeiro’s preparations to host this year’s Summer Games did its international image no favors. A city once known for its natural beauty and fun-loving lifestyle is now known for corruption, violence, bad traffic, pollution, political instability, and the Zika virus. One area where some host cities – but not all – can actually realize long-term gains is in infrastructure spending. In Rio’s case, one could argue that the city will benefit from improvements to its international airport and downtown port. But this is not a valid reason to become a host city; it is merely a consolation prize. A billion dollars of productive infrastructure development does little to make up for the other $19 billion spent on the Games, which will not improve the city for most of its residents or regular visitors. Consider the $2.9 billion subway line (originally budgeted at $1.6 billion) connecting the Games’ beachside event space to Barra da Tijuca, a wealthy suburb ten miles away.", "zh": "如果游客对一座城市避之不及 — — 或者因为奥运会而印象不佳 — — 就无法给予亲朋好友正面的反馈。 除了旅游业，聪明的企业都不会仅仅因为一座城市主办奥运会而做出投资或贸易决定。 如果说要考虑什么的话，那就是在这座城市的投入会造成财政负担，这意味着未来商业环境不利。 主办奥运会的另一个弊端是这座城市将受到公众的密切关注。 里约热内卢举办今年夏奥会的筹备工作非常不利于其国际形象。 以往以自然美景和玩乐生活著称的城市现在因为腐败、暴力、交通拥堵、污染、政治动荡和寨卡病毒而闻名。 一些主办城市 — — 但非所有 — — 真正能够实现长期收益的一个领域是基础设施支出。 在里约的例子中，有人会指出它将得益于国际机场和市中心港口的改善。 但这并不是主办奥运会的合理理由；而只是一个安慰性的奖励。 十亿美元生产性基础设施开发对于弥补其他190亿美元奥运会支出来说只是杯水车薪 — — 这些支出对于改善居民和常规游客来说几乎毫无好处。 以连接奥运会海滩赛事场地和十英里外的市郊富人区Barra da Tijuca的地铁为例。 这条线路耗资29亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Frequently, Arab families send their minors to Germany in the not-unjustified hope that they will obtain the right for other family members to follow later. Germany will have to deal with the consequences of this refugee wave for years to come. In order to distribute the burden more equitably, Germany tried to have a European quota system instituted to allocate applicants among the EU’s member countries. But Germany’s EU partners rejected this as “moral imperialism.” Germany thus failed to have a system adopted that would have provided it with some relief. Instead, a quickly convened summit has now agreed on a limited quota system that will cover barely 120,000 people, aimed at providing relief to Hungary, Italy, and Greece; it will bring a further 31,000 refugees to Germany. In order to avert chaos, Germany has no choice but to impose restrictions. Among the most urgently needed steps is to develop the capacity to distinguish quickly – and ideally at the border – between refugees (who face political persecution) and economic migrants. Germany’s Federal Office for Migration and Refugees could set up border outposts to clear baseless asylum claims and send the rejected applicants, in accordance with the Dublin Regulation, back to the first safe country they reached. This would allow Germany to concentrate on the task at hand: providing those granted refugee status the schooling and language lessons they will need to allow them to find employment as quickly as possible.", "zh": "阿拉伯家庭将未成年家庭成员送往德国，不无道理地希望他们能为其他家庭成员赢得随后跟进的权利。 在未来数年中，德国都必须应对这一难民潮的后果。 为了更平等地分担负担，德国尝试建立一个欧洲配额制度，在欧盟成员国之间分配避难申请。 但德国的欧洲伙伴国拒绝了，称之为“道德帝国主义 ” 。 因此，德国无法采取能让它有所喘息的制度。 相反，如今一个匆匆召开的峰会同意了一个只能覆盖120,000人的配额制度，目的是为了给匈牙利、意大利和希腊提供喘息机会；这个制度将给德国增加31,000难民。 为了防止混乱，德国别无选择，只能加以限制。 最紧迫需要的措施包括建设迅速区分 — — 最好在边境就实现 — — 难民（面临政治迫害）和经济移民的能力。 德国联邦移民和难民办公室（Federal Office for Migration and Refugees）可以设置边防站清理无依据的庇护主张，根据都柏林公约遣返被拒申请者至他们所抵达的首个安全国家。 这能让德国集中精力于当前的任务：为获得难民身份者提供所需的教育和语言课程，以使他们尽快找到工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today, Trump can count on the fervent support of propaganda operations that Nixon could only have prayed for, including the unabashedly polemical Fox News and Breitbart News, as well as the countless bloggers (and, for that matter, Russian-controlled cyberbots) pumping out pro-Trump propaganda. As I write this, one Fox commentator after another is parroting the White House’s absurd claim that Trump fired Comey because of the terrible things the FBI director did to Clinton during the campaign. One almost expects the network’s biggest star, Sean Hannity, to start leading on-air anti-Comey chants of “Lock Him Up!” The effect on anyone who recalls Trump’s cheerleading for Comey last October – followed by the red-hatted crowds’ ritualistic baying to jail crooked Hillary – is psychedelic. But fans of Fox News usually believe what the channel reports. And while Nixon had Fox News' future Svengali, a young Roger Ailes, behind him, Fox and the rest were still two decades away. It is possible, of course, that Trump’s firing of Comey will push some Republicans to decide that enough is enough and follow Baker’s example.", "zh": "今天，特朗普可以指望尼克松只能暗暗祈祷的宣传攻势的强烈支持，包括毫无廉耻地挑起论战的福克斯新闻和布莱巴特新闻，还有无数的微博博主（以及俄国控制的网络机器人）制造出大量亲特朗普的宣传攻势。 在我写这篇文章时，一个又一个福克斯评论员像鹦鹉学舌般地传播白宫的荒谬说法，称特朗普解雇科米是因为这位联邦调查局局长在克林顿竞选期间可怕的所作所为。 几乎可以预料福克斯新闻网最大的明星肖恩·汉尼斯开始在直播中煽动“把他关起来”的反对科米的呼声。 目前局势在那些记得去年10月特朗普曾为科米喝彩，而后由戴着红帽子的支持者宗教仪式般地叫嚣要监禁狡诈的希拉里的人看来是颇具迷幻色彩的。 但福克斯新闻网的粉丝总是相信这家电视台的报道。 尽管尼克松曾经拥有福克斯新闻未来的斯文加利式人物 — — 年轻的罗杰·艾尔斯的支持，但却远没有完全赢得福克斯和其他新闻媒体。 当然，特朗普解雇科米有可能促使某些共和党人受够了特朗普的欺骗并开始仿效贝克的范例。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Taking the Offensive Against Tuberculosis SOLNA, SWEDEN – Tuberculosis is one of the world’s deadliest diseases. In 2013 alone, it accounted for 1.5 million deaths, including one-fifth of adult deaths in low-income countries. Although the estimated number of people contracting TB annually is decreasing, the decline has been very slow. And, given the increasing prevalence of multidrug-resistant TB, the trend could be reversed. Nonetheless, the world now has a narrow window of opportunity to eradicate TB. Taking advantage of it will require the rapid development and dissemination of effective diagnostic tools, novel drug treatments, and innovative vaccines, in conjunction with efforts to ensure that health-care systems are equipped to deliver the right care. This will be no easy feat. The good news is that the international community seems eager to act. The World Health Organization’s post-2015 Global TB Strategy, which was endorsed by the World Health Assembly in May 2014, aims to eradicate TB by 2035. The Sustainable Development Goals, which will be formally adopted in September by the United Nations’ 193 member states, foresee achieving that objective five years sooner. To stem the development and spread of drug-resistant TB requires a two-pronged global effort: ensuring early detection and adequate treatment of patients with drug-sensitive TB, and finding new ways to treat patients infected with drug-resistant strains. The problem is that existing tools for TB diagnosis, treatment, and prevention have severe limitations. For starters, there is no fast point-of-care diagnostic test for TB.", "zh": "向结核病开火 索尔纳，瑞典—结核病是全世界最致命的疾病。 光是在2013年，就有150万人死于结核病，其中五分之一是低收入国家成年人。 尽管每年患结核病的估计人数在下降，但降幅十分缓慢。 而由于具有多重抗药性的结核病的普遍化，患病人数下降的趋势可能发生逆转。 尽管如此，如今世界仍有一丝希望根除结核病。 抓住这一机会需要迅速研发和普及高效诊断工具、新的药物治疗和创新性疫苗，并辅之以确保卫生系统能够及时对症下药的措施。 这绝不是简单的任务。 好消息是国际社会似乎热切地想行动起来。 世界卫生组织的2015年后 全球结核病战略（2014年5月在世界卫生大会上通过）的目标是在2035年根除结核病。 9月，联合国的193个成员国将正式开始实施可持续发展目标，在2030年根除结核病也是目标之一。 阻止抗药性结核病的发展和蔓延需要世界双管齐下：确保早期发现和充分治疗药物敏感性结核病患者；以及找到新办法治疗抗药性结核菌株感染者。 问题在于现有结核病诊断、治疗和预防工具存在严重局限。 首先，对于结核病，没有快速的床旁（point-of-care）诊断测试。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To see what I mean, read the Muslim Brotherhood’s statement in 2013 denouncing the UN women’s declaration for, among other things, defending women’s right to travel or work without their husbands’ permission. It is the ideology, not just the acts of extremism, that must be confronted. My foundation, which provides practical support to help prevent religious prejudice, conflict, and extremism, has been active in Nigeria for several years, bringing together Christian and Muslim clerics to foster mutual understanding. In more than 20 countries worldwide, we have schools programs that connect children of different faiths to learn about each other. Even in the most challenging places, the results are clear and powerful. In Sierra Leone, where we are part of the campaign against malaria, we mobilize churches and mosques to work in their local communities and help families use bed nets effectively to protect themselves against a disease that still kills 750,000 pregnant women and children each year in Africa. We have reached two million people in an act of compassion and care, with results that are as remarkable as the interfaith cooperation that produces them. So the battle is not lost. But it has to be seen for what it is. Every year, the West spends billions of dollars on defense relationships and on fighting terrorism. Yet the very thing we are fighting is given license to grow in the education systems of many of the countries with which we are engaged – even in our own. Education today is a security issue. The G-20 should agree that open-minded education that promotes religious tolerance should be a responsibility of all countries. We should insist upon it in our own school systems – and then insist upon it in others’ systems. Nigeria’s kidnapped girls are victims not just of an act of violence but of a way of thinking. If we can defeat that ideology, we will begin to make progress toward a more secure world.", "zh": "要理解我的话，可以读一读穆斯林兄弟会2013年谴责联合国妇女宣言的声明。 联合国妇女宣言捍卫妇女不需经过丈夫同意即可旅行和工作的权利。 我们必须面对的是这一意识形态，而不是恐怖主义行为。 我的基金会为防止宗教偏见、冲突和极端主义提供实践支持，我们在尼日利亚已经活跃了多年，我们让基督教和穆斯林牧师坐在一起，增进相互理解。 我们的教育项目遍及全球20多个国家，旨在让不同信仰的孩子互相了解。 即使在挑战最艰巨的地区，我们的成果也是清楚而有力的。 在塞拉利昂，身为消灭疟疾运动的一份子，我们动员基督教堂和清真寺与地方社区合作帮助家庭有效使用驱虫文章以保护他们自身免受这一每年夺走750,000孕妇和儿童生命的疾病影响。 我们带着悲天悯人和悬壶济世之心接触了200万人，所取得的效果与跨宗教合作计划一样引人注目。 因此我们并未输掉这场战争。 但我们需要认清形势。 每年，西方都要花费数十亿美元用于防务关系建设和对抗恐怖主义。 但在许多我们所进入的国家 — — 甚至我们自己的国家 — — 我们与之搏斗的东西堂而皇之地在教育系统中滋长着。 如今，教育是一个安全问题。 二十国集团应该达成一致，宣扬宗教容忍的开放思维教育应该是所有国家共同的责任。 我们应该在我们自己的教育体系中坚持这一点 — — 然后再在其他国家的教育体系中坚持它。 尼日利亚被绑架女孩不仅是暴力的受害者，也是思维方式的受害者。 如果我们能够打败这一意识形态，我们就可以开始朝着安全世界迈进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is what the US tech executive Sheryl Sandberg was hinting at recently, when she suggested that a full-blown opt-out from data collection on Facebook would be a “paid product.” The change would be profound, and the practical challenges could be overcome with existing technological solutions. For example, to support data management, users could each have a “smart account” that stores the information and the contractual conditions for its use. As for pricing, intermediaries would likely emerge to negotiate directly with the big platforms on behalf of millions of users, leading over time to the creation of a proper marketplace. Effective legal implementation of the right to personal data ownership will certainly take work. Yet personal data ownership remains a more rational and realistic solution than other approaches that have been put forward, such as the right to “informational self-determination” established by Germany’s constitutional court in 1983. The potential benefits of giving individuals more control over their digital lives extend beyond economic fairness. Such a system could also crack open the much-maligned “filter bubbles” that have arisen as a result of social-media algorithms, which show users content that reinforces their existing biases and beliefs. In this sense, personal data ownership could help to ease the dangerous political polarization that now afflicts many countries. Today, not a single legal system recognizes personal data ownership. But the idea is gaining ground all over the world.", "zh": "这就是美国科技企业高管（脸书的COO）谢丽尔·桑德伯格（Sheryl Sandberg）最近所暗示的状况，当时她建议将全面避免脸书进行数据收集的选项列为“付费产品 ” 。 这种变化将是深远的，而现实的各类挑战可以通过现有技术解决方案来克服。 举个例子，为了支持数据管理，每个用户可以拥有一个“智能帐户 ” ， 用于存储信息及其用途的合同条件。 至于定价，中间商可能会代表数百万用户直接与大平台进行谈判，从而随着时间的推移逐渐创建一个恰当运行的市场。 在个人数据所有权方面的有效法律执行肯定会起作用。 然而，与提出的其他手段相比（例如德国宪法法院于1983年制定的“信息自决权 ” ） ，个人数据所有权仍然是一种更为理性和现实的解决方案。 让个人更多地控制其数字生活的潜在好处会超越到经济公平性之外。 这样的系统还可以打破因社交媒体算法而生的备受诟病的“过滤泡沫 ” — —这些算法会向用户展示那些强化其现有偏见和信念的内容。 从这个意义上讲，个人数据所有权可以帮助缓解现在困扰许多国家的危险政治两极分化。 而虽然迄今为止没有一个法律体系承认个人数据所有权。 但这个想法正在全世界范围内不断生根。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A currently popular argument of this type is that the Federal Reserve has turned out to be much more expansionary than one would have predicted. Similarly, expectations that a trade war with China and other countries would dampen economic growth – a particular concern of mine last fall – have brightened (though I remain worried on this score). Basically, a prediction such as the one for 3.1% GDP growth that Furman and I advanced in early 2018 should be viewed as a non-contingent forecast that can always be conditioned on (or explained away by) an array of unanticipated events. And, more generally, there is always a lot of uncertainty in annual GDP growth rates, which is why the accuracy of our forecast has to be viewed as reflecting a good deal of luck. I take it as self-evident that faster economic growth is better than slower economic growth. Underlying this sentiment is that millions of people benefit from higher growth rates, which are typically accompanied by higher wages and lower unemployment, which especially help the worse-off. Yet today, the antipathy toward the Trump administration is so intense that many people, including some of my economist colleagues, are rooting for lower economic growth just to deny Trump a political win. I understand this viewpoint, but I still think that the direct benefits from a better economy outweigh this kind of political calculus. More to the point, the beneficiaries – which include most people and most voters – must favor faster over slower growth.", "zh": "当前流行一种观点，美联储(FED)的扩张力度远超人们预期。 同样，去年秋天我特别担心中国与其他国家的贸易战将抑制经济增长，而这种观点也不断在发酵（这一点上让我仍然感到担忧 ） 。 基本上，我和弗曼在2018年初提出GDP增长3.1%的，应该被视为非偶然性的预测，因为它总以一系列意料之外的事件为条件(或解释 ) 。 更笼统地说，GDP年增长率总存在很多不确定性，这就是我们预测的准确性被认为有运气成分的原因。 较快的经济增长比较慢的经济增长好，这是不言而喻的。 这种观点基于数以百万计的人受益于更高的增长率，而高增长率通常伴随着更高工资和更低失业率，对穷人尤其有利。 然而如今，人们对特朗普政府的反感如此强烈，以至于包括我的一些经济学家同事在内的许多人都支持经济增长放缓，仅仅为了阻止特朗普赢得政治胜利。 我理解这种观点，但我仍然认为，经济好转带来的直接好处超过了这种政治考量。 更重要的是，受益者-包括大多数人和大多数选民-必须支持更快而不是更慢的增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The election’s other success story was the MHP, which has often been seen as a neo-fascist party since its creation immediately after World War II, but which has been reinventing itself along conservative nationalist lines. The fact that two-thirds of the voters supported parties that were long considered extremist and whose allegiance to democracy is questionable has shocked many Turks, including those who comprised most of the ruling elite in modern times. There are two sets of questions that now need to be answered. First, what does the AKP want? Is it a conservative party of good government that seeks equality for Islam in the public sphere, as its leaders usually suggest, or an Islamist wolf in moderate sheep’s clothing, as its enemies fear? These alternatives are not necessarily contradictory. The AKP contains people with both views. Moreover, it might be that the party will push as far as it can until it is stopped by fear of a military coup or a rejection of its program by the voters. That leads to the second question: how far can the AKP go in changing Turkish society? The problem is that unless there is a viable opposition, the only check on the AKP will be its own conscience and a crackdown by the still secular-oriented armed forces. But, as part of its seemingly endless effort to get into the European Union – an aspiration that seems all but doomed at present – Turkey implemented reforms that undercut the military’s political role. Also at the top of the AKP’s agenda is choosing a president in tune with its worldview.", "zh": "这一选举的另一个成功者是国家运动党。 该党建立于二战结束后不久，从那以来，它经常被视为是一个新纳粹党，但是，它一直也沿着保守派民族主义路线重新改造自己。 三分之二的选民支持长期以来被认为是极端主义、而且对民主的忠诚令人生疑的政党，这让许多土耳其人、包括大部分现代统治精英们惊讶不已。 现在有两大问题需要解答。 首先，正义和发展党想要什么？ 它是一个像它的领导人通常所表明的那样治理良好的保守派政党、寻求公共领域中伊斯兰的平等，还是像它的敌人所害怕的那样是一个披着温和派羊皮的伊斯兰主义狼？ 这些选择并不一定是矛盾的。 正义和发展党包含持有这两种观点的人。 而且，也有可能这一政党将会尽力推动，直到害怕军事政变或者选民拒绝其规划而停止。 这就产生了第二个问题：正义和发展党在改变土耳其社会上将会走多远？ 问题是，除非有一个能够存活的反对派，否则，对正义和发展党唯一的制约就是其自身的良知和目前依然是世俗主义导向的军队镇压。 土耳其无休无止地努力加入欧盟，而目前这一渴望看起来已经破灭。 作为这一努力的一部分，土耳其实行了改革，削弱军队的政治作用。 同样，正义和发展党的首要议程之一根据其世界观选择一名总统。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lesson One in School Food NEW YORK – Had you told me a year ago that I would attend a conference devoted to school lunches, I would have laughed. The closest that I have come to eating a school lunch lately is coach-class food on long-haul flights. But earlier this month I attended School Food FOCUS’s “National Gathering.” I found it both heartwarming and thought-provoking. A little context: In the United States, subsidized school lunches started in 1946 as a welfare program – but one focused on the welfare of farmers, not schoolchildren. The primary purpose was to help farmers get rid of – I mean, distribute generously – their surplus production. The program was gradually transformed over the years as students, whether out of choice or necessity, increasingly came to rely on school lunch rather than bringing their own. The percentage of children who qualify for a free or reduced-price school lunch has grown – to 48%, or about 20 million – and school lunch (and increasingly, breakfast and even dinner) is now a significant part of many children’s diets. Now, new legislation mandates better nutrition, bans sugary drinks and sweets, and forbids the parallel sale of unhealthy alternatives to the main menu (which had been a major source of funding for subsidized lunches).", "zh": "校园餐的第一课 纽约—如果你在一年前告诉我，我会参加一个关于校园午餐的会议，我会一笑了之。 我吃过的最接近校园午餐的东西是长途航班经济舱的飞机餐。 但本月早些时候我出席了校园餐聚焦组织（School Food FOCUS）的“全国大会 ” 。 我的参与感想是既感动，又发人深省。 介绍一点背景：在美国，受补贴的校园餐始于1946年，这是一项福利计划 — — 但最初的关注点是农民福利，而不是学生福利。 这项计划的主要目的是帮助农民处理掉 — — 我是说，慷慨地送出 — — 多出来的产量。 多年来，随着学生（不管是有意选择还是不得已而为之）日渐依赖校园餐而不是自带便当，该计划逐渐发生了改变。 有资格获得免费或平价校园午餐的儿童数量稳步上升 — — 现今已达48%或2,000万人 — — 校园午餐（早餐甚至晚餐也越来越普遍）如今已成为许多儿童的主餐。 如今，新立法强制规定了更好的营养，禁止含糖饮料和糖果，也禁止同时销售不健康的主食谱替代品（在过去，这是补贴午餐的主要资金来源之一 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China as Seen from a Glass House NEW HAVEN – The removal from the Chinese constitution of the provision limiting presidents to two five-year terms came as a shock to many. For China, the institutionalization of leadership succession was one of Deng Xiaoping’s most important legacies, signaling an end to the wrenching instability of the chaotic leadership cult of Mao Zedong. For the West, the term limit was an ideological bridge that led to a path of engagement. Could its abolition be the tipping point for an already precarious Sino-American relationship? Start with China and what the move means for its future. To figure out what will change under a different framework for leadership succession, it is important to cut through the authorities’ opaque rhetoric – the “moderately well-off society” transitioning into the “new era” – and stress-test their basic development strategy. While anything is possible, and there is always a risk of mistakes, my bet is that China stays its current course. Succession or not, there can be no turning back from a transition that has brought a large, poor developing country to the brink of prosperity as a modern, high-income economy. Initially, China’s leadership – responding to former Premier Wen Jiabao’s surprising 2007 critique of a Chinese economy that had become increasingly “unstable, unbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable” – made its case from an analytical perspective.", "zh": "从玻璃房子里看中国 发自纽黑文 — — 在近期出台的中国宪法修订案中，取消国家领导任期仅限两届、每届五年的做法令外界深感震惊。 对中国而言，领导继承的制度化是邓小平最重要的遗产之一，标志着对毛泽东的胡乱领袖崇拜所引发的痛苦不稳定状态得到了终结；而对西方来说，届别限制则是通向契约精神的意识形态桥梁。 那么在中美关系不稳定的情况下，这一废除措施会否成为一个转折点呢？ 让我们先从中国以及这一举措对其未来的意义开始讨论。 要弄清楚在不同的领导继承框架下会发生些什么变化，重要的是看透当局那些含糊的说辞 — — 从“小康社会”转变为“新时代 ” — —并对其基本发展战略实施压力测试。 尽管万事皆有可能，并且总会有犯错误的风险，但我敢打赌，中国仍然会坚持当前的道路。 无论领导者是否可以长期连任，将中国从一个贫穷的大型发展中国家转变为近乎一个繁荣的现代化高收入经济体的趋势不会改变。 起初中国的领导层从分析的角度提出了自己的看法 — — 比如前总理温家宝在2007年出人意料地批评中国经济越来越“不稳定，不平衡，不协调和不可持续 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "程斌，1979年生，2000年本科毕业于上海交通大学，2003年硕士、2008年博士毕业于同济大学，2008年进入上海交通大学任教至今，期间作为国家公派访问学者赴美国Lehigh大学交流，现任上海交通大学船舶海洋与建筑工程学院教授、博士生导师、土木工程系副主任。 主要从事高性能钢桥、桥梁智能监测、深水浮式桥梁等方面研究，主持国家重点研发计划国际合作重点专项、国家自然科学基金项目、上海市自然科学基金、铁道部科技研发计划等纵向课题10余项，发表学术期刊论文60余篇（其中第一或通讯作者SCI论文30余篇），获国家发明专利授权10余项。 兼任中国土木工程学会桥梁及结构工程分会、中国钢结构协会桥梁钢结构分会、中国钢结构协会结构稳定与疲劳分会、上海市公路学会等学术协会理事以及《上海交通大学学报》、《交通运输工程学报》等期刊青年编委，同时担任国家自然科学基金项目和各级人才计划项目的通讯评审专家。", "en": "Bin Cheng, born in 1979, graduated from Shanghai Jiaotong University in 2000, received the Master's Degree and Ph.D. from Tongji University in 2003 and 2008 respectively, and entered Shanghai Jiangtong University in 2008 to teach until now, during the period of which he worked as a state-sponsored Visiting Scholar at Lehigh University. Currently he serves as Professor, Doctoral Supervisor, Deputy Director of the Department of Civil Engineering, School of Naval Architecture, Ocean and Civil Engineering, Shanghai Jiao Tong University. Cheng is mainly engaged in research on High-performance Steel Bridges, Intelligent Bridge Monitoring, Deep-water Floating Bridges, etc., presided over more than 10 vertical projects such as International Cooperation Key Special Projects of National Key Research and Development Plan, Projects of National Natural Science Foundation of China, Projects of Shanghai Natural Science Foundation, Science and Technology Research and Development Program of the Ministry of Railways, published over 60 papers (more than 30 SCI papers were published as the first author or corresponding author), and obtained over 10 national invention patent authorizations. Cheng holds several concurrent posts including Director of the Bridge and Structural Engineering Branch of China Civil Engineering Society, Bridge Steel Structure Branch of China Steel Structure Association, Structural Stability and Fatigue Branch of China Steel Structure Association, Shanghai Highway Society and other academic associations, Editorial Board Member of Journal of Shanghai Jiaotong University, Journal of Traffic and Transportation Engineering, etc., and Review Expert for projects of National Natural Science Foundation of China and talent plan projects at all levels."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "AMLO and Mexican Democracy SANTIAGO – With the outcome of Mexico’s presidential election on July 1 virtually assured, financial market analysts are now asking how bad Andrés Manuel López Obrador (popularly known as AMLO) will be for the economy. The honest answer is that it’s anybody’s guess. But markets like few things more than concluding that a populist is not that bad after all. As they did with President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil and Ollanta Humala in Peru, among many others, pundits are rushing to identify reasons for optimism. One cause for hope is that AMLO has moderated his incendiary rhetoric and is no longer threatening to do away with the North American Free Trade Agreement. Another is that Latin American populists can also be fiscal hawks, as Evo Morales has shown in Bolivia. AMLO’s tenure as mayor of Mexico City was fiscally sound, and Carlos Urzúa, his likely finance minister, played a part in that. Moreover, Mexico has a capable central bank with a strong tradition of independence. AMLO’s campaign manager has spent much time attempting to reassure investors, and markets may have already priced in whatever AMLO will do. The list goes on. This is all probably right. But it is also of secondary importance. Financial market gurus are not asking the right question. The key issue is not what AMLO may do to the economy, but what he may do to Mexican democracy. And here the news is not good.", "zh": "AMLO与墨西哥民主 圣地亚哥—7月1日，墨西哥总统选举结果基本尘埃落定，金融市场分析师正在研究安德烈斯·曼努埃尔·洛佩兹·奥布拉多尔（Andrés Manuel López Obrador，更多地写成AMLO）对墨西哥经济有多不利。 诚实地说，大家都只是瞎说。 但市场最喜欢认定民粹主义者完全不是那么糟糕。 巴西总统卢拉、秘鲁总统乌马拉，还有其他许多人，都被专家急不可耐地贴上乐观的理由。 希望的一个原因在于AMLO的激进论调有所缓和，也不再威胁要退出北美自由贸易协定（NAFTA ） 。 另一个原因是拉丁美洲民粹主义者也可以是财政鹰派，比如玻利维亚的莫拉莱斯。 AMLO在担任墨西哥城市长期间财政记录良好，而有望出任他的财政部长的卡洛斯·乌尔祖亚（Carlos Urzúa）有与功焉。 此外，墨西哥央行有能力也有强大的独立传统。 AMLO的竞选经理花了很多时间担保投资者，市场可能已经将AMLO可能的作为反映在了价格中。 这个清单还可以继续列下去。 所有这些可能都对。 但都是次要的。 金融市场专家们没有问对问题。 关键问题不是AMLO会对经济做什么，而是他会对墨西哥民主做什么。 而在这个问题上，消息相当不利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The kind of fiscal integration and centralized power that they would require do not even remotely resemble those in place in the US. Van Rompuy’s proposals are extremely dangerous and could destroy Europe. The path toward a union based on joint liabilities, against the wishes of large parts of its population, is not leading to a federal state in the true sense of the term – that is, to an alliance of equals, who freely decide to unite and promise to protect each other. Nor can this path lead to a United States of Europe, simply because a large part of Europe refuses to follow it. Europe is not identical with the eurozone. It contains many more countries than those that use the euro. As useful as the euro could be for Europe’s prosperity if its obvious flaws were corrected, the way that the eurozone is now developing will split the EU and undermine the idea of unity in diversity. The assertion that the eurozone could be transformed into a United States of Europe is no longer convincing. The path toward joint liability is far more likely to lead to a deep rift within Europe, because turning the eurozone into a transfer and debt union that can prevent the insolvency of any of its members would require more central power than currently exists in the US.", "zh": "财政一体化及其所要求的权力集中和美国的情形毫无相似之处。 范龙佩的方案是极其危险的，可能会毁掉欧洲。 走向基于共同债务的联盟之路违背了欧洲大部分人民的意愿，是不可能通往真正意义上的联邦国家的，即无法产生平等的联盟，各成员国自由决定是否联合并承诺互相保护。 这条道路也不可能通往欧罗巴合众国，因为很大一部分欧洲国家拒绝如此。 欧洲并不等同于欧元区。 它还包括很多不使用欧元的国家。 修正了显而易见的缺陷后，欧元将对欧洲的繁荣有大助益，但与此同时，欧元区现在的发展方向是分裂欧盟，破坏多样统一的前景。 欧元区可以转化为欧罗巴合众国的设想已不再令人信服。 走向共同债务更有可能导致欧洲内部的分裂，因为将欧元区转变为转移和债务联盟从而防止任何成员国出现无力偿债的情形要求很大中央权力，远超美国当前存在的程度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A deeper motivation comes from the idea that perhaps the most simple and powerful way to find fundamental laws connecting consciousness to physical processing is to link consciousness to information. Wherever there's information processing, there's consciousness. Complex information processing, like in a human, complex consciousness. Simple information processing, simple consciousness. A really exciting thing is in recent years a neuroscientist, Giulio Tononi, has taken this kind of theory and developed it rigorously with a mathematical theory. He has a mathematical measure of information integration which he calls phi, measuring the amount of information integrated in a system. And he supposes that phi goes along with consciousness. So in a human brain, incredibly large amount of information integration, high degree of phi, a whole lot of consciousness. In a mouse, medium degree of information integration, still pretty significant, pretty serious amount of consciousness. But as you go down to worms, microbes, particles, the amount of phi falls off. The amount of information integration falls off, but it's still non-zero. On Tononi's theory, there's still going to be a non-zero degree of consciousness. In effect, he's proposing a fundamental law of consciousness: high phi, high consciousness.", "zh": "从这个想法中得到的一个更深的动机是 也许找出将意识与物理过程 联系在一起的 最简单和最有力的方式 就是将意识与信息相结合。 有信息处理的地方 就有意识。 复杂的信息处理，比如说人类的信息处理， 伴随着复杂的意识。 简单的信息处理， 伴随着简单的意识。 一件令人很兴奋的事是最近几年 有一个神经科学家，朱利奥·托诺尼 采用了这种理论 并且严格按照数学理论 的方式发展了它。 他有一个关于信息整合 的数学测量， 他称之为phi， 他用它来测量 一个系统中的信息整合的量。 他推断phi 是与意识相关的。 所以在人类的大脑中， 有着令人难以置信的信息整合量， 高度的phi值， 一大堆的意识。 在老鼠的大脑中，有中度的信息整合量， 但仍然数目庞大， 仍然具有大量的意识。 但是当你将研究目标降至蠕虫、 微生物、粒子， phi的值就会跌落。 信息整合量会跌落， 但不会为零。 在托诺尼的理论中， 意识程度 也不会降为零。 事实上，他正在提出这样一个关于意识的 基本定律：phi值越高，意识度也越高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unpaid household and care work is gradually shedding its reputation as “women’s work,” and men today are assuming more household responsibilities than their fathers and grandfathers did. Some countries, particularly in Europe, are revising traditional leave policies so that parents can choose how to allocate time off after the birth of a child. More broadly, the value of unpaid household and care work – not just for children and family members, but also for the long-term health of societies and economies – is increasingly being recognized. Efforts to measure the contribution of care work to national economies have produced estimates ranging from 20% to 60% of GDP. In 2015, United Nations member states adopted the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which call for recognizing, reducing, and redistributing unpaid care work – a measure long proposed by feminist economists and gender-equality advocates. The question now is what can actually be done to meet this objective. The responsibility will lie, first and foremost, with governments. After all, while businesses or neighborhood associations may offer childcare options to working parents, costs and quality vary widely. Government action is needed to ensure that care services cover all who need them – from preschool children to the sick, the disabled, and the elderly – and that they are universally accessible and affordable. Beyond services, however, achieving the SDGs’ targets will require policy change. Most important, governments must establish requirements for parental and family leave programs. Together with private companies, they can also provide monetary incentives for men and women to share household and care work more equally. Such policies have proved effective not only in Northern Europe – the most commonly cited model – but also in Eastern European countries like Lithuania, Estonia, and even Hungary, demonstrating that they can be applied anywhere. At a time when many governments, particularly in the developing world, are faced with severe fiscal constraints, such interventions may seem farfetched. But spending on the care sector should be viewed as an investment, not a cost. A recent study in Turkey showed that one dollar of public money invested in the care sector could create 2.5 times as many jobs as a dollar invested in the construction industry.", "zh": "无偿的家务和护理工作正逐渐褪去“女性工作”的名声，而今天的男性与他们的父辈和祖辈相比正在承担更多的家务职责。 某些国家，尤其是欧洲国家，正在修改传统的休假政策，以便有孩子的家长可以选择在孩子降生后如何分配休假时间。 更广义地讲，无偿家务和护理工作的价值 — — 不仅针对子女和家庭成员，而且针对长期社会和经济健康 — — 正在越来越多地被人们所认识到。 据衡量护理工作对国家经济贡献的项目估计，护理工作创造了20~60%的GDP。 2015年，联合国成员国通过了可持续发展目标（SDGs ） ， 要求承认、减少和重新分配无偿护理工作 — — 这是一项女权主义经济学家和性别平等倡导者长期以来积极建议的举措。 现在的问题是人们可以为实现这一目标做些什么。 责任首先在于政府。 归根结底，虽然企业或社区协会可以向职业父母提供育儿选择，但成本和质量差别很大。 只有政府采取行动才能确保所有需求者都能得到护理服务 — — 从学龄前儿童到病人、残疾人和老年人 — — 而且这些服务必须经济实惠、随处可得。 不过除服务外，实现可持续发展目标将需要改变政策。 最重要的是，政府必须制定家长和家庭假的硬性规则。 政府可以与私营企业合作为平均分担家务和护理工作的男性和女性提供货币奖励。 事实证明这样的政策不仅在最常被用作范例的北欧地区有效 — — 而且在立陶宛、爱沙尼亚甚至匈牙利等东欧国家也取得了很好的效果，事实表明这样的政策在地域上是普适的。 在许多国家政府，尤其是发展中国家政府，普遍面临严重财政困难的时刻，这样的干预措施或许看起来是不切实际的。 但护理行业的开支应当被视为一种投资，而不是一种代价。 近期土耳其的一项研究表明对护理行业投入一美元的公共资金可以创造建筑业单位投资2.5倍的工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was this system of financial intermediation whose near-collapse in 2008 seemed for many to justify the ancient warnings of the perils of indebtedness. In their exhaustive historical review of financial crises, Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff write: “Again and again, countries, banks, individuals, and firms take on excessive debt in good times without enough awareness of the risks that will follow when the inevitable recession hits.” But there is a contrary moral attitude, the essence of which is that, whereas excessive debt is to be deplored, the blame for it lies with the lender, not the borrower. “Neither a borrower nor a lender be,” Polonius admonished in Hamlet. Lending money at interest was identified with “usury,” or making money from money rather than from goods and services – a distinction that goes back to Aristotle, for whom money was barren. The moneylender was the most hated figure in medieval Europe. The last legal restrictions on taking interest on money were lifted only in the nineteenth century, when they succumbed to the economic argument that lending money was a service, for which the lender was entitled to charge whatever the market would bear. But the theory of usury survived in the view that it was morally wrong to extract some additional amount that was made feasible by the borrower’s weak bargaining position or extreme need. These two moral attitudes confront each other today in the battle of the bonds. The demand for debt repayment confronts the philosophy of debt forgiveness. In the lender’s view, the 17% interest rate that Greece’s government now has to pay for its 10-year bonds accurately reflects the lender’s risk in buying Greek government debt. It is the price of past profligacy. But in the borrower’s view it is usurious – taking advantage of the borrower’s desperation. The sensible middle position would surely be an agreed write-off of a portion of the outstanding Greek debt, combined with a five-year moratorium on interest payments on the remainder. This would immediately relieve pressure on Greece’s budget and give its government the time and incentive to put the country’s economy in order.", "zh": "而正是这个在2008年几乎崩溃的金融中介系统使许多人重新认识到了关于借贷风险的古老信条。 经济学家卡梅隆·莱因哈特和肯尼思·罗格夫在他们全面回顾经济危机的著作中写到 ： “ 一次又一次，国家、银行，个人和企业都在年景好的时候过度负债，却没有意识到这些债务在无法避免的危机降临时所带来的风险 。 ” 而与此同时,也有一个与上述道德观相对立的理念，认为虽然过度负债固然不对，但真正应该被谴责的其实不是借债者，而是放债者。 在莎士比亚名剧《哈姆雷特》中，波洛尼厄斯就曾告诫他人“别放债，莫借债 ” 。 放债收利息的行为被等同于“高利贷”或者通过钱来赚钱而不从事其他生产和服务 — — 这种区分可以追溯到亚里士多德，在他看来钱是毫无意义的物品。 在中世纪欧洲，放债者是人们最为憎恨的角色。 最后一个禁止有息贷款的法律限制直到19世纪才得以放宽，因为人们开始认同放债其实是一种服务的经济观点，而放债者有权去收取市场可以承受的利息。 但那种“高利贷有罪”理论依然存在，因为人们认为利用借款者的弱势谈判地位或者迫切需要而榨取额外收益的行为是不道德的。 这两种道德观在当今这场关于债权的斗争中冲突不断。 债务偿还的需求遭遇了放弃债权的哲学观。 在放贷者看来，希腊政府为其10年期国债支付的17%利率完全体现了自己购买这些债务时所承担的风险。 这也是希腊人为过去挥霍无度所付出的代价。 但借贷人却将此视为高利贷行为 — — 就是乘借贷人绝望之际狠宰一刀。 而明智的折衷方式则是一方面同意减免一部分希腊超额债务，另一方面则在备忘录中加上将利息支付延后五年的条款。 此举将迅速缓解希腊所面对的预算压力，也为其政府提供了足够的时间和激励因素去重整国家经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "朱立元，中国语言文学系，男，教授、博士生导师。 2014年评为复旦大学文科资深教授 1945年7月3日生于重庆市，1967年毕业于复旦大学中文系。 1978-1981年在复旦攻读，艺学研究生，导师蒋孔阳教授；1982年获文学硕士学位留校工作，1985年破格提为副教授，91年晋升为教授，93年被评为博士生导师，现任校学术委员会委员，88年起任中文系副系主任，94-97年为系主任，97年12月-2004年11月任国际文化交流学院院长。 2004年11月回中文系任教，为文艺学学科带头人。 80年代以来发表学术论文300余篇主要论文，大部分已分别收入我的5本论文集，即《思考与探索》（1992）、《美学与实践》（1999）、《理解与对话》（2000）、《理论的历险》河南大学出版社（2013）、《走向新时期的现代性文论》（2016）。", "en": "Liyuan Zhu, the Department of Chinese Language Literature, male, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor. He was recognized as Senior Professor by Fudan University in 2014. He was born in Chongqing city on July 3rd, 1945, and graduated from the Department of Chinese, Fudan University in 1967. Zhu was studying for his M.A. with the instruction of Kongyang Jiang in Fudan University from 1978 to 1981. He received his M.A. in Literature in 1982 and stayed as a teacher, and was promoted as an Associate Professor in 1985, as Professor in 1991, as Doctoral Supervisor in 1993. Currently he serves as a Member of Academic Committee of Fudan University. Zhu has served as the Deputy Director of the Department of Chinese since 1988, and he was the Director from 1994 to 1997, the Dean of School of International Culture Communications from December 1997 to November 2004. In November 2004, Zhu returned to the Department of Chinese to teach, as a leader in the discipline of literature and art. Over 300 primary papers have been published since 1980s, most of which were included in 5 dissertation collections, namely Thinking and Exploring (1992), Aesthetics and Practice (1999), Understanding and Dialogue (2000), The Adventures of Theory (Henan University Press, 2013), Literary Theory of Modernity in the New Era (2016)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of course, integrated financial markets also benefit banks’ clients by enabling institutions to provide broader and higher-quality financial services at lower prices. Furthermore, strong international financial partners are indispensable to multinational corporations, which often need global cash management or support for large-scale transactions. Given these advantages, the pace of internationalization has been swift. As recently as 2001, Europe’s top 20 banks still generated more than half of their revenues at home. By 2010, this share had fallen by 10 percentage points, to 42% – a remarkable decline that was interrupted only briefly by the financial crisis. Interestingly, most large European banks’ prime investment destination was other European markets, not other parts of the world, raising Europe’s contribution to total revenue to nearly 30%, from less than 20% a decade ago. There may be two explanations for this: for one thing, Asia’s share in European banks’ revenues has probably risen. But this may have been offset by a decline in the proportion of earnings coming from the US. And, while this reflects changes in relative importance, European banks’ business volumes might have increased in absolute terms even in the US, though at a slower pace than elsewhere. Overall, the outlook for post-crisis international banking has turned positive. But regulation could change that. In the current environment, with a renewed focus on regulating markets, institutions, and financial instruments, some international differences in scale, scope, and application of the new rules may be inevitable.", "zh": "当然，一体化的金融市场也会使银行客户受益，因为金融机构可以提供更全面、更优质、更廉价的金融服务。 此外，牢固的国际金融伙伴关系对跨国公司来说是不可或缺的 — — 它们通常需要全球化的现金管理和大规模交易支持。 这些优势的存在使得银行业快速地实现了国际化。 2001年，欧洲最大20家银行的年营收额有一大半来自国内。 到了2010年，这一比重下降了10个百分点，变为42 % — —降幅令人瞩目，金融危机也只是略微干扰了一下这一趋势。 有趣的是，大多数欧洲大银行的主要投资目标是其他欧洲市场，而不是世界其他地区，这使得欧洲市场对总营收额的贡献达到了近30 % ， 而十年前这一数字为20 % 。 造成这一现象的原因有二。 一方面，亚洲在欧洲银行营收额中所占的比重可能在上升，但被来自美国的收入的下降抵消了。 这一现象反映了相对重要性的变化，但欧洲银行美国业务量的绝对值仍然是上升的，只是幅度必其他地区低。 总的来说，后危机时代国际银行业的前景已变得较为乐观。 但监管可能改变这一状况。 在当前环境下，人们的关注点重新回到了对市场、机构和金融工具的监管上。 不同地区的监管规模、范围和新规则难免会有所不同。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As Antonio Damasio argues in his aptly titled book Self Comes to Mind, the brain creates an autobiographical sense of self. It is this created self that perceives, remembers, and aspires, that has telos (or purpose), and on behalf of which decisions are made. It is also the autobiographical self – through the narrative that it creates about itself – that makes life something more than what the American writer, artist, and philosopher Elbert Hubbard once called “one damn thing after another.” And our brains are wired to figure out what other selves are thinking and feeling. I believe that this same structure applies to how we understand multi-person groups. It is no coincidence, for example, that the law treats corporations as persons. We think of the organization in which we work as if it was a person with rights, obligations, values, reputation, and temperament, on whose behalf managers regard themselves as acting. The same applies to nations and states. Our brains need to create a shared sense of self, an “imagined community,” as the political scientist Benedict Anderson put it, on whose behalf collective decisions are made. This community is a “person” that has a past and a future that transcend us as individuals. It has a history and a telos. By contrast, a purely Benthamite view would lead to a view of politics as a set of disparate decisions based on a disembodied utilitarian calculus. But this would feel like “one damn thing after another.” The set of political decisions made over time must make some sense, and this sense must come from the narrative that is superimposed on historical events. The narrative itself is socially constructed and only marginally bound by fact. For example, according to President Barack Obama’s narrative, the United States has always been about a steady march toward freedom and equality, from the War of Independence to the abolition of slavery and the empowerment of women, minorities, and other previously marginalized groups, such as gays and those with handicaps.", "zh": "安东尼奥·达马西奥（Antonio Damasio）在其名称恰如其分的著作《自我成为思想 》 （ Self Comes to Mind）中指出，大脑创造出一种自传式（autobiographical）的自我意识。 这一被创造出来的自我行使感知、记忆和渴望功能，它拥有telos（或称目的 ） ， 决策也都是依据它做出的。 自传式自我 — — 通过它为自己所创造的叙事（narrative ） — —让生活比美国作家、艺术家兼哲学家阿尔伯特·哈伯特（Elbert Hubbard）所说的“一件鸟事接着又一件鸟事”更有意义。 我们的大脑被设定了一种功能，即发现其他自我在想什么、感觉怎样。 我认为这一结构也适用于我们如何理解由许多人组成的集体。 比如，法律将企业像人一样看待绝非巧合。 我们将我们在其中工作的组织视同于一个有权利、义务、价值、声誉和脾气的人，其管理者认为自己代表这个“人”行动。 国家（nations and states）也是如此。 我们的大脑需要创造一种共同的自我意识，一个政治学家本尼迪克特·安德森（Benedict Anderson）所谓的 “想象的共同体 ” ， 集体决策的代表对象。 这一共同体是一个“人 ” ， 它具有超越作为个体的我们的过去和未来。 它拥有一个历史和一个telos。 相反，纯粹的边沁主义观点把政治视为一个基于空洞的功利主义算计的不相关的决策的集合。 但这让人感觉就像“一件鸟事接着又一件鸟事 ” 。 各个时间的政治决策集合都必须有意义，而这一意义必须来自叠加于历史事件之上的叙事。 叙事本身是社会构建的（socially constructed ） ， 只是若即若离地受到事实约束。 比如，根据美国总统奥巴马的叙事，美国时刻准备着朝自由和平等前进，从独立战争到废除奴隶制和妇女、少数族以即其他边缘群体（如同性恋和残障人士）赋权运动都是如此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This involves addressing long-term drivers of food insecurity – including vulnerability to extreme weather and pests, low incomes, fragile value chains, and conflict – in order to prevent new crises down the road. In line with this goal, the International Development Association (IDA, the World Bank’s fund for the poorest countries) committed $5.3 billion for food security in the six months between April and October 2020. This sum comprised a mix of short-term COVID-19 responses and investments to address the longer-term causes of food insecurity. In Bangladesh, the World Bank redirected resources from an existing project to provide, among other things, cash transfers to 620,000 vulnerable small-scale dairy and poultry-farming households. In Haiti, where remittances were expected to decrease as a result of the pandemic, the IDA provided farmers with seeds and fertilizer to safeguard future harvests, and supported small irrigation works that increase long-term resilience. The IDA has also extended its Crisis Response Window to include $500 million in financing dedicated to responding during the early stages of slow-onset food-security crises and disease outbreaks. Likewise, in June 2020, the UN’s Central Emergency Response Fund provided financing to help avert a food crisis in Somalia. Acting ahead of the triple threat of locusts, floods, and COVID-19 reduced the risk of disease outbreaks. By upgrading boreholes early, the UN averted disputes related to water sources, kept livestock healthier, improved household finances, boosted mental health, and prevented large-scale population displacement. The development of effective COVID-19 vaccines means that the world may soon start to see the light at the end of the pandemic tunnel.", "zh": "这其中包括解决长期粮食不安全的隐患 — — 包括面对极端天气和病虫害的脆弱性、低收入、脆弱的价值链，以及冲突 — — 从而阻止新危机的发生。 根据这一目标，国际发展协会（IDA，世界银行面向最贫穷国家的基金）在2020年4月-10月的六个月内投入53亿美元用于粮食安全。 这一数字包括短期COVID-19应对和解决长期粮食不安全因素的投资。 在孟加拉国，世界银行重新配置现有项目的资源，为62万脆弱的小规模奶农和家禽养殖户提供现金转移支付。 在海地，预计疫情将导致侨汇减少，IDA向农民提供种子和化肥以保证未来收成，并支持提高长期韧性的小型灌溉系统。 IDA还扩大了危机响应窗口（Crisis Response Window ） ， 纳入5亿美元用于应对进程缓慢的粮食安全危机和疾病爆发的早期阶段。 类似地，2020年6月，联合国中央紧急响应基金（Central Emergency Response Fund）提供融资帮助索马里规避粮食危机。 抢在蝗灾、洪灾和COVID-19疫情的三重威胁之前采取行动降低了疾病爆发的风险。 通过及早升级井孔，联合国避免了与水资源有关的纠纷，让牲口更加健康，改善家庭资金状况，提升精神健康，并防止大规模人口流离失所。 有效COVID-19疫苗的开发意味着世界可能很快就能看到疫情结束的曙光。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the recent Work Conference failed to consider China’s growth slowdown in this strategic context, placing considerable weight instead on the macro-stabilization imperatives of “proactive fiscal and prudent monetary policies.” Since the Work Conference was concluded, investors have been debating the 2014 growth target. Will the 7.5% objective set for 2013 be maintained next year, as a recent leak from senior Chinese officials seems to indicate, or do the recent pronouncements indicate further deceleration toward 7%? The answer will be revealed at the National People’s Congress in March. But focusing on a near-term growth target, and fine-tuning fiscal and monetary policies in order to achieve it – to say nothing of yet another credit crunch roiling Chinese short-term funding markets – detract from the emphasis on strategic shifts that economic rebalancing now requires. Indeed, most of the six major economic tasks for 2014 set by the recent Work Conference – including efforts aimed at ensuring food security, containing local-government debt, and improving coordination of regional development – have little or nothing to do with China’s strategic rebalancing imperatives. Though laudable, they seem disconnected from pro-consumption restructuring. In fact, only two of the six major economic tasks identified by the Work Conference fit neatly with the Third Plenum’s strategic agenda. The call for enhanced social security is consistent with the Third Plenum’s proposal to allocate 30% of state-owned enterprises’ profits to fund safety-net programs such as pensions and health care.", "zh": "但是最近的中央经济工作会议上没有在这一战略背景下考虑增长放缓问题，而是把相当大的权重放“积极财政政策和稳健货币政策”的宏观稳定责任之上。 自经济工作会议闭幕以来投资者一直都在讨论2014年的增��目标。 是如某中国高级官员最近漏出口风说那样，明年继续维持2013年设置的7.5%目标呢？ 还是如最近多个声明所暗示的进一步减速至7%呢？ 答案将在3月召开的全国人民代表大会揭晓。 但着眼于实现短期增长目标并实施微调的财政和货币政策 — — 更不用说另一场席卷中国短期融资市场的信贷危机 — — 将削弱如今经济结构再平衡所需的战略转型。 事实上，最近的经济工作会议提出的2014年六大经济任务大部分 — — 包括旨在确保食品安全，限制地方政府债务，改善区域发展协作 — — 与中国战略调整的迫切需要几乎无关。 虽然值得称赞，但它们似乎与旨在促进消费的结构性重组发生了脱节的。 而会议上确定的六大经济任务仅有两个是与三中全会的战略议程吻合的。 加强社会保障的呼吁与三中全会建议国有企业将利润的30%投入到养老金和医疗保健等社会安全网计划的要求一致。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Roadmap China is about to adopt its 11th five-year plan, setting the stage for the continuation of probably the most remarkable economic transformation in history, while improving the well-being of almost a quarter of the world’s population. Never before has the world seen such sustained growth; never before has there been so much poverty reduction. Part of the key to China’s long-run success has been its almost unique combination of pragmatism and vision. While much of the rest of the developing world, following the Washington Consensus, has been directed at a quixotic quest for higher GDP, China has once again made clear that it seeks sustainable and more equitable increases in real living standards. China realizes that it has entered a phase of economic growth that is imposing enormous – and unsustainable – demands on the environment. Unless there is a change in course, living standards will eventually be compromised. That is why the new five-year plan places great emphasis on the environment. Even many of the more backward parts of China have been growing at a pace that would be a marvel, were it not for the fact that other parts of the country are growing even more rapidly. While this has reduced poverty, inequality has been increasing, with growing disparities between cities and rural areas, and between coastal regions and the interior. This year’s World Bank World Development Report explains why inequality, not just poverty, should be a concern, and China’s 11th five-year plan attacks the problem head-on. The government has for several years talked about a more harmonious society, and the plan describes ambitious programs for achieving this. China recognizes, too, that what separates less developed from more developed countries is not only a gap in resources, but also a gap in knowledge. So it has laid out bold plans not only to reduce that gap, but to create a basis for independent innovation. China’s role in the world and the world’s economy has changed, and the plan reflects this, too. Its future growth will have to be based more on domestic demand than on exports, which will require increases in consumption. Indeed, China has a rare problem: excessive savings.", "zh": "中国的路线图 中国即将执行第11个五年计划，这在为继续开展其历史上最令人叹为观止的经济转型打下坚实基础的同时，也改善着占世界人口四分之一的人民的生活质量。 在此之前，世界还从未看到过这样的可持续发展，也没有见到过这样大规模的消除贫困。 中国的长期成功部分有赖于其几乎是独一无二的眼光和脚踏实地的作风。 达成《华盛顿共识》后，在其它发展中国家都对提高国内生产总值情有独钟时，中国再次重申人民生活水平的持续、均衡提高才是它所追求的目标。 中国已经进入了给环境造成严重、不可持续负担的经济发展阶段，这一点中国自己非常清楚。 除非加以改变，否则人民生活水平的提高将最终受到威胁。 这也是新的五年计划把环境问题当作重中之重的原因所在。 即便是中国很多落后地区也以惊人的速度向前发展，但与中国其它地区更快的发展速度相比却相形见绌。 这在减少贫困的同时也加剧了不平等，使得城市和农村、沿海和内地的差距越来越大。 本年度世界银行的《世界发展报告》说明了为什么不平等、而不只是贫穷问题应该引起人们的关注。 而中国的第11个五年计划试图正面解决这个问题。 几年来政府一直宣传和谐社会，而第11个五年计划具体描述了实现和谐社会的雄伟宏图。 中国也认识到，落后国家和发达国家不止在资源上存在着差距，在知识上也同样存在差距。 因此中国制定了大胆的计划，不仅要缩小这种差距，还要为独立创新奠定坚实的基础。 中国在世界和世界经济中扮演了迥然不同的角色，这一点在五年计划中也有真实的反映。 中国未来的发展要依靠国内需求而不是出口，这样就需要扩大国内消费。 实际上，中国面临的问题十分罕见：那就是存款过多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They involved a minimum of five species, in perilous alignment: the bacterium itself, the reservoir host such as marmots or gerbils, the flea vector, the rodent species in close quarters with humans, and the human victims. The germ first had to leave its native Central Asia. In the case of the Justinianic plague, it seems to have done so by exploiting the shipping networks in the Indian Ocean. Once within the Roman Empire, it found an environment transformed by human civilization, along with massive colonies of rodents fattened on the ancient world’s ubiquitous granaries. Human expansion helped rodents prosper, and rat infestations, in turn, intensified and prolonged the plague’s outbreak. There is tantalizing evidence that climate change also played a role in triggering the first pandemic. Just a few years before the appearance of the plague on Roman shores, the planet experienced one of the most abrupt incidents of climate change in the last few thousand years. A spasm of volcanic explosions – in AD 536, when historians reported a year without summer, and again in AD 539-540 – upset the global climate system. The precise mechanisms by which climate events fueled plague remain contested, but the link is unmistakable, and the lesson is worth underscoring: the complex relationship between climate and ecosystems impacts human health in unexpected ways. The plague in Madagascar today is an offshoot of what is known as the “third plague pandemic,” a global dispersion of Yersinia pestisthat radiated from China in the late nineteenth century.", "zh": "它们至少涉及五个物种，而且采取危险的排列方式：细菌本身、土拨鼠或沙鼠等储存宿主、跳蚤媒介、与人类近距离接触的啮齿类动物以及人类受害者本身。 细菌首先必须离开其中亚本土。 查士丁尼瘟疫似乎是通过印度洋的航运网络来实现其自身的传播。 一旦进入罗马帝国，细菌就发现了经人类文明改造的环境，以及被古代世界里无处不在的谷仓所养肥的大量啮齿类动物。 人类的扩张使得啮齿类动物繁荣兴旺，而鼠类动物大规模出没又反过来加剧并延长了鼠疫的爆发。 有令人震惊的证据显示气候变化也在引发第一次流行病的过程中发挥了作用。 就在罗马海岸出现鼠疫短短几年前，这个星球经历了过去数千年来一次最突然的气候变化。 一系列的火山爆发 — — 发生在公元536年，当时的历史学家报告没有进入夏天，而且公元539到540年又再次爆发了气候事件 — — 破坏了全球气候系统。 气候事件引发鼠疫的确切机制仍然存在争议，但其中存在联系是准确无误的，这其中的经验教训值得强调：气候与生态系统之间的复杂关系以意想不到的方式影响着人类的健康。 今天发生在马达加斯加的疫情是19世纪末从中国向外辐射的全球鼠疫杆菌扩散的所谓“第三次瘟疫大流行”的一个分支。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "风能发电其他相关装备及材料制造，主要包括涂料制造、合成橡胶制造、水泥制造、玻璃纤维增强塑料制品制造、冶金专用设备制造、金属船舶制造、海洋工程装备制造、水下救捞装备制造、电力电子元器件制造、电线、电缆制造、导航、测绘、气象及海洋专用仪器制造、电子测量仪器制造等。涂料制造，主要包括重防腐涂料。合成橡胶制造，主要包括海上施工防腐橡胶材料。水泥制造，主要包括海航施工专用高强度灌浆材料。玻璃纤维增强塑料制品制造，主要包括海上施工防腐玻璃钢材料。冶金专用设备制造，主要包括大型法兰锻造设备。金属船舶制造，主要包括运行维护专用船舶及装备。海洋工程装备制造，主要包括海缆敷设装备（包括护管）、海上升压站专用设备。水下救捞装备制造，主要包括海上作业逃生救援装置。电力电子元器件制造，主要包括电流保护装置、风能发电保护控制装置与设备。电线、电缆制造，主要包括交流输电XLPE绝缘海底电缆及电缆附件。", "en": "Wind power generation and other related equipment and materials manufacturing mainly include coating manufacturing, synthetic rubber manufacturing, cement manufacturing, fiberglass reinforced plastic product manufacturing, metallurgical special equipment manufacturing, metal shipbuilding, marine engineering equipment manufacturing, underwater salvage equipment manufacturing, power electronic component manufacturing, wire and cable manufacturing, navigation, surveying, meteorological and marine special instrument manufacturing, electronic measuring instrument manufacturing, etc. Coating manufacturing mainly includes heavy-duty anti-corrosion coatings. Synthetic rubber manufacturing mainly includes offshore construction anti-corrosion rubber materials. Cement manufacturing mainly includes high-strength grouting materials for maritime construction. Fiberglass reinforced plastic product manufacturing mainly includes offshore construction anti-corrosion fiberglass reinforced plastic materials. Metallurgical special equipment manufacturing mainly includes large-scale flange forging equipment. Metal shipbuilding mainly includes specialized ships and equipment for operation and maintenance. Marine engineering equipment manufacturing mainly includes marine cable laying equipment (including protective pipes) and offshore booster station special equipment. Underwater salvage equipment manufacturing mainly includes offshore operation escape and rescue devices. Power electronic component manufacturing mainly includes current protection devices, wind power generation protection control devices and equipment. Wire and cable manufacturing mainly includes AC transmission XLPE insulated submarine cables and cable accessories."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The nightmare he discerned continued through the Great Depression of 1929-1932, and culminated in World War II. These were preludes to the “second coming,” not of Christ, but of a liberalism built on firmer social foundations. But were the nightmares of depression and war necessary preludes? Is horror the price we must pay for progress? Evil has indeed often been the agent of good (without Hitler, no United Nations, no Pax Americana, no European Union, no taboo on racism, no decolonization, no Keynesian economics, and much else). But it does not follow that evil is necessary for good, much less that we should wish it as a means to an end. We cannot embrace the politics of upheaval, because we cannot be sure that it will produce a Roosevelt rather than a Hitler. Any decent, rational person hopes for a milder method to achieve progress. But must the milder method – call it parliamentary or constitutional democracy – break down periodically in disastrous fashion? The usual explanation is that a system fails because the elites lose touch with the masses. But while one would expect this disconnect to happen in dictatorships, why does disenchantment with democracy take root in democracies themselves? One explanation, which goes back to Aristotle, is the perversion of democracy by plutocracy. The more unequal a society, the more the lifestyles and values of the wealthy diverge from those of “ordinary” people. They come to inhabit symbolically gated communities in which only one type of public conversation is deemed decent, respectable, and acceptable. This itself represents a considerable disenfranchisement. To Trump’s supporters, his gaffes were not gaffes at all, or if they were, his supporters didn’t mind. But it is economics, not culture, that strikes at the heart of legitimacy. It is when the rewards of economic progress accrue mainly to the already wealthy that the disjunction between minority and majority cultural values becomes seriously destabilizing. And this, I think, is what is happening in the democratic world.", "zh": "他所看到的噩梦贯穿1929—1932年大萧条，并在二战中达到顶峰。 这些是“再临”的序曲，不是基督再临，而是构建在更稳固的社会基础上的自由主义再临。 但噩梦和萧条是必不可少的序曲吗？ 我们必须付出恐怖的代价才能进步吗？ 恶确实常常作为善的化身（没有希特勒，就没有联合国，没有美国治下的和平，没有欧盟，没有种族主义禁忌，没有殖民地独立，没有凯恩斯主义经济学，也没有其他很多东西。 ）但这并不能说明恶是善的必要条件，更不能说明我们应该以恶为达到目的的手段。 我们不能接受剧变政治，因为我们无法确定它会产生罗斯福还是希特勒。 任何一位体面理性的人都希望能通过更加温和的道路实现进步。 但这条温和道路 — — 称之为议会或宪政民主 — — 必须具备定期崩溃的灾难性特征吗？ 通常的解释是制度因为精英与群众脱节而失败。 但既然我们能看到这一 脱节会发生在独裁制度下，那为何民主的祛魅会植根于民主本身？ 一个解释可以追溯到亚里士多德，即金钱政治颠覆民主。 一个社会越不平等，富裕阶层的生活方式和价值观与“普通”人民的差距就越大。 他们象征性地封闭的社区中，其中只有一种公共对话被认为是体面、值得尊重和可接受的。 这种情况本身就代表了穷人被剥夺巨大的权利。 对特朗普的支持者来说，他的仪态尽失根本不是仪态尽失，或者说，即便这就是仪态尽失，他们也不在乎。 但位于合法性问题中心的是经济而不是文化。 当经济进步的收益主要流向已经十分富裕的群体时，少数和多数文化价值观的脱节就变得严重起来，形成动摇的效果。 而我认为，这就是民主世界正在发生的情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Big Finance Can Scale Up Sustainability EAGLE RIVER, ALASKA – Addressing the ever-worsening climate crisis will require the largest sustained movement of capital in history. At least $100 trillion must be invested over the next 20-30 years to shift to a low-carbon economy, and $3-4 trillion of additional annual investment is needed to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 and stabilize the world’s oceans. Mobilizing these huge sums and investing them efficiently is well within the capacity of the global economy and existing financial markets, but it will require fundamental changes to how these markets work. In particular, traditional financial institutions will need help in sourcing the right projects, simplifying the design and negotiation of transactions, and raising the capital to fund them. Many sustainability ideas are small-scale, which partly reflects the nature of innovation, whereby ideas are developed, tested, and, if successful, eventually copied. But the disconnect between those developing sustainability projects and the world of traditional finance means that scaling such initiatives is not straightforward. At the risk of oversimplifying, sustainability advocates may be suspicious of “Big Finance” and its history of funding unsustainable industries. Investors, on the other hand, may be wary of idealistic approaches that ignore bottom-line realities, and might not be interested in small-scale transactions. Given this disconnect, how do we scale up sustainable projects from small investments to the $100 million-plus range that begins to attract Big Finance and thus the trillions of dollars needed to make a global difference? Three steps in particular are necessary. First, securitization techniques should be employed to aggregate many smaller projects into one that has enough critical mass to be relevant. Securitization got a bad name in 2007-08 for its role in fueling the subprime mortgage crisis that brought the developed world to the brink of financial ruin. But when properly managed, joint financing of many projects reduces risk, because the likelihood that all will have similar financial and operational issues simultaneously is low. For the resulting whole to interest investors, however, the numerous smaller projects need to have common characteristics so that they can be aggregated. This cannot be done after the fact. For example, we need to develop common terms and conditions for pools of similar assets, as is already happening in the US residential solar market.", "zh": "大金融可扩大可持续性规模 鹰河,阿拉斯加州—解决日益严重的气候危机需要历史上最大规模的持续资本流动。 未来 20-30 年至少必须投资 100 万亿美元才能转向低碳经济，到 2030 年实现可持续发展目标和稳定世界海洋还需要每年额外投资 3-4 万亿美元。 调动这些巨额资金并进行有效投资完全在全球经济和现有金融市场的能力范围内，这需要对这些市场的运作方式进行根本性改变。 特别是，传统金融机构需要帮助以寻找合适的项目、简化交易设计和谈判，以及筹集资金。 许多可持续发展理念都是小规模的，这在一定程度上反映了创新的本质，即理念被开发、测试，如果成功，最终会被复制。 但是，那些发展中的可持续发展项目与传统金融之间的脱节意味着扩大此类计划并非易事。 冒着过于简单化的风险，可持续发展倡导者可能会怀疑“大金融”及其资助不可持续行业的历史。 另一方面，投资者可能对忽视利润现实性的理想主义方法持谨慎态度，对小规模交易不感兴趣。 鉴于这种脱节，我们如何将可持续项目从小额投资扩大到 1 亿美元以上的范围，从而开始吸引大型金融机构，再产生改变全球所需的数万亿美元？ 尤其需要三个步骤。 首先，应该采用证券化技术将许多较小的项目聚合成一个具有足够临界量的重要项目。 证券化因助长2007-08 年次级按揭贷款危机，导致发达国家濒临金融崩溃而声名狼藉。 但是，如果管理得当，多个项目的联合融资可以降低风险，因为所有项目同时出现类似财务和运营问题的可能性很低。 然而，为了使最终的整体引起投资者的兴趣，许多较小的项目需要具有共同的特征，以便它们可以聚合。 这是事后无法做到的。 例如，我们需要为类似资产的集合制定共同条款和条件，比如美国住宅太阳能市场已经发生的那样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lesbos’s Ghosts, Europe’s Disgrace ATHENS – In 2015, hundreds of thousands of refugees landed on Greece’s island shores. Many had perished at sea. Today, the international public has been lulled into believing that Greece’s refugee crisis has abated. In fact, it has become a permanent scourge blighting Europe’s soul and brewing future trouble. The island of Lesbos was, and remains, its epicenter. The story of Shabbir demonstrates how starkly reality clashes with Europe’s official storyline. Shabbir, 40, lived with his wife and two young children in a midsize town in Pakistan, where he ran a car rental business. One night in December 2015, a local group of Islamist extremists petrol-bombed Shabbir’s neighbor’s home and waited outside for the fleeing family. Shabbir’s neighbors were Christian, and the extremists were keen to evict them and convert their home into a madrasa (religious school). Instinctively, Shabbir rushed to his Christian neighbors’ defense. Designated an “apostate,” his business was burned down, his brother was brutally murdered, his wife and children fled to neighboring villages, and Shabbir, together with his elderly father, took the long, cruel road, via Iran and Turkey, to imagined safety in civilized Europe. Along the way, Shabbir’s father died of exhaustion on some snow-covered Turkish mountain peak. Months later, after managing to board a trafficker’s flimsy vessel on Turkey’s Aegean coast, he found himself shipwrecked, surrounded by dozens of drowned fellow refugees. Picked up off the coast of Lesbos, he was brought to the Moria camp. That is when his next ordeal began. No Westerner who saw Moria during the winter of 2016/2017 could do so without feeling dehumanized. Mud, refuse, and human excrement formed a magma of misery, a hellscape surrounded by barbed wire and the official indifference reflected in the puny resources provided by the European Union and Greek authorities. Refugees like Shabbir faced a minimum of nine months before their first encounter with any official who would receive their asylum application.", "zh": "莱斯博斯的幽灵，欧洲的耻辱 雅典—2015年，数十万难民在希腊岛屿沿岸登陆。 许多人葬身鱼腹。 如今，国际社会开始相信希腊难民危机已经过去。 事实上，这场危机已经成为长久影响欧洲的灵魂、酝酿未来麻烦的因素。 莱斯博斯（Lesbos）曾经是，现在也依然是这场危机的震中。 沙比尔（Shabbir）的故事说明了现实如何与欧洲的官方叙事如此南辕北辙。 今年40岁的沙比尔和他的妻子和两个年幼的孩子曾经住在巴基斯坦的一座中等规模的城镇里，以租车生意为生。 2015年12月的一个晚上，一群地方伊斯兰极端分子用汽油弹袭击了沙比尔邻居的家，等着房子里面的人跑出来。 沙比尔的邻居是基督徒，极端分子急切地想要驱逐他们，然后将他们的家改为马德拉赛（宗教学校 ） 。 出于本能，他赶紧保护了他的基督徒邻居。 他被打为“叛教者 ” ， 租车店被付之一炬，兄弟惨遭杀害，妻儿逃到邻村，而他本人则与年迈的父亲历尽艰辛，穿越伊朗和土耳其来到想象中的文明的欧洲寻求安全。 逃亡途中，沙比尔的父亲因为衰竭而死于土耳其雪山山顶。 几个月后，他成功地登上了蛇头停靠在土耳其爱琴海岸的破船，却遭遇了颠覆，周围是几十名溺亡的难民同道。 他在莱斯博斯沿岸被救上岸，送入了莫利亚（Moria）难民营。 在这里，他的新磨难开始了。 在2016/2017年的那个冬天目睹过莫利亚的西方人，都会认为这是人间地狱。 泥浆、垃圾和人的排泄物构成了苦难的岩浆，带刺铁丝网和官方的冷漠 — — 欧盟和希腊当局提供的少得可怜的资源就是明证 — — 构成了地狱界。 沙比尔这样的难民在遇到首个可能接受他们的避难申请的官员之前至少要熬过九个月。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With international politics becoming a game of competitive credibility, exchange programs that develop personal relations among students and young leaders are often far more effective generators of soft power. In the 1960s, the broadcaster Edward R. Murrow said the most important part of international communications is not the ten thousand miles of electronics, but the final three feet of personal contact. But what happens in today’s world of social media, where “friends” are a click away, fake friends are easy to fabricate, and fake news can be generated and promoted by paid trolls and mechanical bots? Russia has perfected these techniques. In addition to formal public diplomacy mouthpieces like Russia Today and Sputnik, Russia employs armies of paid trolls and botnets to generate false information that can later be circulated and legitimated as if it were true. Then, in 2016, Russian military intelligence went a step further, by hacking into the private network of the Democratic National Committee, stealing information, and releasing it online to damage Hillary Clinton’s presidential candidacy. Though information warfare is not new, cyber technology makes it cheaper, faster, and more far-reaching, as well as more difficult to detect and more easily deniable. But while Russian information warfare has been somewhat successful in terms of disruption, affecting the 2016 US election somewhat, it has failed in terms of generating soft power. The Portland Consultancy in London publishes a “Soft Power 30” index that ranks Russia 27th.", "zh": "随着国际政治逐渐演变为竞争信誉的游戏，在学生和年轻领导者之间建立个人关系的交流计划往往成为软实力最有效的创造活动。 二十世纪六十年代，广播评论员爱德华·穆罗曾说国际交流最重要的部分不是万里之外的电波，而是最后三英尺的个人接触。 在今天的社交媒体世界又将发生什么？ 只需轻点鼠标就能交“朋友 ” ， 可以轻松制造假友情，而假消息则可以通过付费喷子和和机器人制造和传播？ 俄国完善了这些技术。 除了像今日俄罗斯和史普尼克这样的正是公共外交喉舌，俄罗斯还雇用付费喷子和僵尸网络大军来制造假消息，以便日后可以像真相一样合法传播。 之后，在2016年，俄罗斯军事情报部门进一步黑进民主党全国委员会的专用网络盗取信息，并将所盗取的信息在线发布以破坏希拉里·克林顿竞选总统。 尽管信息战已经不是什么新鲜事，但网络技术使其更廉价、更迅速、更广泛，同时也更难察觉，更易否认。 但虽然俄国信息战在破坏方面的确取得了某种程度的成功并在某种程度上影响了2016年美国大选，但却未能创造出软实力。 伦敦波特兰咨询公司发布了一项“软实力30”指数，俄罗斯仅排名第27位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This hardly runs counter to China’s interests as it continues its own advance toward becoming the world’s largest economy. Indeed, if this process were to unfold, the US rationale for keeping its own military forces in South Korea would disappear. A phased reduction of the American presence would follow. If the US wished to maintain bases in Korea in the longer term, it would have to secure permission from a proud and newly united Korean nation – hardly a forgone conclusion. Moreover, a united Korea will have inherited the North’s nuclear weapons. This will pose challenges to US-Korea relations, which should work to China’s advantage. The US will remain committed to de-nuclearizing the peninsula, while the Korean government will be tempted to retain the North’s nuclear capabilities. This strain further reduces the risk of having US troops stationed on the Korean side of China’s border. China must also consider the implications of North Korea’s actions on its own fractious relations with Japan. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s top foreign-policy priority is to force the Japanese government to acknowledge, if not accept, China’s territorial claims in the two countries’ dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in the East China Sea. Chinese naval ships have already trained their weapons on a Japanese destroyer and a Japanese naval helicopter. In these incidents, the single most important reason for Japanese restraint has been its military’s own rules of engagement.", "zh": "这几乎不会伤及中国的利益，也无碍其走向世界第一经济大国的进程。 的确，如果这个进程被展开，美国就不再有理由继续在韩国驻军。 接下来就是分阶段的美军撤退。 如果美国想要在朝鲜半岛继续安插军事基地，就需要征得扬眉吐气且新近统一的朝鲜国许可 — — 但这几乎是不可能的。 此外，统一后的朝鲜国将会继承前朝鲜的核武器。 这将对美国与新政权之间的关系提出了挑战，却对中国有利。 美国将会继续致力于对朝鲜半岛进行去核武器化，而新政权则倾向于保留上述核能力。 这就进一步降低了美军驻扎在中朝边境朝鲜一侧的风险。 中国也必须考虑朝鲜的行为对中日紧张关系的影响。 中国国家主席习近平的外交政策最高方略是迫使日本政府承认 — — 如果不是接受的话 — — 中国对东海上有争议的钓鱼岛/尖阁列岛的领土要求。 为此中国军舰已经把炮口瞄准了一艘日本驱逐舰和一架日本海军直升机。 而在这些事件中，日本一直因其军事交战规则而保持克制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Family Planning Is a Smart Investment PRAGUE – Political crises, scandals, and dysfunction continue to dominate the global news agenda. Unsurprisingly, therefore, many people missed the United Kingdom’s announcement last month that it will spend £600 million ($779 million) to provide 20 million more women and girls in the developing world with access to family planning. But the UK government’s decision – based on research by the Copenhagen Consensus Center that shows family planning is one of the smartest possible development investments – is a vitally important one. Currently, hundreds of millions of women are unable to choose the number, timing, and spacing of their children – sometimes with fatal consequences, because unwanted pregnancies can claim the lives of young mothers and infants. Moreover, because universal access to contraception boosts growth, there are powerful economic arguments for making it a high priority. In developing countries, 214 million women of reproductive age who want to avoid pregnancy are not using a modern contraceptive method. Nearly one-quarter of women in Africa, and one in ten in Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, have an unmet need for family planning. Four years ago, world leaders pledged to achieve universal access to family-planning services by 2030. Yet, in 2017, the latest year for which data are available, global donor funding for such services was around $1.27 billion – well below the peak of $1.43 billion in 2014. Clearly, more governments need to follow the UK’s example. Some family-planning programs are chronically underfunded. US President Donald Trump’s administration, like its recent Republican predecessors, has abandoned many such initiatives because it does not want to use US taxpayers’ money to finance abortions. (Overall US development spending, however, has remained steady.) But the Trump administration’s policy may fail to achieve its intended goal: according to a Stanford University study, a similar US law under then-President George W. Bush resulted in more abortions because it cut funding to NGOs that provide contraceptives. The Copenhagen Consensus Center research used by the UK government shows why we should strive for universal access to modern contraception. In the study, Hans-Peter Kohler and Jere Behrman of the University of Pennsylvania estimate that it would cost about $3.6 billion per year to provide family-planning services to those 214 million women who lack access.", "zh": "为何计划生育是一项聪明的投资 布拉格—政治危机、丑闻和功能瘫痪仍主宰着全球新闻。 因此，毫不奇怪许多人没有注意到英国在上个月宣布将花6亿英镑为发展中国家的2000万妇女和女童提供计划生育服务。 但英国政府决定至关重要。 这项决定是根据歌本哈根共识中心（Copenhagen Consensus Center）的一项研究做出。 研究表明，计划生育是最明智的可行发展投资之一。 目前，数百万妇女无法选择生多少孩子、什么时候生孩子和隔多长时间生一个孩子 — — 有时候这会带来致命后果，因为意外妊娠可能导致年轻母亲和而婴儿死亡。 此外，全民普及避孕能刺激增长，将其作为重点工作具有重要的经济意义。 在发展中国家，有2.14亿生育年龄妇女希望避免怀孕但没有现代避孕手段。 近四分之一非洲妇女和十分之一亚洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区妇女的计划生育需要得不到满足。 四年前，世界领导人承诺要在2030年实现全民计划生育服务覆盖。 但在2017年（可获得数据的最近一年 ） ， 全球计划生育服务捐助资金为12.7亿美元左右 — — 远低于2014年的14.3亿美元。 显然，需要有更多的政府效仿英国的例子。 一些计划生育项目长期得不到足够的资金支持。 和他的共和党前任们一样，美国总统特朗普政府放弃了许多计划生育计划，理由是不想将美国纳税人的钱用于堕胎。 （但美国总发展支出保持稳定。 ）但特朗普政府的政策可能无法实现其想要的目标：据一项斯坦福大学的研究，小布什时期的一项类似的美国法律因为削减了提供避孕手段的非政府组织拨款，而导致了更多的堕胎。 英国政府所用的哥本哈根共识中心研究说明了为何我们应该致力于全民普及现代避孕手段。 在研究中，宾夕法尼亚大学的汉斯-彼得·科勒（Hans-Peter Kohler）和杰里·贝尔曼（Jere Behrman）估算，为得不到计划生育服务覆盖的2.14亿妇女提供计划生育服务，每年需要花费大约36亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Paradigm Shift on Palestine TEL AVIV – Nobody should be surprised that US President Donald Trump’s Middle East peace proposal is heavily tilted toward the Israelis. What is surprising is that, rather than rejecting Trump’s proposal, the world has left the Palestinians largely on their own. While dismissing the Palestinians’ national yearnings with the patronizing promise to “improve their lives,” the Trump peace plan embraces Israel’s national narrative that it alone has valid historical claims to Judea and Samaria, the Jews’ biblical homeland. So, while it would give the Palestinians their own state, it would be a fragmented territory covering Gaza and 70% of a West Bank dotted with Israeli settlements and surrounded on all sides by Israeli-annexed territory. Its capital would be located in a suburb of East Jerusalem, which would remain Israel’s undivided capital. The plan ignores Palestinian demands for the right of return to homes left when Israel was established in 1948 – a right that was recognized at the time by United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194. Moreover, in line with Israel’s far-right ethnocratic ambitions, the border would be drawn in a way that strips 300,000 Israeli Arabs of their citizenship, making them citizens of the Palestinian state. The Palestinian territories would be connected by a maze of tunnels and bridges, and much like the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa, they would be subject to overwhelming Israeli military control. Anyone entering the new Palestine – by air, sea, or land – would have to go through Israel. Meanwhile, Palestinians would be prohibited from creating their own armed forces or engaging in any activities “that adversely affect the State of Israel’s security” – as determined by Israel’s government. Likewise, the Palestinians would have to earn the right to this sham state by disarming Hamas and proving – not to any international body, but to Israel and the United States – that they have created a democratic system governed by the rule of law. In presenting such a deeply unfair plan, Trump has destroyed any credibility that the US may have still had as an honest mediator.", "zh": "巴勒斯坦问题的模式转换 特拉维夫—美国总统唐纳德·特朗普的中东和平提案严重偏袒以色列人其实并不令人感到意外。 令人感到意外的是，世界不但没有拒绝特朗普的提议，反而抛弃了巴勒斯坦人。 在拒绝巴勒斯坦人民族渴望，屈尊俯就地承诺要“改善其生活”的同时，特朗普的和平计划却全盘接受了以色列的民族说法，即承认只有以色列人才对犹太人的圣经故土朱迪亚和撒玛利亚拥有合法的历史主张权。 因此，尽管该计划允许巴勒斯坦人建立自己的国家，但包含加沙和70%西岸地区的领土却支离破碎，随处可见以色列定居点，并且四面都被以色列吞并领土所包围。 其首都将位于东耶路撒冷市郊，而耶路撒冷则将成为以色列不可分割的首都所在。 计划完全无视1948年以色列建立时，巴勒斯坦人对重返家园权利的要求 — — 这一权利当时得到了联大第194号决议的承认。 此外，由于以色列极右翼种族主义野心，边界的划分方式将导致30万以色列阿拉伯人成为巴勒斯坦国公民，从而剥夺他们的以色列公民权。 迷宫般的隧道和桥梁将连接巴勒斯坦领土，就像南非实行种族隔离政策的班图斯坦。 他们将被迫接受占压倒性优势的以色列军事控制。 任何人要想进入新巴勒斯坦境内 — — 无论通过领空、领海还是领土 — — 都必须穿过以色列。 与此同时，提案将禁止巴勒斯坦人从事“对以色列安全状况产生不利影响 ” （ 是否存在不利影响由以色列政府决定）的任何活动，并禁止他们成立自己的军队。 同样，巴勒斯坦人为了获取建立上述虚假国家的权利还必须解散哈马斯，并向以色列和美国 — — 而非任何国际机构 — — 证明他们已经建立了一套由法制管辖的民主制度。 通过提出这样一项极度不公平的计划，特朗普已经破坏了美国作为诚实的调解方可能能仍拥有的任何信誉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bankers without Borders FRANKFURT – At the height of the financial crisis in 2008-2009, it seemed as if Western banks would pull up their foreign stakes and go home, leaving financial markets much more fragmented along national lines. But, as a new report by Deutsche Bank Research shows, banks’ cross-border business – direct or via branches or subsidiaries – has now broadly stabilized. During the crisis, the level of banking activity fell particularly strongly in capital-intensive areas such as traditional lending to the private sector. The effect was especially pronounced in lending to non-financial companies, whereas lending to households – an area with traditionally lower internationalization – remained more robust. In part, the decline was due to increased holdings of foreign public debt relative to private debt. Prior to the crisis, banks had often been net sellers of foreign government bonds, but they significantly increased their purchases during 2008-2009. With the onset of the European sovereign-debt crisis in 2010, banks’ appetite for public debt fell again. In contrast to lending activities, banks’ commitment to foreign markets has remained virtually unaffected with respect to purely intermediary activities such as investment banking and asset management. Interbank relationships, as well as investment-banking operations, are already highly international. The deep cross-border links between financial institutions and the activity of globally active investment banks only took a brief hit from the crisis. By contrast, the importance of foreign markets for asset managers remains very limited and has not changed significantly since 2007. Despite the recent setback, banks’ presence in foreign markets today is much greater overall than it was a few years ago. One reason is that revenue growth usually goes hand-in-hand with macroeconomic growth, which increasingly is found in emerging-market countries, rather than in many banks’ mature Western home markets. Moreover, private and public-sector debt levels tend to be much lower in the emerging economies. At the same time, geographically diversified institutions outperformed even during the recent global crisis, because they were less vulnerable to downturns in individual regions. And, at least until a certain stage of growth, economies of scale and scope beckon, with expansion abroad often the only way to increase size, given already-saturated domestic markets.", "zh": "无国界银行家 法兰克福 — — 在2008—2009金融危机顶峰时期，人们都以为西方银行要卷起海外股份回国了，金融市场要陷入各回各家之局了。 但是，德意志银行研究所的一份最新报告显示，银行跨国业务（不管是直接业务还是通过分行和子公司进行的业务）大体上已经企稳了。 在危机中，传统私人部门贷款等资本密集型领域的银行活动积极度下降得最为厉害。 其中又以贷向非金融企业的贷款受创最重，而家庭贷款 — — 传统上这一领域国际化程度较低 — — 则依然活跃。 银行活动积极度的下降部分要归因于外国公债持有量相对私人债务的上升。 危机前，银行通常是外国国债的净卖方，但在2008—2009年却在大举买入。 2010年，随着欧洲主权债务危机开始发酵，银行对公债的兴趣再次减退。 与贷款活动形成对比的是，就纯中介业务（比如投资银行业务和资产管理业务）而言，各大银行的外国市场动作基本上没有受到任何影响。 与投资银行业务一样，银行业的同业关系早已进入了高度国际化。 金融机构之间的深度跨国联系以及活跃投行在全球范围内的积极活动在金融危机中并未受到多大影响。 相比之下，外国市场对资产管理者的重要性依然相当有限，自2007年以来并无显著变化。 尽管最近遭遇了些许挫折，但如今银行在外国市场上的形象要比几年前更加高大。 原因之一是宏观经济增长通常总会带来收入增长，而当前新兴市场国家经济涨势正盛，与许多银行的西方母国形成了鲜明对比。 此外，新兴市场的私人和公共部门债务也显著低于西方国家。 与此同时，即使是在全球危机期间，布局多样化的机构也取得了卓越的表现，这是因为它们受单一地区衰退的影响很小。 规模经济和范围经济至少在进入到某一增长阶段之前都会存在，而向外扩张通常是唯一的扩大规模之路 — — 因为国内市场早已饱和了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany Must Defend the Euro NEW YORK – Financial markets abhor uncertainty; that is why they are now in crisis mode. The governments of the eurozone have taken some significant steps in the right direction to resolve the euro crisis but, obviously, they did not go far enough to reassure the markets. At their meeting on July 21, the European authorities enacted a set of half-measures. They established the principle that their new fiscal agency, the European Financial Stability Fund (EFSF), should be responsible for solvency problems, but they failed to increase the EFSF’s size. This stopped short of establishing a credible fiscal authority for the eurozone. And the new mechanism will not be operative until September at the earliest. In the meantime, liquidity provision by the European Central Bank is the only way to prevent a collapse in the price of bonds issued by several European countries. Likewise, Eurozone leaders extended the EFSF’s competence to deal with banks’ solvency, but stopped short of transferring banking supervision from national agencies to a European body. And they offered an extended aid package to Greece without building a convincing case that the rescue can succeed: they arranged for the participation of bondholders in the Greek rescue package, but the arrangement benefited the banks more than Greece. Perhaps most worryingly, Europe finally recognized the principle – long followed by the IMF – that countries in bailout programs should not be penalized on interest rates, but the same principle was not extended to countries that are not yet in bailout programs.", "zh": "德国必须捍卫欧元 纽约—金融市场讨厌不确定性；这就是当前市场进入危机模式的原因。 欧元区各国政府已经朝着解决欧元危机的方向迈出了重大一步，但是，很显然，这还不足以让市场放心。 在7月21日的会议上，欧洲各国当局制定了一套权宜之计。 它们设置了一个原则：新的财政机构欧洲金融稳定基金（EFSF）应该担起避免国家破产的责任；但它们没能扩大EFSF的规模。 这意味着它们并没有建立起一个可靠的欧元区财政当局。 此外，新机制至少要到9月份才能生效。 在此期间，欧洲央行所提供的流动性是避免某些欧洲国家债券价格崩盘的唯一救命稻草。 类似地，欧元区领导人将EFSF的职责扩展到处理银行的破产问题，但却没有将银行监管权从国家机构转移到欧洲机构手里。 他们为希腊提供了扩展的救助计划，但并未使人们确信该计划定能成功：他们安排债权人参与到希腊救助计划中，但这一安排的最大受益人并不是希腊，而是银行。 也许最令人担心的是，欧洲最终意识到了（IMF早就意识到了）这一原则 — — 救助计划对象国不应该在利率上受到惩罚 — — 但并未将它推广到尚不在救助计划之列的国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From Farming to Female Empowerment KUALA LUMPUR – South Asia’s record on gender equality is weak, to say the least. The region has the world’s highest rate of child marriage, and domestic violence against women is pervasive. Women are over-represented in unpaid work, and under-represented in the labor force, even in countries like Sri Lanka, which has invested heavily in girls’ schooling. Yet there is one sector where women are taking over: agriculture. This is an opportunity for women’s economic empowerment that should not be missed. As South Asian economies develop, men are increasingly pursuing employment in manufacturing (or overseas), leaving women responsible for a growing share of agricultural labor. In Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Pakistan, the share of economically active women working in farming now ranges from 60-98%. In each of these countries’ agricultural sectors, women outnumber men. A comparable shift occurred in some high-income countries during World War II. As men left for the battlefield, women filled the vacant civilian jobs – including farming. In the United States, for example, the share of female agricultural workers jumped from 8% in 1940 to 22.4% in 1945. When the war ended, women were not simply going to return to the pre-war status quo. In some sectors – especially higher-skill positions – the WWII labor shock seems to have directly and permanently altered women’s paid employment.", "zh": "从农业到女性赋权 吉隆坡—至少可以说，南亚在性别平等方面的记录十分薄弱。 该地区童婚率世界居首，而且针对妇女的家庭暴力是无所不在的。 妇女在无偿劳动中所占比例过高，而在劳动力中所占比例却明显不足，即使是在大力投资于女童教育的斯里兰卡等国家。 但有一个行业正在被女性所接管：那就是农业。 这是女性经济赋权的难得机遇，绝对不应当错过。 随着南亚经济持续发展，男性越来越多地在制造业（或海外）寻找就业机会，导致女性在农业劳动力中所占的比例越来越大。 在孟加拉、不丹、印度、尼泊尔和巴基斯坦，从事农业经济活动的女性现在占比范围是60~98 % 。 在上述国家的农业部门中，女性从业人数都比男性要多。 二战期间某些高收入国家也发生了类似的变化。 随着男人奔赴战场，妇女填补了包括农业在内的空缺的平民工作。 例如，在美国，女性农业劳动力的占比从1940年的8%跃升到1945年的22.4%之多。 战争结束后，妇女并没有仅仅回到战前的原状。 在某些行业 — — 尤其是需要较高技术的岗位 — — 二战劳动力冲击似乎直接永久地改变了女性的有酬就业情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Wages of Defeat in Afghanistan LONDON – The recent terrorist bombing at Kabul airport that killed more than 100 Afghan civilians and 13 US troops has added more horror to an awful summer. It also shows that Voltaire was not always correct. An enthusiastic gardener, he occasionally gave the impression one could forget about the world’s troubles by weeding a herbaceous border or strolling through an orchard. No such luck these days, alas, even on holiday in August. When I am at my summer home in rural France, I look at the beautiful white-flowered rose – a Kiftsgate, native to western China – that envelops the entrance arch. I once saw an even more magnificent specimen. It covered the wall of the presidential palace in Kabul, which I visited in 2003 as a European Commissioner to help put in place the European Union’s development program in Afghanistan after the Western military intervention there to rout al-Qaeda. Today, practically all we hear about Afghanistan is the grim news of the chaotic retreat from the country by the West, and particularly the United States. It has come as a great surprise to many that US President Joe Biden carried out Donald Trump’s strategy of quitting Afghanistan after 20 years, although Biden postponed the withdrawal of American troops by about three months.", "zh": "阿富汗战败的代价 伦敦 — — 最近导致100多名阿富汗平民和13名美军丧生的喀布尔机场恐怖爆炸事件为这个本已可怕的夏天又增添了更多恐怖。 它还证明伏尔泰并不总是正确的。 伏尔泰是一名充满热忱的园丁，他偶尔会给人一种印象，那就是通过给花园篱笆除草或者在果园中漫步，人们可以忘记这个世上令人烦恼的事情。 唉，哪怕是在8月的假期中，如今也已不再有这样的幸运。 当我待在法国乡村的避暑别墅时，我凝望着美丽的白色玫瑰花 — — 这种凯菲斯盖特玫瑰原产于中国西部 — — 围绕着拱门入口开得密密麻麻。 我曾经看到过一种更为壮观的品种。 它盖满了喀布尔总统府的墙壁，我曾于2003年作为欧盟专员造访过那里，目的是在西方军事干预击溃基地组织后，协助在那里落实欧盟在阿富汗的发展计划。 今天，我们听到的阿富汗的几乎所有消息都是关于西方、尤其是美国，从阿富汗的混乱撤退的。 尽管拜登将美军撤离推迟了大约三个月，但美国总统乔·拜登在20年战争后终于执行了唐纳德·特朗普放弃阿富汗的战略却仍然令许多人感到极为惊讶。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We can already see the first white-capped waves. For some sovereigns, the main problem stems from internal debt dynamics. Ukraine’s situation is certainly precarious, though, given its unique drivers, it is probably best not to draw broader conclusions from its trajectory. Greece’s situation, by contrast, is all too familiar. The government continued to accumulate debt until the burden was no longer sustainable. When the evidence of these excesses became overwhelming, new credit stopped flowing, making it impossible to service existing debts. Last July, in highly charged negotiations with its official creditors – the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund – Greece defaulted on its obligations to the IMF. That makes Greece the first – and, so far, the only – advanced economy ever to do so. But, as is so often the case, what happened was not a complete default so much as a step toward a new deal. Greece’s European partners eventually agreed to provide additional financial support, in exchange for a pledge from Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras’s government to implement difficult structural reforms and deep budget cuts. Unfortunately, it seems that these measures did not so much resolve the Greek debt crisis as delay it. Another economy in serious danger is the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, which urgently needs a comprehensive restructuring of its $73 billion in sovereign debt. Recent agreements to restructure some debt are just the beginning; in fact, they are not even adequate to rule out an outright default. It should be noted, however, that while such a “credit event” would obviously be a big problem, creditors may be overstating its potential external impacts. They like to warn that although Puerto Rico is a commonwealth, not a state, its failure to service its debts would set a bad precedent for US states and municipalities. But that precedent was set a long time ago. In the 1840s, nine US states stopped servicing their debts. Some eventually settled at full value; others did so at a discount; and several more repudiated a portion of their debt altogether. In the 1870s, another round of defaults engulfed 11 states. West Virginia’s bout of default and restructuring lasted until 1919.", "zh": "我们已经可以看到第一波白浪了。 对一些主权实体来说，主要问题来自内债动态。 尽管如此，由于成因独特，乌克兰的情况显然不是常态，最好不要根据乌克兰的走势下更大的结论。 相反，希腊的情况人们再熟悉不过了。 希腊政府一直在积累债务，直到债务负担无法持续。 当充分的证据表明过度负债已经不堪重负，新的信用便不再涌入，希腊因此无法维持现有债务。 去年7月，在与官方债权人 — — 欧盟、欧洲央行和国际货币基金组织（IMF）的谈判中，希腊对IMF违约。 这使希腊成为第一个 — — 也是目前为止唯一一个 — — 对IMF违约的发达经济体。 但是，和往常一样，希腊违约并非从头再来式的完全违约。 希腊的欧洲伙伴国最终同意提供更多的金融支持，作为交换，希腊总理齐普拉斯政府承诺实施困难的结构改革和大幅削减预算。 不幸的是，这些措施似乎只是推迟了希腊危机，而没有解决它。 另一个陷入严重危机的经济体是波多黎各自由邦，它急需完全重组其730亿美元主权债务。 最近所达成的重组部分债务的协议只是开始；事实上，这些协议甚至不足以排除完全违约。 但是，应该指出，尽管如此“信用事件”显然是个大问题，但债权人也许夸张了它的潜在外部影响。 债权人喜欢警告说，尽管波多黎各是一个自由邦而不是一个国家，但其无法维持其债务将给美国各州和各市树立一个坏先例。 但这样的先例早就有了。 19世纪40年代，九个美国州停止为债务付息。 一些州最终足额偿还了债务；另一些折价偿还了债务；还有一些赖掉了部分债务。 19世纪70年代，另一波违约席卷11州。 西弗吉尼亚州的违约和重组一直持续到1919年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Multilateral Engagement for Energy Security Our global need for energy reliability binds us together as surely as the global network that delivers it; a failure in one part of our network will inevitably affect everyone. Local interests and persistent conflicts that sit astride our networks, including the as yet unresolved issue of Russian gas supply to Ukraine and Europe, have again raised the specter of energy being used as a weapon to gain political leverage. Energy security is at the top of the agenda of the G-8 meeting hosted by President Vladimir Putin in Saint Petersburg. The G-8 has correctly identified the key economic issue, energy interdependence, and now is the time for focused multilateral engagement on this issue. For some countries that are blessed with vast supplies of oil and gas, the use of energy exports to reward friends and punish foes seems a tempting option. Today, however, it is more likely to prove disruptive to friend and foe alike, as well as damaging to those countries that indulge this temptation. Energy embargoes have generally proven counterproductive. The price rises that followed OPEC’s oil embargoes of the 1970’s were unsustainable and led to conservation efforts and expansion of non-OPEC production. As a result, OPEC’s share of world oil exports dropped sharply in the twelve years following the embargo of 1973-1974. Experience has taught us that transparency and price stability is in everyone's interest.", "zh": "能源安全的多边保证 对可靠能源的全球性需求就像输送能源的全球性网络一样将我们紧密地联系在一起，如果某个环节出现了错误，将不可避免地影响到网络中的每一个人。 网络中无处不在的地方利益和无时不在的冲突矛盾，包括迄今为止还没有解决的俄国对乌克兰和欧洲的天然气供应，再一次引发了人们对以能源为武器来获取政治影响的莫名恐惧。 在由普京总统（Vladimir Putin）主办的圣彼得堡八国峰会上，能源安全问题被列入中心议题。 八国峰会明确了能源互赖这一关键经济问题的地位，现在已经到了达成多边协议的时候了。 对石油、天然气储量很大的国家来讲，利用能源出口来奖励朋友、惩戒敌人似乎很有诱惑力。 然而今天，这种做法无疑会给朋友和敌人同样地造成损害，甚至威胁到沉湎于这种诱惑者的自身利益。 从总体来看，能源禁运的效果有害无益。 欧佩克20世纪70年代实行石油禁运造成的价格飞涨无法长期持续下去，直接导致了石油消费的减少和非欧佩克石油产量的增加。 其结果导致欧佩克占世界石油出口的份额在1973－1974年禁运之后的12年内发生了大幅度下降。 过去的经验告诉我们：价格的透明和稳定符合相关各方的利益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Will Hong Kong Be Tiananmen 2.0? SEOUL – Hong Kong is on a knife’s edge. Once one of Asia’s freest and most open cities, it now faces the specter of a new China-imposed security law that would curtail its people’s liberties and create a climate of fear. The law is in flagrant breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, which is registered at the United Nations, and would open the way for widespread human-rights violations. The UN cannot let this stand. The United Kingdom returned Hong Kong to China 23 years ago on the promise that the territory would enjoy a “high degree of autonomy” under the “one country, two systems” principle for at least 50 years. For the first decade or so, China largely fulfilled that promise. But its commitment to doing so soon began to wane. By 2014, Hong Kong’s people were protesting the government’s failure to deliver on the guarantee, included in the Basic Law, that the city’s chief executive would be elected by “universal suffrage.” In the ensuing years, booksellers offering titles critical of China’s rulers were abducted to mainland China. Pro-democracy legislators and candidates were harassed and disqualified from elections. Foreign journalists and high-profile human-rights advocates were expelled from Hong Kong or denied entry. Simon Cheng, a Hong Kong citizen who worked for the UK government, was detained for 15 days after a trip to mainland China, where he was tortured until he “confessed” to soliciting prostitution.", "zh": "香港是否会变成天安门2.0？ 首尔 — — 香港正处于关键时刻。 它曾经是亚洲最自由、最开放的城市之一，现在却面临着中国大陆新颁布的港区国安法的威胁，这将限制民众的自由，并造成一种恐惧的氛围。 这项法律公然违反了中英联合声明(该声明已在联合国注册 ) ， 并将为更广泛地侵犯人权奠定基础。 联合国不能让这种情况继续下去。 23年前，英国将香港归还给中国，中国承诺香港将在“一国两制”的原则下享有至少50年的“高度自治 ” 。 在头十年左右的时间里，大陆基本上实现了这一承诺。 但这一承诺很快就开始减弱。 到2014年，香港人抗议政府未能履行《基本法》中有关香港特首将由“普选”产生的保证。 在接下来的几年里，一些贩卖批评中国统治者相关书籍的书商遭绑架到了中国大陆。 民主党议员和候选人受到骚扰，并被取消选举资格。 外国记者和高调的人权活动人士被驱逐出香港或被拒绝入境。 为英国政府工作的香港公民郑文杰(Simon Cheng)在前往中国内地后被拘留15天，在那里他受到酷刑，直到他承认拉客卖淫。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Makings of a 2020 Recession and Financial Crisis NEW YORK – As we mark the decennial of the collapse of Lehman Brothers, there are still ongoing debates about the causes and consequences of the financial crisis, and whether the lessons needed to prepare for the next one have been absorbed. But looking ahead, the more relevant question is what actually will trigger the next global recession and crisis, and when. The current global expansion will likely continue into next year, given that the US is running large fiscal deficits, China is pursuing loose fiscal and credit policies, and Europe remains on a recovery path. But by 2020, the conditions will be ripe for a financial crisis, followed by a global recession. There are 10 reasons for this. First, the fiscal-stimulus policies that are currently pushing the annual US growth rate above its 2% potential are unsustainable. By 2020, the stimulus will run out, and a modest fiscal drag will pull growth from 3% to slightly below 2%. Second, because the stimulus was poorly timed, the US economy is now overheating, and inflation is rising above target. The US Federal Reserve will thus continue to raise the federal funds rate from its current 2% to at least 3.5% by 2020, and that will likely push up short- and long-term interest rates as well as the US dollar. Meanwhile, inflation is also increasing in other key economies, and rising oil prices are contributing additional inflationary pressures. That means the other major central banks will follow the Fed toward monetary-policy normalization, which will reduce global liquidity and put upward pressure on interest rates. Third, the Trump administration’s trade disputes with China, Europe, Mexico, Canada, and others will almost certainly escalate, leading to slower growth and higher inflation. Fourth, other US policies will continue to add stagflationary pressure, prompting the Fed to raise interest rates higher still. The administration is restricting inward/outward investment and technology transfers, which will disrupt supply chains. It is restricting the immigrants who are needed to maintain growth as the US population ages. It is discouraging investments in the green economy. And it has no infrastructure policy to address supply-side bottlenecks. Fifth, growth in the rest of the world will likely slow down – more so as other countries will see fit to retaliate against US protectionism.", "zh": "2020年萧条和金融危机的成因 发自纽约 — — 眼下已是纪念雷曼兄弟破产十周年之时，但关于此次金融危机的前因后果，以及人们是否已经吸收了足够教训以避免下一次危机的争论却仍未平息。 但展望未来，更事关重大的问题在于，引发下一次全球经济衰退和危机的因素究竟是什么，又会在何时引发呢？ 鉴于美国财政赤字庞大，中国正在推行宽松财政和信贷政策，欧洲仍处于复苏之路，当前的全球扩张势头可能会持续到明年。 等到2020年金融危机的爆发条件就会成熟，随后就是一场全球性经济衰退。 引发这场新危机的原因有十个，请让我一一道来：首先，当前推动美国年增长率高于其2％增长潜力的财政刺激政策是不可持续的。 刺激措施将在2020年耗尽，随之而来的中度财政放缓会把经济增长率从3％拉至略低于2 ％ 。 其次，由于经济刺激计划的实施时机有问题，美国经济现在已经过热，通胀正在超出目标。 因此到2020年，美联储将继续将联邦基金利率从目前的2％提高到至少3.5 ％ ， 这可能推高短期/长期利率以及美元汇率。 与此同时，其他主要经济体的通货膨胀率也在上升，而油价上涨也在加剧通胀压力。 这意味着其他主要央行将追随美联储实施货币政策正常化，这将减少全球流动性并对利率施加上行压力。 第三，特朗普政府与中国、欧洲、墨西哥，加拿大和其他国家的贸易争端升级几乎是板上钉钉的事情，导致经济增长放缓和通胀上升。 第四，其他美国政策将继续增加滞涨压力，促使美联储进一步加息。 政府正在限制内部/外部投资和技术转让，而这将破坏供应链。 政府限制了保持增长所需的移民流入，使得美国人口进一步老龄化，此外还阻碍了对绿色经济的投资，也缺乏基础设施政策去解决供给侧的瓶颈问题。 第五，世界其他地区的增长可能会放缓 — — 而且越多国家对美国的保护主义政策发起报复，情况就越严峻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There was a tap on the dark window.\"It's Hedwig!\" said Harry, hurrying to let her in. \"She'll have Charlie's answer!\"The three of them put their heads together to read the note.Dear Ron,How are you? Thanks for the letter -- I'd be glad to take the Norwegian Ridgeback, but it won't be easy getting him here. I think the best thing will be to send him over with some friends of mine who are coming to visit me next week. Trouble is, they mustn't be seen carrying an illegal dragon.Could you get the Ridgeback up the tallest tower at midnight on Saturday? They can meet you there and take him away while it's still dark.Send me an answer as soon as possible please. Love, CharlieThey looked at one another.\"We've got the invisibility cloak,\" said Harry. \"It shouldn't be too difficult -- I think the cloaks big enough to cover two of us and Norbert.\"It was a mark of how bad the last week had been that the other two agreed with him. Anything to get rid of Norbert -- and Malfoy.", "zh": "这时，有人在敲着窗。\"是海维！\"哈利说，急忙让它进来。\"它有查理的回复了。\"他们三个人把头凑在一起，看着那张纸条：\"亲爱的罗恩。\"近来可好？谢谢你的来信。我很乐意照顾'挪威脊背'，但要把它弄到这儿不太容易。我想最好的办法是托我的朋友带来，他们下个星期将要来看我。但麻烦的是，携带龙是非法的，千万不能被人发现。你们能将那条龙于星期六午夜放在最高的塔顶吗？我的朋友们将与你们碰头，他们将会趁着天黑把那条龙带走。尽快给我答复。爱你的查理他们互相望了望。\"我有隐形披风，\"哈利说，\"应该不会很难——披风可以把我们和诺贝特遮住。\"罗恩和荷米恩同意哈利的意见，他们现在就要摆脱诺贝特和马尔夫了，上个星期的麻烦事也将到此结束。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“说的也是啊！不管怎么的这名字带了个豆字，就跟大豆似的种下去准没错！”三姑奶奶笑道：“还是芳洲聪明！” 众人说笑讨论着，一般这种场合阿简总是不声不响的坐在一旁，并无多话。连泽也多是一旁笑看不语。 说了一阵连芳洲便将麻袋仔细扎好口，拍拍手笑道：“好了，这看也看过了，都洗洗睡吧！这些种子明儿得放阁楼上去！三姑奶奶，明天一早我和阿简、阿泽要进城，这几天可能都会很忙，家里的事情就全靠你照应了！” 三姑奶奶笑着答应，众人便收拾着睡了。 第二天吃过早饭，连芳洲和连泽、阿简便出门往县城去了。 阿简便说道：“如果银钱不紧的话，买头驴子、一辆驴车吧，往后恐怕用的时候还多着呢，光靠走路，不但更累，也耽搁事！”", "en": "“That’s what I was thinking! No matter what, the name has a word for ‘bean’ so it should be ok to plant it like soybeans!” Third Aunt smiled, “Fang Zhou is still the smartest!” Everyone was talking and laughing. Generally, Ah Jian always sat quietly on the side during such occasions and didn’t say much. Lian Ze mostly laughed and couldn’t speak. After talking for a while, Lian Fang Zhou carefully tied the sack and clapped her hands, smiling: “Okay, I’ve seen it before so let’s wash and sleep! These seeds must be put in the attic tomorrow! Third Aunt, I will leaving early tomorrow morning. Since I am going to the city with Ah Jian and Ah Ze, I will likely be very busy these few days and you will be the only one to take care of things at home! Third Aunt agreed with a smile and everyone finished getting ready to sleep. After breakfast the next day, Lian Fang Zhou, Lian Ze, and Ah Jian went out to the county seat. Ah Jian said: “If money is not tight, let’s buy a donkey or a donkey cart. I’m afraid there will be more later and just walking will not only be more tiring but also delay things!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unsurprisingly, currency arbitrage has propelled Venezuela to the top ranks of global corruption indicators. All of this chaos is the consequence of a massive fiscal deficit that is being financed by out-of-control money creation, financial repression, and mounting defaults – despite a budget windfall from $100-a-barrel oil. Instead of fixing the problem, Maduro’s government has decided to complement ineffective exchange and price controls with measures like closing borders to stop smuggling and fingerprinting shoppers to prevent “hoarding.” This constitutes a default on Venezuelans’ most basic freedoms, which Bolivia, Ecuador, and Nicaragua – three ideologically kindred countries that have a single exchange rate and single-digit inflation – have managed to preserve. So, should Venezuela default on its foreign bonds? If the authorities adopted common-sense policies and sought support from the International Monetary Fund and other multilateral lenders, as most troubled countries tend to do, they would rightly be told to default on the country’s debts. That way, the burden of adjustment would be shared with other creditors, as has occurred in Greece, and the economy would gain time to recover, particularly as investments in the world’s largest oil reserves began to bear fruit. Bondholders would be wise to exchange their current bonds for longer-dated instruments that would benefit from the upturn. None of this will happen under Maduro’s government, which lacks the capacity, political capital, and will to move in this direction.", "zh": "毫不奇怪，货币套利和腐败指数一道让委内瑞拉“傲”视全球。 所有这些乱象都是拜用失控的货币创造、金融抑制和反复违约为巨量财政赤字融资所赐 — — 尽管上天赐予委内瑞拉100美元/桶的石油财富。 马杜罗政府没有试图纠正问题，而是决定以关闭边境以阻止走私和对购物者实行指纹识别以防止“囤积居奇”等手段补充收效甚微的汇率和价格管制。 这构成了对委内瑞拉人民最基本自由的违约，而意识形态相似的玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔和尼加拉瓜只有一个汇率和一位数的通胀，并且没有产生这些现象。 那么，委内瑞拉应该对其外国债券违约吗？ 如果当局采取常识政策，并像大部分受困国通常做的那样寻求国际货币基金组织（IMF）和其他多边贷款人的支持，就会得到正确的建议，对国家债务违约。 这样，调整负担就将由其他债权人共同承担（如同希腊那样 ） ， 经济将赢得复苏时间，特别是在对世界最大石油储备的投资即将产生结果的当口。 债券持有人的明智之选是用当前债券换取可以从形势好转中获益的长期金融工具。 在马杜罗政府治下，所有这些都不可能发生。 马杜罗政府缺少能力、政治资本和决心朝这一方向努力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Getting Past Slow Growth WASHINGTON, DC – Most economists nowadays are pessimistic about the world economy’s growth prospects. The World Bank has, yet again, downgraded its medium-term projections, and economists the world over are warning that we are facing a “new normal” of slower growth. Where there is less consensus – or so it seems – is in accounting for this weakness. Almost three years ago, former US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers revived Alvin Hansen’s “secular stagnation” hypothesis, emphasizing demand-side constraints. By contrast, in Robert Gordon’s engaging and erudite book The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the focus is on long-term supply-side factors – in particular, the nature of innovation. Thomas Piketty, in his best-selling tome Capital in the Twenty-First Century, describes the rise of inequality that is resulting from low GDP growth. Joseph E. Stiglitz’s book Re-Writing the Rules of the American Economy: An Agenda for Growth and Shared Prosperity blames political choices for both slowing growth and rising inequality. These accounts differ in emphasis, but they are not contradictory. On the contrary, while Summers, Gordon, Piketty, and Stiglitz each examines the issue from a different perspective, their ideas are complementary – and even mutually reinforcing. Summers’s Keynesian argument is that the problem is a chronic aggregate-demand shortfall: Desired investment lags behind desired savings, even at near-zero nominal interest rates, resulting in a chronic liquidity trap. Today’s near-zero – even slightly negative – short-term policy interest rates do not mean that longer-term rates, which are more relevant to investment financing, have also hit zero. But the yield curve in the major advanced economies is very flat, with both real and nominal longer-term rates at historic lows.", "zh": "渡过慢增长 华盛顿—如今，大部分经济学家都对世界经济的增长前景抱悲观态度。 世界银行再次下调了中期预测，全球经济学家都在警告我们面临增长放慢的“新常态 ” 。 比较不一致（或者似乎比较不一致）的是对经济弱势的描述。 近三年前，前美国财政部长拉里·萨默斯（Larry Summers）复活了埃尔文·汉森（Alvin Hansen）的“长期停滞”假说，强调需求侧约束。 相反，罗伯特·戈登（Robert Gordon）引人入胜的饱学之作《美国增长的兴衰 》 （ The Rise and Fall of American Growth）将焦点集中在长期供给侧因素上，特别是创新的性质。 托马斯·皮凯蒂（Thomas Piketty）在其畅销巨著《21世纪资本论 》 （ Capital in the Twenty-First Century）中描述了因GDP低增长而导致的不平等性的加剧。 约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨（Joseph E. Stiglitz）的书《重写美国经济规则：增长和共同繁荣日程 》 （ Re-Writing the Rules of the American Economy: An Agenda for Growth and Shared Prosperity）将增长放缓和不平等性加剧归咎于政治选择。 这些解释各有侧重，但并不矛盾。 相反，萨默斯、戈登、皮凯蒂和斯蒂格利茨从不同角度解释了这个问题，他们的观点是互补的 — — 甚至可以说是互相强化的。 萨默斯的凯恩斯主义观点是，问题出在长期总需求不足上：即使名义利率接近于零，期望的投资仍落后于期望的储蓄，导致长期流动性陷阱。 今天的近零 — — 甚至略负的 — — 短期政策率并不意味着与投资融资关系更大的长期利率也向零靠拢。 但主要发达经济体的收益率曲线相当平坦，真实和名义长期利率都位于历史低点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mobile money accounts can better handle high-volume, small-denomination transactions, which help users to access financial services and save in order to cope better with crises. Individual accounts also give women more privacy, security, and control over their money. The share of adults in developing economies who make or receive digital payments grew from 35% in 2014 to 57% in 2021. In Sub-Saharan Africa, 39% of mobile money account holders now use their accounts to save. And more than one-third of people in low- and middle-income countries who paid a utility bill from an account did so for the first time after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Importantly, the digital revolution also serves as a powerful anti-corruption tool, because it helps to increase transparency as money flows from a government’s budget to public agencies to citizens. Government social programs can now reduce delays and leakage by channeling transfers directly to their beneficiaries’ mobile phones. Millions of people in developing countries received payments in this way during the pandemic, helping to cushion the impact of COVID-19 on livelihoods. Building on these encouraging trends is crucial, especially given the current economic headwinds. Expanding people’s access to finance, reducing the cost of digital transactions, and channeling wage payments and social transfers through financial accounts will be vital to mitigating development setbacks resulting from the ongoing turbulence. Governments and the private sector can help further this transformation in several critical areas. First, they need to create a favorable operating and policy environment. For example, enabling the interoperability of systems allows for payments across different types of financial institutions and between mobile money service providers. Improving access to finance depends much more on the mobile-phone system than on the physical banking system. Cheap and functional mobile phones and affordable internet access are prerequisites for expanding digital finance. Consumer protections and stable regulations are also needed to foster safe and fair practices that bolster trust in the financial system. Establishing digital-identification systems also is essential, because lack of verifiable identity is one of the main reasons why some adults remain excluded from financial services. We know from the experiences of countries such as India and the Philippines that government identification programs and financial-inclusion programs can work in tandem to equip hard-to-reach populations with official identification documents and financial accounts. India, for example, has pioneered an accessible digital ID system that pays due attention to safety and privacy.", "zh": "移动货币账户可以更好地处理大量小额交易，帮助用户获得金融服务和储蓄，以更好地应对危机。 个人账户还为女性提供了更多的隐私、安全和对金钱的控制权。 发展中经济体进行或接受数字支付的成年人比例从 2014 年的 35% 增长到 2021 年的 57 % 。 在撒哈拉以南非洲，39% 的移动货币账户持有人现在用账户进行储蓄。 在 新冠 大流行开始后，中低收入国家超过三分之一的人首次从账户支付水电费。 重要的是，数字革命也是一种强大的反腐败工具，因为它有助于提高资金从政府预算流向公共机构再到公民的透明度。 政府社会计划现在可以通过将转移支付直接发送到受益人的手机来减少延迟和泄漏。 在大流行期间，发展中国家的数百万人以这种方式收到了付款，这有助于缓解新冠对生计的影响。 在这些令人鼓舞的趋势基础上更进一步至关重要，尤其是考虑到当前的经济逆风。 扩大人们获得金融的渠道，降低数字交易成本，通过金融账户引导工资支付和社会转移，对于缓解持续动荡造成的发展挫折至关重要。 政府和私营部门可以在几个关键领域帮助推动这一转变。 一是营造有利的经营和政策环境。 例如，实现系统的互操作性可以实现在不同类型的金融机构和移动货币服务提供商之间的支付。 改善融资获取更多地依赖于手机系统，而不是实体银行系统。 廉价而实用的手机和负担得起的互联网接入是扩大数字金融的先决条件。 还需要消费者保护和稳定的法规促进安全和公平的做法，增强对金融体系的信任。 建立数字身份识别系统也很重要，因为缺乏可验证的身份是一些成年人仍然被排除在金融服务之外的主要原因之一。 我们从印度和菲律宾等国家的经验中了解到，政府身份识别计划和金融包容计划可以同步推进，为难以触达人群提供官方身份证和金融账户。 例如，印度率先推出了一种成功的生物识别通用 ID 系统，对安全和隐私给予了应有的重视。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "先进环保产业，主要包括水污染防治装备、大气污染防治装备、土壤及场地等治理与修复装备、固体废物处理处置装备、减振降噪设备、环境监测仪器与应急处理设备、控制温室气体排放技术装备、海洋水质与生态环境监测仪器设备、其他环保产品、智能水务、大气环境污染防治服务、水环境污染防治服务、土壤环境污染防治服务、农业面源和重金属污染防治技术服务、其他环保服务等。控制温室气体排放技术装备，主要包括碳减排及碳转化利用技术装备、碳捕捉及碳封存技术及利用系统、非能源领域的温室气体排放控制技术装备。等。海洋水质与生态环境监测仪器设备，主要包括营养盐自动分析仪、各种有机物（多环芳烃等）测量仪、黄色有机物测量仪、重金属监测设备（汞、铅等）、藻类监测设备等。其他环保产品，主要包括环保材料、环保药剂等。智能水务，主要包括原水安全预警系统等。大气环境污染防治服务，主要包括支撑大气环境污染监测技术与装备的研发、集成与工程化等。", "en": "Advanced environmental protection industries mainly include water pollution prevention and control equipment, air pollution prevention and control equipment, soil and site remediation and restoration equipment, solid waste treatment and disposal equipment, vibration and noise reduction equipment, environmental monitoring instruments and emergency response equipment, greenhouse gas emission control technology equipment, marine water quality and ecological environment monitoring instruments and equipment, other environmental protection products, intelligent water services, atmospheric environmental pollution prevention and control services, water environment pollution prevention and control services, soil environment pollution prevention and control services, agricultural non-point source and heavy metal pollution prevention and control technology services, and other environmental protection services. Greenhouse gas emission control technology equipment mainly includes carbon reduction and carbon conversion utilization technology equipment, carbon capture and carbon storage technology and utilization systems, and greenhouse gas emission control technology equipment in non-energy fields. Marine water quality and ecological environment monitoring instruments and equipment mainly include automatic nutrient analyzer, various organic compound (polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon, etc.) measurement instruments, yellow organic matter measurement instruments, heavy metal monitoring equipment (mercury, lead, etc.), algae monitoring equipment, etc. Other environmental protection products mainly include environmental materials, environmental agents, etc. Intelligent water services mainly include raw water safety early warning systems. Atmospheric environmental pollution prevention and control services mainly include the research and development, integration, and engineering of supporting atmospheric environmental pollution monitoring technology and equipment."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The reality is that many governments could not justify accepting refugees without a thorough vetting process – and that demands data. Moreover, using biometric data like iris scans, rather than bankcards, offers some advantages for aid-delivery – namely, ensuring that assistance is delivered to its intended recipient. But there is a need to assess whether all of the kinds of data that are currently collected are really needed. Does collecting them genuinely advance the objectives of providing support to refugees? Are the benefits of using biometric data significant enough that refugees should have no alternative? (According to a 2013 report, many refugees are indeed concerned about providing biometric data.) For the data that are deemed useful and necessary, there is a need to review collection, storage, and sharing processes, in order to ensure that sensitive information is never compromised. Exchanges of personal data among companies, humanitarian groups, and government agencies should be allowed only when they are truly necessary, and should be conducted as securely as possible. Privacy is not a privilege – a comfort that desperate people should have to give up. It is a fundamental human right, enshrined in the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights. International law obliges data controllers and processors to protect data sets containing personal data, particularly in the context of large-scale monitoring of individuals. Though some IGOs are exempt from these requirements, such organizations must strive to implement best practices with regard to privacy, ethics, and data protection. After all, it makes little sense to collect data for the sake of protecting vulnerable populations, only to leave those data vulnerable to breaches by dangerous actors. The first step is to carry out a privacy impact assessment (PIA). A PIA is a tool used to identify, analyze, and mitigate privacy risks arising from technological systems or processes. While there is no single established approach to undertaking a PIA, experience has produced some best practices, comprising a set of privacy principles and criteria, according to which systems for collecting, storing, and share refugees’ data should be assessed. For a PIA to work, it must weigh privacy against other imperatives, such as efficient aid provision. Given the lack of experience with this type of assessment, the framework and those applying it should be flexible.", "zh": "现实情况是，许多政府不经过彻底的审查过程就找不到合理的接收难民的依据 — — 而它们需要数据才能完成审查程序。 此外，利用虹膜扫描等生物识别信息代替银行卡在援助提供过程中会带来某些优势 — — 具体而言就是确保将援助提供给预期的接受者。 但有必要评估目前搜集的各类信息是不是绝对必要的。 搜集这些信息是否真的有助于实现向难民提供援助的目标？ 采用生物识别数据是否绝对必要，以至于我们除了要求难民提供信息别无选择？ （2013年一份报告显示，很多难民其实对提供生物识别数据很有顾虑。 ） 对于那些评估认定为有用和必要的数据，为确保敏感信息永远不被泄露，有必要对收集、存储和共享的程序进行审核。 个人数据在企业、人道主义团体和政府机构之间的交换只有在真正必要时才能够被允许，并且在数据交换时要尽可能注意安全。 隐私绝不是某种身处绝境的民众应当彻底放弃的特权。 它是联合国世界人权宣言庄严规定的一项基本人权。 国际法要求数据控制和处理机构保护包含个人信息的集合数据，尤其是在实行大规模个人监管的环境中。 尽管某些政府间组织可以不受相关规定的限制，但上述机构必须全力确保隐私、道德和数据保护等最佳惯例的落实。 归根结底，如果搜集信息只会让相关数据容易受到危险主体的利用，那么为保护弱势群体起见而搜集信息就没有什么意义。 首要步骤是推进隐私影响评估（PIA）工作。 隐私影响评估程序是识别、分析和减轻技术系统或程序所产生隐私风险的工具包。 虽然进行隐私影响评估并没有一种唯一确定的方法，但人们从多年的经验的已经总结出某些最佳惯例，包括一整套隐私原则和标准，必须按照这套体系对难民数据的搜集、存储和共享进行评估。 隐私影响评估要想充分发挥作用，就必须在隐私和提供援助的效率等其他必要条件之间进行权衡。 鉴于我们缺乏此类评估的经验，应当对整体框架及其应用保持态度上的灵活。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The violence has spread to India as well, with bombings in Gujarat, Bangalore, and Delhi. So the problem is regional, and it concerns institutional support for extremism that incites terrorism. Unless we collectively address the roots of the problem by ending that support, as well as financial support for radicalism in all forms, we will not defeat terrorism. This has not been properly understood in the West, which has been fighting the symptoms of terrorism, but has failed to attack its underlying causes. Fortunately, today I see signs of recognition of this malaise. And democratic change in Pakistan is good news for Afghans, Pakistani people, and, by extension, many others around the world. Pakistan’s new president, Asif Ali Zardari, has suffered from terrorism as we have suffered. His wife, Benazir Bhutto, was killed by terrorists. I visited Pakistan for President Zardari’s inauguration, and for the first time I saw a dim ray of hope. If we can all work together – Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, the United States, and our allies – I see a possibility of moving beyond the days when a government thinks it needs extremism as an instrument of policy. When all governments in the region reject extremism, there will be no place for extremists, and terrorism will wither away. But this also requires helping those people who out of desperation have fallen prey to extremist forces. Last year, I pardoned a 14-year-old boy from the Pakistan tribal area in Waziristan who had come to Afghanistan to blow himself up as a suicide bomber. Only utter hopelessness can drive so young a man to such an act. We must rescue these people by giving them a better future, which only more education and new opportunities can bring. Desperation and poverty are the tools used by evil forces to raise their terrorist cadres. But that environment will not change if political will is lacking, and if there is no action by the US and the governments of the region to get our economies to create jobs that offer hope. Moreover, in order to deny terrorists institutional support, we must bring institutional strength to Afghanistan.", "zh": "暴力事件也已蔓延到印度，古吉拉特邦、班加罗尔和新德里都发生了爆炸事件。 所以，问题是整个区域性的，它涉及到有组织地支持和煽动恐怖主义的极端主义。 除非我们共同从根源上解决问题，即铲除他们的支持力量以及对一切形式的激进主义的财政支持，否则，我们是打败不了恐怖主义的。 这一点在西方没有被恰当地理解，西方一直在同恐怖主义的现象作斗争，但却没有打击到其根源。 幸运的是，如今有迹象显示，人们已经开始认识到这一弊端。 而且巴基斯坦的民主变革，无论对阿富汗人还是巴基斯坦人，或推而广之，对世界上其他许多人，都是个好消息。 巴基斯坦新总统，阿西夫·阿里·扎尔达里，和我们一样，曾遭受恐怖主义之害。 他的妻子，贝·布托被恐怖分子所杀害。 我参加了巴基斯坦总统扎尔达里的就职典礼，我第一次看到了一线希望。 如果我们能够齐心协力-阿富汗、巴基斯坦、印度、美国，还有我们的盟友们-我看到了希望，政府需要利用极端主义作为政策工具的日子可能会一去不复返了。 当该地区所有国家的政府抛弃极端主义的时候，就不再有极端分子的立足之地，而恐怖主义也将消亡。 但是，这还需要我们去帮助那些因绝望而沦为极端主义牺牲品的人们。 去年，我赦免了一名从巴基斯坦的部落地区瓦济里斯坦来的14岁的男孩。 他作为一名人体自杀炸弹来到阿富汗。 只有彻底的绝望才能使这样年轻的孩子去从事这种行为。 我们必须拯救这些人，给他们一个更美好的未来，而只有更多的教育和新的机会才可以带给他们这样的未来。 绝望和贫困，是邪恶势力招募他们的恐怖人员的时候被利用的工具。 但是，如果缺乏政治意愿，如果美国和该地区各国政府不采取行动让其经济体创造就业机会给人们提供希望，这样的环境是不会改变的。 此外，为了不让恐怖分子得到有组织的支持，我们必须把有组织的力量带到阿富汗来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Can America Change Pakistani Behavior? NEW DELHI – US President Donald Trump’s recent decision to freeze some $2 billion in security assistance to Pakistan as punishment for the country’s refusal to crack down on transnational terrorist groups is a step in the right direction. But more steps are needed. The United States has plenty of incentive to put pressure on Pakistan, a country that has long pretended to be an ally, even as it continues to aid the militant groups fighting and killing US soldiers in neighboring Afghanistan. In fact, it is partly because of that aid that Afghanistan is a failing state, leaving the US mired in the longest war in its history. More than 16 years after the US invaded Afghanistan, its capital Kabul has come under siege, exemplified by the recent terrorist attack on Kabul’s Intercontinental Hotel and the suicide bombing, using an explosives-laden ambulance, in the city center. In recent months, the US has launched a major air offensive to halt the rapid advance of the Afghan Taliban. The US has now carried out more airstrikes since last August than in 2015 and 2016 combined. Yet neither the air blitz nor the Trump administration’s deployment of 3,000 additional US troops can reverse the deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan. To achieve that, Pakistan would have to dismantle the cross-border sanctuaries used by the Taliban and its affiliate, the Haqqani network, as well as their command-and-control operations, which are sited on Pakistani territory.", "zh": "美国应当如何改变巴基斯坦的行为？ 新德里 — — 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普冻结约20亿美元对巴基斯坦的安全援助作为对该国拒绝镇压跨国恐怖集团的惩罚的最新决策是朝着正确的方向迈出的步骤。 但还需要采取更多的举措。 美国有充分的动机对巴基斯坦施压，这个国家长期以来一直假装是美国的朋友，即使其继续为在邻国阿富汗与美军作战并杀害美军士兵的军事集团提供援助。 事实上，恰恰因为美国对巴援助而部分导致阿富汗成为一个失败国家，导致美国陷入到其有史以来最漫长的战争当中。 在美国入侵阿富汗16年后，阿富汗首都喀布尔已经处在包围之中，最近在喀布尔洲际酒店发生的恐怖袭击和自杀性爆炸就是这方面的例证。 近几个月，美国发动了大规模空袭，目的是阻止阿富汗塔利班快速推进。 去年8月到现在美国实施的空袭行动已经超过了2015和2016年的总和。 但空袭行动和特朗普政府增加部署的3，000名美军士兵都无法逆转阿富汗日益恶化的安全局势。 要实现这一目标，巴基斯坦必须摧毁塔利班及其附属力量哈卡尼网络所使用的跨界避难所，此外，巴基斯坦还必须摧毁塔利班和哈卡尼网络在其境内开展的指挥和控制行动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s American Bailout? ZURICH – The twenty-first-century economy has thus far been shaped by capital flows from China to the United States – a pattern that has suppressed global interest rates, helped to reflate the developed world’s leverage bubble, and, through its impact on the currency market, fueled China’s meteoric rise. But these were no ordinary capital flows. Rather than being driven by direct or portfolio investment, they came primarily from the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), as it amassed $3.5 trillion in foreign reserves – largely US Treasury securities. The fact that a single institution wields so much influence over global macroeconomic trends has caused considerable anxiety, with doomsayers predicting that doubts about US debt sustainability will force China to sell off its holdings of US debt. This would drive up interest rates in the US and, ultimately, could trigger the dollar’s collapse. But selling off US Treasury securities, it was argued, was not in China’s interest, given that it would drive up the renminbi’s exchange rate against the dollar, diminishing the domestic value of China’s reserves and undermining the export sector’s competitiveness. Indeed, a US defense department report last year on the national-security implications of China’s holdings of US debt concluded that “attempting to use US Treasury securities as a coercive tool would have limited effect and likely would do more harm to China than to the [US].”", "zh": "中国的 美国援助？ 苏黎世—到目前为止，21世纪的经济由中国向美国的资本流决定着 — — 这一模式压低了全球利率，帮助发达世界杠杆泡沫再次膨胀，并通过在货币市场的影响助长了中国的迅速崛起。 但这不是普通的资本流。 它不是由直接投资或组合投资驱动的，而主要来自中国人民银行，后者囤积了3.5万亿美元外汇储备，其中大部分是美国国债。 一个机构对全球宏观经济趋势施加了如此之大的影响，这引起了大规模的不安，末日预言家纷纷表示对美国债务可持续性的怀疑将迫使美国甩卖其持有的美国债务。 这将推高美国利率，并最终触发美元的崩溃。 这一观点指出，甩卖美国国债并不符合中国的利益，因为这会推高人民币对美元汇率，降低中国储备的本币价值，破坏出口部门的竞争力。 事实上，去年美国国防部的一百分报告分析了中国所持美国债务对国家安全的影响，结论是“试图将美国国债作为强制工具使用效果有限，对中国的危害比对[美国]更大 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The central dilemma of nuclear power in an increasingly water-stressed world is that it is a water guzzler, yet vulnerable to water. And, decades after Lewis L. Strauss, the Chairman of the United States Atomic Energy Agency, claimed that nuclear power would become “too cheap to meter,” the nuclear industry everywhere still subsists on munificent government subsidies. While the appeal of nuclear power has declined considerably in the West, it has grown among the so-called “nuclear newcomers,” which brings with it new challenges, including concerns about proliferation of nuclear weapons. Moreover, with nearly two-fifths of the world’s population living within 100 kilometers of a coastline, finding suitable seaside sites for initiation or expansion of a nuclear-power program is no longer easy. Fukushima is likely to stunt the appeal of nuclear power in a way similar to the accident at the Three Mile Island plant in Pennsylvania in 1979, not to mention the far more severe meltdown of the Chernobyl reactor in 1986. If the fallout from those incidents is a reliable guide, however, nuclear power’s advocates will eventually be back.", "zh": "在这个水资源日渐匮乏的世界上，核能身上的核心困境莫过于它既是水资源的极大消耗者，都是水文灾难的脆弱受害者。 就在美国原子能机构委员会前主席刘易斯·L·斯特劳斯宣称核能将“便宜得不值一提”的数十年后，全球的核电工业依然要靠政府的大笔补贴才能生存。 而当西方对核能的认可度大幅减少之时，核能却在那些所谓“核能新玩家”中走红，并为其带来了新的挑战，包括对这些国家将核燃料浓缩制成核武器的担忧。 此外，全世界有2/5的人口都居住在离海岸线100公里以内的区域，因此寻找合适的海岸来建设或者扩大核项目都变得越来越难。 在降低人们对核电的认可度方面，福岛事件的作用类似于1979年美国三里岛核电站事故，更不用提1986年的切尔诺贝利核电站爆炸事故了。 但如果这些事故所造成的影响成为一个可靠指导的话，核能的鼓吹者最终还会卷土重来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is the Stock Market Loaded for Bear? NEW YORK – In recent days, the initial New Year optimism of many investors may have been jolted by fears of an economic slowdown resulting from interest-rate hikes. But no one should be surprised if the current sharp fall in equity prices is followed by a swift return to bullishness, at least in the short term. Despite the recent slide, the mood supporting stocks remains out of sync with the caution expressed by political leaders. Market participants could easily be forgiven for their early-year euphoria. After a solid 2017, key macroeconomic data – on unemployment, inflation, and consumer and business sentiment – as well as GDP forecasts all indicated that strong growth would continue in 2018. The result – in the United States and across most major economies – has been a rare moment of optimism in the context of the last decade. For starters, the macro data are positively synchronized and inflation remains tame. Moreover, the International Monetary Fund’s recent upward revision of global growth data came at precisely the point in the cycle when the economy should be showing signs of slowing. Moreover, stock markets’ record highs are no longer relying so much on loose monetary policy for support. Bullishness is underpinned by evidence of a notable uptick in capital investment. In the US, gross domestic private investment rose 5.1% year on year in the fourth quarter of 2017 and is nearly 90% higher than at the trough of the Great Recession, in the third quarter of 2009. This is emblematic of a deeper resurgence in corporate spending – as witnessed in durable goods orders. New orders for US manufactured durable goods beat expectations, climbing 2.9% month on month to December 2017 and 1.7% in November. Other data tell a similar story. In 2017, the US Federal Reserve’s Industrial Production and Capacity Utilization index recorded its largest calendar year gain since 2010, increasing 3.6%. In addition, US President Donald Trump’s reiteration of his pledge to seek $1.5 trillion in spending on infrastructure and public capital programs will further bolster market sentiment. All of this bullishness will continue to stand in stark contrast to warnings by many world leaders.", "zh": "股票熊市已加载？ 纽约—近几天来，许多投资者新年伊始的乐观被源自升息的经济减速担忧所打断。 但要是股市在最近的暴跌后又迅速恢复牛市（至少短期牛市 ） ， 也没有人会感到意外。 尽管最近出现了暴跌，但支撑股市的情绪仍然与政治领导人所表达的谨慎不太一致。 很难苛责市场参与者的年初热情。 在经历了稳固的2017年后，关键宏观经济数据 — — 失业、通胀、消费者和企业情绪等 — — 以及GDP预测都表明，2018年将继续出现强劲增长。 在美国和大部分主要经济体，着形成了过去十年中罕见的乐观时刻。 首先，积极的宏观数据互相印证，而通胀被抑制得很好。 此外，在经济周期到达应该表现出放缓信号的时候，国际货币金组织（IMF）却在近期向上修正了全球增长数据。 此外，股市新高也不再过度依赖宽松的货币政策的支持。 牛市的基础是显而易见的资本投资互暖迹象。 在美国，2017年四季度国内总私人投资同比增长5.1 % ， 比大衰退的低谷2009年三季度高出近90 % 。 这表明公司支出深度反弹 — — 从耐用品订单中也可见一斑。 美国制造的耐用品新订单超过预期，2017年12月环比增长2.9 % ， 11月环比增长1.7 % 。 其他数据也指向同一个方向。 2017年，美联储工业产量和产能利用指数录得自2010年以来最高自然年记录，上涨3.6 % 。 此外，美国总统特朗普重申将争取投入1.5万亿美元用于基础设施和公共资本项目，这将进一步刺激市场情绪。 所有这些牛市现象将继续与许多世界领导人所发出的警告构成鲜明对比。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Violence and Innovation ABU DHABI – In the 1949 British film The Third Man, the character Harry Lime observes that, during the Borgia family’s rule in Renaissance Italy, the country “had warfare, terror, murder, and bloodshed. But [it] produced Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci, and the Renaissance.” By contrast, he contends, Switzerland’s 500 years of democracy and peace produced little more than the cuckoo clock. While the implication that innovation and creativity are born only of conflict is extreme – in fact, Switzerland is a world leader in innovation – Lime makes a crucial point. Although peace, order, and political stability are widely perceived as essential prerequisites for invention, entrepreneurship, and economic development, there have been many exceptions to this rule – especially when it comes to creativity and innovation. The United States is consistently ranked among the world’s top ten countries for innovation, including by INSEAD’s Global Innovation Index. But, on the Global Peace Index, it is ranked 88th of 153 countries. Likewise, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands rank, respectively, fifth and sixth on the Innovation Index, but only 28th and 29th on the Peace Index. Conversely, Bhutan is among the top 20 most peaceful nations, but does not even make it onto innovation indices. Of course, crime, terrorism, conflict, and political instability severe enough to cause a total breakdown of law and order significantly impede creativity and innovation. But some countries show strong resilience in the face of pervasive violence and volatility. For example, despite widespread violent crime, Mexico and South Africa have high levels of innovation (measured by patent filing and trademark registration). When terrorism indicators are taken into account, Lebanon, Turkey, Jordan, and Israel emerge as resilient innovators. Just as peace and stability do not always lead to creativity and innovation, fighting and uncertainty do not necessarily deter it. Although peace, political stability, and civil order are important factors to consider when selecting a location for a large-scale foreign production or service operation, they are far less important when it comes to sourcing creativity and making the related investments.", "zh": "暴力与创新 阿布扎比—在1949年的英国电影《第三个人 》 （ The Third Man）中，哈里·莱姆（Harry Lime）观察到，文艺复兴时期博尔吉亚家族统治意大利时，意大利“有战争、恐怖、谋杀和流血。 但（它）产生了米开朗基罗、达芬奇和文艺复兴 。 ” 他还说，相反，享受了500年民主和和平的瑞士除了布谷鸟钟什么都没有。 由此暗示创新和创造力只能产生于冲突之中实属极端 — — 事实上，瑞士乃世界创新领袖之一 — — 但莱姆仍可以说一针见血。 尽管和平、秩序和政治稳定被广泛认为是发明、企业家精神和经济发展的重要先决条件，但这一规则有着大量例外 — — 特别是在创造力和创新方面。 美国一直身居欧洲工商管理学院（INSEAD）全球创新指数世界十强之列。 但是，在全球和平指数中，它只名列88（共有153个国家 ） 。 类似地，英国和荷兰在创新指数中分别位居第五和第六，但在和平指数中只排在第28和第29。 反之，不丹是最和平的20个国家之一，但在创新指数中根本进不了榜。 当然，犯罪、恐怖主义、冲突和严重到导致法律和秩序全面崩溃的政治动荡会极大地阻碍创造力和创新。 但一些国家表现出强大的抵御大规模暴力和动荡的能力。 比如，墨西哥和南非存在着普遍的暴力犯罪现象，但两国在创新榜上名列前茅（以专利申请和注册商标数量衡量 ） 。 若考虑恐怖主义指标，黎巴嫩、土耳其、约旦和以色列堪称最坚韧创新国。 正如和平与稳定并不总是带来创造力和创新，战争和不确定性也并不总是阻碍创造力和创新。 尽管和平、政治稳定和文明秩序是选择大规模外国生产和服务运营地的重要考虑因素，但在提供创造力和相关投资方面，这些因素的重要性要低得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Help Burma RANGOON – Across the Middle East, and now in Burma (Myanmar), one of the great questions of contemporary global politics has resurfaced: How can countries move from a failing authoritarianism to some form of self-sustaining pluralism? Foreign ministers everywhere, in turn, face crucial policy questions: When a country launches such a political transition, when should other countries help, and what is the best way to do so? Happy transitions, to paraphrase Tolstoy, are all alike; but every unhappy transition is unhappy in its own way. The happy transitions across much of Central Europe following the end of the Cold War were made easier by the fact that the old communist order more or less died on its feet and surrendered power peacefully. This, along with generous support from Western Europe, the United States, and others, helped to create a mood conducive to reconciliation, allowing each country to tackle in a measured, non-vengeful way the many difficult moral issues arising from the recent dark past. Above all, perhaps, these transitions took place amidst a wider network of legitimate institutions – the European Union, OSCE, NATO, and the Council of Europe – championing the rule of law. This supportive context provided a roadmap for national policymakers, helping them to build democratic institutions and marginalize extremists. Elsewhere in the world, things are not so easy. Discredited regimes may cling all the more ruthlessly and ruinously to power, as in Syria. Or they may create all sorts of new problems on their way out of power, as in Libya. Or they may be struggling to introduce democratic accountability while maintaining stability, as in Egypt. In Burma, we see another model – a bold attempt after decades of military rule to move in a controlled but purposeful way toward a new, inclusive form of government. Here there are striking similarities to what happened in Poland as communism ended. A military elite favors step-by-step reform, but wants to protect its position and is determined to avoid a descent into chaos. The opposition is led by a charismatic leader with huge popular support. And the ruling elite opens a number of parliamentary seats to a popular vote, only to be shocked by a landslide opposition win.", "zh": "如何帮助缅甸 仰光 - - 和中东地区一样，当今时代一个全球性的政治问题开始在缅甸浮出水面：应该如何从一个失败的独裁主义国家转向一个自立的多元主义国家？ 反过来，各个国家的外交部长都面临着重大的政策问题：当一个国家进行这样的政治转变之时，其他国家应该何时给予帮助？ 什么样的方法最合适？ 用托尔斯泰的话来说，愉快的转变都是大同小异的；但是每一个不愉快的转变都有它自己独特的方式。 冷战以来，旧的共产主义秩序或多或少地势力减弱，并且和平地让出了权力，这有利于中欧大部分地区的愉快转变。 再加上西欧国家，美国以及其他国家大量的帮助，创造了一个有利于和解的氛围，并且以慎重，非报复的方式解决了黑暗时代出现的一些难处理的道德问题。 最重要的是，或许这些转变是在一个更加广泛的合法网络体系之下完成的-欧盟，欧洲安全与合作组织，北约以及欧洲理事会-他们都支持法律规则。 这种支持性的背景为国家的决策者提供了路标，帮助他们建立民主的体系，排除极端主义。 在世界上的其他国家，事情就没这么简单了。 那些名誉扫地的政权借助权力，做出了残忍，毁灭性的举动，叙利亚就是个例子。 他们也可能通过权力制造一些新的问题，如利比亚。 或许他们一方面采用民主问责制，一方面却保持着稳定性，例如埃及。 在缅甸，我们看到了另外一种模式-几十年来，他们以一种既受控制同时又带有目的性的方式进行军事运动，现在是一种大胆的尝试，力图建立一个包容性的新政府。 这和波兰结束共产主义以来发生的一切有着极其的相似之处。 军事精英赞成循序渐进的改革，但是又想保持其原有的地位，决定避免陷入混乱之中。 但是深受大家喜欢的领导却对此表示反对。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Kansas or California? BERKELEY – US President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans have made large tax cuts for top earners a high priority, arguing that such cuts will stimulate economic growth, create jobs, and pay for themselves through increased revenues. But these claims are baseless. Countless international, national, and state comparisons have demonstrated overwhelmingly that trickle-down economics is a regressive fantasy. The latest evidence of this comes from Kansas, where tax cuts signed by Governor Sam Brownback in 2012 have utterly failed to deliver growth. Before making the same costly mistake, Trump should take a lesson from California – a progressive state that he loves to hate. California raised taxes for top earners in 2012 and has since enjoyed one of the strongest growth rates in the country. And now, California is significantly expanding its earned income tax credit, CalEITC, building on the proven record of the federal earned income tax credit (EITC). The federal EITC is a refundable tax credit available to low-income workers based on hours worked and how many children they have. The EITC was originally based on the negative income tax proposed by Nobel laureate economist Milton Friedman. The EITC has bipartisan support; it was enacted under President Gerald Ford, and has been expanded under Republican and Democratic presidents alike: Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. Helping low-income families is clearly not high on Trump’s agenda, given that around 60% of the budget cuts he has proposed hit programs that help low- and middle-income families. But he might support Speaker of the House Paul Ryan’s proposal to make the EITC more generous for childless workers, and to enlarge the child tax credit to help low-income families. In fact, expanding the EITC could be one area of bipartisan agreement in tax-reform negotiations. Whereas supply-side tax cuts have failed spectacularly, bipartisan support for the EITC reflects its proven record of success in achieving its goals: encouraging work, raising poor and near-poor families’ incomes, reducing poverty, stimulating growth, and improving maternal and infant health.", "zh": "要堪萨斯，还是要加利福尼亚? 发自伯克利 — — 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普和国会共和党人把对高收入者进行大幅减税列为高度优先事项，认为这种减税将刺激经济增长，创造就业机会，并借助因此增加的政府收入来维持运营。 但这些说法是毫无根据的。 无数国际，国家和州的比较数据都明确表明，这种寄望上层减税下层受益的滴流经济学是一种倒退的幻想。 而最新证据则来自于堪萨斯州，州长山姆·布朗贝克（Sam Brownback）在2012年签署的减税措施完全没有带来增长。 在犯下同样代价昂贵的错误之前，特朗普应该从加利福尼亚这个相当令他不爽的进步州中吸取教训。 加利福尼亚州在2012年开始向最高收入者增税，此后成为美国增长最强劲的州之一。 而如今加利福尼亚又以联邦所得税抵免政策（EITC）的成功记录为基础，大大扩大了本州（中下层收入者）的所得税抵免额。 联邦所得税抵免是根据工作时长和家庭儿童数量来向低收入劳动者提供的可退税税收优惠。 所得税抵免最初基于诺贝尔经济学奖获得者米尔顿·弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）所提出的负收入税。 所得税抵免也得到了两党支持；该政策最初由共和党总统杰拉尔德·福特（Gerald Ford）颁布实施，并在两党继任者手中延续下来，包括罗纳德·里根，比尔·克林顿，小布什和奥巴马。 在特朗普的议程上，扶助低收入家庭事务的排序显然不那么高，因为他提出的预算削减中约有60％都针对的是那些扶助中低收入家庭的项目。 但他可能会支持众议院议长保罗·瑞恩的建议，使所得税抵免政策对无子女劳动者更加慷慨，并扩大儿童税收抵免以帮助低收入家庭。 事实上，扩大所得税抵免可能是税收改革谈判中两党可以达成协议的一个领域。 虽然针对供给侧减税措施的谈判一败涂地，但两党对于所得税抵免的共同支持反映了该政策成功实现其目标的成功记录：鼓励工作，提高贫困和近贫困家庭的收入，减少贫困，促进增长，改善孕产妇和婴儿健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "而这团凶煞冰魄，体积却是大了千百倍，足够将他们全部吞噬下去。 看来，这一处古战场上一定有一名强者。在生命的最后时刻，留下一道无比狠戾的杀戮之意，机缘巧合之下，潜入地底的冰煞主脉，历经数千年的融合，才形成这一团无比庞大的超巨型凶煞冰魄。 妖族或许几十年前就发现了这一团凶煞冰魄，此刻条件成熟，想将它钻取出来，纳为己用。 却是被青铜战队半路截杀，无奈之下，只好将凶煞冰魄提前放出，同归于尽。 还活着的所有妖族，看到凶煞冰魄现身，全都兴奋地手舞足蹈，面孔扭曲，疯狂吼叫： “迎接我吧。万妖殿！” 凶煞冰魄就像是人鼓起腮帮子，先是骤然膨胀。随后用力一缩，从冰云中吹出一股肉眼可见的冰流，所到之处，所有妖族全都被凝固成了晶莹剔透的雕像，依旧维持着手舞足蹈的模样，有两名妖族因为动作太大。刚刚凝固的肢体瞬间断裂，断口处却是整整齐齐，光滑如镜，没有半滴鲜血流淌下来。", "en": "But this Devastating Icy Revenant was hundreds of times larger, which seemed to be capable of devouring all of them at the same time. It appeared that someone strong must've participated in the war on the ancient battleground and left an intense sense of slaughtering at the last moment of their life. By accident, his mental power infiltrated into the main conduit of the frigorific cyclones and, after thousands of years of melting, created such a gargantuan Devastating Icy Revenant. The demons might've discovered it dozens of years ago. Now that the conditions were just right, they were planning to dig it out and save it for their use. But Team Blue Bronze had appeared out of nowhere and disrupted their plan. Having no other choice, they were forced to release the Devastating Icy Revenant earlier, hoping to die together with their opponents. All the demons that were still alive were dancing in wild joy upon seeing the appearance of the Devastating Icy Revenant, while they shouted with twisted faces, \"Embrace me, Pantheon of Demons!\" Like puffing cheeks, the Devastating Icy Revenant expanded suddenly, before it suddenly shrank and blew out a stream of ice that was visible to everyone. The demons, standing in the middle of the stream of ice, were immediately solidified into transparent sculptures in their dancing postures. The limbs of two demons who were moving too quickly dropped down the moment of the solidification. But the fracture was neat and clean like mirror, without the slightest hint of blood."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "· Iran’s hegemonic ambitions have been unleashed, and the country has been helped to a strategic position that it could never have reached on its own. · The democratization of Iraq has empowered the Shi’a majority, which in turn greatly strengthened Iran’s influence. Indeed, the war in Iraq has transformed the centuries-old Shi’a-Sunni conflict by infusing it with modern geopolitical significance and extending it to the entire region. · The rise of Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia, because the country’s oil-rich northeast is populated by a Shi’a majority. A Shi’a government in Baghdad, dominated by Iran, would, in the medium term, threaten Saudi Arabia’s territorial integrity – a scenario that the Saudis cannot, and will not, accept. · Should Iran manage to become a nuclear power, the Saudis’ existential fears would dramatically escalate. More generally, the currency of conventional military power in the Middle East would largely lose its value, inevitably resulting in a regional nuclear arms race. Emanating from this new situation is the threat of disintegration of the whole Anglo-French system of states in the Middle East. The first candidate is, of course, Iraq. Whether Iraq can be held together despite the ethnic and religious confrontations that pit Kurds against Arabs and Sunnis against the Shi’a is one of the most pregnant questions for the new Middle East. For Iraq’s disintegration would be hard to contain; indeed, it could bring about a thorough balkanization of the region. Another important question is whether political Islam will move toward democracy and acceptance of modernity or remain trapped in radicalism and invocation of the past? The forefront of this battle is, at the moment, not in the Middle East, but in Turkey; nevertheless, the result is bound to have more general significance. The emergence of the new Middle East may present an opportunity to establish a regional order that reflects the legitimate interests of all the actors involved, provides secure borders, and replaces hegemonic aspirations with transparency and cooperation. If not, or if such an opportunity is not seized, the new Middle East will be much more dangerous than the old one.", "zh": "u 伊朗的霸权野心被释放，并乘势达到了一个仅靠自身无论如何也无法企及的战略地位。 u 伊拉克的民主化使占大多数的什叶派穆斯林掌权，而这又极大强化了伊朗的影响。 的确，伊拉克战争通过为其注入现代政治意义并将其延伸到整个地区，转变了数个世纪以来的什叶—逊尼派冲突。 u 伊朗的崛起对沙特阿拉伯是一种现实存在的威胁，因为该国石油资源丰富的东北地区的人口以什叶派为���。 由伊朗控制的巴格达什叶派政府在中期会对沙特的领土完整造成威胁—这种情况是沙特人不能也不会接受的。 u 一旦伊朗成功跻身核国家之列，沙特人业已存在的恐惧就会急剧升级。 更广泛而言，常规军力在中东就会大幅贬值，从而不可避免地引发地区性核军备竞赛。 这种新情况所放射出的威胁是整个英法国家体系在中东的解体。 当然，首当其冲的就是伊拉克。 尽管面临库尔德人和阿拉伯人之间以及逊尼派和什叶派之间的种族和宗教对峙，伊拉克是否还能保持统一将是新中东意义最重大的问题之一。 因为伊拉克的分裂将会难以控制；的确，它将造成该地区的全面巴尔干化。 另一个重要的问题是政治伊斯兰教是会朝着民主和接受现代性的方向发展还是继续沉陷在过去的激进主义和符咒之中？ 当下，这场战斗的最前沿不在中东而在土耳其；不论如何，其结果必定会具有更为广泛的意义。 新中东的出现可能会提供一次机遇以建立一种反映相关各方合法利益，提供安全的边界并用透明与合作取代霸权欲望的区域秩序。 如果上述机遇没有出现或没有被把握住，那么新中东将会比旧中东更危险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Killer Farms CAMBRIDGE – On April 3, the United Kingdom announced a ban on the sale of ivory that is “one of the toughest in the world.” By restricting the ivory trade, the UK joined other countries – including China and the United States – in using market deterrents to discourage poaching and shield an endangered species from extinction. As British Environment Secretary Michael Gove put it in the announcement, the goal is to “protect elephants for future generations.” These are, to be sure, laudable gestures in the service of a noble goal. But ending ivory sales alone will not reverse declines in elephant populations. In fact, the biggest threat facing these and many other species is a far more ordinary human pursuit: farming. Throughout the developing world, farmers are expanding areas of cultivation in an endless quest for fertile soil. In the process, critical wildlife habitats are being destroyed at an alarming rate. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), if current trends hold, by 2050 the world’s arable land will increase by some 70 million hectares, and much of the new farmland will be on areas that are currently forested. The risk is greatest in South America and Sub-Saharan Africa, where population growth and food demand will hit tropical woodlands particularly hard. Poverty is at the root of this ecological crisis, but poor farming practices perpetuate the cycle of hunger and habitat loss. In Africa, for example, persistently low crop yields – often just 20% of global averages – are tied to low seed quality, the unavailability of fertilizers, and a lack of irrigation. As soil health declines and output drops, many farmers see no option but to look for new land to cultivate. Fortunately, there is a way to end this vicious cycle. Research shows that better farming practices and technology can increase agricultural productivity while reducing habitat loss and protecting wildlife. This approach, known as “sustainable intensification,” aims to boost the output of existing farmland using techniques such as integrated crop management and advanced pest control. If applied widely, sustainable intensification could even reduce the total amount of land currently under cultivation. This is not an impossible goal. Over the last 25 years, farmers in more than 20 countries around the world improved food security while maintaining or increasing forest cover.", "zh": "杀手农场 剑桥—4月3日，英国宣布了“全世界最严格之一”的象牙销售禁令。 通过限制象牙贸易，英国加入了其他国家 — — 其中包括中国和美国 — — 的行列，用市场障碍来阻止盗猎、保护濒危物种免于灭绝。 因果环境大臣迈克尔·戈夫（Michael Gove）在宣布这项决定时说，其目标是“为子孙后代保护大象 ” 。 平心而论，这些都属于目标崇高的高姿态。 但光靠终结象牙销售无法扭转大象数量下降之势。 事实上，大象和其他物种所面临的最大威胁是更加普通的人类活动：务农。 放眼发展中世界，农民不懈地追寻肥沃的耕地，在此过程中，他们拓荒的面积越来越大。 重要野生动物栖息地以令人警惕的速度被毁坏。 据联合国粮农组织（FAO ） ， 如果当前趋势持续下去，到2050年全球适耕土地将增加7,000万公顷，很大一部分新开农地将来自目前的森林。 南美和撒哈拉以南非洲风险最大，人口增长和食物需求将对热带森林造成非常严重的冲击。 贫困是这场生态危机的根源，但拙劣的农业活动让人们迟迟无法摆脱饥饿和栖息地丧失的循环。 比如，在非洲，庄稼产量的一直低迷 — — 常常仅等于全球平均水平的20 % — —与种子品质低劣、无法获得肥料，以及缺乏灌溉有关。 随着土壤质量的下降和产出萎缩，许多农民别无选择，只能寻找新的土地耕种。 幸运的是，有办法结束这一恶性循环。 研究表明，更好的农业活动和技术能够增加农业生产率，同时减少栖息地损失和保护野生动物。 这一方法称为“可持续集约化 ” ， 其目的是用整合作物管理和先进虫害控制等技术，提高现有耕地的产出。 如果得到广泛应用，可持续集约化甚至能够减少当前耕种的土地总量。 这不是一个不可能的目标。 在过去25年中，全世界20多个国家的农民既改善了粮食安全，又保持或增加了森林覆盖面。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She loved him, scamp, blackguard, without scruple or honor — at least, honor as Ashley saw it. “Damn Ashley’s honor!” she thought. “Ashley’s honor has always let me down. Yes, from the very beginning when he kept on coming to see me, even though he knew his family expected him to marry Melanie. Rhett has never let me down, even that dreadful night of Melly’s reception when he ought to have wrung my neck. Even when he left me on the road the night Atlanta fell, he knew I’d be safe. He knew I’d get through somehow. Even when he acted like he was going to make me pay to get that money from him at the Yankee camp. He wouldn’t have taken me. He was just testing me. He’s loved me all along and I’ve been so mean to him. Time and again, I’ve hurt him and he was too proud to show it. And when Bonnie died — Oh, how could I?”", "zh": "她爱他，爱这个流氓，爱这个无赖，没有犹豫，也不顾名声——至少是艾希礼所讲的那种名声。“让艾希礼的名声见鬼去吧！”她心里想。“艾希礼的名声常常使我坍台。是的，从一开始，当他不断跑来看我的时候，尽管那时她已经知道他家里准备让她娶媚兰了。瑞德却从没坍过我的台，即使在媚兰举行招待会的那个可怕的晚上，那时他本该把我掐死的。即使在亚特兰大陷落那天晚上他中途丢下我的时候，那时因为他知道我已经安全了。他知道我总会闯出去的。即使在北方佬营地里当我向他借钱时，他好像要我用身子做担保似的。其实他并不想要我这个担保。他只是逗着我玩罢了。他一直在爱着我，可是我却一直待他那么坏。我屡次伤害的他的感情，而他却那样爱面子，从不表现出来，后来邦妮死了——唔，我怎么能那样呀？”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Likewise, even when unemployment far exceeded what economists presumed was the natural rate, between 2009 and 2014, inflation did not fall, nor did deflation set in. Although the past 30 years have not offered any analogues to the data points furnished by the 1950s-1980s era, there are many who still believe that monetary policymakers should remain focused on the risk of rapidly accelerating inflation, implying that inflation poses a greater threat than the possibility of recession. For example, three very sharp economists – Peter Hooper, Frederic S. Mishkin, and Amir Sufi – recently published a paper suggesting that the Phillips curve in America is “just hibernating,” and that estimates showing a near-flat curve over the past generation are unreliable, owing to the “endogeneity of monetary policy and the lack of variation of the unemployment gap.” I do not understand why they came to this conclusion. After all, the computer tells us that the 1988-2018 estimates are probably around three times more precise than the 1957-1987 estimates. And besides, the window captured in standard specifications of the Phillips curve is too short to allow for any substantial monetary-policy response. Yes, an outbreak of inflation could be a threat. But the single-minded focus on that risk is the product of a different era. It comes from a time when successive US administrations (those of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon) were desperate for a persistently high-pressure economy, and when the Fed chair (Arthur Burns) was eager to accommodate presidential demands. Back then, a cartel that controlled the global economy’s key input (oil) was capable of delivering massive negative supply shocks. If all of these conditions still held, we might be justified in worrying about the return of 1970s-level inflation. But they don’t. It is past time that we stopped denying what the data are telling us. Until the structure of the economy and the prevailing economic-policy mix changes, there is little risk that the US will face excessive inflation over the next five years. Monetary policymakers would do well to direct their attention to other problems in the meantime.", "zh": "同样，即使失业率在2009至2014年之间远超同样的自然增长率，通胀率也没有下降，通缩也没有出现。 尽管过去30年中未能呈现任何与1950年代至1980年代时代所提供的数据类似的数据，但仍有许多人坚信货币政策制定者应继续关注通胀迅速加剧的风险，认定通胀的威胁要比经济衰退的可能性更大。 例如，彼得·霍珀（Peter Hooper ） ， 弗雷德里克·S·米什金（Frederic S. Mishkin）和阿米尔·苏菲（Amir Sufi）这三位非常敏锐的经济学家最近发表了一篇论文，提出美国的菲利普斯曲线“正在冬眠 ” ， 并且由于“货币政策的内生性和体现失业差距的变量不足 ” ， 因此显示上一代人的曲线接近平坦的估算并不可靠。 我不太明白他们为什么会得出这个结论。 毕竟计算机告诉我们1988~2018年估算值的精确度可能会三倍于1957~1987年估算值。 此外，依据菲利普斯曲线的标准参数所捕获的时间窗口太短，根本无法进行任何实质性的货币政策反应。 当然通胀的爆发确实可能是一个威胁。 但一门心思关注这种风险已经是另一个时代的产物。 这源自于一个美国先后两届政府（林登·约翰逊和理查德·尼克松政府）竭力保持持续高压经济，而美联储主席（亚瑟·伯恩斯）渴望满足总统要求的时代。 在那时候，一个可以控制全球经济主要原料（石油）的卡特尔就能造成巨大的负面供应冲击。 如果上述所有这些条件仍然成立，我们或许有理由去忧虑1970年代水平的通胀率回升。 但是这些条件都已不复存在了。 我们早就该停止否认数据所告诉我们的事实。 在经济结构和现行的经济政策组合发生变化之前，美国在未来五年内发生过度通胀的风险很小。 而货币政策制定者最好将注意力转移到其他问题之上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thus, the coming technological transformation won’t entail occupational shifts on the scale of the Industrial Revolution, with its wholesale redistribution of labor between the agricultural and industrial sectors. After all, the vast majority of Americans already work in the service sector. But it will be more important than ever for people of all ages to update their skills and renew their training continuously, given how their occupations will continue to be reshaped by technology. In countries like Germany, workers in a variety of sectors receive training as apprentices and then over the course of their working lives. Companies invest and reinvest in their workers, because the latter can insist on it, possessing as they do a seat in the boardroom as a result of the 1951 Codetermination Law. Employers’ associations join with strong trade unions to organize and run training schemes at the sectoral level. The schemes are effective, in part, because the federal government sets standards for training programs and issues uniform curricula for trainees. In the US, board membership for workers’ representatives, strong unions, and government regulation of private-sector training are not part of the prevailing institutional formula. As a result firms treat their workers as disposable parts, rather than investing in them. And government does nothing about it. So here’s an idea. Instead of a “tax reform” that allows firms to expense their capital outlays immediately, why not give companies tax credits for the cost of providing lifelong learning to their employees?", "zh": "因此，即将到来的技术转型并不意味着会有一场工业革命式的大规模农业和工业部门之间劳动力整体再分配。 毕竟绝大多数美国人都已经在服务行业工作了。 比以往任何时候都更重要的一点在于，考虑到各年龄层人士的职业都会持续被技术所重塑，他们都得不断更新自身技能并反复接受培训。 在像德国这样的国家，各行各业的劳动者都接受学徒培训，然后在工作过程中完成整个课程。 企业会持续对自己的工人进行投资和再投资，因为1951年制定的《共同决定法 》 （ Codetermination Law）规定后者在董事会中占有一个席位，令工人可以坚持要求企业这样做。 雇主协会与强大的工会一道在部门一级组织和开办培训计划。 而这些计划之所以有效的，部分原因是由于德国联邦政府制定了培训计划的标准，并为受训人员制定了统一的课程。 在美国，工人代表的董事会成员资格，强大的工会和政府对私营部门培训的监管都不是现行体制模板的一部分。 因此企业把员工视为用后即弃的一次性部件，从不在他们身上投资，而政府对此也无动于衷。 因此我有一个想法。 与其实施允许企业立即列支其资本支出“税收改革 ” ， 为什么不对企业为属下员工提供终生学习所产生的费用进行税务抵免呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Big Banks Will Get Bigger FLORENCE – Severe banking crises bring painful and long-lasting disruptions. But they also lead to surprises. The lessons learned in the immediate aftermath bear little relationship to the eventual outcome. There are immediate and obvious answers to the question of who was to blame, but they rarely correspond with the new shape of the financial landscape that ultimately emerges. The crisis that began in 2007 originated in the sub-prime mortgage sector in the United States, and in US banks that were “too big to fail,” prompting many observers at the outset to predict the end of American financial capitalism. But the banks that were most affected were elsewhere, and the long-term winners will be a few American banks – including some of the most notoriously weak banks – which will get bigger as a result of the crisis. Fueled by the injection of taxpayers’ money, American capitalism is back in force. The explanation of why the obvious lessons of the crisis are being not drawn lies in the curious character of financial activity. Banking is inherently competitive; but at the same time, it is not an industry where competition ever worked very well. The core of financial activity depends on reputation, information networks, and the ability to make markets as well as trade on them. The result is that there are indisputable advantages to being big, as well as the disadvantages that have become obvious over the past two years. The market tends to be dominated by a relatively small number of firms. In the old days, when banking was stable and regulated securely in a national setting, three or four leading banks tended to form an oligopoly: Barclays, Lloyds, Midland, and National Westminster in the United Kingdom; Commerzbank, Deutsche, and Dresdner in Germany. There were always suspicions of formal or informal banking cartels, which would agree on conditions and interest rates. Regulators generally turned a blind eye to these suspicions.", "zh": "为什么大银行成了危机赢家 佛罗伦萨 — — 我们都认识历次银行大危机的一个产物：痛苦而长期的经济干扰；但它们的另一些产物却出人意料。 危机当头，人们都会总结出若干教训，但危机后的世界如何演变，跟这些教训往往没啥关系。 谁是危机的罪魁祸首，回答这个问题似乎再容易不过，但不论谁受到谴责，这种谴责都不会影响到最终出现的金融新格局。 肇始于 2007 年美国次贷危机的这一轮金融海啸，起源地是美国一些“大到倒不得”的银行。 危机伊始，不少观察家便由此断定，它标志着美国式金融资本主义的终结。 然而，如今看来，美国的银行反倒不是危机的最大受害者，其中颇有一些 — — 包括几家出了名的问题银行 — — 居然在危机中坐大，成了长时段上的赢家。 用大把纳税人的钱输了血以后，美式资本主义卷土重来。 为什么危机的教训明明摆在那里，人们偏偏不吸取？ 根源在于金融活动的一个奇怪特性。 银行业固然是个存在竞争的行业，但这个行业的竞争，从来都是不充分的。 金融活动的核心在于信誉、信息网、从事市场交易以及营造市场（做市）的能力。 因此，规模大的金融机构，虽然也具有过去两年所暴露出来的一些劣势，但它们所拥有的优势更是无可争议的。 金融市场天然倾向于寡头主导。 过去，金融业在国家层面上受到稳妥监管，整体比较稳定，往往是三四家大银行形成寡头垄断：英国有巴克莱（ Barclays ） 、 劳埃德（ Lloyds ） 、 米德兰（ Midland ）和国民威斯特敏斯特（ National Westminster ） ； 德国有商业银行（ Commerzbank ） 、 德意志（ Deutsche ）和德累斯顿（ Dresdner ） 。 一直有人怀疑，存在着正式或非正式的银行业卡特尔，操纵着市场上的放贷条件和利率水平。 对于此类怀疑，监管者的普遍态度是睁一只眼闭一只眼。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since he came to power in 2012, all sorts of people – from small-scale book publishers in Hong Kong (including some holders of non-Chinese citizenship) to Chinese business leaders – have been covertly kidnapped and returned to China. After a long period of silence and seclusion, they emerged to renounce their past work. That is what happened to Fan Bingbing, China’s biggest movie star, who disappeared last July, when her previously very active account on the Sina Weibo social media platform (China’s answer to Twitter) suddenly went silent. No one knew what happened, but it was assumed that the government had something to do with it, and businesses with which she had spokesperson deals cut ties with her. Finally, Fan resurfaced earlier this month, issuing a groveling apology for having evaded taxes, for which she will now face massive fines. Tellingly, her statement included plenty of praise for the Communist Party of China, which she credited for her success as an actress. It was all depressingly familiar, recalling as it did the pathetic confessions of Nikolai Bukharin, the editor of the Communist Party newspaper Pravda, and others during Stalin’s purges. Saudi Arabia has also executed a series of high-profile, politically motivated kidnappings. Last year, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ordered the detention of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, who was on an official visit to Riyadh. Hariri was isolated even from his bodyguards and forced to resign.", "zh": "自2012年上台以来，各种各样的人 — — 从香港小书商（包括一些非中国公民）到中国子夜领袖 — — 被秘密绑架并抓回中国。 在经过相当长一段时间的静默或隔离后，他们现身宣布放弃此前的事业。 中国最红电影明星范冰冰就是如此，她从去年7月开始消失，同时，她以往非常活跃的新浪微博账户突然不再更新。 没人知道发生了什么。 但人们都知道政府正在做些什么，与她签订代言协议的企业纷纷中止合作。 最后，范冰冰在本月早些时候重新现身，发表了一封卑微的道歉信，反省了自己的逃税行为，并将面临巨额罚款。 值得注意的是，她的声明充满了对中国共产党的赞美，说自己身为演员所取得的成功都要感谢党。 这再令人熟悉不过，让人们想起了斯大林大清洗时代的苏共党报《真理报》编辑布哈林（Nikolai Bukharin）以及其他人的可怜的自白书。 沙特阿拉伯也执行过一系列出于政治动机的高规格绑架。 去年，沙特阿拉伯王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼（Mohammed bin Salman）下令拘捕正在对利雅得进行正式访问的黎巴嫩总理哈里里。 哈里里被隔离，即使他的保镖也无法接近他，并被迫辞职。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The new state finally acquired a degree of strategic depth. Most Arab leaders came to shift their strategic goal from Israel’s disappearance to its return to the pre-1967 war borders. The Six-Day War did not, however, lead to peace, even a partial one. That would have to wait until the October 1973 war, which set the stage for what became the Camp David Accords and the Israel-Egypt peace treaty. The Arab side emerged from this subsequent conflict with its honor restored; Israelis for their part emerged chastened. There is a valuable lesson here: decisive military outcomes do not necessarily lead to decisive political results, much less peace. The 1967 war did, however, lead to diplomacy, in this case UN Security Council Resolution 242. Approved in November 1967, the resolution called for Israel to withdraw from territories occupied in the recent conflict – but also upheld Israel’s right to live within secure and recognized boundaries. The resolution was a classic case of creative ambiguity. Different people read it to mean different things. That can make a resolution easier to adopt, but more difficult to act on. It thus comes as little surprise that there is still no peace between Israelis and Palestinians, despite countless diplomatic undertakings by the United States, the European Union and its members, the UN, and the parties themselves. To be fair, Resolution 242 cannot be blamed for this state of affairs.", "zh": "新的以色列国终于赢得了一定的战略纵深。 大部分阿拉伯领导人开始将战略目标从让以色列消失转变为让以色列退回1967年战争之前的边界。 但六日战争没有带来和平，甚至连局部和平都没有。 和平直到1973年10月战争之后才到来，这场战争为日后的戴维营协议和以色列-埃及和平条约奠定了基础。 阿拉伯一方重获体面并摆脱了后续冲突；至于以色列，它摆出了低调的姿态。 这里有一个重要的教训：决定性的军事结果未必带来决定性的政治结果，更不用说和平了。 但1967年战争确实带来了外交，即联合国安理会242号决议。 该决议在1967年11月被批准，要求以色列从其在最新的冲突中所占领的领土中撤退 — — 但也承认了以色列在安全并获得承认的边境内生活的权利。 该决议是创造性模糊（creative ambiguity）的经典例子。 不同的人从中读出不同的含义。 这让决议跟容易被接受，但也更难据以行动。 因此，以色列和巴勒斯坦之间仍然没有达成和平，尽管美国、欧盟及其成员国、联合国和各方自身付出了无数外交努力，这一结果并不令人惊奇。 平心而论，不能将局面归咎于242号决议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today, Libya appears set to undergo similar struggles, owing mostly to the presence of powerful political actors outside the NTC. The 20,000-strong Tripoli Military Council, for example, which controls the capital, has been consistently independent of the NTC, and forced out its first foreign minister, Mahmoud Jibril. The rival Tripoli’s Revolutionists Council, meanwhile, has warned that it would unseat any incoming government should its demands for representation not be met. The NTC also faces pressure from Libya’s Berbers, who comprise 10% of the population and have already taken to the streets to denounce the new political arrangements and to reject any system that does not accommodate theirculture andlanguage. This dissension may well be compounded by two additional factors. The first is major cities’ competing sense of entitlement to the fruits of the revolution: Misurata, where Qaddafi’s body was displayed; Tripoli, which hosted the liberation ceremony; and Zintan, which is holding Qaddafi’s son, Saif al-Islam el-Qaddafi, prisoner. And all of them, like most Libyans, share the unrealistic expectation that their newfound freedom will somehow solve their socio-economic woes. The second complicating factor is that political power now lies in the hands of competing militias.", "zh": "如今，利比亚似乎也注定将出现类似的斗争，这主要是由于NTC之外的权势政治活动家掀起的。 比如，控制着首都、拥有20 000成员的的黎波里军事委员会（Tripoli Military Council）一直独立于NTC，还将NTC选出的首任外交部长吉布利勒（Mahmoud Jibril）赶下了台。 与此同时，与之对立的的黎波里革命者委员会（Tripoli’s Revolutionists Council）警告说，如果其代表要求得不到满足，它将把任何未来政府赶下台。 NTC还面临柏柏尔人（Berber）的压力。 柏柏尔人占利比亚总人口数的10 % ， 且已经组织起来走上街头谴责新签订的政治协定，拒绝接受任何与其文化和语言不相容的制度。 利比亚的纠纷倾轧还受到两大附加因素的强化。 首先，利比亚各大城市都在争夺革命首功：米苏拉塔是卡扎菲尸体的陈列地；的黎波里是革命成功庆典的举行地；津坦则是卡扎菲之子赛义夫·伊斯兰·卡扎菲的囚禁地。 这几个城市与大部分利比亚人一样，都抱有不切实际的预期，希望新获得的自由能够在一定程度上解决其社会经济乱象。 其次，政治权力目前还掌握在相互竞争的几个军事阵营中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The current round of talks has produced some progress on one of the issue’s two major sticking points: the heavy-water reactor at Arak. The other key issue, centrifuges, is more problematic. But alternative metrics – for example, focusing on overall production volume, instead of the number of centrifuges – together with robust monitoring guarantees, could facilitate an agreement. With the nuclear issue resolved, Western leaders could advance cooperation with Iran in other critical areas – beginning with security and stability in the Middle East. Of course, Iran’s involvement in this effort, while important, would not be sufficient to stop the current carnage. Given the sectarian nature of regional conflicts – for which the Iranian authorities bear a heavy responsibility – engagement with Iran must be conducted within a broader framework of regional cooperation, in particular with the Gulf states. Given that the US and Europe have neither the appetite nor the wherewithal to respond effectively to the cataclysmic developments in the Middle East, solutions will need to come, at least partly, from countries with strong influence on the ground. But, in pursuing collaboration with countries like Iran, Western leaders must remain vigilant, and avoid allowing a sense of urgency to overwhelm their regard for these regimes’ disruptive potential. Bearing in mind that caveat, the potential benefits of Western engagement with Iran cannot be overstated. Over the coming weeks, the US and the EU will have the opportunity to make important strides toward a more stable, secure Middle East – an outcome that would benefit the entire world.", "zh": "当前谈判轮已经在这一问题的两大焦灼点之一 — — 阿拉克（Arak）重水反应堆上取得了进展。 另一个关键问题 — — 离心机更加严重一些。 但替代方案（如专注于总量控制而非离心机数量）加上稳健的监督保证有助于协议的达成。 如能解决核问题，西方领导人可以在其他关键领域推进与伊朗的合作 — — 可以以中东安全与稳定为起点。 当然，伊朗参与其中尽管重要，也并不足以停止目前的大屠杀。 考虑到地区冲突的宗派性质 — — 而伊朗当局要在这一问题上承担相当大的责任 — — 与伊朗合作必须在更广泛的地区合作框架（特别是与海湾国家的合作框架）内进行。 由于美国和欧洲要么缺乏兴趣，要么缺乏资金，无法有效应对中东的剧变局势，因此解决方案至少部分需要来自拥有强大影响力的国家。 但是，在追求与伊朗这样的国家的合作方面，西方领导人必须保持警惕，并且不能因为问题太紧迫而忽略对这些政权的破坏潜力的关注。 若能将这一戒律铭记在心，西方与伊朗合作的潜在好处将是无穷的。 在未来几周，美国和欧盟将有机会在推动更稳定、更安全的中东方面迈出重要一步 — — 这一结果将有利于全世界。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, although the 2006 European heat wave was less intense, water and heat problems forced Germany, Spain, and France to take some nuclear power plants offline and reduce operations at others. Highlighting the vulnerability of nuclear power to environmental change or extreme-weather patterns, in 2006 plant operators in Western Europe also secured exemptions from regulations that would have prevented them from discharging overheated water into natural ecosystems, affecting fisheries. France likes to showcase its nuclear power industry, which supplies 78% of the country’s electricity. But such is the nuclear industry’s water intensity that EDF withdraws up to 19 billion cubic meters of water per year from rivers and lakes, or roughly half of France’s total freshwater consumption. Freshwater scarcity is a growing international challenge, and the vast majority of countries are in no position to approve of such highly water-intensive inland-based energy systems. Nuclear plants located by the sea do not face similar problems in hot conditions, because ocean waters do not heat up anywhere near as rapidly as rivers or lakes. And, because they rely on seawater, they cause no freshwater scarcity. But, as Japan’s reactors have shown, coastal nuclear-power plants confront more serious dangers. When the Indian Ocean tsunami struck, the Madras reactor’s core could be kept in safe shutdown condition because the electrical systems had been ingeniously installed on higher ground than the plant itself. And, unlike Fukushima, which bore a direct impact, Madras was far away from the epicenter of the earthquake that unleashed the tsunami.", "zh": "同样，虽然2006年的欧洲酷热状况有所减轻，水和气温问题依然迫使德国，西班牙和法国关停部分核电站并减少其他核电站的发电功率。 虽然核电站在环境变化以及极端天气情况下是如此脆弱，但2006年各大西欧核电企业依然成功逃脱了禁���其直接向自然界排放高温水（并以此影响鱼类生态）的监管措施。 法国人总喜欢炫耀其提供了全国78%能源需求的核电工业，但对此付出的代价是法国电力集团下属核电站每年从河流湖泊中抽取190亿立方水，几乎占到了法国全国淡水消耗量的一半。 淡水资源枯竭是一个日趋严峻的全球挑战，大多数国家都没理由去批准如此高耗水的内陆能源系统。 而由于海洋的升温要比河流和湖泊缓慢得多，沿海的核电站并不会遇到类似的酷热问题。 与此同时，由于他们使用的是海水，自然也不会造成淡水资源短缺。 但正如日本核反应堆所暴露的那样，这些沿海核电站其实面临着更严重的危险。 当年印度洋海啸来袭时，马德拉斯反应堆的核心之所以能够被安全关闭，就是因为相关电力控制系统被明智地安放在了比电站更高的地方。 同时福岛核电站遭受了地震的直接影响，而马德拉斯核电站的位置则远离引发海啸的地震中心。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Accountability for Climate Catastrophes SINGAPORE – Scientific evidence can now link specific weather disasters to human-induced climate change. This connection should finally dispel the misconception that nature’s wrath alone is to blame for these disasters, and make it possible to hold industries and governments that are hooked on fossil fuels accountable for their actions. Climate data clearly show that high-carbon energy is responsible for the atmospheric shifts that cause more extreme floods, droughts, and wildfires. But much of the global public has yet to connect these disasters to climate change – much less recognize the role of big polluters in causing them. Media reporting on disasters also does not highlight the strong connection between these events and global warming. For example, an analysis by the news-monitoring organization Media Matters revealed that cable news in the United States largely ignored the role of climate change when covering last year’s wildfires along the West Coast. Scientific research directly linking smoking to cancer played a major role in changing public opinion about tobacco use. Something similar must happen to encourage meaningful action to combat climate change. The growing body of evidence making the connection between global warming and natural disasters is becoming harder to ignore. According to the World Weather Attribution initiative, a global collaboration of climate scientists, climate change made this summer’s floods in Belgium and Germany significantly more likely to occur. The initiative also determined that the heatwaves in the Pacific Northwest and Siberia would have been “almost impossible” without human-caused climate change.", "zh": "气候灾害的责任追究 新加坡—如今，已有科学依据可以证明特定的天气灾害与人类行为引起的气候变化有关。 在这之前，有人认为这些灾害只能归咎于大自然，而新的依据可以消除这种误解，并可能让那些消耗大量化石燃料的行业和政府对其行为负责。 气候数据清楚表明，高碳能源是导致的洪水、干旱和野火等极端天气变化的主要原因。 但全球大部分人尚未意识到这些灾害与气候变化的联系—更不会意识到导致气候变化的根源是什么。 媒体对灾害的报道也没有强调灾害与全球变暖之间的紧密联系。 例如，美国媒体监督组织“媒体事务 ” （ Media Matters）的分析显示，美国的有线电视新闻对于去年西海岸野火事件的报道，基本上忽略了气候变化的影响。 科学研究发现，吸烟与癌症有直接联系，这极大地改变了公众对吸烟的看法。 同样，我们也应该将天气灾害与气候变化二者联系起来，鼓励公众采取有意义的行动来应对气候变化。 越来越多的证据表明，全球变暖和自然灾害之间的联系不可忽视。 世界气候归因组织是一个全球性的气候科学家合作机构，该组织指出，气候变化大大增加了今年夏天比利时和德国洪水发生的可能性。 该机构还明确提出，如果没有人类造成的气候变化，太平洋西北部和西伯利亚的高温天气“几乎不可能”发生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Learning from Rwanda GENEVA – How is it that Rwanda, among the world’s poorest countries – and still recovering from a brutal civil war – is able to protect its teenage girls against cancer more effectively than the G-8 countries? After just one year, Rwanda reported vaccinating more than 93% of its adolescent girls against the human papillomavirus (HPV) – by far the largest cause of cervical cancer. Vaccine coverage in the world’s richest countries varies, but in some places it is less than 30%. In fact, poor coverage in the world’s richest countries should come as no great surprise, especially when one considers the demographics of those missing out. Where available, evidence suggests that they are mainly girls at the lower end of the socioeconomic spectrum – often members of ethnic minorities with no health-care coverage. This implies that those who are at greatest risk are not being protected. It is a familiar story, one that is consistent with the global pattern of this terrible disease, which claims a life every two minutes: those most in need of protection have the least access to it. Of the 275,000 women and girls who die of cervical cancer every year, 88% live in developing countries, where mortality rates can be more than 20 times higher than in France, Italy, and the United States. That is not just because vaccines are not readily available; it is also because women in these countries have limited access to screening and treatment. Without prevention, they have no options if they get sick.", "zh": "卢旺达的启示 日内瓦 — — 刚刚从一场残酷内战中恢复、仍跻身世界最贫困国家之列的卢旺达究竟是怎样为十几岁的花季少女提供比G-8国家更有效的防癌保护？ 只用了短短一年时间，卢旺达就报告93%以上的少女接种了人乳头瘤病毒（HPV）疫苗 — — HPV病毒是宫颈癌最主要的致病元凶。 全球最富有国家的疫苗接种率虽然不尽相同，但某些地区还不到30 % 。 其实，世界上最富国家接种率不尽人意没有什么奇怪，尤其考虑到没有实现接种的人口分布。 现有证据表明这些女孩大都处在社会经济底层，往往来自没有医疗保障的少数民族。 这意味着风险最高的群体却没有得到保护。 这样的状况其实由来已久，而且也与这种每两分钟夺走一条生命的可怕疾病在全球的分布状况相符：那些最需要保护的人却最得不到保护。 在每年死于宫颈癌的275,000名少女和成年女性中，88%生活在发展中国家，这些国家的死亡率有时比法、意、美等国高出20倍以上。 这不仅因为没有现成的疫苗，也因为这些国家的女性鲜有机会接受筛查和治疗。 因为缺乏预防措施，一旦患病她们就别无选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Certainly, a few countries have struck a fair balance, addressing violence for a relatively small outlay; so there are ways to reduce unnecessary expenditure. Effective budgeting for potential or ongoing conflict is best achieved by emphasizing prevention. We know what underpins peaceful societies: an equitable distribution of income, respect for minority rights, high education standards, low levels of corruption, and an attractive business environment. Moreover, when governments overspend to contain violence, they waste money that could otherwise be invested in more productive areas, such as infrastructure, business development, or education. The higher productivity that would result, say, from building a school rather than a jail, would improve citizens’ wellbeing, thereby reducing the need to invest in violence prevention. I term this the “virtuous cycle of peace.” Compare, for example, the almost $10 trillion spent in 2012 worldwide on violence containment to the global costs of the recent global financial crisis. Mark Adelson, the former chief credit officer of Standard & Poor’s, estimates that total global losses from the crisis were as high as $15 trillion in 2007-2011, which is just half the cost of spending on violence during the same period. If policymakers dedicated the same amount of time and money to preventing and containing conflict, the payoff, in terms of less violence and faster economic growth, could be huge. Governments might begin by re-evaluating their aid spending. Globally, they already spend 75 times more on violence containment than their total combined overseas development aid.", "zh": "显然，一些国家达到了相当完美的平衡，以相对较低的支出解决了暴力问题；因此降低不必要的开支的办法是有的。 为潜在或现有冲突制定高效预算的最佳办法是强调预防。 我们知道什么能够巩固和平社会：收入分配公平、尊重少数派权利、高教育水平、低腐败水平以及有吸引力的商业环境。 此外，如果政府花太多的钱用于遏制暴力，就会浪费本可以花在更有利于生产的领域的钱，如基础设施、商业开发和教育。 （比如）建设学校而不是监狱所带来的生产率的增加能够改善公民福利，从而降低投资于预防暴力的需要。 我把这称为“和平的良性循环 ” 。 比如，比较一下2012年全球遏制暴力的成本（近10万亿美元）和最近的全球金融危机的成本。 前标准普尔首席信用官马克·阿德尔森（Mark Adelson）估计，2007—2011年的危机的全球总损失大约在15万亿美元，只有同期遏制暴成本的一半左右。 如果决策者将同样多的时间和资金用于预防和遏制暴力，其回报 — — 更少暴力、更快经济增长 — — 可能是巨大的。 政府可以从重新评估援助开支开始。 全球而言，各国花在遏制暴力上的钱是海外发展援助总额的75倍多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Cambodia’s capacity to alter its fate is limited. Like many other small countries in the region, it is being squeezed by the exorbitant interest rates, predatory loan practices, and opaque contracts that characterize China’s “new colonialism.” In fact, many of the developers pouring money into Cambodian real estate and casinos, which cater exclusively to Chinese guests, are tied to the Chinese mafia and triad gangs. And, like a loan-sharking victim, Cambodia’s debt is now so high that compliance with China’s political and diplomatic demands is the only alternative. But Cambodia’s government is far from being a blameless victim. According to the World Justice Project, Cambodia ranks 125th out of 126 countries for adherence to the rule of law, and it ranked 161st out of 180 countries and territories on Transparency International’s 2018 Corruption Perceptions Index. Moreover, the 2018 Anti-Money Laundering Index rated Cambodia the seventh-riskiest country out of 129, worse than Nicaragua, Pakistan, and Yemen. A high risk of money laundering, the report notes, is strongly correlated with weak public institutions, the absence of political rights and the rule of law, and restrictions on press freedom. In February, the Financial Action Task Force, the global money-laundering watchdog, echoed this assessment, returning Cambodia to its “grey” watch list just four years after its removal. The country, the FATF reports, has made minimal use of financial intelligence to investigate money laundering and terrorism financing; as a result, no money-laundering case has ever been prosecuted in the country.", "zh": "柬埔寨能力有限，无法扭转这一命运。 和其他许多地区内的小国一样，它饱受中国“新殖民主义”特色的利率畸高、掠夺性贷款和不透明合同的挤压。 事实上，许多开发者将钱投入柬埔寨不动产和赌场，而客户几乎全是中国人，他们与中国黑帮关系密切。 此外，如同高利贷受害者，柬埔寨债台高筑，服从中国的政治和外交要求成为唯一选择。 但柬埔寨政府绝非无辜的受害者。 据世界正义计划（World Justice Project ） ， 柬埔寨在依法治国指标上排名126个国家中的第125位，在透明国际（Transparency International）的2018腐败感知指数上排名180个国家的第161位。 此外，在2018年反洗钱指数中，柬埔寨风险在129个国家中名列第7，差于尼日利亚、巴基斯坦和也门。 报告指出，高洗钱风险与弱势公共机构、政治权利和法治缺位，以及打压新闻自由强相关。 2月份，全球洗钱监督机构金融行动任务组（Financial Action Task Force）也回应了反洗钱指数，柬埔寨在四年后再次进入了“灰色”观察名单。 金融行动任务组报告说，柬埔寨极少利用金融情报调查洗钱和恐怖主义融资，因此从未有洗钱案件在柬埔寨被起诉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Renewable energies like solar and wind are already competitive with fossil fuels in many parts of the world, and they can be scaled up rapidly. Moreover, most economic models do not account for the externalities related to coal and carbon pollution. For example, a recent report by Trucost estimates that coal-fired power generation worldwide may be responsible for around $1 trillion of damage due to climate change and air pollution. Many coal-fired power plants would be uncompetitive if they were required to internalize these costs. Of course, coal continues to offer millions of people a reliable source of electricity – and the transition to low-carbon technologies will not happen overnight. We need to expand access to these technologies rapidly, while helping people whose livelihoods depend on the coal industry. While we need to be passionate about climate change, we must also be pragmatic about how we address it. But so must the coal industry. Participants at the WCA meeting this week should commit to additional measures that will help ensure that emissions are kept within safe limits. A moratorium on conventional coal plants would be a smart place to start. That would help to show the world that the coal industry truly understands the scientific implications of current energy-use patterns, and that it is willing to assume more responsibility for combating climate change. We need people on both sides of the Vistula River to do their part to build a fair and ambitious universal climate agreement by 2015. Let’s roll up our sleeves together and plot a viable pathway to a safe and effective low-carbon economy.", "zh": "在很多地区，可再生能源（如太阳能和风能）已可与化石燃料一争高下，并且可以迅速扩大规模。 此外，大部分经济模型没有与计算煤炭和碳污染有关的外部性。 比如，据Trucost的一份最新报告测算，全球煤电在气候变化和空气污染等方面造成的伤害相当于1万亿美元左右。 如果要求将这些成本内部化，许多煤电厂将失去竞争力。 当然，煤炭为数百万人提供了可靠的电力 — — 向低碳技术的转型也不会一夜之间实现。 我们需要迅速扩大获得这些技术的途径，同时帮助依赖煤炭行业生活的人。 我们需要对气候变化保持热情，但也必须在解决气候变化问题时采取务实态度。 但煤炭业也必须这样。 本周的WCA会议与会者应该承诺采取更多措施帮助确保碳排放限制在安全限度以内。 停建传统煤电厂是一个明智的开始。 这将有助于向世界表明煤炭业真正了解了当前能源使用模式的科学影响，并愿意在气候变化斗争中承担更大的责任。 我们需要维斯瓦河两岸的与会者都做出努力来构建一个公平的、充满雄心的2015年全球气候协定。 让我们携手共进，创造一个安全、高效的低碳经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Money-Market Resistance CAMBRIDGE – The United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) recently rejected proposed rules aimed at making money-market funds safer in a financial crisis – a rejection that has caused consternation among observers and other regulators. Given the risks that money market funds can pose to the global financial system, as shown by their destabilizing role in the 2008 financial crisis, it is not hard to see why they are worried. Money-market funds take excess cash from investors and use it to purchase short-term IOUs from businesses, banks, and other financial institutions. They mimic bank accounts by allowing investors to write checks and promise that their investment’s value will not fall. In 2012, American “prime” money-market funds, which buy bank and corporate debt, were worth nearly $1.5 trillion. The money flowing through these funds went to many of the world’s largest banks, including not just the obvious US suspects (JP Morgan Chase, Bank of America, and Citi), but also major European and Japanese banks such as Barclays, Deutsche Bank, Bank of Tokyo, Sumitomo, Credit Suisse, and ING. These six international banks alone accounted for nearly 20% of the prime money-market funds’ value. Many readers know how money-market funds work: An investor buys a $1.00 share from the XYZ fund, which keeps each share’s value at a constant $1.00, allowing the investor to believe that the money – invested in a pool of safe, secure, but not always government-guaranteed assets – is on deposit.", "zh": "货币市场基金的抵抗 发自剑桥 — — 美国证券交易委员会最近否决了一系列旨在令货币市场基金在金融危机中更加安全的提案，令众多观察员和其他监管者大惊失色。 而考虑到货币市场基金可能为全球金融系统带来的风险 — — 正如其在2008年所扮演的不稳定角色—自然也不难明白人们为何如此忧虑。 货币市场基金从投资者处吸收多余的资金来从企业，银行和其他金融机构购买短期金融要求权（IOU ） 。 他们通过允许投资者写支票来模仿银行账户，并承诺后者的投资价值不会下跌。 在2012年，购买银行和企业债券的美国“主要”货币市场基金规模达1.5万亿美元。 通过这些基金的资金流通往全球许多大型银行，不仅包括常说的那几个美国巨头（摩根大通，美洲银行和花旗银行 ） ， 还有英格兰银行、德意志银行、东京银行，住友银行，瑞士瑞信银行和荷兰ING银行等欧日大型银行。 单单后面这六家国际银行就占了主要货币市场基金总市值的近20 % 。 许多读者知道货币市场基金如何运作：一个投资者从某基金买了价值1美元的份额，而基金则一直保持每个份额都值1美元，令投资者相信自己的钱 — — 投资在一揽子安全，可靠但不常有政府担保的资产上 — — 是存款。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China and India Exposed BERKELEY – Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s forthcoming trip to India, following hard on the heels of President Barack Obama’s recent visit, will provide another opportunity for the media to gush about the growing global economic clout of China and India. We can be sure that the soft underbellies of both economies will be kept hidden from view. After a couple of centuries of relative stagnation, these two countries, containing nearly two-fifths of the world’s population, have experienced remarkably rapid income growth in the last three decades. In manufacturing and services (particularly software, business processing, etc.), respectively, China and India have made huge strides internationally, and their acquisition of global companies has attracted considerable attention. But some dubious assertions have, through constant repetition in recent, often breathless, accounts about the two economies, become part of conventional wisdom. Much of what really goes on inside these two large countries is often left out. For example, in terms of value added (the value of output after deducting the cost of materials and components), China, contrary to popular impression, is not yet the manufacturing center of the world. The Chinese produce about 15% of value added in world manufacturing, while the United States contributes about 24% and the European Union about 20%. Similarly, while India’s information technology-enabled services have gained an international reputation, the total number of people employed in this sector is less than 0.5% of India’s workforce.", "zh": "中国与印度的痛处 发自伯克利 — — 美国总统奥巴马前脚刚走，中国总理温家宝随后展开印度之行，而此举也再度为媒体炒作中印两国在全球经济中日渐增长的影响力提供了良机。 而这两大经济体的缺陷也必将再次被掩盖在光环之下。 在经历了两个世纪的相对停滞后，这两个合共拥有全球2/5人口的国家在过去30年里经历了快速的收入增长。 中国的制造业和印度的服务业（特别是软件制造和业务流程外包等）给国际社会带来了巨大的冲击，而他们对全球企业的收购行为也引发了外界的广泛关注。 不过，近来关于这两大经济体铺天盖地的反复报道似乎已经令一些站不住脚的表象变成了人们的常识，结果两国内部的真实情况反倒被忽视了。 比如说，从产品附加值（即扣除了原料和组分成本之后的产品价值）的角度来看，与普遍印象相反，中国并不是全球制造业的中心。 中国对全球制造业产品附加值的贡献只有15 % ， 而美国却有24 % ， 欧盟也有20 % 。 与此类似，尽管印度的信息技术服务业闻名世界，但该行业的就业人数仅占印度总劳动力的0.5 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That body, which emerged from the old Financial Stability Forum in 2009 with few powers and no formal status, has only recently become a separate legal entity. Strengthening its powers – to include, for example, the establishment of principles for addressing cross-border legal inconsistencies – could go a long way toward addressing the problems raised by regulatory disparities. Finally, the FMLC calls for the establishment of a permanent G-20 secretariat to improve continuity and coordination across G-20 presidencies. As it stands, political priorities are constantly in flux, with individual dossiers losing their centrality, and even vanishing, from year to year. Regulatory uncertainty may not seem like the most exciting topic, which is probably why the FMLC report has attracted so little attention. But, as the 2008 global financial crisis starkly demonstrated, it can render markets dysfunctional, with ambiguity about different regulators’ responsibilities making it difficult, even impossible, to address the problems caused by failing firms. (Former US Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner’s crisis memoir makes that point painfully clear.) When I chaired the United Kingdom’s regulatory body, the Financial Services Authority, I believed in the idea that lawyers should be on tap, not on top. But they should always be heard. The FMLC’s influential lawyers have spoken. The world should listen.", "zh": "该机构2009年脱胎自昔日的金融稳定性论坛，基本上没有任何权力，也没有正式地位，直到最近才成为独立法律实体。 加强其权力 — — 比如，包括制定解决跨国法律不一致性问题的原则 — — 能大大有利于解决监管不一致所带来的问题。 最后，FMLC呼吁成立永久性的G-20秘书机构以改善G-20主席的延续性和协调性。 目前，政治重点一直飘忽不定，年复一年，个体正在失去乃至彻底丧失中心地位。 监管不确定性也许不是最令人激动的主题，这也许是FMLC报告无法引起多少关注的原因。 但是，2008年全球金融危机清楚地表明，它可以引起市场功能失调，不同监管者责任不清导致解决因企业倒闭带来的问题变得十分困难甚至不可能。 （前美国财政部长蒂姆·盖特纳（Tim Geithner）的危机回忆录十分清楚地指出了这一点。 ） 我在主持英国监管机构 — — 金融服务局（Financial Service Authority）时相信，律师只能做事而不能指挥做事。 但我们永远应该聆听他们的声音。 FMLC的著名律师们发声了。 世界应该好好听听。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Public expenditures must be focused on programs with strong employment content, such as in small- and medium-scale infrastructure projects and support to local governments. Credit lines should be kept open to smaller businesses, which employ the bulk of the world’s workers but have the least access to credit. The use of social dialogue for crisis management should be increased, because trust must be rebuilt. Donors must maintain the promised (and very modest) levels of development aid for the poorer countries, and the drive to achieve the Millennium Development Goals must be renewed. The availability and affordability of trade finance should be improved. The Bretton Woods institutions have a key role to play. The International Monetary Fund and central banks should increase liquidity in a coordinated fashion in the form of short-term credit to emerging-market economies suffering from cuts in capital inflows and export earnings. The World Bank should increase lending to help finance growth-supporting expenditures in developing countries. Tangible progress is needed in global trade negotiations in order to signal that the world economy will remain open. While these recovery measures are put in place, the world must also build the institutions for the twenty-first-century economy. The International Labor Organization’s Decent Work Agenda of employment and enterprise, social protection, sound labor relations, and fundamental rights at work creates a solid platform for fair globalization. Any crisis is also an opportunity. This crisis has demonstrated that the destinies of countries around the world are linked. Policy coordination and a global strategy that instills confidence and creates hope will bring a quicker and stronger recovery to us all.", "zh": "公共开支必须集中在强有力的就业项目上，例如中小规模的基础设施项目并且为地方政府提供支持。 小企业雇用了全世界大部分工人但是获得贷款最为困难，因此信贷应当向它们开放。 增加使用社会对话用于危机管理，因为信任必须重建。 捐助国家必须维持对贫困国家许诺的(很少的) 发展援助，而且必须恢复实现联合国千年发展目标。 贸易融资的供应和可支付性应当得以改进。 布雷顿森林体系机构应当发挥关键作用。 国际货币基金组织和各国中央银行应当相互协调，以短期信贷的形式向受到资本流入和出口收入减少影响的新兴市场国家提供流动资金。 世界银行应当增加借贷来帮助为发展中国家支持经济增长的开支提供资金。 在全球贸易谈判中需要做出切实进展来表明世界经济将会保持开放。 在落实这些复苏措施的时候，世界还必须为二十一世纪的经济建立各种机构。 国际劳工组织有关就业、企业、社会保险、良好的劳资关系以及工作基本权利的体面工作议程为公平全球化提供了坚实的基础。 危机带来机遇。 这一危机表明全球各国的命运是联系在一起的。 政策协调和建立信心和希望的全球战略将会给我们所有人带来更快和更强劲的复苏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Capitalism and the Queen LOS ANGELES – It might seem like an obscure footnote among the history-making events of 2022, but the year of Queen Elizabeth II’s death coincides with the 300th anniversary of Adam Smith’s birth. It also might seem like these two famous British figures have little to do with one another; Smith, after all, tends to be associated more with Margaret Thatcher, who was said to have kept a copy of The Wealth of Nations in her handbag. But Smith was more a humanist than a Thatcherite. Like the late queen, he was interested in creating a happy, peaceful, prosperous, benevolent society through the promotion of Stoic ideals. When Smith extolled the Stoic model of duty, he could have been describing Elizabeth II, who rarely if ever sounded like a free-market economist. Smith decried greed, mistrusted private companies, and believed that the values he cherished could best be embodied by an agrarian class of landowners whose main object was disinterested service to the state. As he saw it, this kind of arrangement was ideally suited to maintaining both political liberty and free markets. Whether one admires the late British queen or not, it is hard to deny that she both loved the rhythm of country life and the rigors of duty to the state. She saw her role as that of an adviser who could unify British society, thereby allowing markets to operate freely and smoothly.", "zh": "资本主义和女王 洛杉矶 — — 伊丽莎白二世女王逝世恰逢亚当·斯密诞辰三百周年，这在2022年发生的一系列改变历史的大事中，可能看似一个不起眼的注脚。 而且，看起来这两位英国著名人物似乎也没什么关系；毕竟，斯密更常与玛格丽特·撒切尔产生联系，后者据说曾将一本斯密的国富论放在自己的手袋里。 但斯密更像是一位人文主义者而非撒切尔主义者。 像已故的女王一样，他致力于通过宣传斯多葛派理想来创造一个幸福、和平、繁荣且仁慈的社会。 当斯密颂扬斯多葛式的责任时，他完全可以是在描述伊丽莎白二世，后者听起来似乎很少与自由市场经济学家有任何共同之处。 斯密谴责贪婪、不信任私人企业，并且相信他所珍视的价值观最能体现在以无私服务于国家为主要目标的土地所有者身上。 在他看来，这种安排非常适合维护政治自由和自由市场。 无论是否钦佩已故的女王，人们都很难否认，乡村生活的节奏和对国家的严苛义务都是她所热爱的。 她视自己的角色为可以团结英国社会的顾问，从而允许市场可以自由平稳地运作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In fact, Europe’s interest in mounting an effective response to the crisis extends beyond values. As rapid population aging generates significant fiscal pressures, EU members have a strong economic incentive to accept more immigrants. The short-term challenges that doing so would pose, however, seem to be obscuring this fact. But the refugee challenge is not a short-term issue. On the contrary, with countries throughout the Middle East and Africa facing continued violence, poverty, and governmental breakdown, the crisis will only deepen. In Libya alone, an estimated 500,000 to one million additional migrants are awaiting passage to Europe. It is time to place principle back at the forefront of policy. EU leaders must make a clear commitment to do what it takes to address the refugee crisis – even if that means pushing through measures, such as expanded options for legal migration, that are neither expedient nor popular. To facilitate implementation, the EU and its member states could initiate a campaign to educate the public about the benefits of a more supple and responsive immigration system. No response, it must be stressed, would be complete without a sustained commitment to addressing the drivers of mass immigration – and that means a complete overhaul of the EU’s Neighborhood Policy. The new policy should focus on contributing to the creation of economic opportunities in countries with large unemployed youth populations, so that young people no longer feel that risking their lives to reach Europe is their only chance at a future. All of this will require a sustained commitment, underpinned by a strong sense of common purpose.", "zh": "事实上，欧洲有效应对危机的利益超乎价值观之外。 由于人口快速老龄化带来显著的财政压力，欧盟成员国拥有接收更多移民的强烈的经济动机。 但是这样做所造成的短期挑战似乎掩盖了这一事实。 但难民挑战并非短期问题。 相反，因为中东及非洲国家面临持续暴力、贫困和政府崩溃，危机只会进一步加剧。 仅利比亚一地，估计就还有五十到一百万难民等待前往欧洲。 现在是时候把原则放在政策之前考虑。 欧盟领导人必须明确承诺不惜一切代价解决难民危机 — — 即使这意味着通过既不便利也不受欢迎的扩大合法移民方案的措施。 为便于实施，欧盟及其成员国可以发起民众教育运动，让民众了解更灵活敏感的移民体系有哪些优势。 必须强调缺少解决持续大规模移民动力持续承诺的任何应对之策都不完整 — — 而这意味着全面改革欧盟的睦邻政策。 新政策应着眼于扩大青年大规模失业国家的经济机会，这样年轻人就不会觉得冒着生命危险前往欧洲是他们未来的唯一机会。 所有这些都需要有强烈共同目标感支撑的某种长期承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Preventing Cold War II WASHINGTON, DC – When world leaders gather in New York later this month for the annual United Nations General Assembly meetings, they will have much to discuss besides climate change and sustainable development. In particular, the escalating superpower rivalry between the United States and China poses a growing risk to the world. The UN must therefore make helping to avoid another Cold War central to its mission today. Amid all the debate regarding the demise of multilateralism and the emergence of a G2 world dominated by America and China, it is easy to forget that a similar system – featuring the US and the Soviet Union – existed for decades after World War II. Only in the late 1970s and 1980s did it become evident that the Soviet system could not compete with market capitalism. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent Soviet collapse, that G2 world gave way to a G1+n order in which all other countries (n) were unable to rival America as the sole global superpower. The ensuing quarter-century was a period of liberal rules-based multilateralism. Democratic and market-based capitalism had seemingly triumphed in what Francis Fukuyama called “the end of history.” The US broadly championed this order – the 2003 Iraq War being a clear exception – and, like most countries, benefited enormously from globalization and the emergence of new complex value chains. But the spectacular rise of China during this period has now put an end to the G1+n order. Although America is still the world’s leading economic, technological, and military power, it increasingly must share that status with China. Some argue that we now live in a multipolar world, in which important midsize countries have enough power to influence global affairs. On this view, while the world is not flat, it has many hubs in domains such as financial flows, trade, Big Data management, and the Internet. This hub-and-spoke structure gives rise, in turn, to many different forms of possible cooperation and competition among governments.", "zh": "防止第二次冷战 发自华盛顿哥伦比亚特区 — — 当世界各国领导人本月晚些时候齐聚纽约出席联合国大会年度会议时，他们除了气候变化和可持续发展之外还会有很多可供讨论的议题。 特别是美中两国之间不断升级的超级大国竞争对全世界构成了越来越大的风险。 因此联合国必须将协助避免下一场冷战定义为自身当前的核心使命。 在关于多边主义消亡以及由美中两国主导的G2世界崛起的所有辩论中，人们很容易忘记在二战后其实也存在过一个类似的体系 — — 当时是美国和苏联 — — 而且存在了几十年。 人们只有在1970年代末到1980年代才明显认识到苏联体系不是市场资本主义竞的对手。 在1989年柏林墙倒塌以及随后苏联解体后，那个G2世界让位于G1+n，其他所有国家（也就是n）都无法作为单一全球超级大国去跟美国竞争。 随后的四分之一世纪是一个构建于自由主义之上的多边主义时期。 民主体制和以市场为基础的资本主义似乎取得了弗朗西斯·福山（Francis Fukuyama）所谓“历史的终结”式的胜利。 美国广泛捍卫这一秩序 — — 2003年的伊拉克战争是一个明显的例外 — — 并且像大多数国家一样，从全球化以及随之浮现的新复杂价值链中受益匪浅。 但中国在此期间的伟大崛起如今终结了这个G1+n秩序。 虽然美国仍然是世界领先的经济，技术和军事力量，但它却逐渐要与中国分享这一地位。 有些人认为我们现在生活在一个多极世界，在这个世界中一些重要的中等规模国家有足够的力量去影响全球事务。 根据这种观点，虽然世界算不上是平的，但它在金融流动，贸易，大数据管理和互联网等领域拥有多个中心节点。 这种中心辐射结构反过来又促成了政府之间许多形式的潜在合作和竞争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "No British prime minister could consent to a treaty change to create a fiscal union without having to call a referendum at home, the outcome of which would force the UK to withdraw from the EU. And no EU leader in his or her right mind could have any interest in that. The UK has every interest in ending the crisis and preserving a strong euro, just as Europeans on the continent need the British inside the EU. So it has been clear for months that a legally binding basis for moving toward a European fiscal union, while indispensible, could only take place outside the framework of the Lisbon Treaty, namely on an intergovernmental basis and as an EU-17 or EU-17+, as has just happened. Moreover, alarmist talk of a “split” overlooks the reality that the EU and the monetary union have long been moving at different speeds. The British veto, and the hullabaloo that it caused, is thus something that Europe could have done without, and Cameron will soon be sorry that he offered himself up as a hostage to his Euroskeptic backbenchers. Strengthening them will drastically weaken the UK’s influence in the EU. That is all the more true because the Brussels summit flung open the door to a fiscal union for the EU-17+. If a new treaty is negotiated by March 2012 and ratified in the following months, the EU will have taken a remarkable step forward – indeed, only one step away from a real political union, which will have to follow if Europe is to end the crisis for good. And yet confidence in the recent decisions taken in Brussels remains low, owing not only to dissipated trust and the fuss about the British veto, but also to the apparent absence of measures to intervene in the current crisis. But this, too, is a misconception. If one reads through the decisions taken in Brussels, one immediately notices that Germany and the EU’s other rich countries received all the stability mechanisms and guarantees that they had previously requested, leaving them no reason to continue to refuse crisis-intervention measures, including appropriate financial guarantees.", "zh": "没有一个英国首相能在不经过国内公投的情况下批准一项旨在建立财政联盟的条约修订 — — 因为这场公投的后果甚至可能导致英国退出欧盟，同时也没有一个头脑清醒的欧洲领导人会有兴趣去干这件事。 英国能从终结危机和维护欧元监听方面获取大量好处，反过来欧洲大陆也需要英国留在联盟内部。 但这几个月来所发生的事件也逐渐证明，虽然我们必须建立一个为最终实现欧洲财政联盟服务的具有法律效力的基础，但这一切必须以政府间联盟以及（刚刚出现的）欧盟-17国或者17+的名义在里斯本条约的框架之外进行。 此外，那些发出“分裂”警告的人都忽视了一个事实：欧盟以及货币联盟的构建一直以来都是以不同的速度在推进。 在这一情况下，欧盟完全可以不理会英国人投的否决票以及因此而引发的噪声，而卡梅伦很快也会后悔自己成为了所属党派中那些欧洲怀疑论者的人质，更可况这类势力的壮大将极大削弱英国对欧盟的影响力。 而这一切也逐渐成为现实，因为布鲁塞尔峰会已经为在欧盟17+基础上建立财政联盟的打开了缺口。 如果一个新协议能在2012年3月订下并在随后几个月得到各国政府批准，那么欧盟就将实现重大跃进 — — 事实上距离真正的政治联盟只有一步之遥，而如果欧盟想要一劳永逸地结束当前这场危机的话，就必定要走出后面那一步。 但最近在布鲁塞尔峰会上做出的决策依然信心不足，这不仅源自于缺乏信任或者在英国否决票上的小题大做，还包括对本次危机明显缺乏干涉手段的状况。 但这其实也是一个错误的理解。 如果浏览一下在布鲁塞尔峰会上所作出的决定，你会立刻发现德国以及其他欧盟富国都得到了他们原先要求的所有稳定机制和保证，也使它们没有理由再拒绝包括恰当的金融保证在内的危机干涉方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Harry waited until Lockhart was out of sight, then pulled Ron out of the bush and up to Hagrid's front door. They knocked urgently.Hagrid appeared at once, looking very grumpy, but his expression brightened when he saw who it was.\"Bin wondering when you'd come to see me - come in, come in - thought you mighta bin Professor Lockhart back again -\"Harry and Hermione supported Ron over the threshold into the one- roomed cabin, which had an enormous bed in one corner, a fire crackling merrily in the other. Hagrid didn't seem perturbed by Ron's slug problem, which Harry hastily explained as he lowered Ron into a chair.\"Better out than in,\" he said cheerfully, plunking a large copper basin in front of him. \"Get them all up, Ron.\"\"I don't think there's anything to do except wait for it to stop,\" said Hermione anxiously, watching Ron bend over the basin. \"That's a difficult curse to work at the best of times, but with a broken wand -\"", "zh": "哈利一直等到洛哈特走得看不见了，才把罗恩从灌木丛后面拉出来，走到海格的门前，急迫地敲门。海格马上出来了，一脸怒气，可是一看清门外是他们，立刻眉开眼笑了。“一直在念叨你们什么时候会来看我—— 进来，进来—— 我刚才还以为是洛哈特教授又回来了呢。”哈利和赫敏搀着罗恩跨过门槛，走进小屋，一面墙角摆着一张特大的床，另一面，炉火在欢快地噼啪作响。哈利扶罗恩坐到椅子上，急切地对海格讲了罗恩吐鼻涕虫的情况，海格似乎并不怎么担心。“吐出来比咽下去好，”他愉快地说，找了只大铜盆搁在罗恩面前，“全吐来，罗恩。”“我想除了等它自己停止之外没有别的办法，”看着罗恩俯在铜盆上面，赫敏忧虑地说，“即使在最好的条件下，那也是一个很难旌的魔咒，你用一根破魔杖..”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "World trade is already down sharply as a result of the economic crisis; introducing new tariffs would inevitably reduce trade further, causing the loss of additional jobs and leading to new frictions. Over time, a failure to reduce greenhouse gas emissions would lead to additional climate change, which in turn would increase the severity of poverty, the scale of internal displacement and migration, the scarcity of water, the prevalence of disease, and the number and intensity of storms. The result could be more failed states and more conflict between states. Climate change is as much a matter of security as it is an economic and human concern. So what should be done? The most important step for those preparing for Copenhagen is to embrace national policies that increase energy efficiency and reduce greenhouse-gas emissions. The US has at long last done some of this in adopting new and much higher standards for automobile fuel efficiency. Regulatory policy can increase the efficiency of appliances, housing, and machinery. Such reforms should appeal to rich and poor countries alike, as they would reduce spending on energy and dependence on oil imports. Coordinated national actions are not the same as unilateralism. There is no unilateral answer to what is a global challenge. But to describe a challenge as global is not to argue that the remedy is to be found only in an ambitious, formal, and universal treaty.", "zh": "而全球贸易额已经在经济危机中锐减的情况下，实施这类新关税无疑将进一步减少贸易，从而引起更多工作岗位流失并引发新的贸易摩擦。 随着时间一分一秒过去，人类无法降低温室气体排放的现实将导致一些额外的气候变化，这些变化又会反过来加剧贫困，导致更大规模的国内迁移和国际难民现象，加重水资源匮乏程度和疾病的传播，以及灾害性飓风的数量与强度。 更多的国家将因此面临政府破产，而国与国之间的冲突也将不断增多。 至此气候变化已经不仅仅是经济学和人道主义层面的担忧，而更是一个事关全人类安全的问题。 如此，我们到底应该做些什么？ 对于那些准备奔赴哥本哈根的人来说，最重要的一步就是要制定一系列提高能源利用率和减少温室气体排放的国内政策。 比如美国就最终制定了有关汽车燃油利用率的更高标准。 这些规范政策可以提高家用电器，住宅和机械的能源效率。 而这类改良对发达和发展中国家也同样适用，因为两者都可以降低能源花费并以此减少对进口石油的依赖。 而各国同时约定推行这类国内政策的举措并不仅仅等同于单边主义。 因为在全球性的挑战面前，任何一个国家的单打独斗都是无效的。 但把某项挑战定义为全球性挑战并不意味着就一定要用一项野心勃勃，整齐划一而��全球通行的条约来作为解决方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Don’t We Trust Our Leaders? OXFORD – In developed democracies today, political leadership is increasingly up for grabs. Voters, clearly tired of the status quo, want change at the top, leaving even major parties’ establishments struggling to install leaders of their choosing. In the United Kingdom, Labour Party MPs have been stymied in their efforts to unseat Jeremy Corbyn as leader. In Japan, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s preferred candidate for Governor of Tokyo, Hiroya Masuda, lost in a landslide to Yuriko Koike. As for the United States, the Republican Party wanted virtually anybody except Donald Trump to win the nomination for the presidency; yet Trump it is. And while the Democratic Party is being represented by the establishment choice, Hillary Clinton, her competitor, Bernie Sanders, put up a much stronger fight than virtually anyone anticipated. The message to the establishment is clear: we don’t trust you anymore. But some of the leaders voters do trust could pose a very real danger – to their supporters, their countries, and the world. Trump – with his admiration of dictators, unabashed racism and sexism, ignorance regarding the issues, and mercurial temperament – stands at the top of this list. Those who led the British campaign to leave the European Union – such as Conservatives like Boris Johnson (now the country’s foreign secretary) and Nigel Farage, the right-wing populist leader of the UK Independence Party – are similarly disparaged for recklessly jeopardizing the future of the UK and the EU alike. If mainstream leaders want to change voters’ minds, they should look carefully at what leadership really means. Here, it is worth recalling the insights of US General George C. Marshall, who contemplated the topic as he worked to rebuild the US military in the 1940s. Marshall argued that leadership is a matter not of rhetoric, but of character. In particular, leaders must display three key qualities to win the trust needed to lead effectively: purpose, impartiality, and competence. Purpose, in his view, meant putting the greater good ahead of one’s own interests. This kind of leadership still exists.", "zh": "为什么我们不信任我们的领导人？ 牛津—在当今发达民主国家，政治领导权日益变得人人可争而得之。 选民显然已经厌倦了现状，想要顶层发生变化，就连主流政党的建制派都难以安插他们选定的领导人。 在英国，工党议员罢黜党首杰瑞米·科尔宾（Jeremy Corbyn）的努力严重受阻。 在日本，执政党自民党中意的东京都知事增田宽也惨败给了小池百合子。 至于美国，共和党几乎愿意让任何人赢得总统提名人，只要不是唐纳德·特朗普；然而偏偏唐纳德·特朗普赢了。 而民主党尽管仍然由建制派的选择希拉里·克林顿代表，其竞争对手伯尼·桑德斯（Bernie Sanders）斗争之激烈超过了几乎所有人的预料。 对建制派来说，信号是明确的：我们再也不信任你们了。 但选民果真信任的一些领导人有可能带来非常切实的危险 — — 对支持者、对国家，也对世界。 特朗普 — — 及其对独裁者的景仰、毫不遮掩的种族主义和性别歧视、对相关问题的无知以及喜怒无常的习性 — — 首屈一指。 领导英国脱欧阵营的人 — — 如保守党鲍里斯·约翰逊（Boris Johnson，现任英国外交大臣）和英国独立党的右翼民粹主义领导人尼格尔·法拉奇（Nigel Farage ） — —也因为肆意践踏英国和欧盟的未来而被人唾弃。 如果主流领导人想要改变选民的观点，应该认真想想领导力真正意味着什么。 在这方面，我们值得回顾美国五星上将乔治·马歇尔的洞见。 他在20世纪40年代重建美军时思考过这个问题。 马歇尔认为，领导力是气质问题，不是修辞问题。 特别是，领导人必须展现三大关键品质才能赢得有效领导所需要的信任：目标（purpose ） 、 公平（impartiality）和胜任力（competence ） 。 在马歇尔看来，目标意味着大大超越一个人的自身利益。 这类领导力仍然存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "传播和复用，打造基于平台的制造业新生态。促进平台间互联互通，通过制定平台间数据迁移标准，探索工业机理模型、微服务、工业APP的跨平台部署和调用机制，实现平台间的数据互通、能力协同与服务共享。专栏1工业互联网平台体系建设。发展跨行业跨领域综合型平台：建设覆盖原材料、装备制造、消费品、电子信息等多个行业以及研发设计、生产制造、运维服务等多个领域的综合型平台，提供工业资源集聚共享、工业数据集成利用、工业生产与服务优化创新等服务。建设面向重点行业和区域的特色型平台：聚焦数字基础好、带动效应强的重点行业，面向制造资源集聚程度高、产业转型需求迫切的区域，建设面向重点行业和区域的特色型平台，发挥平台的知识沉淀转化和资源协同配置作用，为行业转型升级和区域协调发展提供带动作用。培育特定技术领域的专业型平台：围绕特定工业场景，聚焦云仿真、设备上云、大数据建模等特定技术领域建设专业型平台，开展前沿技术与工业机理模型融合创新应用。", "en": "Promote dissemination and reuse, and build a new ecosystem for manufacturing based on platforms. Facilitate interconnection and interoperability between platforms, explore cross-platform deployment and invocation mechanisms for industrial mechanism models, microservices, and industrial apps by establishing data migration standards between platforms, and achieve data interoperability, capability collaboration, and service sharing between platforms. Column 1: Construction of the industrial Internet platform system. Develop comprehensive platforms across industries and domains: construct comprehensive platforms covering multiple industries such as raw materials, equipment manufacturing, consumer goods, electronic information, as well as multiple domains including R&D design, production manufacturing, and operation and maintenance services, providing services such as industrial resource aggregation and sharing, industrial data integration and utilization, and optimization and innovation of industrial production and services. Construct characteristic platforms targeting key industries and regions: focus on key industries with good digital foundations and strong driving effects, target regions with high concentration of manufacturing resources and urgent need for industrial transformation, construct characteristic platforms targeting key industries and regions, leverage the role of platform knowledge accumulation and resource coordination, and provide driving force for industry transformation and regional coordinated development. Cultivate professional platforms in specific technical fields: build professional platforms focusing on specific industrial scenarios, such as cloud simulation, cloud-based equipment, and big data modeling, and carry out innovative applications integrating cutting-edge technologies and industrial mechanism models."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And that sense is not unreasonable; some groups do reap higher rewards from economic liberalization while others suffer. But the reality is that free trade, guided by international rules and standards, has a net positive macroeconomic impact. To avoid losing these benefits, much more must be done to recapture public support for growth-enhancing deals like the TTIP. The key will be to smooth out free trade’s negative impacts and prepare societies better for increasing economic openness. Placing a high priority on support programs – trade adjustment assistance in the US and the European Globalization Adjustment Fund in the EU – with a focus on groups that are negatively affected by agreements is one obvious imperative. But these are just stopgaps. Given the fundamental challenges to society posed by the free flow of goods, services, and capital – and compounded by rapid technological progress, most immediately in robotics – structural reforms must also be undertaken. One area that will require special attention is education. With entire industries coming under threat, workers increasingly face the need to switch careers. In this context, curricula that have defined education for the last half-century must be rethought, with a view toward ensuring that workers are equipped with higher-level “meta-skills” that can be adapted easily to a broad array of industries. Given the political pushback, there have been rumblings that US and EU leaders will settle on a narrow TTIP, covering only areas where there has already been agreement. Such a deal would be a missed opportunity, because the TTIP has the potential to do much more.", "zh": "这一感觉不无道理；一些团体确实在经济自由化中以他人为代价攫取了更高的回报。 但现实是，受国际规则和标准指导的自由贸易，其净宏观影响是积极的。 为了避免错失这些收益，我们需要加大力度重新获取公众对TTIP等增长刺激型协议的支持。 关键是要平稳抵消自由贸易的消极影响，让社会做好准备增进经济开放。 一个显而易见的当务之急是将支持计划 — — 美国的贸易调整援助和欧盟的欧洲全球化调整基金列为重点，注重受贸易协定消极影响的群体。 但这只是权宜之计。 自由商品、服务和资本流动对社会构成了根本性挑战 — — 并且因为快速的技术进步（最近是机器人）而以及加剧 — — 结构改革必不可少。 一个需要社会予以关注的领域是教育。 在全部行业都受到威胁的情况下，工人面临越来越大的换工作的需要。 在这样的条件下，过去半个世纪的课程表必须重新设计，一个指导事项是要确保工人具备更高水平的能轻松适应范围甚广的多种行业的“元技能 ” 。 考虑到政治拖累因素，有流言称美国和欧洲领导人将形成一个狭隘的TTIP，只包括已经达成协定的领域。 这一协议将是一个错过的机会，因为TTIP本有可能实现更多东西。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Rise of Intangible Capitalism PARIS – In a 2014 book, the Nobel laureate economist Joseph E. Stiglitz and Bruce C. Greenwald argued that the most important societal endowment is the ability to learn. Today, it is increasingly evident that the “learning society” has not only been created, but is starting to drive our economies. From the nineteenth century until about 25 years ago, businesses largely invested in physical infrastructure and machinery, from railroads to vehicles. But in the past quarter-century, investment in so-called intangible assets – such as intellectual property, research, software, and managerial and organizational skills – has soared. Recent McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) research found that, by 2019, intangibles accounted for 40% of all investment in the United States and ten European economies, up 29% from 1995. And intangibles investment appears to have surged again in 2020 as digitalization accelerated in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. We believe that this trend strongly hints at the emergence of a new model of capitalism, in which companies’ success will be measured more by their people and their capabilities than by their machines, products, or services. Moreover, we think there is no going back. Firms such as Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Microsoft are clearly scaling up dramatically and achieving hypergrowth. Intangibles may well be driving this phenomenon. After all, there is certainly a correlation between investment in intangibles and higher productivity and growth. MGI’s research found that companies in the top quartile for growth invest 2.6 times more in intangible assets than the bottom 50% of firms. Similarly, economic sectors that have invested more than 12% of their gross value added (GVA) in intangible assets grew 28% faster than other sectors. Economies in which intangible investment is increasing are also posting growth in total-factor productivity. Notably, the only companies that were able to maintain 2019 rates of growth after the pandemic hit in early 2020 were those that had invested significantly in the full range of intangibles: innovation, data and analytics, and human and brand capital.", "zh": "无形资本主义的崛起 发自巴黎 — — 在2014年出版的一部著作中，诺贝尔经济学奖得主约瑟夫·E·斯蒂格里茨（Joseph E. Stiglitz）和布鲁斯·C·格林沃德（Bruce C. Greenwal）认为最重要的社会性禀赋是学习能力。 而如今越来越显著的一点在于“学习型社会”不仅已然产生，而且正在开始驱动我们的经济。 从十九世纪到大约25年前，企业主要投资于从铁路到车辆这类实体基础设施和机械。 但在过去这1/4世纪里，对所谓无形资产 — — 诸如知识产权、研究、软件以及管理和组织技能 — — 的投资大幅上升。 麦肯锡全球研究院最近的研究发现，截至2019年无形资产占据了美国和欧洲十个经济体全部投资的40 % ， 较1995年增长29 % 。 而在2020年随着数字化进程因新冠疫情而加速，无形资产投资似乎再次出现了暴增。 我们相信这一趋势正强烈暗示着一种新资本主义模式的出现，在该模式下一个企业成功与否将更多地根据其人员和能力来衡量，而不是基于设备、产品或服务。 此外我们认为这一趋势不会倒退，因为亚马逊、苹果、脸书和微软这类企业显然正在急剧扩大规模并实现超速增长。 无形资产很可能是推动这一现象的原因。 毕竟对无形资产的投资与更高的生产力和增长之间是存在必然关联的。 麦肯锡全球研究院的研究发现增速排名前25%的企业在无形资产上的投资额是排名后50%者的2.6倍。 同样，在增长方面那些在无形资产上投资超过其总增加值（Gross Value Added）12%的经济部门要比其他部门快28 % 。 而那些无形投资不断增加的经济体的全要素生产率也在不停增长。 值得注意的是，在2020年初新冠疫情来袭之后，唯一能将增长保持在2019年水平的企业都在全方位无形资产（创新、数据和分析，以及人力和品牌资本）上进行了大手笔投资。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Health-Care Innovation in the Global South DHAKA – Children die from preventable and treatable conditions like diarrhea and pneumonia every day, with the developing world accounting for the majority of victims. The need to produce innovative and cost-effective solutions that can be delivered in resource-deprived settings could not be more apparent. Consider pneumonia, which accounts for 15% of all deaths of children under five years old – nearly a million children – each year. A key component of the treatment of hospitalized children with severe pneumonia is “bubble CPAP” (continuous positive airway pressure), in which a compressor delivers oxygen to the patient, ensuring a continuous flow of air during the treatment process. In the developed world, mechanical ventilators provide the respiratory support of bubble CPAP. But mechanical ventilators are far too expensive for developing-country health systems, leaving millions of patients in much of the Global South without access to life-saving bubble CPAP. But with a combination of medical expertise and inventive thinking, Jobayer Chisti, my colleague at the health research organization icddr,b, has developed a simple and affordable alternative to bubble CPAP using materials that are readily available even in poor countries, such as empty shampoo bottles and plastic tubing. Last year, Chisti and his team, in collaboration with colleagues from Australia and with funding from the Australian Agency for International Development, conducted a clinical trial in Bangladesh to compare the efficacy of this alternative apparatus to the low- and high-flow oxygen therapies recommended by the World Health Organization in resource-poor contexts. The results were inspiring.", "zh": "全球南部的医疗创新 达卡 — — 每天都有儿童死于可预防和治疗的腹泻和肺炎等疾病，这些受害者绝大多数来自发展中国家。 在资源贫乏环境中提供具有成本效益的创新方案其必要性已经不能再明显了。 以占5岁以下儿童死亡人数15%的肺炎为例，15%意味着每年致死近百万儿童。 “新生儿呼吸机 ” （ 持续气道正压通气）是因严重肺炎入院儿童治疗的关键部分，由压缩机为患者输送氧气，从而在整个治疗过程中保证连续的空气流。 在发达国家，持续气道正压通气这样的呼吸支持主要由机械式呼吸机负责提供。 但发展中国家的医疗体系无法负担价格昂贵的机械式呼吸装置，从而导致成百上千万的全球南部患者得不到挽救生命的持续气道正压通气治疗。 凭借专业医学知识和创新思维，我在医疗研究机构icddr,b的同事契斯堤（Jobayer Chisti）用空洗发水瓶和塑料管等即使在贫困国家都随处可见的原料研发了一种简单廉价的持续气道正压通气替代疗法。 去年，契斯堤率领其团队与来自澳大利亚的同事合作，在澳大利亚国际发展署的资助下在孟加拉国开展了一项临床实验，比较这种替代设备和世卫组织在资源匮乏环境下推荐的低或高流量吸氧疗法的实际效果。 这项试验取得了振奋人心的成果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why the Pakistan-Terrorist Nexus Persists BERLIN – Once again, an attack on India by a Pakistan-based terrorist group has raised the specter of a major confrontation on the Indian subcontinent – and fueled international pressure for Pakistan to take concrete action against the 22 United Nations-designated terrorist entities it hosts. But this time, the pressure is compounded by fury over attacks by Pakistan-based terrorists on the country’s other key neighbors, Iran and Afghanistan. Will Pakistan finally respond convincingly? Over the years, the footprints of many terrorist attacks in the West have been traced to Pakistan. The United States found al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden ensconced in the high-security garrison town of Abbottabad, in the shadow of the Pakistan Military Academy. Other terrorist leaders captured since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the US – including Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, al-Qaeda’s third in command, and Abu Zubaydah, the network’s operations chief – were also found living in Pakistan’s heartland. Such revelations have often fueled calls for Pakistan to tackle its transnational terrorism problem. Last year, US President Donald Trump tweeted that, though Pakistan received more than $33 billion in American aid since 2002, it has returned “nothing but lies and deceit,” including providing “safe haven to the terrorists we hunt in Afghanistan.” The US, which has long had contingency plans to seize Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, if necessary, to prevent terrorists from getting their hands on them, then cut security aid. Recent attacks have reinvigorated demands for Pakistan to take action – amid threats of reprisal. On February 14, a suicide bombing claimed by the group Jaish-e-Mohammed killed 41 Indian paramilitary soldiers in India-administered Kashmir.", "zh": "为何巴基斯坦与恐怖分子总是纠缠不清 发自柏林 — — 再一次地，驻扎于巴基斯坦的恐怖主义组织对印度的袭击险些将印度次大陆拖入一场大规模冲突 — — 并加剧了国际社会要求巴基斯坦对其容留的22个联合国认定恐怖主义实体采取切实行动的压力。 但这次一同施加压力的还有同样遭到驻巴基斯坦恐怖主义分子袭击的该国其他主要邻邦 — — 伊朗和阿富汗。 而巴基斯坦对此又能否拿出最终令人信服的回应呢？ 多年来，西方发生的多起恐怖袭击都可以追溯到巴基斯坦身上。 美国就发现基地组织领导人奥萨马·本·拉登（Osama bin Laden）躲藏在安保严密的驻军城镇阿布扎塔德，距离巴基斯坦军事学院不远。 而其他自美国2001年9·11恐怖袭击以来被抓获的恐怖组织领导人 — — 包括基地组织第三号人物哈立德·谢赫·穆罕默德（Khalid Sheikh Mohammed）以及该恐怖网络的行动负责人阿布·祖巴达（Abu Zubaydah ） — —都被发现居住在巴基斯坦内陆地区。 这类发现常常会引发要求巴基斯坦解决其跨国恐怖主义问题的呼声。 去年美国总统特朗普就发推文指出，尽管巴基斯坦自2002年以来已经从美国那里获取了超过330亿美元援助，但该国却用“彻头彻尾的谎言和欺骗”来作为报答，包括为“美国在阿富汗境内追缉的恐怖分子提供避风港 ” 。 为此美国一直以来都有制定应急计划，以便在必要时控制住巴基斯坦的核武器以防落入恐怖分子之手，然后削减安全援助。 而近期的袭击则在一片报复威胁中重新激起了对巴基斯坦采取行动的要求。 2月14日，恐怖组织默罕默德军（Jaish-e-Mohammed）在印控克什米尔地区发起的自杀性爆炸事件造成41名印度准军事部队士兵丧生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“We decided that if we could get 500 people to show interest in a converted car, we could demonstrate that the mass conversion scheme would make sense.” It took eCars – Now! only 11 days to sign up 500 interested customers. To be sure, they merely indicated interest; they did not send money. But the company’s Web site continues to attract new prospects, with 1,000 people now registered as likely or certain to buy such a vehicle. The site also solicited advice on which car to convert. The Toyota Corolla was the first choice – hardly surprising since it is the leading car model in Finland (with 7% of the market). Just 15 months later, in May of this year, a retrofitted Corolla demo model with an engine from Detroit-based Azure Dynamics was on display at the Electric Vehicle Symposium, a trade show in Stavanger, Norway. What will it take to make this idea work? To some extent, it’s already working – by spreading. Local efforts may succeed or fail based on the talents of local implementers. In Italy, inventor Roberto Vezzi had a Smart-EV project along the same lines. He has now joined the eCars – Now! movement, and his eSmart car will be upgraded with the open-source graphical user interface being developed for the eCorolla in Finland.", "zh": "他说 ： “ 我们原来设想如果有500个客户对改装车感兴趣的话，我们的批量生产计划就可以实施了 。 ” 出乎他们的意料，仅仅用了11天就有500名客户表示对eCars – Now! 感兴趣，并在网站上注册登记。 当然，他们只是表示了意向，并没有真正的付钱。 目前，每天都有新的用户注册登记，现在有1000人注册。 网站同时也进行了问卷调查，询问什么型号的汽车可以被改装。 结果是丰田的科罗拉获得首选 — — 这也不奇怪，在芬兰它的市场占有率是7 % ， 一直处于领先地位。 随后仅仅过了15个月，在今年5月的挪威斯塔万格市举办的商品交易会上，由底特律的Azure Dynamics生产的科罗拉的改装电动车模型在电动车展厅展出。 这样的想法是否会成功呢？ 从某种程度上来说，它已经获得了成功 — — 通过世界各地各类人才的参与努力，经过多次失败成功后而不断取得进步。 意大利的发明家罗伯特·维兹按照这样的思路研制出了eSmart car。 他随后加入了eCars – Now! 的计划，经过开放的图形用户界面的开发，他的eSmart car被升级为eCorolla ，在芬兰得以使用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He clapped his hands. In an instant, the green hangings became scarlet and the silver became gold; the huge Slytherin serpent vanished and a towering Gryffindor lion took its place. Snape was shaking Professor McGonagall's hand, with a horrible, forced smile. He caught Harry's eye and Harry knew at once that Snape's feelings toward him hadn't changed one jot. This didn't worry Harry. It seemed as though life would be back to normal next year, or as normal as it ever was at Hogwarts.It was the best evening of Harry's life, better than winning at Quidditch, or Christmas, or knocking out mountain trolls... he would never, ever forget tonight.Harry had almost forgotten that the exam results were still to come, but come they did. To their great surprise, both he and Ron passed with good marks; Hermione, of course, had the best grades of the first years.Even Neville scraped through, his good Herbology mark making up for his abysmal Potions one. They had hoped that Goyle, who was almost as stupid as he was mean, might be thrown out, but he had passed, too. It was a shame, but as Ron said, you couldn't have everything in life.", "zh": "他拍了拍手。马上，那些绿色的装饰物变成了红色，而银色的则变成了金色。那条代表史林德林的大蟒蛇消失了——换成了格林芬顿的狮子。史纳皮教授十分勉强地和麦康娜教授握了握手。当他的眼睛一碰到哈利，哈利就知道，史纳皮对他的憎恨一点也没有变。但这一点也没有令哈利忧虑，因为对于他，这是一生中最快乐的一晚，比赢了快迪斯比赛、打倒洞窟巨人„„还要开心得多！他永远、永远也不会忘记这一夜。哈利已经差不多忘记了他们还有考试结果要公布。但结果一出来却令他们大吃一惊：他和罗恩都以很高分数通过了，至于荷米恩——自然又是全年级第一名了。就连尼维尔也马马虎虎地通过了！他的植物常识拿了高分，于是把他考得一塌糊涂的药剂学也扯高了。他们本来希望高尔——他简直是要有多蠢就有多蠢——会被踢出去的，可是他竟然也通过了。这简直是一个羞辱。但，正如罗恩说的，你不能指望生活会样样顺利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Second, it is unclear to what extent China will participate in the initiative. As Carmen Reinhart, Christoph Trebesch, and Sebastian Horn have found, China is not merely the world’s largest official creditor; its outstanding claims exceed the combined loan books of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the 22 other Paris Club governments combined. Third, the G20 moratorium doesn’t include private creditors. Many debtor countries are reluctant to take up the suspension offer for fear that a credit-rating downgrade would shut them out of private capital markets. In previous debt crises, the international community asked the private sector to participate simultaneously with the International Monetary Fund and rich-country governments. Rescue packages associated with IMF programs took steps so that the foreign exchange freed up by new public loans to debtor countries, conditional on domestic reforms, was not used only to pay off private creditors. In the currency crises of the 1990s, this was known as “private sector involvement.” Similarly, in the 1982 international debt crisis, rich-country banks were “bailed in” to the rescue effort, rather than being “bailed out.” Where debt restructuring is necessary, private creditors should do their share. Finally, the G20 moratorium does not extend to middle-income countries, yet some will also need help. What more can be done? EMDEs need to be able to export to the rest of the world in order to restore growth and earn enough foreign exchange to service their international debts.", "zh": "第二，目前尚不清楚中国将在多大程度上参与该倡议。 正如卡门·莱因哈特（Carmen Reinhart ） ， 克里斯托夫·特雷比施（Christoph Trebesch）和塞巴斯蒂安·霍恩（Sebastian Horn）所发现的那样，中国可不仅仅是世界上最大的官方债权国而已；其未偿贷款体量已经超过了国际货币基金组织，世界银行和其他22个巴黎俱乐部政府的贷款总额。 第三，G20集团的暂缓还贷方案不包括私人债权人。 许多债务国不愿接受该方案的原因就是担心自身信用评级的下调会使其脱离私人资本市场。 在先前的债务危机中，国际社会会要求私营部门与国际货币基金组织和富裕国家政府协同行动。 一揽子救援计划会引入货币基金组织计划以使新公共贷款（以国内改革为条件）释放给债务国的外汇不仅被用于偿还私人债权人。 在1990年代的货币危机中这被称之为“私营部门介入 ” 。 同样，在1982年的国际债务危机中富裕国家的银行不是被救助，而是扮演了救助者的角色。 在有必要进行债务重组的情况下，私人债权人也应相应分担其责任。 最后，二十国集团的暂缓措施并未扩展到中等收入国家，但有些国家也需要帮助。 那我们还有什么可以做的？ 新兴市场和发展中经济体需要恢复对世界其他地区的出口以重拾增长并赚取足够外汇偿还其国际债务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "张效初，教授，博导。 从2000年开始，在中国科学技术大学生命科学学院，采用磁共振成像开展了与工作/短时记忆和尼古丁依赖的渴求冲动与调控的相互作用有关的脑结构和脑功能方面的认知神经心理学研究，并于2005年获得博士学位。 2005年后，到美国国立健康卫生研究院药物滥用研究所（NIH/NIDA）访问交流。 在继续系统进行尼古丁依赖的渴求冲动与调控有关基础研究外，还尝试进行了用以提高控制渴求冲动能力的神经信号实时反馈技术的应用性研究探索。 到目前为止，总共发表研究论文16篇，其中SCI论文11篇，第一作者5篇，并列第一作者的1篇，导师第一作者本人第二作者1篇 (所有这7篇论文的SCI影响因子都大于5)。 此外，还发表13篇会议摘要（其中第一作者或通信作者：12篇），并在2010年应邀在第40届世界神经科学年会（美国，圣地亚哥）上，作会议报告。", "en": "Xiaochu Zhang, Professor, Doctoral Supervisor. Stared from 2005, at the School of Life Sciences, University of Science and Technology of China, Zhang had been using magnetic resonance imaging to conduct cognitive neuropsychological research on brain structure and brain function which is related to the interaction of work/short-term memory and nicotine-dependent craving impulse and regulation, and he received his Ph.D. in 2005. After 2005, he worked as a Visiting Scholar at the Institute of Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health and Hygiene. In addition to continuing to systematically carry out basic research related to the craving impulse and regulation of nicotine dependence, an attempt was also made to explore the application of neural signal real-time feedback technology to improve the ability to control craving impulses. A total of 16 research papers have been published, of which 11 papers included in SCI, 5 papers are published as the first author, 1 paper as the tied first author, 1 paper as the second author with the Supervisor as the first author (all of these 7 papers' IFs are bigger than 5). Additionally, he has published 13 conference summaries of which 12 were published as the first author of corresponding author and he was invited to give lecture at the 40th Annual World Neuroscience Conference, San Diego, USA."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加强社会心理服务体系建设，培育自尊自信、理性平和、积极向上的社会心态。 加强社区治理体系建设，推动社会治理重心向基层下移，发挥社会组织作用，实现政府治理和社会调节、居民自治良性互动。 （七）有效维护国家安全。 国家安全是安邦定国的重要基石，维护国家安全是全国各族人民根本利益所在。 要完善国家安全战略和国家安全政策，坚决维护国家政治安全，统筹推进各项安全工作。 健全国家安全体系，加强国家安全法治保障，提高防范和抵御安全风险能力。 严密防范和坚决打击各种渗透颠覆破坏活动、暴力恐怖活动、民族分裂活动、宗教极端活动。 加强国家安全教育，增强全党全国人民国家安全意识，推动全社会形成维护国家安全的强大合力。 同志们！ 党的一切工作必须以最广大人民根本利益为最高标准。", "en": "We will improve the system of public psychological services, and cultivate self-esteem, self-confidence, rationality, composure, and optimism among our people. We will strengthen the system for community governance, shift the focus of social governance to the community level, leverage the role of social organizations, and see that government’s governance efforts on the one hand and society’s selfregulation and residents’ self-governance on the other reinforce each other. 7. Effectively safeguarding national security National security is the cornerstone of peace and stability of our country, and safeguarding it is in the fundamental interests of the Chinese people of all ethnic groups. We will improve our national security strategy and policy, guarantee China’s political security, and take coordinated steps to ensure security in all areas. We will improve our national security system, strengthen rule of law measures to enhance national security, and enhance our capacity for forestalling and fending off security risks. We must rigorously protect against and take resolute measures to combat all acts of infiltration, subversion, and sabotage, as well as violent and terrorist activities, ethnic separatist activities, and religious extremist activities. We will strengthen efforts to raise awareness of national security among all Party members and all the people, and create a strong synergy of the whole society to safeguard national security. Comrades, Meeting the fundamental interests of all our people is the ultimate yardstick for judging all the work of our Party."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A much more serious threat to the world economy comes from Europe, an innocent bystander in the US-China trade war that has already suffered far more than either of the belligerents. When the International Monetary Fund revised its 2019 growth projections in April to take account of the problems that emerged in late 2018, the forecasts for China and the US were essentially unchanged, despite their trade war (up 0.1 percentage point in China, down 0.2 in the US). But the IMF downgraded its growth forecast for Germany by 1.1 percentage points, by 0.9 for Italy, and by 0.6 for the eurozone as a whole. Europe has been the main victim of the US-China trade war, for the same reason it was the main victim of the 2008 financial crisis, which also originated in the US. While the US and China are stimulating their economies to counteract the trade slowdown, the European authorities are, as usual, responding with exactly the wrong policies. Instead of easing monetary, fiscal, or credit policies, the eurozone response is “pro-cyclical.” The European Commission is trying to force Italy to reduce public spending and raise taxes. Germany’s finance ministry is using lower-than-expected budget surpluses as an excuse to squeeze investment and delay tax cuts. And bank supervisors are forcing banks to tighten their credit standards, increase loss provisions, and cut lending to preserve capital.", "zh": "对世界经济更严重的威胁来源于欧洲，虽然仅仅是美中两国贸易战的无辜旁观者，但欧洲所承受的损失却早已远超贸易战的交战国。 当国际货币基金组织在4月修订其2019年增长预测以反应2018下半年所出现的问题时，尽管美中双方爆发贸易战，但对中美两国的预测却基本未发生变化（对中国的增长率预测提升了0.1 % ， 而对美国的预测降低了0.2 % ） 。 但国际货币基金组织却将对德国的增长预测调低了一点一个百分点，对意大利调低了0.9 % ， 而整个欧元区则调低0.6 % 。 欧洲一直是美中贸易战的主要受害者，这与它曾是2008年金融危机的主要受害者是出于同样的原因，而2008年金融危机最先发端于美国。 尽管美中两国正在刺激经济来抵消贸易放缓，但欧洲当局却一如既往地采用了错误的政策。 欧元区非但没有放松货币、财政或信贷政策，反而采用了“顺周期政策 ” 。 欧盟委员会正试图迫使意大利削减公共支出并提高税收。 而德国财政部则利用预算盈余低于预期来作为削减投资和推迟减税的借口。 而银行监管机构正迫使银行收紧信贷标准、增加损失准备金和削减贷款来实现保护资本的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But Germany has consistently rejected every policy that would provide a long-term solution. The Germans, it seems, will do everything except what is needed. Of course, the Germans have reluctantly come to accept the necessity of a banking union that includes common deposit insurance. But the pace with which they accede to such reforms is out of kilter with the markets. Banking systems in several countries are already on life support. How many more will be in intensive care before a banking union becomes a reality? Yes, Europe needs structural reform, as austerity advocates insist. But it is structural reform of the eurozone’s institutional arrangements, not reforms within individual countries, that will have the greatest impact. Unless Europe is willing to make those reforms, it may have to let the euro die to save itself. The EU’s Economic and Monetary Union was a means to an end, not an end in itself. The European electorate seems to have recognized that, under current arrangements, the euro is undermining the very purposes for which it was supposedly created. That is the simple truth that Europe’s leaders have yet to grasp.", "zh": "但德国一直拒绝任何可以提供长期解决方案的政策。 德国人似乎就是不做那些经济需要的措施。 当然，德国人不情愿地承认了建立一个拥有共同存款保险的银行联盟的必要性。 但他们认同这个改革的缓慢步伐对市场是不利的。 好几个国家的银行系统已经岌岌可危了。 在银行联盟变成现实之前还有多少国家的银行系统需要急救才能生存下去？ 是的，欧洲需要结构性改革，一如紧缩主张坚持的那样。 但只有欧元区制度安排的结构改革而不是个体国家内部的结构改革才会产生最大的影响。 除非欧洲愿意进行这样的改革，否则它也许只能让欧元消失才能拯救自己了。 欧盟的经济与货币联盟只是一个达到目的的手段，并不是最终目的。 欧洲的选民似乎已经开始意识到，在目前的政策安排下，欧元毁灭的正是从前希望通过创立这一货币来实现的愿景。 而这也是欧洲领导人还未理解到的简单事实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Three Fears Sinking Global Markets LONDON – January is usually expected to be a good month for stock markets, with new money gushing into investment funds, while tax-related selling abates at the end of the year. Although the data on investment returns in the United States actually show that January profits have historically been on only slightly better than the monthly norm, the widespread belief in a bullish “January effect” has made the weakness of stock markets around the world this year all the more shocking. But the pessimists have a point, even if they sometimes overstate the January magic. According to statisticians at Reuters, this year started with Wall Street’s biggest first-week fall in over a century, and the 8% monthly decline in the MSCI world index made January’s performance worse than 96% of the months on record. So, just how worried about the world economy should we be? Three fears now seem to be influencing market psychology: China, oil and the fear of a US or global recession. China is surely a big enough problem to throw the world economy and equity markets off the rails for the rest of this decade. We saw this in the first four days of the year, when the sudden fall in the Chinese stock market triggered January’s global financial mayhem. But the Chinese stock market is of little consequence for the rest of the world. The real fear is that the Chinese authorities will either act aggressively to devalue the renminbi or, more likely, lose control of it through accidental mismanagement, resulting in devastating capital flight. Such a scenario seemed quite plausible for a few weeks last summer, and it reemerged as a threat in the first two weeks of this year. By the end of January, however, market sentiment had moved back in favor of stability in China. This calm could be disrupted again if China’s foreign-exchange reserves show another huge monthly loss, and the authorities’ efforts to manage an orderly economic slowdown will remain the biggest source of legitimate concern for financial markets for many years ahead. But, judging by market behavior in the second half of January, the fear about China has subsided, at least for now. That cannot be said about the market’s second great worry: collapsing oil prices.", "zh": "打压全球市场的三大担忧 伦敦—通常，人们总是期待1月份股市会开门红，因为新资金涌入投资基金，而与纳税问题相关的年底卖潮已经消退。 尽管美国投资回报数据显示，从历史看，1月份的利润其实只略高于月度平均水平，但人们对向好的“一月效应”深信不疑，这让今年全球股市的疲软表现更加令人震惊。 但悲观派有很好的理由，虽然他们有时候会高估1月魔法。 据路透社的一位统计学家的数据，华尔街在今年创出一个世纪以来的最大新年第一周跌幅，1月份MSCI世界指数下跌8 % ， 表现比有记录的96%的月份更差。 那么，世界经济应该要多担心？ 眼下，似乎有三大担忧正在影响市场心理：中国、石油以及担心美国或全球衰退。 中国问题足以让世界经济和股市在这个十年的剩余几年中一蹶不振。 这一点在今年开头四天尽显无疑，中国股市的暴跌引起了一场1月全球金融骚乱。 但中国股市对世界其他部分影响甚微。 真正的担忧之处是中国当局可能过于积极地让人民币贬值或者（更有可能）因为偶然的管理不善引起灾难性资本外逃，进而失去对人民币的控制。 这一情景在去年夏天的几周中曾经就在眼前，而在今年前两周，这一威胁再一次重现。 但是，到1月底，市场情绪已经恢复，有利于中国的稳定。 如果中国外汇储备再次发生巨量月度下降，这一平静就有可能被打破，当局管理有序经济减速的努力将仍然是未来多年金融市场最大的合理担忧原因。 但是，从1月份下半个月的市场行为看，对中国的担忧至少在目前已有所减小。 市场的第二大担忧 — — 石油价格崩溃就不是这样了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They are then forced to implement austerity programs that lead to deep recessions and, ultimately, to banking crises. While austerity measures are appropriate in countries that have overspent in the past, the austerity that panic-stricken financial markets force upon a country can trigger a major social and political backlash. In fact, several southern European countries – such as Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain – are currently experiencing exactly that. To overcome this fundamental design flaw, government debts must be pooled. This would protect the weakest economies from destructive, panic-fueled movements in financial markets, which, in theory, can hit any member country – even those that are strongest today. In developing a strategy for pooling government debt, Europe’s leaders must address the possibility of moral hazard (the temptation for weaker countries to relax their debt- and deficit-reduction efforts in response to the increased credibility conferred by stronger countries). Indeed, given stronger economies’ unwillingness to be exploited in this way, the risk of moral hazard is the most significant obstacle to pooling debts in the eurozone. But it is not the only obstacle. A debt-pooling scheme must also address the fact that the strongest countries will inevitably face higher interest rates on their own debts when they become jointly liable for the debts of less credit-worthy governments. To overcome these obstacles, a eurozone debt-mutualization scheme must satisfy three crucial requirements. First, the share of government debt that can be pooled must be strictly limited, leaving each country responsible for a significant portion of its national debt, and therefore motivated to maintain sound public finances. (Several initiatives have aimed to achieve this, notably Jakob von Weizsäcker and Jacques Delpla’s 2010 Blue Bond proposal.) Second, an internal transfer mechanism between eurozone member states is needed in order to ensure that less credit-worthy countries compensate, at least partly, their more economically sound counterparts. Finally, a supervisory authority must be established to monitor governments’ progress toward achieving sustainable debt levels – and to create clear consequences for those that break the eurozone’s budgetary rules. The Padoa-Schioppa group recently proposed that rule-breaking governments should gradually lose control over their own national budgetary processes.", "zh": "接着，它们将被迫实施会导致深度衰退的紧缩计划，最终的结局是银行危机。 紧缩措施对于过去花钱太多的国家是合理的，但金融市场恐慌迫使一国实施的紧缩可能导致重大社会和政治后果。 事实上，不少南欧国家 — — 比如希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙 — — 正在经历这一过程。 为了克服这一根本性设计缺陷，政府债务必须集中起来。 这样能够保护最疲软经济体免于遭遇恐慌驱动的毁灭性运动，理论上讲，这样的运动可能袭击任何国家，即使是今天看来最坚挺的国家。 在开发集中政府债务的战略时，欧洲领导人必须克服道德风险的可能性（即疲软国会受诱惑放松其债务和赤字削减行为，因为坚挺国会为它们提供更高的信誉 ） 。 事实上，由于坚挺经济体不愿意通过这种方式被利用，道德风险已成为欧元区债务集中的最大障碍。 但这不是唯一的障碍。 债务集中机制还必须解决一个事实 — — 当最坚挺国家与信誉较低国家政府捆绑在一起共同负责债务时，它们难免会面临其自身债务利率升高的局面。 为了克服这些障碍，必须有满足三大关键要求的欧元区债务共同化机制。 首先，可以集中的政府债务份额必须严格限定，各国将对国民债务的大头各自负责，从而驱使它们维持审慎的公共财政。 （一些方案已经着眼于达到这一目标，其中最令人瞩目的是魏茨泽克（Jakob von Weizsäcker）和戴普拉（Weizsäcker and Jacques Delpla）2010年的蓝色债券计划。 ） 其次，需要一个欧元区成员国之间的内部转移机制来确保信��较低国家至少为经济更坚挺成员国提供部分补偿。 最后，必须成立一个监管当局来监控政府在实现可持续债务水平方面的进展，并澄清违反欧元区预算规则的国家会遭到怎样的后果。 Padoa-Schioppa小组最近提出，违反规则的政府应该逐渐被剥夺控制其自身国民预算程序的权力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the government had not bailed out large banks, the insurance giant AIG, and the auto industry, and if the Federal Reserve had not flooded the economy with liquidity, the wealth of the super-rich would have taken a severe blow. Many argued that the government should have focused on rescuing homeowners; instead, the government chose to support the banks – a policy from which the financial elite benefited the most. Even in normal times, the super-rich depend on government support and action. It is largely the government that has financed the fundamental research that produced the information-technology revolution and the firms (such as Apple and Microsoft) that it has spawned. It is the government that enacts and enforces the copyright, patent, and trademark laws that protect intellectual property rights, guaranteeing successful innovators a steady stream of monopoly profits. It is the government that subsidizes the higher-education institutions that train the skilled work force. It is the government that negotiates trade agreements with other countries to ensure that domestic firms gain access to foreign markets. If the super-rich believe that they are no longer part of society and have little need of government, it is not because this belief corresponds to objective reality. It is because the prevailing story line of our time portrays markets as self-standing entities that run on their own fuel. This is a narrative that afflicts all segments of society, the middle class no less than the rich. There is no reason to expect that the super-rich will act less selfishly than any other group. But it is not so much their self-interest that stands in the way of greater equality and social inclusion. The more significant roadblock is the missing recognition that markets cannot produce prosperity for long – for anyone – unless they are backed by healthy societies and good governance.", "zh": "如果政府不出手援助大银行、保险巨头AIG和汽车业，如果美联储不向经济注入巨量流动性，超级富豪的财富可能遭受重创。 许多人指出政府应该专注于拯救屋主；但政府选择了支持银行 — — 金融精英在这一政策中获益最大。 即使在正常时期，超级富豪也依赖政府支持的行为。 信息技术革命及其所催生的公司（如苹果和微软）的背后是基础研究，而基础研究大部分是政府出资的。 政府建立并执行版权、专利和商标法，保护知识产权，保证成功的创新者能够获得稳定的垄断利润。 政府补贴培训高技能劳动力的高等教育机构。 政府与其他国家谈判贸易协定以确保本国企业能够进入外国市场。 如果超级富豪认为他们以不再是社会的一部分，不再需要政府，那么这不是因为这一信念符合客观现实。 这是因为现时代的媒体大肆宣传市场是自我产生、自我运转的实体。 这一宣传让社会所有层面都蒙受折磨，其中中产阶级所遭遇的打击不亚于富人。 没有理由认为超级富豪应该比其他群体少点自私。 但他们的自私并非挡在更平等、社会更包容面前的主要障碍。 更重要的障碍是没有认识到市场不可能长期提供繁荣 — — 不管是为谁 — — 除非它们背后有健康的社会和良好的治理的支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Within two weeks, the IMF mission could conclude a new financial stabilization program with the new administration. The IMF works fast and could make a first large disbursement in late March. The IMF could lend Ukraine $10-12 billion for a one-year stabilization program, with the European Union using $3-5 billion from its balance-of-payments facility to co-finance an IMF standby program. These two sources alone could cover much of the $35 billion in external financing that Yuriy Kolobov, Ukraine’s acting finance minister, has said the country could need over the next two years. Moreover, IMF loans carry a lower interest rate and a longer maturity than the Russian loans on which the Yanukovych government relied (and which are unlikely to continue). The conditions that the IMF places on its loans can help Ukraine undo Yanukovych’s venal policies. First and foremost, Ukraine will have to reduce its budget deficit sharply, which, given large tax revenues, should be accomplished through expenditure cuts and freezes. Large industrial subsidies – for example, to the coal industry – amount to nothing but giveaways to Yanukovych’s supporters and should be eliminated immediately. Likewise, gas prices should be liberalized to stop corrupt enrichment from regulatory arbitrage. Needy consumers, not wealthy producers, should receive assistance. Similarly, the IMF will insist on the reintroduction of competitive tenders. Since 2010, orderly public procurement has ceased, with Yanukovych simply doling out state contracts to friends and acolytes at twice the market price. Naturally, sales of state enterprises to loyalists – typically at rock-bottom prices – must end as well. Another source of corruption has been refunds of value-added tax for exporters, for which top tax officials charge a commission. Putting a stop to this would stimulate exports. In addition, Ukraine should reintroduce the simplified tax code for small businesses that Yanukovych abolished. Two million small enterprises were wiped out by that change; many of them could be revived if tax procedures were no longer prohibitive. Ukraine also needs to work with the EU. Within a week, the new government can fulfill the EU’s conditions for signing the long-concluded Association Agreement, and doing so should be on the agenda at the EU-Ukraine summit in March.", "zh": "在两星期的时间内，该代表团会与新政府共同出台一个新的金融稳定政策。 如果能加急处理的话IMF应该可以在3月底拨出第一笔大型款项。 IMF可以向乌克兰借出100~120亿美元用于一年的稳定计划，而欧盟则可从其国际收支机构中拨出30~50亿美元与IMF共同建立后备计划。 光是这两大资金来源就可以支付乌克兰代理财政部长尤里·柯罗波夫（Yuriy Kolobov）所提出的未来两年所需350亿美元外部融资金额中的绝大部分。 此外，IMF的贷款要比原本亚努克维奇政府依赖（而且不太可能继续获得）的俄罗斯政府贷款利率更低，到期日也更长。 而IMF为贷款附加的条件将有助于乌克兰清除亚努克维奇的腐败政策。 首先，乌克兰必须大幅削减其财政赤字，同时考虑到其庞大的税收收入，可以与支出削减和冻结结合起来实施。 那些毫无作用而且只是肥了亚努克维奇支持者钱包的大规模的行业补贴 — — 例如对煤炭工业 — — 必须立刻取消。 同样，必须放开天然气价格以防止监管机构继续从中渔利。 应该得到援助的是那些贫穷的消费者，而不是脑满肠肥的生产商。 同样，国际货币基金组织将要坚持让乌克兰政府重新启动竞争性投标程序。 自2010年以来，有序的公共采购已经停止，亚努科维奇直接向朋友和同事发放两倍于市场价格的政府合同。 当然，面向支持者的变卖国有企业行为 — — 通常以最低的价格 — — 也必须结束。 腐败的另一个来源就是最高税务官员收受佣金为出口商进行出口增值税退税。 阻止这种行为能刺激出口。 此外，乌克兰应该为小型企业重新引入被亚努科维奇取消了的简化税法。 二百万个小企业因为这一变故而倒闭；如能废除这种收费高昂的税收程序，许多小企业都有望重新起步。 乌克兰也需要与欧盟合作。 一周之内，新政府就能满足欧盟签署长期联系协议的条件，而这件事应该会列入3月的欧盟乌克兰峰会议程。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Avoiding the Japanification of Europe BOLOGNA – As monetary and fiscal authorities have acted aggressively to blunt the COVID-19 pandemic’s economic impact, public debt and central-bank balance sheets have swelled rapidly. In the European Union, this trend is compounded by a new €750 billion ($886 billion) COVID-19 recovery fund, which includes the issuance of so-called “recovery bonds” guaranteed by the EU’s multiyear budget and, possibly, by Europe-wide taxation. This is a whole new world for all advanced countries except one: Japan. It is not the “nice” world of the 1990s, characterized by stable inflation, steady output, fiscal prudence, and a narrow central-bank focus on manipulating short-term interest rates to meet inflation targets. But nor does our turbulent world resemble that of the 1970s, marked by high inflation, volatile output, fiscal profligacy, and excessively accommodative monetary policy. In today’s world, inflation is very low and is expected to remain so, and monetary authorities enjoy significant credibility – much more than in the past. Advanced countries are headed for a situation in which the distinction between monetary and fiscal policy is merely academic, and debt consolidation is unrealistic. This has long been the case in Japan, with its very low inflation, negative interest rates, and a public debt-to-GDP ratio of 200%, 70% of which is held by the central bank. But most countries are not used to facing these problems. Addressing them – and avoiding a deflationary spiral – will require a creative and coordinated approach to monetary and fiscal policy. The challenge will be particularly profound in the eurozone, which has a common monetary policy but lacks a shared budgetary policy, notwithstanding the new recovery fund. Overcoming it will require an institutional setup that is very different from the one established in the Maastricht Treaty. Europe’s leaders must urgently begin discussing what that setup must be, and how to get there. The European Central Bank’s current strategy review provides an opportunity to address some of the issues at stake. For example, the ECB could update the definition of price stability, so that it has the flexibility to overshoot the inflation target in the short term, thereby compensating for years of undershooting. This would help to prevent long-term inflation expectations from stabilizing at too low a level, resulting in real interest rates that are incompatible with full employment.", "zh": "避免欧洲日本化 博洛尼亚—货币和财政当局正在大力消除COVID-19疫情的经济影响，公共债务和央行资产负债表迅速膨胀。 在欧盟，这一趋势因为新成立的7,500亿欧元COVID-19复苏基金而加剧。 基金包括发行由欧盟多年预算以及（可能）欧洲税收担保的所谓的“复苏债券 ” 。 对于发达国家来说，这是一个全新的世界，只有一个例外：日本。 这不是20世纪90年代的“美好”世界：通胀稳定，产出稳定，财政审慎，央行严格专注于操控短期利率和满足通胀目标。 这个动荡的世界也不像20世纪70年代：高通胀、产出波动、财政放荡、过于宽松的货币政策。 在当今世界，通胀非常低，并预计将保持，货币当局信誉很高 — — 远高于过去。 发达国家正在进入一个货币和财政政策仅存在学术上的区别、债务整合已不再现实的阶段。 日本早已如此，通胀极低，利率为负，公共债务-GDP之比高达200 % ， 其中70%为央行持有。 但大部分国家还没有习惯于面对这些问题。 解决这些问题 — — 并避免通缩螺旋 — — 需要创造性和协调的货币和才政策方针。 欧元区的挑战尤其艰巨，它有共同货币政策，但没有共同预算政策，尽管它建立了一个新复苏基金。 克服这一问题所需要与马斯特里赫特条约所建立的截然不同的制度设计。 欧洲领导人必须立即开始讨论要设计什么，以及如何实现。 欧洲央行的最新战略评估是一次解决一些重要问题的机会。 比如，欧洲央行可以更新价格稳定的定义，以便于灵活超调短期通胀目标，进而补偿多年来的欠调。 这有助于防止长期通胀预期稳定在过低水平并导致真实利率与充分就业不相容。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such debts will pose significant threats to financial institutions as the quality of bank assets (and thus of loan portfolios) deteriorates. Fortunately, although the government’s short-term recovery measures have slowed progress on longer-term reforms, its post-pandemic spending spree is more targeted than last time, and thus unlikely to fuel another credit bubble. Among the most notable features of this package is its emphasis on investments in innovation. In the name of building “new infrastructure,” the government is redirecting resources from traditional projects to data centers, artificial-intelligence applications, and electric-vehicle charging stations, increasing investment in high-tech manufacturing and services by nearly 10% over the course of the year. This suggests that we should expect a continued commitment to opening up the economy, particularly in financial services. Chinese policymakers recognize that the domestic financial system needs to become more competitive and more closely integrated with Western institutions and corporations amid heightening geopolitical tensions. Finally, China’s recent decision to dispense with a national growth target is a welcome development. With less pressure on local governments to churn out high GDP figures, they can focus instead on boosting employment, improving livelihoods, strengthening food and energy security, and creating opportunities for small and medium-size business. China is a decade wiser than it was when it encountered its first major economic challenge of the post-1978 era of “reform and opening up.” Having matured and grown more patient, it is less impetuous about achieving short-term gains, and more invested in creating opportunities for its people over the long term. The recovery may be slow, but it will follow a path that is smoother and more secure than the route taken last time.", "zh": "随着银行资产（以及因此导致的贷款组合）质量下降，此类债务将对金融机构构成重大威胁。 可幸的是，尽管政府的短期复苏措施减缓了长期改革的步伐，但此次疫情后的消费狂潮要比上次更具针对性，因此不太可能引发新的信贷泡沫。 本轮一揽子刺激方案的其中一个最显著特点就是注重创新投资。 政府以建设“新基础设施”的名义将资源从传统项目转移到数据中心，人工智能应用程序和电动汽车充电站上，令本年度的高科技制造和服务投资增加了近10 ％ 。 这表明我们应该有望看到对开放经济的持续承诺，特别是在金融服务领域。 中国的政策制定者已经认识到本国金融体系需要在日益加剧的地缘政治紧张局势中提高竞争力，并与西方机构和企业更加紧密地融合在一起。 最后，中国最近放弃国家增长目标的决定也是可喜的。 这可以让地方政府不再忙于堆砌GDP数字，而是把精力集中在增加就业、改善生计，加强粮食和能源安全以及为中小型企业创造机会上。 相比当年遭遇1978年改革开放后第一个重大经济挑战的时候，中国已经额外积累了十年的经验。 它变得更为成熟和耐心，也不那么热衷于追求短期收益，而是更多地投资于可以在长时期内为人们创造机会的地方。 复苏或许会很慢，但它将沿着比上次更平顺也更安全的路径前进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "百里红妆身穿一袭飘白色长裙，清风吹拂，衣衫浮动，配上那清冷出尘的气质，仿佛踏在云间，缥缈动人。 烁金般的阳光洒在她的身上，漫上了一层金芒，愈发高贵明艳。 本就精致到了极点的五官无懈可击，每一个动作都透着无上的优雅，给人一种美的享受。 “一段时间不见，宸王妃似乎更加漂亮了。” 不知是谁率先感慨了一声，众人不由得一同点头。 他们也觉得百里红妆愈发的明艳动人，皇城第一美人的桂冠只有她能配得上！ “难怪太子殿下会后悔，这么一个大美人就拱手让人了，换做谁能不后悔。” 此话无疑说出了所有男子的心声，若是能够与这样的美女在一起，即便少活十年他们都愿意啊。 虽然百里红妆与帝北宸完婚已经有了一段日子，但是百里红妆一直都是皇城中最引人关注的人。 以前他们只听闻百里红妆是个不能修炼的废物，再加上后来又双目失明，堪称绝对的悲剧人物。", "en": "Baili Hongzhuang wore a long, white cheong sam. It fluttered with the cool breeze, joining with her cold temperament as if she was walking on clouds, hazy and touching. Bright, golden sunlight shed on her body, like a layer of golden dust, making her appear even more noble and splendid. Every aspect of her face was simply perfect, every action revealing an incomparable elegance, giving people a beautiful pleasure. “After not seeing her for some time, Chen Wangfei seemed to have gotten even more beautiful.” Nobody knew who said it first, but everyone couldn’t help but nod their heads along in agreement. They all thought Baili Hongzhuang’s beauty was all the more moving. The no.1 beauty of the Imperial City was a title only she’d be worthy of! “It’s no wonder His Highness, the Crown Prince regretted it so much. Handing over such a great beauty to someone else, who couldn’t regret it.” These words were undoubtedly all the men’s thoughts. If they could have such a beautiful woman, they’d even be willing to give up 10 years of their life. Although Baili Hongzhuang and Dibei Chen married and already had a bun in the oven for some time, Baili Hongzhuang was still the most sought-after woman in the Imperial City. Before, they only heard Baili Hongzhuang was trash that couldn’t cultivate. Then even turning blind after, she could be described as a complete tragedy."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Diplomatic Way Out in Ukraine WASHINGTON, DC – During his annual press conference on December 23, Russian President Vladimir Putin railed against NATO enlargement. “How would the US react if we delivered rockets near their borders with Canada or Mexico?” he pointedly asked. Putin’s increasingly combative rhetoric, coupled with Russia’s huge troop buildup on its border with Ukraine, suggests that the Kremlin is readying an invasion to pull the country back into Russia’s sphere of influence and prevent its accession to NATO. Europe could well be heading toward its deadliest interstate conflict since World War II. But war is hardly foreordained, given the costs that Russia could face if it invaded its neighbor. Although Ukraine’s military forces are still no match for Russia’s, they would be far better at defending the country than they were in 2014, when Russia grabbed Crimea and intervened in the eastern Donbas region to support pro-Russian separatists. Russian aggression has alienated most Ukrainians, making widespread popular resistance likely if Russia tries to seize a major chunk of the country. Putin can expect not only heavy Russian casualties, but also the severe economic sanctions that the United States and its European allies are currently weighing. With Russia facing such clear downsides if it opts for war, diplomacy has a reasonable chance of averting conflict. Indeed, Moscow recently released a detailed agenda for broad negotiations over European security.", "zh": "乌克兰的外交出路 华盛顿—在12月23日召开的年度新闻发布会上，俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京对北约东扩进行了猛烈的抨击。 他尖锐地质问道 ， “ 如果我们在美加或美墨边境上发射火箭，美国将作何应对 ？ ” 普京愈加好斗的言论，加之俄罗斯在俄乌边境上大规模的军队集结，均表明克里姆林宫正准备入侵乌克兰，从而将该国拉回到俄罗斯的势力范围并且阻止其加入北约。 欧洲很有可能正在走向二战以来最致命的区际冲突。 但鉴于俄罗斯入侵其邻国可能要面临的代价，战争并不是注定要发生。 尽管乌克兰的军事力量仍无法与俄罗斯相提并论，但相比2014年，它们保卫国家的能力已大幅提升，当时俄罗斯曾占领克里米亚并干预东部的顿巴斯地区，以支持亲俄罗斯的分裂分子。 俄罗斯的入侵疏远了绝大部分乌克兰人，如果俄罗斯企图夺取乌克兰大部分地区，那么引发普遍的民众抵抗就变得很有可能。 普京不仅无法避免为俄罗斯造成大规模人员伤亡，而且，遭受美国及其欧洲盟友目前正在考量的严重经济制裁也在意料之中。 因为选择战争面临如此明确的不利因素，运用外交策略有着合理的概率能够避免冲突。 事实上，莫斯科最近公布了欧洲安全领域的全面且详细的谈判议程 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Both banks aim to offer alternatives to the US-led World Bank and the Japan-led Asian Development Bank, respectively. Indeed, these new development-finance institutions are seen as a reaction against the Bretton Woods institutions, whose pursuit of neoliberal austerity policies and failure to reform their governance structures to share power with emerging economies, has been blamed for strangling public spending, de-industrialization, and the dismantling of national development banks. Many emerging countries also resent the World Bank’s environmental and social safeguards, which they see as compromising their national sovereignty. In response to this criticism, the Bank is revising its safeguards and enforcement mechanisms. But weaker oversight by the World Bank would leave loan recipients to monitor and enforce environmental and social standards themselves – regardless of their resources or political will to do so –thus jeopardizing efforts to defend the rights of indigenous peoples, resettle displaced people, mitigate environmental damage, or protect forests and biodiversity. The weakening of World Bank safeguards might also trigger a “race to the bottom,” pitting private or state investors, new financing institutions, and a deregulated World Bank against one another, while provoking a popular backlash. That is why it is important to have citizens’ groups that can step in to ensure that investments operate fairly. Though civil-society groups have long monitored the “supply side” – the project financing – they often ignore the “demand side” – namely, the value and impacts of the projects being implemented. This is especially the case for infrastructure investments in energy, water, transport, and information and communications technology (ICT). The Program for Infrastructure Development in Africa, for example, has planned $360 billion worth of “bankable mega-projects” in these sectors by 2040. PIDA gives priority to energy (especially hydropower) projects to support mining operations and oil and gas pipelines, while sidelining renewable energy technologies, such as solar, wind, and geothermal. Similar concerns surround the project “pipelines” of the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America and the ASEAN Infrastructure Fund in Asia. Though some PPP projects offer high returns, they also demand hefty additional guarantees from the host government to offset private-sector risk.", "zh": "这两家银行的目标是分别提供代替美国所领导的世界银行和日本所领导的亚洲开发银行的办法。 事实上，这些新发展融资机构被视为针对布雷顿森林机构的反应，后者追求新自由主义紧缩政策，而不去改革治理结构从而与新兴经济体分享权力，被指责对公共支出从中作梗，导致了去工业化，还让国家开发银行分崩离析。 许多新兴国家还抱怨世界银行的环境和社会保护措施，它们将此视为拿国家主权去妥协。 面临这一批评，世界银行修订了其保护和执行机制。 但世界银行监督削弱意味着借款国必须自己监控和执行环境和社会保护措施 — — 不管它们是否有这样做的资源或政治意愿 — — 从而制约了捍卫土著民族权利、安置移民、减轻环境破坏和保护森林和生物多样性的努力。 世界银行保护措施的削弱还可能触发“无底线竞争 ” ， 私人或国家投资者、新融资机构和去监管化的世界银行相互拆台，并引发群众反对。 正因如此，让有能力的公民团体介入确保投资公正进行至关重要。 尽管公民社会团体一直都在监督“供给端 ” — —项目融资 — — 但他们常常忽略“需求端 ” — —即实施中项目的价值和影响。 能源、水、交通和信息和通信技术方面的基础设施投资尤其如此。 比如，非洲基础设施开发计划（The Program for Infrastructure Development in Africa，PIDA）在这些领域规划了价值3,600亿美元的“银行可接受巨型工程 ” ， 计划于2040年完成。 PIDA优先支持开采作业和油气管道但不利于可再生能源技术（如太阳能、风能和地热能）的能源（特别是水电）项目。 相同的担忧也存在于南美地区基础设施融合计划（Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America）和亚洲的东盟基础设施基金（ASEAN Infrastructure Fund）等工程上。 尽管一些公私合作项目带来了高回报，但它们也要求东道国政府保证遏制私人部门风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pence’s stance echoed the fears of the US national security community. As former US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter put it, “Because it is a Communist dictatorship, China is able to bring to bear on US companies and our trading partners a combination of political, military, and economic tools that a government such as ours cannot match. This puts us at an inherent disadvantage.” And yet America’s tools are hardly useless. The US authorities have mobilized a broad range of domestic and international resources – from law and diplomacy to national security measures – to stop the overseas expansion of the Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei. If Western countries allow Huawei to build their 5G infrastructure, America’s hawks and their allies argue, they will be vulnerable to cyberattacks from China in some future war. All of this has shaken business and market confidence to the core, wiping out trillions of dollars in market capitalization. And the Trump administration’s apparent insistence that countries choose sides in its dispute with China is further heightening fears. As the rest of the world’s trading countries understand, Trump’s approach will fragment business and reverse the globalization-enabled economies of scale that have fueled growth for decades. More broadly, the Trump administration’s rejection of multilateralism undermines the global cooperation needed to confront a range of issues, including migration, poverty and inequality, climate change, and the challenges raised by new technologies. Trump’s focus on geopolitical rivalry – and the associated rise in security and defense spending – will dramatically reduce resources available for global public goods, such as infrastructure investment and poverty-reduction programs. Ending the Sino-US trade war will require considerable statesmanship on the part of Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. But, beyond that, both sides need to recognize that supporting global peace and prosperity requires less ideology and more respect for diversity of political, social, and cultural systems. Failing that, the fault lines will continue to deepen – much as they did in the 1930s – potentially setting the stage for full-blown war.", "zh": "彭斯的立场与美国国家安全界的担忧遥相呼应。 美国前国防部长阿什顿·卡特（Ashton Carter）指出 ， “ 中国是一个共产主义独裁国家，因此它会对美国公司和我们的贸易伙伴施加一系列我们的政府比不上的政治、军事和经济手段。 这使得我们处于先天劣势 。 ” 但美国的工具绝不是像以上描述的那么无用的。 美国当局动员了各种国内和国际资源 — — 从法律和外交到国家安全措施 — — 来阻止中国电信巨头华为的海外扩张。 美国鹰派和他们的盟友们认为，如果西方国家允许华为为它们建设5G基础设施，就会在未来战争中受到中国的网络袭击。 所有这些美国鹰派的言行从根本上动摇了全球企业和市场信心，导致市值蒸发了数万亿美元。 特朗普政府显然是在要求各国在其与中国的纠纷中站边，而这进一步加剧了企业与市场的恐惧与恐慌。 世界其他贸易国明白，特朗普的强硬零和对抗方针将破坏商贸环境，逆转几十年来推动全球增长的、由全球化带来的规模经济效益。 特朗普政府拒绝多边主义将削弱全球合作，而全球合作是解决包括移民、贫困和不平等性、气候变化以及新技术带来的挑战等一系列问题的必要条件。 美国鹰派执着于地缘政治对立 — — 以及由此导致的安全和防务支出的增加 — — 将大大减少全球公共品所能得到的资源，如基础设施投资和减贫计划。 结束中美贸易战需要特朗普和中国国家主席习近平拿出高超的政治智慧与领导才能。 但除此之外，双方还需要认识到，支持全球和平与繁荣特别需要尊重政治、社会和文化制度的多样性，而不是局限于意识形态。 如果做不到这一点，目前显现的断层线可能不断深化。 而在20世纪30年代，类似的断层曾经不断升级，为全方位对抗，及后来的战争创造了条件。 这正是我们今天需要避免的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Biden voiced strong criticism of Chinese behavior, but also noted a desire to work with Xi’s regime when it is in America’s interest to do so. China will have to decide whether it is prepared to reciprocate in the face of US criticism, sanctions, and export restrictions on sensitive technology. The US will likewise encounter difficulty in realizing its goal of organizing the world to meet global challenges, from infectious disease and climate change to nuclear proliferation and conduct in cyberspace. There is no consensus and no international community, and the US can neither compel others to act as it wants nor succeed on its own. A good many difficult decisions remain. The Biden administration will need to determine what to do about Iran’s nuclear ambitions (and whether to re-enter the 2015 nuclear pact that many observers see as flawed). There are also questions about what to do with the accord signed a year ago with the Taliban – not so much a peace agreement as a cover for US military withdrawal – and about a North Korean regime that continues to expand its nuclear and missile arsenals. However Biden’s foreign policy shapes up, it is important that it be bipartisan and involve Congress when possible. US allies understandably fear that in four years, Americans could return to Trumpism, if not the man himself. The fear that Trump was not an aberration, but rather reflected what the US has become, undermines US influence.", "zh": "拜登强烈批评中国的所作所为，但却同时指出，希望在符合美国利益的前提下与习政府展开合作。 中国将不得不决定面对美国的批评、制裁和对敏感技术的出口限制，中国是否准备以牙还牙。 在实现组织世界各国面对全球挑战（从传染病、气候变化到核不扩散及网络空间行为）的目标方面，美国是很有可能遭遇困难的。 上述领域既不存在共识也尚未建立国际团体，而美国则既不能随心所欲地迫使他国采取行动，也不能仅凭一己之力取得成功。 以后还要做出许多艰难的决策。 拜登政府将需要决定，如何应对伊朗的核野心（以及是否重新回归被许多观察家视为有缺陷的2015年核协议框架 ） 。 此外，还有如何处置一年前与塔利班所签署协议的问题 — — 与其说，这是一项和平协议，还不如说，是美军撤退的掩护 — — 以及如何对待持续拓展其核及导弹武器库的朝鲜政府。 无论拜登的外交政策如何发展，重要的是，尽可能让国会参与以及实现两党合作。 可以理解，美国盟友担心4年后，美国可能回归特朗普主义，即使不是特朗普本人执政。 人们担忧，特朗普并不是什么反常现象，而是反映了美国现状，这种担忧导致美国影响力削弱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "None of this is to say that we should ignore the productivity challenge. But the truth is that productivity is not the principal economic problem right now. Tackling the most urgent problems confronting the world economy will require action by multiple actors – not just central banks. Yet, thus far, monetary authorities have shouldered much of the burden of the crisis response. First, they intervened to prevent the financial system’s collapse, and, later, to stop a sovereign-debt and banking crisis in Europe. Then they continued to suppress interest rates and the yield curve, elevating asset prices, which boosted demand via wealth effects. But this approach, despite doing some good, has run its course. Ultra-low – even negative – interest rates have failed to restore aggregate demand or stimulate investment. And the exchange-rate transmission channel won’t do much good, because it does not augment aggregate demand; it just shifts demand around among countries’ tradable sectors. Inflation would help, but even the most expansionary monetary measures have been struggling to raise inflation to targets, Japan being a case in point. One reason for this is inadequate aggregate demand. Monetary policy should never have been expected to shift economies to a sustainably higher growth trajectory by itself. And, in fact, it wasn’t: monetary policy was explicitly intended to buy time for households, the financial sector, and sovereigns to repair their balance sheets and for growth-enhancing policies to kick in. Unfortunately, governments did not go nearly far enough in pursuing complementary fiscal and structural responses. One reason is that fiscal authorities in many countries – in particular, in Japan and parts of Europe – have been constrained by high sovereign-debt levels. Furthermore, in a low interest-rate environment, they can live with debt overhangs. For highly indebted governments, low interest rates are critical to keep debt levels sustainable and ease pressure to restructure debt and recapitalize banks. The shift to a high sovereign-debt-yield equilibrium would make it impossible to achieve fiscal balance. In the eurozone, the European Central Bank’s commitment, announced in 2012, to prevent debt levels from becoming unsustainable is politically conditional on fiscal restraint. There are also political motivations at play.", "zh": "所有这些都不是说我们应该忽视生产率问题。 但真相是生产率并不是眼下最重要的经济问题。 解决当今世界所面临的最紧迫的问题需要多方共同行动 — — 而不仅仅是中央银行。 但是，到目前为止，货币当局承担了应对危机的主要责任。 它们先是干预防止金融系统崩溃，随后又出手阻止欧洲主权债务和银行危机。 然后，它们继续抑制利率和收益率曲线、提振资产家而过，从而通过财富效应刺激需求。 但该方针尽管带来一些效果，也已经可谓物尽其用了。 极低甚至负利率没能重塑总需求或刺激投资。 汇率传递渠道没有多大用处，因为这无法扩大总需求；而只是让需求在各国可贸易部门之间转移。 通货膨胀是有益的，但即使是最具扩张性的货币政策也难以将通胀提高到目标水平，日本就是如此。 一个原因就是总需求不足。 我们根本不应该期待光靠货币政策就将经济提升至更高水平的可持续增长轨迹。 事实亦然：货币政策显然只是为家庭、金融部门和主权部门赢得时间修复资产负债表，为强化增长的政策赢得起效时间。 不幸的是，政府在实施全面财政和结构性响应措施方面做得远远不够。 一个原因是许多国家的财政当局 — — 特别是日本和部分欧洲国家 — — 受制于高企的主权债务水平。 此外，在低利率环境中，它们可以通过债务积压过上好日子。 对重债国政府而言，低利率是保持债务水平可持续、减轻重组债务和银行的压力的关键。 向高主权债务收益率均衡的转变将让财政平衡无法实现。 在欧元区，欧洲央行2012年所做出的阻止债务水平变得不可持续的承诺在政治上需要以财政抑制为条件。 政治动机也在起作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And I held out my hand,  reaching for something to believe in. I held on when I arrived at Yale at 18,  with the faith that my journey from Oak Cliff, Texas  was a chance to leave behind all the challenges I had known,  the broken dreams and broken bodies I had seen. But when I found myself back home one winter break,  with my face planted in the floor,  my hands tied behind my back  and a burglar's gun pressed to my head,  I knew that even the best education couldn't save me. I held on when I showed up at Lehman Brothers  as an intern in 2008. So hopeful --    that I called home to inform my family  that we'd never be poor again. But as I witnessed this temple of finance  come crashing down before my eyes,  I knew that even the best job couldn't save me. I held on when I showed up in Washington DC as a young staffer,  who had heard a voice call out from Illinois,  saying, \"It's been a long time coming,  but in this election, change has come to America.\" But as the Congress ground to a halt  and the country ripped at the seams  and hope and change began to feel like a cruel joke,  I knew that even the political second coming could not save me.", "zh": "我伸出双手， 苦苦搜寻一丝能够相信的东西。 当我18岁时到耶鲁大学时， 我搜寻着， 我相信从德州的小镇一路走来， 我有机会摆脱一切 我所历经的困苦与艰难， 摆脱那些破碎的梦想、 残疾的躯体。 但当我在寒假回到家乡， 我的头被摁在地上， 双手被紧缚在身后， 强盗的手枪顶着我的脑袋， 我就知道，即使是 最好的教育也救不了我。 当我2008年到雷曼兄弟实习时， 我也搜寻着。 充满希望——  我兴奋地打电话给家人， 说我们永远不会再贫穷了。 但当我眼睁睁看着 这座金融的圣殿 就在我眼前化作断壁残垣， 我就知道，即使是 最好的工作也救不了我。 当我到华盛顿特区 做一个年轻记者时，我搜寻着， 我听见伊利诺伊州的一个声音： （指奥巴马竞选演说） “时间已经过了太久，” “但就在这次选举， 美国将迎来变革。” 但当议会工作彻底停滞， 国家几乎分崩离析， 所谓希望和变革 都变成了残酷的冷笑话， 我就知道，即使是 政治的新生也救不了我。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Regulations are also largely responsible for the emissions reductions achieved at the federal level, through programs such as renewable portfolio standards and Corporate Average Fuel Economy standards. If the US is to have any chance of reducing emissions in line with what the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change recommends, appropriate environmental regulation must be recognized as a complement to large-scale public investments and carbon pricing, not a substitute. The third way neoliberalism has undermined climate action is by shifting decisions from the federal to the state and local level. While local control is useful in some policy arenas, it has exacerbated the tragedy of the commons with respect to climate change. At the same time that neoliberalism prescribes a carbon price as the solution to climate change, it rejects the centralization needed to make such a policy actually work. After all, the chances that all US states will implement a carbon price are slim to none. The fossil-fuel industry and its lobbyists have long pitted individual US states – as well as individual labor unions and chapters – against one another by promising to create local jobs in fossil-fuel extraction. The industry has also campaigned aggressively against green ballot initiatives at the state and local level, where it can easily outspend the competition. So long as policymakers are bound by the straitjacket of neoliberal ideology, there can be no meaningful progress toward addressing climate change, as US Senator Dianne Feinstein recently made clear to a group of young climate activists in a recorded encounter that was by turns condescending and combative. Fortunately, the widespread public support for a Green New Deal shows that voters do not share this ideology. Still, to achieve the Green New Deal’s goal of net carbon neutrality in ten years will require not just an economy-wide carbon price-and-dividend policy, but also large-scale public investment and complementary regulations. Taken together, these measures could mobilize America’s latent productive capacities in ways not seen since World War II. Without them, the global effort to tackle climate change will have a snowball’s chance in Hell.", "zh": "法规还在很大程度上通过各项可再生能源组合标准以及企业平均燃料经济性标准实现了在联邦层面的减排。 如果美国想要遵循政府间气候变化专门委员会的建议去减少排放，那就不能将适当的环境法规变成大规模公共投资和碳定价的替代物，而是要将其作为补充品。 新自由主义破坏气候行动的第三种方式则是将决策从联邦转移到州和地方层面。 虽然本地管制在一些政策领域卓有成效，但却加剧了气候变化方面的公地悲剧。 在新自由主义将碳价作为解决气候变化问题的同时，它却拒绝推行这种政策在实际运作所需要具备的集中化。 毕竟美国各州全部都实施碳价的可能性极小。 化石燃料行业及其游说者长期以来都通过承诺在化石燃料开采方面创造本地就业机会的方式在美国各州 — — 以及个别工会和分会 — — 之间制造对立。 该行业还在州和地方层面积极举行活动反对绿色投票动议，因为它们在这些层面优势巨大。 只要政策制定者依然受到新自由主义意识形态的束缚，就不可能在应对气候变化方面取得任何有意义的进展，正如美国参议员黛安·费恩斯坦（Dianne Feinstein）最近与一群青少年气候活动者交锋时所表现出来的那样 — — 她的态度相当居高临下且充满抵触。 幸运的是，公众对绿色新政的普遍支持表明选民并不认同这种意识形态。 尽管如此，要实现绿色新政在十年内实现中性碳净排放的目标不仅需要一个覆盖整个经济体的碳价格及分红政策，还需要大规模的公共投资和补充性法规。 总而言之，这些措施将以二战以来前所未有的方式动员起美国的潜在生产能力。 没有它们，应对气候变化的全球努力将一事无成。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Other Threat to Democracy ROME – The emergence of illiberal politicians across the West has led to prophecies about the end of democracy. In the United States, Donald Trump is maneuvering to return to the White House in 2025, after attempting to overturn an election that he lost in 2020. In France, not one but two far-right populists are running for president. And in Italy, Matteo Salvini of the League and Giorgia Meloni of the post-fascist Brothers of Italy will be plausible contenders for the premiership when Italians go to the polls in 2023. Like right-wing political and media operatives in the US, Salvini, Meloni, and Marine Le Pen of the French far-right National Rally have all paid homage to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. They have made no secret of their temptation to pursue his brand of illiberalism if given the chance. Concerns about the future tend to be molded by our most vivid memories of the past. We learned from our parents and grandparents about the threat of fascism. And in recent years, we have watched authoritarian leaders come to power democratically, only to erode constitutional norms and institutions once in office. This “electoral” model for establishing autocracy thus has come to seem like a potent threat. But are we worrying about the right kind of democratic decline? In fact, a more immediate risk lies in the descent from democracy to ochlocracy, a term coined by the Greek historian Polybius during the second century BC to describe mob rule.", "zh": "民主的又一个威胁 罗马—西方各国非自由政治家的出现已经预示着民主的终结。 在美国，唐纳德·特朗普在试图推翻其在2020年输掉的那场选举结果后，正竭尽全力在2025年重返白宫。 在法国，不止一位、而是两位极右翼民粹主义分子正在竞选总统。 而在意大利，当意大利民众在2023年举行投票时，联盟党的马泰奥·萨尔维尼和后法西斯意大利兄弟会的乔治亚·梅洛尼将有力地竞争总理。 像美国右翼政治和媒体人员一样，萨尔维尼、梅洛尼和法国极右翼国家集会党的玛琳·勒庞都向匈牙利总理维克托·奥尔班致以敬意。 如果有机会，他们会毫不掩饰地效仿奥尔班的非自由主义品牌。 我们关于过去最生动的记忆往往能够塑造对未来的忧虑。 我们对法西斯主义威胁的了解来自于我们的父母和祖父母。 近年来，我们亲眼目睹威权领袖以民主的方式上台，却在执政后开始侵蚀宪法规范和体制。 上述实现专制的“选举”模式于是似乎成为一种强有力的威胁。 但我们对民主衰落的担忧是否准确？ 事实上，从民主到暴民政治的堕落才是更直接的威胁，暴民政治是希腊历史学家波利比乌斯在公元前二世纪创造的用来形容暴民统治的术语。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Apart from the anti-corruption trials, there are plans both to reduce the number of people on the state payroll and to raise the salaries of those who remain. In crafting its new development plan, the CPV seems to have been inspired by Singapore and the Nordic countries. Its goal is to move from a model based on cheap labor and capital-intensive, high-pollution, industrial-based investment to one based on advanced technologies and services, which would ensure more sustainable and equitable growth. Judging from public statements, the Party’s leaders seem to have recognized that flagrant corruption and rapidly rising inequality pose a threat to their legitimacy. Yet it remains to be seen if the current enforcement efforts will actually lead to meaningful political reforms, stronger safeguards against corruption, and clearer regulations for property ownership, so that the rich no longer have to rely on insiders to accumulate and protect their wealth. Much of the CPV’s rhetoric has focused on the need for “morality and ethics” on the part of government officials. But it would be better to accept that self-interest is a powerful and inescapable human trait. By simply enjoining government officials to behave honestly out of a sense of public duty, the Party risks missing the opportunity to establish stronger and more rational corruption-monitoring mechanisms. As for the Party’s attempts to transform the economy, it is worth noting that in the run-up to the Trump-Kim summit, Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyễn Xuân Phúc went to unprecedented lengths to bolster his country’s public image by personally selecting some Vietnamese dishes for foreign journalists. In the past, the Party has always regarded the foreign press as a threat to be avoided, owing to past criticisms of Vietnam’s track record on human rights. But now, the goal is to boost the tourism industry by establishing Vietnam as a top travel destination. When Kim’s car passed through Hanoi this week, many Vietnamese cheered, not because they miss the closed economic policies of the 1980s, but because the scene was reminiscent of Vietnam’s own negotiations to normalize relations with the US in 1993-1994. That diplomatic success paved the way for a significant share of the Vietnamese population to be lifted out of poverty. But while most Vietnamese have enjoyed years of rising living standards, the economic model of the past three decades must be transformed. Vietnam is once again at a crossroads.", "zh": "除反腐诉讼外，他们还计划减少国有工资清单所供养的人数，并提高那些留下来的人的薪酬。 在制定全新发展计划的过程中，越共似乎受到了新加坡和北欧国家的启发。 其目标是从基于廉价劳动力、资本密集型、高污染且以工业为基础的投资模式逐渐转型成为基于先进的技术和服务，这将能够确保更可持续的公平增长。 从公开声明看，越共领导人似乎已经认识到明目张胆的腐败和迅速蔓延的不平等已经威胁到他们的合法地位。 但目前的执法工作能否导致有意义的政治改革、针对腐败现象更强有力的保障以及更为明确的财产所有权法规仍然有待观察。 只有这样，富人才不必继续依赖内部人员来积累并保护他们的财富。 越共把绝大部分讲话重点都放在政府官员遵守“道德和操守”的必要性上。 但自利是一种强大而无法逃避的人类特征，这样一种现实最好能够得到接受。 通过粗暴命令政府官员以公共责任感为出发点诚实行事，越共可能会错失建立更为强大、合理的腐败监督机制的机会。 至于越共的经济转型工作，值得一提的是，在特朗普-金正恩峰会的准备阶段，越南总理阮春福亲自为外国记者挑选越南菜肴，这是此前从来没有过的。 过去，因为外国媒体总是批评越南的人权记录，越共一直将其视为一种应当躲避的威胁。 但现在，目标变成了通过将越南建设成顶级旅游胜地来推动旅游业的繁荣兴旺。 本周，当金正恩的轿车驶过河内，许多越南人欢呼雀跃，这并非因为他们怀念20世纪80年代的封闭经济政策，而是因为这一景象令他们回想起1993~1994年间越南自身与美国的关系正常化谈判。 上述外交努力的成功为很大一部分越南民众摆脱贫困铺平了道路。 但尽管多数越南人享受到了多年的生活水平提高，但过去30年的经济模式却必须改变。 越南再次站在十字路口。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But as the political philosopher John Gray points out, in ethics and politics, unlike in the natural sciences, things that are learned don’t necessarily stay learned. Even in the United States, torture was rehabilitated during the Bush presidency, and Trump is certainly some kind of throwback. Likewise, different countries do not necessarily learn the same thing. That is why attention to their particular histories is so important. To understand why 17.4 million people in Britain voted to leave the EU, it is not enough to call them “left behinds” or ill-educated. One needs to know British history to understand why one suit does not fit all sizes. Two rhymes from history can be heard in contemporary Hungarian politics: nationalism and anti-Semitism. So it is not foolish to draw parallels with interwar fascism. But to rhyme is not the same thing as to repeat. There is no parallel today to the existential crisis of European civilization following the World War I. And anti-Soros sentiment is a pale shadow of classical anti-Semitism. With a modicum of common sense, liberals should be able to ensure that the old tunes are muted. Not everything done in the name of history should be condoned. But nor should we neglect history as a portent of alternative futures.", "zh": "但政治哲学家约翰·加里（John Gary）指出，和自然科学不同，在道德学和政治学中，一朝学到的东西未必总能保持“学到”状态。 即便是美国，布什执政期间也恢复了拷问，特朗普也显然属于倒退者。 类似地，不同的国家学到的东西也不尽相同。 因此，关注它们的独特的历史至关重要。 要理解为何1,740万英国人投票脱离欧盟，仅仅说他们是“落后者”或教育程度不足是不够的。 你需要了解英国历史，才能明白不存在适应所有人的衣服。 从当代匈牙利政治中我们可以听到两个政治韵律：民族主义和反犹主义。 因此，将其与两次世界大战中间的法西斯主义相提并论绝非愚蠢。 但押韵绝不同于重复。 今天的欧洲并不存在欧洲文明在一战后所面临的生存危机。 而反索罗斯情绪只是经典的反犹主义的苍白的倒影。 只要有少量常识，自由派应该能够确保旧旋律收声。 并非所有以历史的名义所做出的行为都应该得到宽恕。 同时，我们也不应该忽视作为另一种未来的预兆的历史。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US alone is reputed to have the capacity to produce 4.7 billion doses by the end of 2021 – four billion more than America needs. Again, according to Amnesty International, the G7 will have “three billion doses surplus to requirement by the end [of 2021].” Where are those doses going? Apparently to wealthy customers. This includes 1.8 billion doses committed to the EU for “booster shots,” as reported by Varsha Gandikota-Nellutla of Progressive International. Meanwhile, outside the rich-country bubble, the virus can spread, mutate, sicken, and kill. This is not merely a humanitarian issue. If viruses are not eradicated, they evolve. Already, multiple variants of the coronavirus have appeared. As far as we know, none can overcome the available vaccines. But no one can say for sure that such a variant will not emerge, and the more time lost, the greater the risk – and not merely for the world’s poor. One obvious solution is to get the hoarded stockpile into arms all around the world. A second would be to waive patent protection and supply restrictions on the Western vaccines, so that they can be produced more rapidly in other countries.", "zh": "据称，美国到2021年末有能力生产47亿剂疫苗 — — 超出美国需求总量40亿剂。 据国际特赦组织称 ， （ 2021）年末，七国集团将有“30亿剂疫苗供给剩余 ” 。 这些剩余的疫苗都到哪里去了呢？ 明显是到了有钱人的手中。 据进步国际（Progressive International）的瓦尔莎·甘迪科塔-内鲁特拉（Varsha Gandikota-Nellutla）报道，这些有钱人拿走了18亿剂承诺交给欧盟用于后续注射的疫苗。 同时，在富国打造的泡沫之外，病毒肆虐、变异，导致人们患病、死亡。 这不仅仅是关乎人道主义的事情。 如果病毒没有彻底根除，它们会不断进化。 现在已经出现了许多新冠病毒的变种。 众所周知，还没有变种可以抵抗目前的疫苗。 但也没人敢说，能够抵抗疫苗的病毒变种一定不会出现，时间拖得越长，风险就越大 — — 不仅对穷人如此，富人也一样。 一个显而易见的解决方案是把全球囤积的疫苗变成对抗疫情的武器。 第二是放弃西方疫苗的专利保护和供应限制，以便疫苗能在其他国家加速生产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Although Norway, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg have achieved the 0.7% target, the global average has actually declined, from 0.5% of GDP in 1960 to 0.3% today. The UK has pledged 0.7% of its gross national income, but is debating who will receive it. America’s annual contribution of $30 billion, the world’s highest in absolute terms, amounts to less than 0.25% of its GNI. But, while international organizations encourage additional ODA spending, donor-country citizens are increasingly resistant. Critics argue that the money does not reach those who truly need it; that it creates dependency, and thus harms recipient countries; that it is needed at home; and that it generates income primarily for consultants and source-country vested interests. To be sure, it is widely agreed that aid for disaster relief and assistance to conflict-affected countries are effective. Moreover, almost 10% of total ODA is allotted for humanitarian relief, which should be similarly uncontroversial. But the overall impact of ODA remains dubious. In a report released last March, the UK’s House of Lords Select Committee on Economic Affairs cited disagreement among experts on the issue, with estimates ranging from a 0.5% boost to annual GDP growth in recipient countries to no effect on growth at all. There are several possible explanations for the fact that development aid has not always translated into GDP growth.", "zh": "尽管挪威、瑞典、丹麦荷兰和卢森堡已经实现0.7%的目标，但就全球平均水平而言，这一比例从1960年的0.5%下降到了今天的0.3 % 。 英国承诺拿出国民生总收入（GNI）的0.7 % ， 但在援助谁的问题上争论不休。 美国每年援助规模为300亿美元，绝对数量为世界之最，但占GNI的比重还不到0.25 % 。 但是，尽管国际组织鼓励增加ODA支出，援助国国民却越来越抵制。 批评者指出，这笔钱并没有达到真正需要它们的人手中；援助造成了依赖从而有害于受助国；国内也需要援助；援助的主要作用是鼓了顾问和来源国既得利益者的腰包。 平心而论，一个被广泛接受的观点是救灾援助和冲突援助十分有效。 此外，ODA总量中有近10%用于人道主义救济，这也应该是毫无争议的领域。 但ODA的总体影响仍然值得质疑。 在去年3月的一份报告中，英国上议院经济事务委员会援引了专家在这一问题上的分歧 — — ODA对受助国年GDP增长的提振作用众说纷纭，有人说可达0.5 % ， 有人说根本毫无作用。 有三个原因或能解释发展援助并不总能转变为GDP增长这一事实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "水，万物之灵。有水之地，自然就免不了有古曲雅致的茶楼。 只需要挂上几句“墨幽潭水独一饮，山中高处有人家”之类的诗词，便立马才子佳人汇聚，就算价钱高上几倍，亦扫不了这样的雅兴。 一身华服的燕修算是来往墨幽潭这群才子中的异类，虽然并没有像那些才子们一样吟诗画，但是，耐不住他有钱。 所以，墨幽潭中最好的观景阁楼便被他给占了去。而且还被他一口气包下一个月。 跟一个人处得久了，身上便也多少沾了些对方的习性，就比如紮须大汉现在的态，不言不语，不怒不笑。 当然了，与燕修的冷漠比起来，紮须大汉之方面的功力还是要差上一些。 阁楼之中，一名侍女恭敬坐立在桌前，双手翻飞间，为燕修彻着茶，而燕修则是一脸冷淡的看着不断涌现在墨幽潭边的各方才子们。 阁楼之下，一处当得上热闹的桌前，几名穿着锦衣的才子们一边摇晃着脑袋，一边略显兴奋的议论着。", "en": "Water, was the soul of All Creation.Anywhere there was water, naturally there would be ancient and elegantly-constructed restaurants. It only had to hang up a few words of poems like \"The Serene Ink Pond’s unique water, high on the mountains, were people\" in order to cause all the scholars to gather. Even though the price was many times higher, it couldn’t affect their refined and elegant attitude of minds. Yan Xiu, wearing his brocade robe, was different from the group of scholars visiting the Serene Ink Pond. Even though he didn’t paint nor recite poetry like those scholars, but, he had money. Hence, the best sightseeing garret at the Serene Ink Pond was occupied by him. And he even reserved it for an entire month at one go. After following someone for a long enough time, his personality would be more or less affected by him. For example, the strong bearded man’s current manner was silent, neither happy nor angry. Of course, compared to Yan Xiu’s coldness, the strong bearded man’s success still lacked behind a little. Within the garret, a maid sat respectfully in front of the table. Her hands flew about, pouring tea for Yan Xiu. On the other hand, Yan Xiu was gazing coldly at the scholars appearing non-stop by the Serene Ink Pond’s sight. Below the garret, at a rather lively table, a few brocade-clothed scholars bobbed their heads and discussed excitedly."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What 23andMe offered was a $99 test for some 250 genetically linked conditions, based on a partial reading of single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) – points where individuals’ genomes vary by a single DNA base pair. Given that DTC genetic tests target only a fraction of the human genome’s three billion markers, and various companies sample different SNPs, different tests may return disparate results for the same customer, who might then make serious medical decisions based on inaccurate information. In this context, it is unsurprising that even those who oppose regulation in general see the need for it in the case of DTC testing. But the issue goes beyond inaccuracy. As the journalist Charles Seife has pointed out, the retail genetics test is “meant to be a front end for a massive information-gathering operation against an unwitting public.” Indeed, when 23andMe customers log in to their accounts, they are invited to fill out surveys about their lifestyle, family background, and health, adding epidemiological value to the genetic data, which are then used by the firm’s research arm, 23andWe. In providing this information, 23andMe’s customers are building a valuable “biobank” for the company.", "zh": "23andMe公司提供的是250种左右的与遗传相关的情况的测试，其测试基于对单核苷酸多态性（SNP）的局部读取 — — 个体基因组因为单一DNA碱基对而呈现出不同的点。 这项测试费用是99美元。 由于DTC遗传测试的目标仅仅是人类基因组三十亿个表示点的一小部分，且不同公司对SNP的取样也不同，因此对于同一客户，不同测试可能呈现完全不同的结果，从而导致因信息不准确而引起的严重医疗后果。 在这样的背景下，毫不奇怪即使是那些总体上反对监管的人也认为有必要监管DTC测试。 但问题不仅仅在于不准确。 正如记者查尔斯·赛菲（Charles Seife）所指出的，零售遗传测试“必然是针对不知情公众的大规模信息收集操作的前沿 。 ” 事实上，当23andMe公司客户登陆他们的账户时，他们会被邀��填写关于生活方式、家庭背景和健康的调查，从而使这些遗传数据具有流行病学分析价值，而这些信息随后将被该公司的研究部门23andWe所用。 在提供这些信息的过程中，23andMe的客户为该公司建立了价值连城的“生物银行 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "众人将动力符阵运转到了极限，在冰原上夺路狂奔，反复兜了三四个圈子，才借助山脊和洞窟的掩护，暂时摆脱了凶煞冰魄。 “快回到星梭上！” 队长洪铜急道。 众人额头都冒出了汗珠，却是被寒冷的天气，瞬间凝结成了冰珠，就算身上印着火焰纹章，都无济于事。 然而，当他们终于回到藏匿星梭的山谷。即将登上星梭时，来自半空中的一道冰雾利箭，却是将星梭冻成了冰块！ 原本以为已经摆脱的凶煞冰魄，正在三百米的高空中，混杂于一团团普通云雾中，冷冷“盯”着他们。 所有人的脸色都变得无比难看。 且不说星梭是否能够解冻，就算解冻，结构肯定受到严重损伤，强度大大降低。 搭乘这种星梭去破碎虚空。 简直是自寻死路。 唯一的希望被毁掉，在荒凉的玄冰星上，他们绝不可能和凶煞冰魄周旋太长时间。 就算天元界发射过来第二艘星梭，也难免再一次被凶煞冰魄毁去。 通讯频道中一片静默，仿佛无形的通讯网络也被凶煞冰魄彻底冻结。 片刻之后，李耀的声音，如黑暗的洞窟深处，一缕微弱的火苗。挣扎着燃烧起来。", "en": "Everyone activated their power rune arrays and sprinted across the ice-covered world. After taking several turns through ridges and caves, they finally managed to get rid of the Devastating Icy Revenant. \"Let's go back to the star shuttle!\" Hong Tong said hurriedly. Sweat was appearing on their forehead, which was instantly frozen into ice drops. The spiritual stamps of flame on their bodies were barely of any use now. However, when they finally reached the valley where their star shuttle was hidden and were ready to board it, an arrow of ice darted close from the sky and froze the star shuttle into a giant ice block! The Devastating Icy Revenant that they thought they'd escaped from was eyeing them in the sky among other ordinary clouds. Everyone's faces were drawn and couldn't look more awful. To shatter the void in such a star shuttle would be like committing suicide; the components of the star shuttle were, most likely, seriously damaged by the frost and their hardiness greatly undermined. And that was assuming the star shuttle could be unfrozen at all. Their only hope was ruined. There was no help in Mystic Glacier that they could count on to cope with the Devastating Icy Revenant. Even if the Heaven's Origin Sector sent out a second star shuttle, the Devastating Icy Revenant could destroy it easily. There was but silence in the communication channel, as if it had been frozen by the Devastating Icy Revenant, too. Shortly after, Li Yao's voice struggled in the channel, like flickering embers in the darkest cave."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, most of the main factors behind today’s inflation have little to do with curbing demand. Supply-side constraints drove inflation higher, and now supply-side factors are bringing inflation back down. To be sure, many economists (including some at the Fed) expected the supply-side interruptions from Russia’s war in Ukraine and the pandemic to be overcome very quickly. In the event, they were wrong, but only about the speed at which conditions would normalize. Much of this failure was understandable. Who would have thought that America’s storied market economy would be so lacking in resilience? Who could have foreseen that it would suffer critical shortages of baby formula, feminine hygiene products, and the components needed to produce new cars? Is this the United States or the Soviet Union in its dying days? Moreover, before Russian President Vladimir Putin started massing troops on the Ukrainian border late last year, no one could have predicted that there would be a major land war in Europe. And now no one can predict how long the war will last, or how long it will take for political leaders to stop the price spikes associated with it (some of which are simply the result of price gouging – “war profiteering”). Still, the overall inflation story is simple: Many of the supply-side factors that drove prices higher earlier in the recovery are now being reversed. Notably, the CPI gasoline index plunged by 7.7% in July, and private indices suggest a comparable decline in August.", "zh": "此外当前通胀背后的大多数主要因素与抑制需求没有什么关系。 供给侧的限制推动了通胀上升，而今又是各项供给侧因素令通胀出现了回落。 可以肯定的是，许多经济学家（包括一些美联储经济学家）预计俄乌战争和新冠疫情造成的供给侧中断会很快被克服。 虽然他们在此次事件中错了，但只是错在各项条件回归正常化的速度上。 这种失败在很大程度上是可以理解的。 谁会想到经历过那么多风风雨雨的美国市场经济会如此缺乏复原力？ 谁能预见到婴儿配方奶粉、女性卫生用品和生产新车所需部件的严重短缺？ 这是在美国还是在日薄西山的苏联？ 此外，在俄罗斯总统普京去年年底开始在乌克兰边境集结军队之前，没有人能够预测到欧洲会爆发一场大规模地面战争。 而如今又没人能预测这场战争会持续多久，也没人能预知政治领导人需要多长时间来阻止与之相关的物价飙升（其中一些只是价格欺诈的结果 — — “战争暴利 ” ） 。 不过总体的通胀逻辑还是很简单的。 许多在经济复苏早期推动价格上涨的供给侧因素如今正在被逆转。 值得注意的是7月份的CPI汽油指数大幅下跌了7.7 % ， 某些非官方指数显示8月份也出现了类似的下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While China has nuclear weapons and more soldiers, Japan’s military is better equipped in some areas (and obviously has the technological capacity to develop nuclear weapons very quickly). Moreover, Japan’s culture (both traditional and popular), overseas development assistance, and support of international institutions are impressive sources of soft power. Yes, Japan faces severe demographic problems, with the population projected to shrink from 127 million to below 100 million by 2050. The current birth rate is 1.4 (well below the replacement rate of 2.1), and the Japanese are resistant to accepting large numbers of immigrants. When Abe became Prime Minister almost three years ago, he vowed to restore Japan’s standing as a “first-tier country” by implementing an economic stimulus package, dubbed “Abenomics,” and reinterpreting Japan’s constitution to stiffen the country’s defense posture. But, whereas Abenomics was enacted quickly, the Diet enacted the defense legislation only recently – and after more than a year of effort. Many in Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party would have preferred fundamental reform of Japan’s defense doctrine, by removing the constitution’s limits on the country’s armed forces. But public opinion and Abe’s coalition partner, Komeito, did not allow it. Nonetheless, Japan’s interlocutors at the Seoul summit, China and South Korea, which suffered enormously from Japanese aggression in the last century, have protested loudly. Both are suspicious of Abe, who exacerbated tensions with nationalist rhetoric and a visit to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine early in his current administration. Indeed, Chinese President Xi Jinping has resisted meeting with Abe, as has Park, who will do so for the first time at the Seoul summit. On the other hand, Abe has repaired the strained relations with the US that Japan had under his predecessors, and President Barack Obama reiterated the strength of the bilateral alliance during Abe’s state visit to the White House last April. Under the new defense guidelines, US and Japanese forces are able to plan and exercise more effectively, and the alliance is in its best condition in decades. Abe has thus been relatively successful in terms of foreign and defense policy. But the situation on the economic front is more mixed.", "zh": "虽然中国在核武器和兵员数量方面占据优势，但日本军队在某些领域装备更为精良（而且显然拥有快速研发核武器的技术力量 ） 。 此外，日本的文化（无论传统还是流行 ） 、 海外发展援助、和国际机构的支持都体现着不可小觑的软性力量。 的确，日本面临着严重的人口问题，预计到2050年其人口将从1.27亿缩减到1亿以下。 目前的生育率仅为1.4（远低于2.1的人口替代率 ） ， 而日本人拒绝接受大量移民流入。 安倍近三年前担任首相时，曾发誓要通过实行被外界称之为“安倍经济学”的经济刺激计划让日本重新进入“第一梯队”并加强国家防御、重新解释日本宪法。 但虽然安倍经济学立竿见影，但议会经过一年多的努力仅仅在不久前才通过了国防法。 安倍的自民党有很多人都赞成彻底改革日本的国防理论，取消宪法限制该国的武装力量。 但公众舆论和安倍的执政伙伴公明党都不允许这种做法。 即便如此，日本在首尔峰会上的谈判伙伴中国和韩国因为上个世纪在日本侵略中所遭受的苦难大声抗议日本的做法。 中韩都怀疑安倍的动机，后者的民族主义言论和在执政之初参拜充满争议的靖国神社也加剧了局势的紧张。 事实上，中国国家主席习近平一直拒绝与安倍会面，韩国总统朴槿惠也是在本次首尔峰会上才首次同意与安倍会晤。 另一方面，安倍前任曾经与美国的紧张关系已经得到了修复。 奥巴马总统在去年4月���倍对白宫进行国事访问期间再次强调了双边联盟的力量。 在新的国防方针下，美国和日本军队能够更有效地进行策划及行动，并且美日联盟正处于几十年来的最佳状态。 因此，安倍在外交和国防政策方面一直是比较成功的。 但经济战线上的形势更为复杂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Currently, however, it is downright counter-productive. Bank loans have started to increase, but small borrowers, new borrowers, and start-up companies are regularly refused. Current low interest rates do not cover the risk that banks would take. To be sure, they could raise the rate for new and small borrowers; but, in the current political climate, they would stand accused of stifling economic recovery if they did. The new Consumer Financial Protection Board is also a deterrent, as banks consider it safer to lend to the government, large corporations, and giant real-estate speculators. The banks can report record profits without much risk, rebuild capital, and pay dividends and bonuses. And the Fed can congratulate itself on the mostly unobserved way that the large banks have used taxpayers’ money. Instead of continuing along this futile path, the Fed should end its open-ended QE3 now. It should stop paying interest on excess reserves until the US economy returns to a more normal footing. Most important, it should announce a strategy for eliminating the massive volume of such reserves. I am puzzled, and frankly appalled, by the Fed’s failure to explain how it will restore its balance sheet to a non-inflationary level. The announcements to date simply increase uncertainty without telling the public anything useful. Selling $2 trillion of reserves will take years. It must do more than repeat that the Fed can raise interest rates paid on reserves to encourage banks to hold them.", "zh": "但是，目前这么做不利于生产。 银行贷款已开始增加，但小型借款人、新借款人和创业公司总是吃闭门羹。 当前的低利率不能覆盖银行所冒的风险。 诚然，它们可以针对新借款人和小借款人提高利息；但是，在当前的政治气候下，这么做会让它们受到千夫所指，认为它们妨碍复苏。 新的消费者金融保护委员会也成了妨碍因素，因为银行认为借钱给政府、大公司和大型房地产投机商更加安全。 银行可以报告利润，有不同承担高风险；可以冲减资本；可以支付股票红利和奖金。 而美联储也可以暗自庆幸，大银行用难以看到的方式用了纳税人的钱。 美联储不应该继续坚持这一徒劳无益的政策，而应该马上结束无限制QE3。 美联储应该停止向超额准备金支付利息，直到美国经济站稳脚跟。 最重要的是，美联储应该宣布消灭如此巨量准备金的战略。 我很困惑，坦白说是惊骇，美联储一直没有解释它将如何让其资产负债表恢复到无通胀水平。 目前所宣布的政策只能增加不确定性，而没有告诉公众任何有用的信息。 拍卖2万亿准备金要花上多年时间。 除了重申美联储可能增加准备金利率以鼓励银行持有它们之外，美联储还需要做些另外的事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司主要从事以IGBT、FRED为主的功率半导体芯片、单管、模块和电源模组的设计、研发、生产和销售。 齐全，品种繁多，具体包括IGBT、FRED、MOSFET芯片及单管产品100余种，IGBT、FRED、MOSFET、整流桥及晶闸管等模块产品400余种，形成了从芯片到单管、到模块、到电源模组，从功率二极管FRED、到功率MOSFET、到IGBT，从低频应用到高频应用，从小功率单管到大功率模块，从标准封装到用户定制封装的多品种、多规格、多系列的产品群。 公司产品在变频器、电焊机、UPS电源、充电桩、光伏逆变器、电能质量管理、家用电器等诸多领域得到广泛应用，并得到了客户、市场和行业专家的认可。 目前，公司已拥有较为丰富的优质客户资源，与台达集团、汇川技术、佳士科技、奥太集团、苏州固锝、盛弘股份、英可瑞、科士达等行业龙头或知名企业客户建立了较为稳定的配套合作关系。 公司功率半导体器件产品的多品种、多规格、多系列以及高性价比和优质服务确保了公司能够满足不同客户的广泛应用需求。", "en": "The company is mainly engaged in the design, research and development, production, and sales of power semiconductor chips, transistors, modules, and power supply modules, with IGBT and FRED as the main focus. The products are complete and diverse, including more than 100 types of IGBT, FRED, and MOSFET chips and transistors, and more than 400 types of module products such as IGBT, FRED, MOSFET, rectifier bridges, and thyristors. It has formed a product range from chips to transistors, modules, and power supply modules, from power diodes (FRED) to power MOSFETs to IGBTs, from low-frequency applications to high-frequency applications, from small power transistors to high-power modules, and from standard packaging to customized packaging. The company's products are widely used in various fields such as frequency converters, welding machines, UPS power supplies, charging stations, photovoltaic inverters, power quality management, and household appliances, and have been recognized by customers, markets, and industry experts. Currently, the company has a rich customer resource and has established stable cooperative relationships with industry leaders or well-known enterprise customers such as Delta Group, Huichuan Technology, Jasic Technology, Autai Group, Suzhou Gude, Shenghong Shares, INVT, and Kstar. The wide variety, specifications, and series of the company's power semiconductor device products, as well as their cost-effectiveness and high-quality service, ensure that the company can meet the diverse application needs of different customers."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Realisation flooded me at once, and my heart jumped in quick and sudden panic. 'It's not too late,' I said swiftly, getting up from the floor and going to him, putting my arms about him; 'you're not to say that, you don't understand. I love you more than anything in the world. But when you kissed me just now I felt stunned and shaken. I could not feel anything. I could not grasp anything. It was just as though I had no more feeling left in me at all.' 'You don't love me,' he said, 'that's why you did not feel anything. I know. I understand. It's come too late for you, hasn't it?' 'No,' I said. \"This ought to have happened four months ago,' he said. 'I should have known. Women are not like men.' 'I want you to kiss me again,\" I said; 'please, Maxim.' 'No,' he said, 'it's no use now.' 'We can't lose each other now,' I said. 'We've got to be together always, with no secrets, no shadows. Please, darling, please.' \"There's no time,' he said. 'We may only have a few hours, a few days. How can we be together now that this has happened? I've told you they've found the boat. They've found Rebecca.'", "zh": "我顿时如大梦方醒，蓦然感到一阵惊慌，心儿怦怦乱跳。“其实并不太晚，”我连忙说，一面从地板上站起身，走过去伸开臂膀搂住他，“不许你说这种话，你不明白我的心思。我爱你超过世界上的任何东西。但刚才你吻我时，我惊得没了魂，什么感觉都没有，什么话也理解不了，就好像完全麻木了一样。” “你不爱我，”他说，“所以你才麻木不仁。这我清楚，也能够理解。爱情对你而言来得太迟了，对不对？” “四个月前我就该向你吐露真情，”他说，“我早该知道这一点，因为女人和男人毕竟有所不同。” “我想让你再吻我，”我说，“求求你，迈克西姆。” “不，”他说，“现在再吻也无济于事了。” “我们之间不能再有隔阂，”我说，“而应该永远在一起，没有秘密，没有阴影。求求你，亲爱的，求求你了。” “没有时间了，”他说，“可能只剩下了几个小时或几天的时间。发生了这种事，我们怎能永远在一起？我告诉过你，他们发现了那只小船，发现了丽贝卡。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Varieties that are tolerant to drought and flood can not only increase productivity, but also can prevent soil erosion and desertification. In southern Ghana, for example, farmers have managed to reduce crop failures arising from rainfall variability and unpredictability by cultivating several drought-tolerant types of the same crop species. In addition, crop diversification has reduced the need for costly and environmentally damaging pesticides. So I am convinced that we should raise the profile of biodiversity in tackling climate change and food insecurity, and that we need more high-level attention to this subject. Next week, when leaders meet in Rome, I hope that we will agree on the key priorities to fight hunger and food insecurity, and in particular to establish an authoritative source of advice on food security to governments and international institutions. In fact, we need for food security what the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel has done for climate change: a science-based red-alert system for the planet. And at the start of a new five-year term at the European Commission, I will continue to do all I can to promote this important issue. But even the best and most up-to-date donor policies will remain vain exercises if governments in developed countries fail to translate their commitments into hard cash and improvements in agricultural investment worldwide. So finally let the World Summit on Food Security provide tangible evidence of a commitment from all governments to a common objective: a world free of hunger. History will judge us unfavorably if we fail.", "zh": "混合种植抗旱性和抗涝性较强的农作物变种不仅有助于提高产量，而且可以防止水土流失和荒漠化。 例如在加纳南部，农民就通过种植同一类农作物的几种抗旱变种，成功地减少了变化无常的降水所导致的歉收。 更何况，农作物多样性还可以减少对杀虫剂的依赖，后者不仅费用高昂，而且对环境破坏极大。 所以我坚信，在应对气候变化和食物安全问题的各种对策里，我们应该提升生物多样性的地位，使其得到各国高层的重视。 下一周，当各国首脑相聚在罗马时，我希望我们能够一致认识到反饥饿斗争和食物安全问题的紧迫性，我尤其希望能成立一个权威专家团，向各国政府和国际组织提供食物安全方面的建议。 说真的，在食物安全问题领域，我们需要一个像联合国气候变化政府间专门委员会（Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change，IPCC）那样的机制：一个以科学为基础的地球预警系统。 新一届为期5年的欧盟委员会任期刚刚开始，在这一届任期里，我将竭尽所能促进这一重要问题的应对和解决。 但是，如果发达国家的政府不能把它们的承诺变成真金白银，提高全世界在农业上的投入，那么再新再好的援助政策都是空话。 所以，最后，希望在世界食物安全峰会上，各国政府都能够拿出令人信服的诚意，为一个共同目标而努力：让世界免于饥饿。 如果我们不这样做，那就请想一想，后人将如何评说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Healthy Improvement on GDP LONDON – Dissatisfaction about GDP is growing. Many economists, policymakers, and other critics question the ability of this central measure of government and social success to recognize the welfare gains from technology, account for environmental degradation, or capture rising inequality. With developments in artificial intelligence and robotics poised to produce considerable labor-market churn while also boosting GDP – a process likely to be accelerated by the ongoing pandemic – these complaints will soon grow louder. Numerous alternative indicators have long been on offer, but one especially promising option is healthy life expectancy (HLE), a metric that is easily understood and that has obvious importance to each of us individually. Moreover, HLE is already being measured, and happens to address many of the factors that GDP might omit. Poor environmental conditions, for example, are not conducive to long, healthy lives. And there is plenty of evidence to suggest that individuals who are happy and fulfilled also tend to live longer and remain healthy for longer. Even more to the point, longer healthier lives connect back to GDP itself. Just as rising GDP helps to provide the resources needed to support health, healthy populations support stronger GDP. Moreover, by targeting HLE specifically, governments could shine a brighter light on the issue of economic inequality. Because the incomes of the very richest households may be several thousand times greater than those of the poorest households, average GDP is invariably larger than typical (median) income. But when it comes to life expectancy in the richest countries, the opposite is true.", "zh": "GDP的健康改善 伦敦—对于GDP的不满日益加剧。 众多经济学家、决策者和其他批评者质疑这一衡量政府和社会成功程度的核心指标在辨别源自科技的福利收益、考虑环境破坏，以及体现加剧的不平等性等方面的能力。 人工智能和机器人方面的发展可能在提高GDP的同时造成巨大的劳动力市场动荡 — — 这一过程可能因为当前的疫情而加速 — — 这些抱怨也变得更加刺耳。 长久以来，人们提出了诸多替代方案，其中一个特别令人期待的是健康寿命预期（HLE ） ， 这一指标易于理解，也显然对我们每个人都非常重要。 此外，预期健康寿命已在测量，并且恰好可以考虑许多GDP可能忽略的因素。 比如，糟糕的环境条件不利于健康长寿。 大量证据表明，幸福而满足的人往往过得更健康，也更长寿。 更重要的是，更健康和更长寿又与GDP本身息息相关。 GDP提高有助于提供支持健康所需要的资源，而健康的人口又能支持更强劲的GDP。 此外，通过专门针对健康预期寿命，政府可以更好地审视经济不平等性问题。 因为最富于家庭的收入可能数千倍于最贫穷家庭，所以平均GDP总是会高于典型（中位）收入。 但对于最富裕国家的寿命预期，情况正好相反。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We need humans to be able to live on Mars sustainably, responsibly, and safely not so that we can abandon Earth, but because the best way to ensure our species’ survival is to make it possible to live elsewhere. Mars is not Plan B: it is Plan A, and always has been. We have an ethical duty to prevent our own species’ extinction as well as that of all others on Earth. No other species (that we know of) possesses such awareness of its potential future, nor the ability to preserve life. Only we can perform this function; and in the long term, doing so requires that we make our way to other planets. Settling Mars is the necessary first rung on the ladder of long-term survival (not least because Venus is too hot). To meet this imperative, however, we will need to bring NASA’s budget back to 1960s levels, when it was 4.4% of the federal budget (compared to 0.48% today). We will need more international cooperation (including with China) as well. To that end, my colleagues and I recently published a series of papers and launched an international collaboration on aerospace medicine that includes representatives from NASA, ESA, ROSCOSMOS (Russia), and JAXA (Japan). The United Arab Emirates and others have also started studying space biology, and more space agencies are working with commercial platforms such as SpaceX and Blue Origin. Some duties we choose for ourselves. But the duty to preserve life is inextricably bound up with the awareness of our own mortality and the possibility of extinction. Humanity’s stewardship of life is both a selfish imperative and an innate, unique obligation. By doing what it takes to preserve life as we know it, we may yet find new life in the universe.", "zh": "我们需要人类能够持续、负责任、安全地生活在火星上，这不是为了要抛弃地球，而是因为确保我们物种生存的最佳方式是让我们可以生活在其他地方。 火星不是B计划：它是A计划，而且一直是这样。 我们负有预防我们物种自身以及地球上所有其他物种灭绝的道德义务。 没有其他物种（据我们所知）对其自身潜在未来能有这样的认识，也没有其他物种拥有保护生命的能力。 只有我们可以完成这项任务；而且从长远来看，这样做需要我们具备前往其他星球的能力。 在通往长期生存的阶梯上（尤其因为金星过于炎热 ） ， 实现定居火星是必要的第1步。 但要想实现这一迫切任务，我们需要将美国宇航局的预算恢复到20世纪60年代的水平，当时其预算占到联邦预算总额的4.4 % （ 而今天则仅有0.48 % ） 。 我们还需要加强国际合作（包括与中国 ） 。 为此，我和我的同事最近发表了系列论文，并且发起了一项航天医学领域的国际合作，合作的代表来自于美国宇航局、欧洲航天局、俄罗斯太空署（俄罗斯）和日本宇宙航空研究开发机构（日本 ） 。 阿拉伯联合酋长国和其他国家也开始研究太空生物学，并且，更多太空机构正在与Space X和Blue Origin等商业平台展开合作。 有些责任是我们自己的选择。 但保护生命的责任与我们对自身死亡和灭绝几率的认识是密不可分的。 人类对生命的管理既是一种自私的当务之急，也是一项与生俱来的独特义务。 通过完成我们认知范围内保护生命的义务，我们可能还会在宇宙中发现新的生命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America, the Balanced CAMBRIDGE – When the United States’ current account fell into deficit in 1982, the US Council of Economic Advisers accurately predicted record deficits for years to come, owing to budget deficits, a low national saving rate, and an overvalued dollar. If the US did not adjust, knowledgeable forecasters intoned, it would go from being the world’s largest creditor to its largest debtor. Many of us worried that the imbalances were unsustainable, and might end in a “hard landing” for the dollar if and when global investors tired of holding it. The indebtedness forecasts were correct. Indeed, every year for more than three decades, the US Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) has reported a current-account deficit. And yet now we must ask whether the US current-account deficit is still a problem. For starters, the world’s investors declared loud and clear in 2008 that they were not concerned about the sustainability of US deficits. When the global financial crisis erupted, they flooded into dollar assets, even though the crisis originated in the United States. Moreover, a substantial amount of US adjustment has taken place since 1982 – for example, the dollar depreciations of 1985-1987 and 2002-2007 and the fiscal retrenchments of 1992-2000 and 2009-2014. The big increase in domestic output of shale oil and gas has also helped the trade balance recently.", "zh": "平衡的美国 美国剑桥—1982年，当美国经常项目陷入赤字时，美国经济顾问委员会（US Council of Economic Advisers）准确地预测出多年后创纪录的赤字，经常项目赤字的原因包括预算赤字、低国民储蓄率和美元高估。 学富五车的预测者指出，如果美国不调整，它将从世界最大债权国变为最大债务国。 我们中有许多人担心这些失衡不可持续，有可能以美元的“硬着陆”告终 — — 如果全球投资者不再愿意持有美元的话。 负债预言是正确的。 事实上，在过去三十多年中，每年美国经济分析局（US Bureau of Economic Analysis，BEA）都记录到经常项目赤字。 而如今，我们必须问问美国的经常项目赤字是否仍然是个问题。 首先，全球投资者在2008年响亮而明确地宣告他们并不担心美国赤字的可持续性。 全球金融危机爆发后，他们争相买入美元资产，丝毫不顾美国正是危机的发源地。 此后，自1982年以来，美国发生了不少大调整，比如1985—1987年和2002—2007年的美元贬值以及1992—2000年和2009—2014年的财政紧缩。 页岩油气国内产量的巨大上升也有助于目前的贸易平衡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Conglomerate Way to Growth CAMBRIDGE – Countries do not become rich by making more of the same thing. They do so by changing what they produce and how they produce it. They grow by doing things that are new to them; in short, they innovate. Many countries have been altering their growth strategies to reflect this insight. But they are being distracted by some of the greatest – but atypical – examples of success. We all have heard of Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, and Mark Zuckerberg – twenty-something college dropouts who built billion-dollar companies at the cutting edge of global innovation. We have heard of the many start-ups that they and others acquired for hundreds of millions of dollars - Instagram, Skype, YouTube, Tumblr, and, most recently, Waze. So why not emulate these successes? The main problem is that these examples are peculiar to the software industry, which provides a woefully insufficient blueprint for the rest of the economy. The software industry is unique, because it has unusually low barriers to entry and ready access to a huge market through the Internet. A start-up is typically just a group of kids with a good idea and programming skills. All they need is time to write the code. Incubators provide them with space, legal advice, and contacts with potential clients and investors. But consider a steel, automobile, or fertilizer plant – or a tourist resort, a hospital, or a bank. These are much more complex organizations that must start at a much larger scale, require much more upfront investment, and need to assemble a more heterogeneous team of skilled professionals. This is not something at which a young college dropout is bound to excel, because he lacks the experience, the organization, and the access to capital that these ventures require. And, compared to software development, these activities also require more infrastructure, logistics, regulation, certifications, supply chains, and a host of other business services – all of which demand coordination with public and private entities. Most important, these activities are most likely to be central to economic growth in developing and emerging countries. So, how will companies in these sectors arise, and what can be done to stimulate their formation? Many developing-country governments are ignoring that question.", "zh": "通过集团公司刺激增长 美国剑桥—生产更多同样的东西无法让国家变富。 改变产品和生产方式才能让国家变富。 生产新东西才能让国家增长；简言之，国家需要创新。 许多国家改变增长战略以反映这一洞见。 但它们因为最伟大但不典型的成功例子分散了注意力。 我们都知道史蒂夫·乔布斯、比尔·盖茨和马克·扎克伯格 — — 这些20出头的大学辍学者建立了数十亿美元规模的公司，站在了全球创新的最前沿。 我们听说过许多赚取亿万美元的创业企业 — — Instagram、Skype、YouTube、Tumblr，还有最近的Waze。 既然如此，为何不效仿这些成功者？ 主要的问题在于这些例子都是软件行业的个例，对经济中的其他部分来说远不能成为成功蓝图。 软件行业是独特的，因为其进入壁垒极低，并且可以通过互联网进入现成的巨大市场。 创业企业通常只是善于编程、灵光一现的黄口小儿。 他们所需要的全部投入是写代码的时间。 孵化器为他们提供空间、法律顾问服务，帮助联系潜在客户和投资者。 但想象一下钢铁、汽车和肥料公司 — — 或者度假区、医院和银行。 这些组织要复杂得多，起始规模要大得多，前期投资要多得多，并且需要集中多元化的熟练专业团队。 这绝非年轻的大学辍学者生来就能脱颖而出的，因为他缺少经验、组织和这些企业所要求的资本。 此外，与软件开发相比，这些活动还要求更多的基础设施、物流、监管、资质、供应链和其他商业服务 — — 所有这些都需要协调众多公共和私人实体。 最重要的是，这些活动极有可能是发展中和新兴国家经济增长的核心。 因此，这些部门的公司如何崛起？ 它们的形成有什么可以效仿之处？ 许多发展中国家政府忽略了这一问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "马克笑着说道：“当然有道理了，这个办法还是迪老师提出来的呢。 震院长附和，又讨论了半天最后才定下来的。 比赛的胜者就可以得到国家的控制权输的一方必须服从，但不论输赢都不可以再对对方有不利的行动。 原来是迪老师的主义这我就放心了，迪老师是很稳重的人。 我问马克道：“那怎么比呢？” 马克说道：“本来，我们这边提出三局两胜的比法，可他们那边说不公平，因为咱们有迪老师和震老师嘛，排名比他们要*前，他们提出要五局三胜，由于比试是我们提出来的，所以比试方法最后只能听他们的了。 三天以后在皇家比武场秘密比试。 我问道：“我也要参加吗？ 他们水平那么高怎么轮的到我。”", "en": "Ma Ke smiled. “Of course it makes sense. This is Teacher Di’s suggestion. and Principal  Zhen supports him. After a lot of negotiations, the competition is finally set. The winner will get control over the kingdom and the party that loses must concede defeat. However, during the competition it’s forbidden to harm the opponent seriously.” So it is Teacher Di’s idea. I can stop worrying, as Teacher Di is an extremely earnest person.’ I asked Ma Ke, “How are we going to compete?” Ma Ke explained. “Initially, our side suggested that the winner of three matches wins. However, they said it was unfair as we have Teacher Di and Teacher Zhen, whose ranks are higher than their magisters’, so they suggested best of five matches instead. Since we brought up the competition, we could only agree to their request. After three days, we’ll secretly compete at the palace. Teacher Di told me to tell you that after asking for a leave of absence from the academy tomorrow, you need to go find him so you can train for a while and increase our chances of winning.” I asked, “I’m also participating? Their magic experience and ability is so high! How am I going to compete against them?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Systems at Risk GENEVA – Failure to adapt to climate change, persistent extreme weather, and major systemic financial failure are just three of 50 major risks monitored every year in the World Economic Forum’s Global Risks Report. It seems natural to draw connections among them, especially after a “superstorm” shut down Wall Street this past October. Indeed, the report reminds us of the many ways in which systems inevitably affect one another in our interdependent world. More important, the report warns of the dangers of multiple systems failing. Two of the world’s most fundamental systems, for example, are the economy and the environment; their interplay underpins the first of three case studies of risk in this year’s report. The 1,000 experts who responded to the WEF’s annual Global Risks Perception Survey, on which the report is based, ranked climate-change adaptation as their top environmental concern in the coming decade. This reflects a wider shift in thinking about the climate, with growing acceptance that we are now locked in to some degree of global temperature change and need to adapt locally – for example, by strengthening our critical infrastructure systems in order to boost their resilience to extreme weather events. But we face these environmental challenges at a time of persistent economic weakness. Global growth remains slow; and, with monetary and fiscal policies having a limited impact on economic recovery, governments have neither the resources nor the courage to push for major projects. Not surprisingly, our survey group ranked chronic fiscal imbalances second among 50 global risks that are most likely to manifest themselves over the next ten years. Strong economies provide the leeway to invest in climate adaptation, while environmental stability ensures the breathing space needed to attend to economic problems. Facing stresses on both systems simultaneously is like losing both engines on an airplane in mid-flight. The second case study takes another perspective on systems thinking. What happens if an apparently “minor” system – such as social media – sparks a “major” geopolitical crisis? With the growing reach of social networks, information can spread worldwide almost instantaneously. The benefits of this are well documented, but the risks of misinformation are not.", "zh": "面临风险的系统 日内瓦—无法适应气候变化、持续的极端天气和金融业重大系统失灵是一年一度的世界经济论坛《全球风险报告 》 （ Global Risks Report）所提出的50大风险中的三个。 自然地，这三者之间存在联系，特别是在去年十月让重创华尔街的“超级风暴”之后。 事实上，报告提醒我们，在这个相互联系的世界中，系统间相互影响的方式多如牛毛。 更重要的是，报告警告我们面临诸多系统失灵的风险。 比如，世界两大最根本的系统是经济和环境；它们之间的互动构成了今年报告中三大案例研究的第一个。 1 000名专家参与了世界经济论坛风险报告的基础 — — 全球风险前景调查，他们认为适应气候变化是未来十年的首要环境问题。 这反映出关于气候问题的思维发生了较大变化，越来越多的人承认我们已经陷入一定程度的全球温度变迁过程，必须根据当地情况适应这一变化 — — 比如通过改善关键性基础设施系统以增强抵抗极端天气事件的能力。 但我们是在经济持续低迷的时候遇上这些环境挑战的。 全球增长依然缓慢，货币和财政政策对经济复苏影响有限，政府要么缺乏资源，要么缺少勇气推动大工程。 毫不奇怪，在我们的调查中，长期财政失衡名列未来十年将趋于严重的50大全球风险第二名。 坚挺的经济能提供投资气候适应项目的空间，同时环境稳定也能保证解决经济问题的空间。 同时面临两大系统的压力就好比是飞机在飞行途中遭遇两大引擎同时熄火。 这第二个案例研究采取了不同的视角看待系统。 显然是“次要”的系统 — — 比如社交媒体 — — 对“主要”地缘政治危机大呼小叫怎么办？ 社交网络已是无处不在，信息可以在一瞬间传播到世界每个角落。 社交媒体的好处已是众人皆知，但假消息的风险鲜有人提及。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The migration crisis in Europe was caused first and foremost by US-led wars of choice in the region: George W. Bush’s wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, and Barack Obama’s wars against Libya and Syria. The US acted rashly on those occasions, and Europe paid the price (though, of course, the people of the Middle East paid a much higher one). Now Trump’s economic war with Iran threatens an even larger conflict. Before the world’s eyes, he is attempting to strangle the Iranian economy by cutting off its foreign-exchange earnings through sanctions on any firm, US or otherwise, that does business with the country. Such sanctions are tantamount to war, in violation of the United Nations Charter. And, because they are aimed directly at the civilian population, they constitute, or at least should constitute, a crime against humanity. (Trump is pursuing essentially the same strategy against the Venezuelan government and people.) Europe has repeatedly objected to the US sanctions, which are not only unilateral, extraterritorial, and contrary to Europe’s security interests, but also explicitly in contravention of the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran, which was unanimously endorsed by the UN Security Council. Yet European leaders have been afraid to challenge them directly. They shouldn’t be. Europe can face down the threats of US extraterritorial sanctions in partnership with China, India, and Russia. Trade with Iran can easily be denominated in euros, renminbi, rupees, and rubles, avoiding US banks. Oil-for-goods trade can be accomplished through a euro-clearing mechanism such as INSTEX. In fact, the US extraterritorial sanctions are not a credible long-term threat. If the US were to implement them against most of the rest of the world, the damage to the US economy, the dollar, the stock market, and US leadership would be irreparable. The threat of sanctions is therefore likely to remain just that – a threat. Even if the US were to move to enforce sanctions on European businesses, the EU, China, India, and Russia could challenge them in the UN Security Council, which would oppose the US policies by a wide margin. If the US were to veto a Security Council resolution opposing the sanctions, the entire UN General Assembly could take up the matter under the “Uniting for Peace” procedures.", "zh": "欧洲移民危机的首要原因便是美国领导的有选择的中东战争：小布什的阿富汗和伊拉克战争，以及奥巴马的利比亚和叙利亚战争。 在这几场战争中，美国行动鲁莽，而欧洲付出了代价（当然，中东人民的代价更高 ） 。 如今，特朗普对伊朗的经济战争后果甚至更为严重。 在全世界的眼皮底下，他试图制裁所有（不论美国还是其他国家的）于伊朗做生意的企业，以此切断伊朗的外汇收入，进而瘫痪伊朗经济。 这些制裁不啻战争，违反了联合国宪章。 此外，由于它们直接针对平民，因此构成（或至少应该构成）了反人类罪。 （特朗普对委内瑞拉政府和人民所采取的本质上也是同样的战略。 ） 欧洲一再反对美国的制裁，这些制裁不但是单边的，治外法权的，违反欧洲安全利益的，并且也显然与2015年伊核协议相悖（伊核协议由联合国安理会一致支持 ） 。 但欧洲领导人害怕直接挑战这些制裁。 不必害怕。 欧洲可以与中国、印度和俄罗斯合作，对抗美国治外法权制裁的威胁。 对伊贸易大可以用欧元、人民币、卢比和卢布计价，规避美国的银行。 石油换商品贸易可以通过INSTEX等欧元清算机制完成。 事实上，美国的治外法权制裁并不是一个可信的长期威胁。 如果美国敢冒天下之大不韪实施这些制裁，那么美国经济、美元、美国股市以及美国的领导力都将受到不可挽回的伤害。 因此，制裁威胁将始终只是一个威胁。 即便美国准备采取行动执行对欧洲企业的制裁，欧盟、中国、印度和俄罗斯也可以在联合国安理会提出挑战，安理会将以巨大的优势反对美国的政策。 如果美国准备否决安理会反对制裁的决议，全体联合国大会也可以根据“为了和平团结起来”的程序接管这一问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If some green investments fail the test, that does not necessarily mean they shouldn’t be made. Climate change is a moral as well as a narrowly economic issue, and how much to spend on combating it is for society to decide. But it is an argument for raising taxes or cutting other spending so that green investment can be undertaken without running deficits and jeopardizing debt sustainability. Thus, the decision about how much to borrow, and how much to rely on taxes and cuts to other spending, should turn on forecasts of interest rates and growth rates, and of how these variables will be affected by green investments. There is uncertainty, to be sure, surrounding such forecasts. Such is life. Indeed, wouldn’t it be better if other forms of public spending were also subjected to this evaluation? European governments could systematically lay out how their various spending programs will affect GDP and tax revenues and thus how the debt ratio will evolve. They could acknowledge the uncertainty surrounding their forecasts and specify upside and downside scenarios. They could delegate responsibility for the assessment to independent national experts and the European Commission. Disputes could be adjudicated by a specialized chamber of the European Court of Justice. But wait – these proposals are already out there! Unfortunately, they are likely to be a bridge too far for Germany’s new cohort of cautious policymakers.", "zh": "如果一些绿色投资没有达到这一目标，并不一定意味着这些投资本身有问题。 气候变化既是一个道德问题，也是一个狭隘的经济问题，在应对气候变化上花多少钱要由社会来决定。 但这是一个提高税收或削减其他支出的理由，这样就可以在不出现赤字和危及债务可持续性的情况下进行绿色投资。 因此，决定借多少钱以及在多大程度上依赖于税收和削减其他支出应该取决于对利率和增长率的预测，以及这些变量将如何受到绿色投资的影响。 当然，这些预测存在不确定性，我们只能尽量应对。 实际上，将其他形式的公共支出也纳入这种评估难道不是更好吗？ 欧洲各国政府可以系统地阐述其各个支出计划将如何影响国内生产总值和税收收入，以及债务率将如何演变。 他们可以承认他们预测的不确定性，并指明上行和下行方案。 它们可以将评估的责任委托给某一国的独立专家和欧洲委员会。 争端可以由欧洲法院的一个专门法庭裁决。 等等 — — 这些建议早就有人提过了！ 不幸的是，对于德国新一批谨慎的政策制定者来说，这些建议仿佛像一座遥不可及的桥梁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Transatlantic Trade Goes Global STANFORD – Negotiations have now commenced between the United States and the European Union on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), potentially the largest regional free-trade agreement in history. If successful, it would cover more than 40% of global GDP and account for large shares of world trade and foreign direct investment. The US and EU have set an ambitious goal of completing negotiations by the end of 2014. Historically, however, most trade agreements have taken much longer to complete. The scale of the TTIP is enormous. With Croatia’s accession at the beginning of July, the EU now consists of 28 member states, each of which has its own particular set of special interests pressing for trade promotion or protection, based on comparative advantage, history, and raw domestic political power. Moreover, the desired scope of the agreement is vast, complicating the process further. The TTIP would eliminate all trade tariffs and reduce non-tariff barriers, including in agriculture; expand market access in services trade; bring about closer regulatory harmonization; strengthen intellectual-property protection; restrict subsidies to state-owned enterprises; and more. This all but guarantees difficult talks ahead; indeed, France has already demanded and received a “cultural exception” for film and TV. Expanding trade boosts income, on average, in all the countries involved. Economists estimate that global free trade, enabled by many successful rounds of multilateral talks (most recently the Uruguay Round, culminating in the establishment of the World Trade Organization), has boosted worldwide income substantially.", "zh": "跨大西洋贸易走向全球 斯坦福—美国和欧盟之间的跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系（TTIP）谈判已经开始，这将成为有史以来最大的地区自由贸易协定。 如果成功的话，它将覆盖全球40%以上的GDP和世界贸易和外国直接投资的很大一部分。 美国和欧盟雄心勃勃地准备在2014年底前完成谈判。 但是，从历史上看，大部分贸易协定需要长得多的时间才能完成。 TTIP的规模是庞大的。 随着7月初克罗地亚的入盟，目前欧盟已拥有28个成员国，基于比较优势、历史和国内政治实力，每个国家都有自身的贸易促进和保护方面的利益。 此外，协定所欲覆盖的范围十分广泛，这使谈判过程进一步复杂化了。 TTIP将取消所有贸易关税壁垒、减少非关税壁垒（包括农业方面 ） ； 扩大服务贸易的市场准入；引入更紧密的监管协调；强化知识产权保护；限制对国有企业的补贴；等等。 所有这些都决定了谈判将十分艰难；事实上，法国已经要求并获得了电影和电视的“文化例外 ” 。 总体而言，扩大贸易能提振所有相关国家的收入。 经济学家估算，得自多轮成功多边谈判（最近一个是乌拉圭回合，其高峰是成立了世界贸易组织）的全球自由贸易极大地提高了全世界范围内的收入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The fighters ranged from dissident Syrians and autonomy-seeking Kurds to Sunni jihadists backed by Saudi Arabia and Qatar. While vast resources were devoted to overthrowing Assad, the effort ultimately failed, but not before causing massive bloodshed and displacing millions of Syrians. Many fled to Europe, fomenting Europe’s refugee crisis and a surge in political support for Europe’s anti-immigrant extreme right. There were four main reasons for the failure to overthrow Assad. First, Assad’s regime had backing among not only Alawites, but also Syrian Christians and other minorities who feared a repressive Sunni Islamist regime. Second, the US-led coalition was countered by Iran and Russia. Third, when a splinter group of jihadists split away to form the Islamic State (ISIS), the US diverted significant resources to defeating it, rather than to toppling Assad. Finally, the anti-Assad forces have been deeply and chronically divided; for example, Turkey is in open conflict with the Kurdish fighters backed by the US. All of these reasons for failure remain valid today. The war is at a stalemate. Only the bloodshed continues. America’s official narrative has sought to conceal the scale and calamitous consequences of US efforts – in defiance of international law and the UN Charter – to overthrow Assad. While the US vehemently complains about Russian and Iranian influence in Syria, America and its allies have repeatedly violated Syrian sovereignty.", "zh": "其战斗人员包括叙利亚持异见者、寻求自治的库尔德人、受沙特阿拉伯和卡塔尔支持的逊尼派圣战分子等。 尽管为了颠覆巴沙尔政权，美国及其盟友投入了巨大的资源，但最后它们仍然失败了，但在此之前，叙利亚人民付出了鲜血和数百万人流离失所的惨痛代价。 许多人逃往欧洲，引起了欧洲难民危机，欧洲反移民极端右翼在政治上大受欢迎。 推翻巴沙尔的努力以失败告终，主要原因有四。 首先，巴沙尔政权不仅有阿拉维派的支持，也受到叙利亚基督徒等少数群体的支持，他们担心遭到逊尼派伊斯兰政权的压迫。 其次，美国领导的联盟遇到了伊朗和俄罗斯的针锋相对。 第三，一小撮圣战分子脱离了联盟，组成了伊斯兰国，美国不得不分出大量资源来对付它，而无法用于颠覆巴沙尔。 最后，反巴沙尔力量长期陷入深度分歧；比如，土耳其与美国支持的库尔德战斗人员公开决裂。 所有这些失败原因，在今天仍然成立。 叙利亚战争是一场僵局。 只有流血还在继续。 美国的官方说辞试图隐瞒美国推翻巴沙尔的举动 — — 它是违反国际法和联合国宪章的 — — 的规模和灾难性后果。 美国猛烈抱怨俄罗斯和伊朗在叙利亚的影响力，但它自己和盟友也一再破坏叙利亚的主权。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Online advertisers, who now must pay much more to reach potential customers, are panicking. This is an ominous sign for China’s tech companies – not least because the CAC’s draft data regulations go well beyond Apple’s new rule. Whereas Apple requires apps to get permission before sharing a user’s data with third parties, the new Chinese measures would require apps to secure user opt-in even to use the data themselves. China’s proposed opt-in requirement also appears to be stricter than the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation – currently one of the world’s toughest privacy laws. While the GDPR requires platforms to secure user consent before collecting and processing data, it does not require specific consent to enable recommendation services. It remains to be seen how Chinese platforms will respond to the proposed regulation. They will almost certainly lobby the government not to implement it at all. If the government refuses to listen, they will probably try to circumvent the rule by redesigning app features, though this will take time and raise serious compliance risks. And yet, for the CAC, the struggles of private tech companies may not be much of a concern. While it is impossible to say exactly what factored into the body’s cost-benefit analysis of the proposed opt-in requirement, it seems clear that encouraging business growth and technological innovation is not part of the CAC’s mandate. So, what are the CAC’s goals? To answer that question, we must consider the agency’s bureaucratic mission, culture, and structure. Given that Chinese administrative enforcement is shaped by path dependence, we must also look to the CAC’s past behavior – in particular, its status as one of China’s most interventionist government departments. Operating under the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, a leadership group chaired by President Xi Jinping himself, the CAC was initially charged with ensuring cybersecurity and regulating internet content. But since 2013, it has expanded significantly, including by absorbing other cybersecurity agencies. In July, the CAC grabbed headlines when it surprised the ride-hailing company Didi Chuxing with a cybersecurity inspection just two days after the firm’s initial public offering in New York.", "zh": "在线广告商们现在必须支付更多费用才能接触到潜在客户，他们开始恐慌。 这对中国的科技公司来说是个不祥之兆，尤其是因为国家网信办的数据管理草案远远超出了苹果公司的新规定。 苹果要求应用程序在与第三方共享用户数据前必须获得用户许可，而中国的新措施将要求应用程序在用户使用自己的数据时也必须给予征求用户许可。 欧盟的《通用数据保护条例 》 ( General Data Protection Regulation)是目前世界上最严格的隐私保护法之一，而中国的新监管条例似乎比欧盟的条例更加严苛。 虽然《通用数据保护条例》要求平台在收集和处理数据之前必须获得用户的同意，但它并不要求提供推荐服务时需要获得用户的具体同意。 中国互联网公司将如何应对拟议的监管条例仍有待观察。 他们肯定会游说政府不要实施这一条例。 如果政府拒绝，他们可能会试图通过重新设计应用功能来规避规则，但这需要时间，并会带来严重的合规风险。 然而，对国家网信办来说，私营科技公司的困境可能不那么令人担忧。 虽然无法确切地说是什么因素影响了网信办要求用户自己选择是否接受个性化推荐的成本效益分析，但有一点可以明确，那就是鼓励业务增长和技术创新不是国家网信办的任务。 那么，国家网信办的目标是什么？ 要回答这个问题，我们必须考虑网信办的政治使命、文化和结构。 鉴于中国的行政执法具有很强的惯性，我们还必须关注网信办过去的行为，特别是它是中国最热衷于干预的政府部门之一。 国家网信办隶属于中共中央网络安全和信息化委员会办公室，由习近平主席亲自主持并领导，最初负责确保网络安全和监管互联网内容。 但自2013年以来，它已大幅扩张，吸收了其他网络安全机构。 今年7月，滴滴出行在纽约首次公开募股两天后，国家网信办对滴滴进行了网络安全突击检查，一时间成为各大媒体关注的焦点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And leaders in Germany, Poland, or the United Kingdom will have a tough time attempting to tailor such an argument to similar domestic constituencies. But democratically elected governments must still try to step up efforts to tackle climate change in order to save the environment for everyone, including the Chinese. And what will Xi’s response be? Simple: don’t do what I do, do what I say – or rather, what the CPC’s Five-Year Plan says. You must try to save our environment while we ruin yours. Moreover, losing the fight to limit global warming to 1.5°C also may threaten democracies, because the resulting extreme weather events will further strain relations between governments and electorates. Democracy has no divine right to exist. If the strains and tensions become too much, some democracies could simply implode into chaotic populist authoritarianism. These pressures could hardly come at a worse time. For starters, Europe faces problems all around its borders. In the Balkans, the 1995 Dayton Agreement that brought peace of a sort to Bosnia is under threat from Serb extremism. Russia’s military buildup near Ukraine and the Baltic states could again be a prelude to war. Belarus, egged on by the Kremlin, is creating a migrant crisis on its border with Poland. Russia is using every trick it can to try to increase Europe’s dependence on Russian energy exports.", "zh": "而德国、波兰或英国的领导人要想向国内选民提出这样的论点，也会经历一段艰难时期。 但是民选政府仍然必须努力加大应对气候变化的力度，为包括中国人在内的所有人拯救地球。 那么习近平主席会如何回应呢？ 很简单：不照着我做的去做，而是照着我说的去做，或者说照着中共五年规划去做。 即使环境遭到破坏，也一定要拯救环境。 此外，如果没有将全球变暖限制在1.5摄氏度，也可能会威胁到很多民主国家。 因为由此产生的极端天气事件将使政府和选民之间的关系更加紧张。 民主不是天赋神权。 如果矛盾逐渐激化，一些民主国家可能会直接崩溃，变成混乱的民粹主义和独裁主义国家。 正逢艰难时刻，这些压力还纷至沓来。 首先，欧洲在其边界周围都面临着问题。 在巴尔干地区，为波斯尼亚带来某种程度和平的1995年《代顿协议》正受到塞尔维亚极端主义的威胁。 俄罗斯在乌克兰和波罗的海国家附近的军事集结可能再次成为战争的前奏。 在俄罗斯的怂恿下，白俄罗斯正在其与波兰的边界上制造移民危机。 俄罗斯正在利用一切可以利用的手段，试图增加欧洲对俄罗斯能源出口的依赖。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "近年来，中国市场和资源两头在外的发展模式已经悄然改变，外贸依存度由2006年的67%下降到2019年的近32%，经常项目顺差同国内生产总值比率由2007年的9.9%降至现在的不到1%。 2008年国际金融危机发生以来，中国国内需求对经济增长的贡献率有7个年份超过100%，国内消费成为经济增长的主要动力。 在推动经济双循环过程中，中国经济自主性和发展质量显著提升，构建新发展格局顺应了中国经济结构调整、推动高质量发展的内在需要。 我们将继续深化供给侧结构性改革，在扩大内需上下更大功夫，使生产、分配、流通、消费更多依托国内市场，增强供给体系对国内需求的适配性，形成需求牵引供给、供给创造需求的更高水平动态平衡。 第二，我们将大力推动科技创新，打造经济发展新动能。 当前，新一轮科技革命和产业变革加速发展，科技对提高社会生产力的贡献更加凸显。 中国坚持把创新作为引领发展的第一动力，推进创新驱动发展战略，取得显著成就。 随着中国进入新发展阶段，支撑发展的要素条件发生了深刻变化，必须实现依靠创新驱动的内涵型增长。 我们将依托超大规模市场优势和完备产业体系，加速科技成果向现实生产力转化，打造科技、教育、产业、金融紧密融合的创新体系，不断提升产业链水平，为中国经济长远发展提供有力支撑。 第三，我们将持续深化改革，充分激发市场活力。 中国改革开放40多年的实践表明，改革是解放和发展社会生产力的关键。", "en": "In recent years, China’s development model of reliance on foreign markets and resources has gone through some gradual changes. The ratio of foreign trade to GDP dropped from 67 percent in 2006 to less than 32 percent in 2019, while the ratio of current account surplus to GDP has come down from 9.9 percent in 2007 to less than one percent today. In seven years since the 2008 global financial crisis, the contribution of China’s domestic demand to GDP exceeded 100 percent, making domestic consumption the main driver of its growth. In promoting domestic and international circulations, the Chinese economy has become much more domestically driven and the performance of China’s development has been significantly enhanced. Fostering a new development paradigm will enable China to better adjust its economic structure and achieve high-quality development. China will continue to deepen supply-side structural reforms and further expand domestic demand. Doing so will make production, distribution, flow of goods and services, and consumption in China more based on domestic market, and it will make the supply system better adapt to domestic demand. This will usher in a higher stage of well-adjusted balance where demand drives supply and supply, in turn, creates demand. Second, we will vigorously make scientific and technological innovations to foster new growth drivers. A new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is gathering pace, and science and technology are playing an even more significant role in boosting social productivity. To China, innovation has always been the primary driver of development, and we have made major achievements by implementing an innovation-driven development strategy. As China enters a new stage of development, factors of production underpinning its development have gone through profound changes. This means that China must pursue innovation to achieve high-quality growth driven by domestic demand. We will fully leverage the demand of our super-sized domestic market and the strengths of its complete industrial system and redouble efforts to turn research outcomes into real productivity. We will endeavor to build an innovation system that integrates science and technology, education, industries and the financial sector, and upgrade the industrial chains. This will sustain China’s long-term economic development. Third, we will continue to deepen reform and energize the market. What we have achieved during the past 40-plus years of China’s reform and opening-up shows one thing: Reform is crucial for unleashing and boosting productivity."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "十三、坚定不移全面从严治党，不断提高党的执政能力和领导水平 中国特色社会主义进入新时代，我们党一定要有新气象新作为。 打铁必须自身硬。 党要团结带领人民进行伟大斗争、推进伟大事业、实现伟大梦想，必须毫不动摇坚持和完善党的领导，毫不动摇把党建设得更加坚强有力。 全面从严治党永远在路上。 一个政党，一个政权，其前途命运取决于人心向背。 人民群众反对什么、痛恨什么，我们就要坚决防范和纠正什么。 全党要清醒认识到，我们党面临的执政环境是复杂的，影响党的先进性、弱化党的纯洁性的因素也是复杂的，党内存在的思想不纯、组织不纯、作风不纯等突出问题尚未得到根本解决。 要深刻认识党面临的执政考验、改革开放考验、市场经济考验、外部环境考验的长期性和复杂性， 深刻认识党面临的精神懈怠危险、能力不足危险、脱离群众危险、消极腐败危险的尖锐性和严峻性，坚持问题导向，保持战略定力，推动全面从严治党向纵深发展。", "en": "XIII. Exercising Strict Governance over the Party and Improving the Party’s Ability to Govern and Lead As socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era, our Party must get a new look and make new accomplishments. As the saying goes, it takes a good blacksmith to make good steel. For the Party to unite the people and lead them in carrying out our great struggle, advancing our great cause, and realizing our great dream, we must unwaveringly uphold and improve Party leadership and make the Party still stronger. Ensuring Party self-governance is exercised fully and strictly is a journey to which there’s no end. The future of a political party or a government is determined by whether it enjoys public support. We must guard against and correct with resolve the practices the people oppose and resent. The whole Party must be soberly aware that the governance environment our Party faces is complex, and that so too are the factors undermining the Party’s advanced nature and purity; prominent problems of impurity in thinking, organization, and conduct in the Party have not been solved root and branch. We must fully recognize the long-term and complex nature of the tests confronting the Party as they relate to governance, reform and opening up, the market economy, and the external environment. We must also fully recognize the intensity and severity of the dangers of a lack of drive, incompetence, disengagement from the people, inaction, and corruption. So we must focus on solving problems, maintain strategic resolve, and ensure strict Party self-governance."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Environmentalism After Ukraine LONDON – Russia’s war in Ukraine is tragic, infuriating, and unspeakably sad. It is also an unexpected turning point for environmentalism. Until a few days ago, climate change topped the global agenda, with science-based targets pointing the way to a cleaner, more sustainable future. But now, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s reckless decision to invade a sovereign country and threaten nuclear war has revealed weaknesses in the architecture of international rules and multilateral governance. It is hard to believe that global environmental efforts have any chance of succeeding within such a fragile system. Strikingly, this realization has not yet dawned on those engaged in environmental work. A week into the war, the United Nations hailed a major agreement on single-use plastics as a “triumph” for planet Earth. But such agreements depend on the mutual recognition of sovereign nation-states – precisely the principle that Putin has called into question. The war also imperils efforts to transform the energy system through global cooperation. Sharp increases in oil and gas prices are testing the goodwill of governments and companies. Many OPEC suppliers are seeking to profit from the situation rather than helping to mitigate the shock. Yes, high oil and gas prices and the clear security risk implied by dependence on petrostates like Russia may well accelerate the shift away from fossil fuels. But the economic turmoil on the horizon will discourage investment, and green energy may find itself competing against the military-industrial complex for public finance. These developments pose a significant challenge for contemporary environmentalism, a still-young intellectual framework that has seldom had to deal with geopolitical issues. With roots in the pacifist, anti-capitalist movements of the 1960s, the movement became institutionalized at the 1992 UN Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, where the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Convention on Biological Diversity were established. In addition to serving as the backbone of the environmental movement for three decades, these agreements long stood as a monument to the post-Soviet world order. Comforted by the notion that all countries could agree, in principle, to be held accountable to environmental objectives, activists and environmental institutions focused their efforts on private and public actors’ predatory and illegal behavior. Taking the rules-based system for granted, they relied on science-based targets to produce global roadmaps to desired outcomes.", "zh": "乌克兰之后的环境保护 伦敦—俄罗斯的乌克兰战争是悲惨的、令人愤怒和难以言表地悲伤。 对于环保主义来说，这也是一个意想不到的转折点。 直到几天前，气候变化仍是全球议程的重中之重，以科学为基础的目标为更清洁、更可持续的未来指明了道路。 但现在，俄罗斯总统普京鲁莽决定入侵主权国家并威胁进行核战争，暴露了国际规则和多边治理架构的弱点。 很难相信全球环境措施有机会在如此脆弱的系统中取得成功。 引人注目的是，从事环保工作的人还没有意识到这一点。 战争开始一周后，联合国称赞一项关于一次性塑料的重大协议是地球的“胜利 ” 。 但此类协议依赖于主权民族国家的相互承认 — — 而这正是普京提出质疑的原则。 这场战争还危及通过全球合作改造能源系统的措施。 石油和天然气价格的急剧上涨正在考验政府和公司的善意。 许多欧佩克供应国正在寻求从这种情况中获利，而不是帮助减轻冲击。 是的，高昂的石油和天然气价格，以及对俄罗斯等石油国家的依赖所隐含的显而易见安全风险，很可能会加速摆脱化石燃料的转变。 但即将到来的经济动荡将阻碍投资，绿色能源可能陷入与军工联合体争夺公共财政的局面。 这些发展对当代环保主义构成了重大挑战，后者仍然是一个年轻的知识框架，很少需要处理地缘政治问题。 环保主义植根于 1960 年代的和平主义反资本主义运动，在 1992 年里约热内卢联合国地球峰会上制度化，出台了联合国气候变化框架公约和生物多样性公约。 这些协议充当环境运动的支柱长达 30 年，除此之外，长期以来也一直是后苏联世界秩序的纪念碑。 理论上所有国家都可根据环境目标问责，对此感到满意的活动家和环境机构将精力集中在私人和公共行为人的掠夺和非法行为上。 他们将基于规则的系统视为理所当然，根据基于科学的目标制定全球路线图以求实现预期结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A recent paper by New York University’s Julian Kozlowski, Laura Veldkamp, and Venky Venkateswaran argues that it is rational to harbor such fears, because once a formerly unthinkable event actually occurs, one is justified in not forgetting it. My own theory about today’s stagnation focuses on growing angst about rapid advances in technologies that could eventually replace many or most of our jobs, possibly fueling massive economic inequality. People might be increasingly reluctant to spend today because they have vague fears about their long-term employability – fears that may not be uppermost in their minds when they answer consumer-confidence surveys. If that is the case, they might increasingly need stimulus in the form of low interest rates to keep them spending. A perennial swirl of good news after a crisis might instill a sort of bland optimism, without actually eliminating the fear of another crisis in the future. Politicians and the media then feed this optimism with rosy narratives that the general public is in no position to sort through or confirm. Since around 2012, the equity and housing markets have been hitting new records. But the same sort of thing happened regularly in the Great Depression: the news media were constantly reporting record highs for one economic indicator or another. A Proquest “News and Newspapers” search for the 1930-1939 period finds 10,315 articles with the words “record high.” Most of these stories are about economic variables.", "zh": "纽约大学的朱利安·科兹洛夫斯基（Julian Kozlowski ） 、 劳拉·维尔德坎普（Laura Veldkamp）和文基·文凯特斯瓦兰（Venky Venkateswaran）的最新论文指出，保持这些恐慌是理性的，因为一旦此前难以想象的事件真的发生，不去忘记它是合理的。 我本人关于今天的停滞的理论关注人们对技术的迅速进步的焦虑。 技术的迅速进步可能最终取代大量乃至大部分工作岗位，造成巨大的经济不平等。 人们可能更加不愿意在今天花钱，因为他们对于长期饭碗形成了一种模糊的恐惧 — — 这种恐惧在他们回答消费者信心调查问卷时未必会涌上心头。 果真如此的话，他们可能更加需要低利率形式的刺激来保持支出。 危机后好消息的接踵而至可能带来了温和的乐观，而没有真正消除未来爆发新危机的恐惧。 接着，政客和媒体用愉快的叙事助推了这一乐观，让普罗大众无从梳理或确认。 自2012年前后以来，股市和房地产市场频创新高。 但在大萧条期间也反复发生过同样的事情：新闻媒体不断地报道一项又一项经济指标创出新高。 在论文数据库中搜索1930—1939年间的“新闻和报纸 ” ， 能够找到10,315篇带“新高”字样的文章。 这些报道大部分都是关于经济指标的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the case of foreign investment and aid flows, the West went further, viewing them as being motivated by altruism, or “benign intent,” whereas the East regarded globalization in a world of poor and rich nations as implying “malign impact.” In some analyses, malign impact turned into a more sinister “malign intent.” Thus, foreign aid was regarded as a plot to trap poor nations in a neo-colonial embrace. What happened next was what I have called an “ironic reversal.” As the benefits of globalization became manifest, and the damage wrought by autarkic policies also became evident, policymakers in the East began to appreciate that their anti-globalization stance had been a mistake. But then fear of globalization moved to the West. The East had feared that it could not gain from trade with the West, which had superior infrastructure and human capital; now, the West had come to fear that it would lose from trade with the East, which had abundant, cheap labor. The longstanding stagnation in wages for unskilled labor was attributed to low-cost, labor-intensive imports, ignoring the corollary that Western workers’ consumption of labor-intensive Asian goods offset the effect on real wages. To take another example, the East worried about a “brain drain” of professionals to the West, where opportunities seemed to be more plentiful. Today, the West is witnessing anti-globalization opposition from members of professional groups, who fear the loss of their jobs to foreign counterparts. Rudyard Kipling famously wrote in “The Ballad of East and West”: “Oh, East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet.” Given the ironic reversal of globalization fears, Kipling is still right: convergence has continued to elude East and West. The current crisis did not create the debate about globalization now heard in the West; it only made it slightly more salient. Yet the crisis may be tilting Western policy outcomes in favor of globalization. For example, on trade, there has been a remarkable commitment to efforts – largely successful – to avoid significant backsliding into protectionism. Moreover, the G-20 leaders have continued to express the need to conclude the Doha Round of multilateral trade-liberalization negotiations.", "zh": "在外国投资和援助的问题上，西方国家的观念更加超前，将动机归结为“善良意图”或利他主义，而东方国家则将贫富世界中的全球化视为隐藏着“有害影响 。 ” 某些分析甚至将有害影响升级为更为阴险的“邪恶企图 。 ” 因此，外国援助被看成是让贫困国家落入新殖民陷阱的险恶阴谋。 后来发生的事情被我称之为“颇具讽刺意味的逆转 。 ” 随着全球化所带来的好处越来越明显，自给自足政策所造成的损害也不言而喻，东方国家的决策者开始明白自己反对全球化的立场是一个错误。 但对全球化的恐惧情绪却逐渐向西方转移。 东方曾经惧怕自己无法从与西方的贸易中得到好处，因为后者有发达的基础设施和人力资本，而时至今日，西方开始害怕会从与东方的贸易中蒙受损失，因为后者劳动力资源廉价而丰富。 非技术性工种工资增长的长期停滞被归咎于低成本、劳动力密集型的进口产品，同时却有意无意地忽视了西方民众对劳动密集型亚洲产品的消费抵消了实际收入增长停滞这种必然的结果。 再举个例子，东方担心专业人才大规模向西方流失，因为西方专业领域的就业机会似乎更为丰富。 时至今日，专业团体成员反对全球化的潮流已经在西方形成，这些专业人员害怕由于来自国外的竞争而失去自己的工作。 鲁德亚德·吉卜林在著名的“东西方民谣”中写道： “哦，东方就是东方，西方就是西方，这两者永远是泾渭分明的 。 ” 即使将全球化恐惧颇具讽刺意味的逆转考虑进去，吉卜林也是对的： 东西方之间的融合仍然令东西方民众感到困惑。 时下这场危机并不是西方目前全球化争议的始作俑者，它不过稍稍增加了争论的热度。 但这场危机可能使西方政策向有利于全球化的方向倾斜。 比方说在贸易方面，西方国家付出了很大的努力防止保护主义故态复萌，而这种努力从总体上看是相当成功的。 此外，二十国集团领袖继续宣传多哈回合多边贸易自由谈判达成协议的重要性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Any university president that tries to run roughshod over them will usually lose her job long before any faculty member does. Of course, change will eventually come, and when it does, the potential effect on economic growth and social welfare will be enormous. It is difficult to suggest an exact monetary figure, because, like many things in the modern tech world, money spent on education does not capture the full social impact. But even the most conservative estimates suggest the vast potential. In the US, tertiary education accounts for over 2.5% of GDP (roughly $500 billion), and yet much of this is spent quite inefficiently. The real cost, though, is not the squandered tax money, but the fact that today’s youth could be learning so much more than they do. Universities and colleges are pivotal to the future of our societies. But, given impressive and ongoing advances in technology and artificial intelligence, it is hard to see how they can continue playing this role without reinventing themselves over the next two decades. Education innovation will disrupt academic employment, but the benefits to jobs everywhere else could be enormous. If there were more disruption within the ivory tower, economies just might become more resilient to disruption outside it.", "zh": "任何一位大学校长，如果想在教员面前表现出铁面无情，那么先丢掉饭碗往往是他自己。 当然，改变终究会到来，而当它到来时，对经济增长和社会福利都将产生巨大的潜在影响。 具体的货币价值很难测算，因为和现代科技世界的许多东西一样，花在教育上的钱无法捕获全部社会影响。 但即使是最保守的估计也表明其潜力是巨大的。 在美国，高等教育贡献了2.5%以上的GDP（大约5,000亿美元 ） ， 但其中有很多支出项目效率极低。 真正的成本不是被税收被白白浪费，而是今天的年轻人原本可以学到远远多于他们实际学到的东西。 高等院校是社会未来的支点。 但是，在科技和人工智能令人印象深刻的不断进步面前，很难想象如果它们不在未来二十年中改革自新，还能如何继续发挥作用。 教育创新将破坏学术就业市场，但对于其他所有行业的就业来说，收益是巨大的。 如果象牙塔里的破坏更多一些，经济对于象牙塔外的破坏的恢复力就会更强一些。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Rise of Demotic Democracy in Europe LONDON – The shock of the British vote to leave the European Union has yet to sink in. Yet European leaders must steel themselves for what is to come. In fact, Brexit might be the initial tremor that triggers a tsunami of referenda in Europe in the coming years. Across Europe, there are 47 insurgent parties turning politics on its head. They are gaining control of the political agenda, shaping it according to their interests – and winning power in the process. In one-third of EU member states, such parties are members of coalition governments, and their success has driven mainstream parties to adopt some of their positions. Though these parties have very different roots, they all have one thing in common: all are trying to upend the foreign-policy consensus that has defined Europe for several decades. They are Euroskeptic; they spurn NATO; they want to close their borders and stop free trade. They are changing the face of politics, replacing traditional left-right battles with clashes pitting their own angry nativism against the cosmopolitanism of the elites they disdain. These parties’ weapon of choice is the referendum, with which they can whip up popular support for their pet issues. According to the European Council on Foreign Relations, 32 referenda are being demanded in 18 countries across the EU. Some, such as the Danish People’s Party, want to follow the United Kingdom’s lead and hold a vote on EU membership. Others want to escape from the eurozone, block the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the United States, or restrict labor mobility. The EU’s refugee relocation scheme has proved to be particularly divisive. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has declared that he will hold a referendum on the proposed quotas. And the Polish opposition party Kukiz ’15 has been collecting signatures for its own referendum on the issue. Handing power back to the masses through direct democracy may well be these parties’ most revolutionary proposition. Indeed, it reflects an understanding of the frustrations that have driven a global wave of popular protests in recent years – protests that, in the Arab world, sparked actual revolutions.", "zh": "欧洲大众民主的崛起 伦敦—英国投票脱离欧盟的冲击还有待消化。 但欧洲领导人必须做好准备迎接后果。 事实上，英国退出也许只是未来几年欧洲全民公决狂潮的序曲。 放眼欧洲，有47个反对党正在扰动政坛。 它们正在赢得对政治日程的控制，根据自己的利益来制定日程 — — 并在此过程中赢得权力。 在三分之一的欧盟成员国，这类政党已跻身执政联盟，它们的成功驱使主流政党接受了它们的一些立场。 这些政党根基各异，但有一点相同：它们都试图颠覆几十年来决定着欧洲的性质的外交政策共识。 它们是疑欧派；它们唾弃北约；它们想关闭边境并停止自由贸易。 它们正在改变政坛面貌，用自身的激愤本土主义对抗它们所鄙夷的精英的世界主义，以此取代传统左右之争。 这些政党的选择武器便是全民公决，通过全民公决，它们可以激发对它们所钟爱的问题的群众支持。 据欧洲外交关系委员会数据，整个欧盟由18个国家存在32项全民公决要求。 其中一些，如丹麦人民党（People’s Party ） ， 希望效仿英国榜样举行欧盟成员资格公决。 也有一些希望退出欧元区，阻挠与美国的跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系（TTIP ） ， 或限制劳动力流动。 欧盟难民安置机制是一个特别巨大的分歧因素。 匈牙利总理欧尔班已经宣布将举行全民公决来裁定配额方案。 波兰反对党Kukiz ’15正在为其自身的该问题全民公决征集签名。 通过直接民主将权力还给群众也许是这些政党最具革命性的计划。 事实上，这反映出人们理解最近几年推动全球群众反抗浪潮的不满，在阿拉伯世界，这些反抗引发了真正的革命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "生物农业相关服务，主要包括工程和技术研究和试验发展、农业科学研究和试验发展、生物技术推广服务等。工程和技术研究和试验发展，主要包括新型广谱长效生物农药剂技术研究、微生物肥料产生菌筛选及发酵工艺研究、共生固氮微生物应用新技术研究、农用沼气生产与综合利用技术研究、农作物秸秆还田技术研究、生物肥料缓释技术与装备研究、人造有机物和危险废弃物微生物降解技术研究根瘤菌技术研究、食品生物组学技术研究、生物活性因子靶向分离与萃取技术研究、食品合成生物工程技术研究、食品生物高效转化技术研究、肠道微生物宏基因组学技术研究、分子食品、精准营养食品技术研究。农业科学研究和试验发展，主要包括基因分离与修饰技术研究、酶工程与发酵工程技术研究、β-1、β-甘露聚糖酶技术研究、β-1、α-半乳糖苷酶技术研究、氨基酸技术研究、水解饲料酶制剂技术研究（新型饲料蛋白和耐高温、耐酸性、耐胃蛋白酶）。", "en": "The text describes various services related to biological agriculture, including engineering and technical research and experimental development, agricultural science research and experimental development, and biotechnology promotion services. The engineering and technical research and experimental development mainly involve the research of new broad-spectrum long-lasting biological pesticide technology, the screening and fermentation process research of microbial fertilizer production bacteria, the application of symbiotic nitrogen-fixing microorganisms with new technologies, the research of agricultural biogas production and comprehensive utilization technology, the research of crop straw returning technology, the research of slow-release technology and equipment for biological fertilizers, the research of artificial organic and hazardous waste microbial degradation technology, the research of rhizobium technology, the research of food biomics technology, the research of targeted separation and extraction technology for bioactive factors, the research of food synthetic biotechnology, the research of food biotransformation technology, the research of gut microbiome technology, and the research of molecular food and precision nutrition food technology. The agricultural science research and experimental development mainly involve the research of gene isolation and modification technology, enzyme engineering and fermentation engineering technology, β-1, β-mannanase technology, β-1, α-galactosidase technology, amino acid technology, and hydrolyzed feed enzyme preparation technology (new feed protein that is heat-resistant, acid-resistant, and resistant to gastric protease)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "All told, with the exception of 2009, the entire region will have experienced a full decade of uninterrupted growth – something not witnessed since the 1970’s. The boom fueled expansion of Latin America’s middle classes. Between 1950 and 1980, most Latin American countries’ middle classes comprised between one-quarter and one-third of the population. Then came the debt crisis of the 1980’s, the extreme structural reforms and financial collapses of the 1990’s, and a new global downturn in 2001. Such traumatic events plunged these countries into the so-called “middle-income trap”: unable to grow nor to continue broadening their middle classes. But, by the second half of the 2000’s, everything changed: prolonged macroeconomic stability, competent center-left or center-right governments, sensible social policies, and global economic growth allowed countries like Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, and even Argentina to take the next giant step. By 2008 or so, around 55% of these countries’ populations belonged to the middle class, by whatever definition one used. Access to credit, more jobs, remittances, the commodity boom, and conditional cash transfers enabled millions to purchase a home, a car, and a better life. This was not a middle class modeled on North Atlantic precedents, and its members’ status is precarious and reversible; moreover, their standard of living is well below that of their counterparts in wealthier countries. But a middle class it is.", "zh": "总体而言，除了2009年以外，整个地区将实现10年连续的经济增长 — — 自20世纪70年代以来，从未出现过。 经济繁荣增加了拉丁美洲的中产阶级。 1950年至1980年期间，大多数拉丁美洲的中产阶级人口占到了总人口的四分之一到三分之一。 接着，20世纪80年代出现了债务危机，90年代进行了极端的结构性改革，金融崩溃，2001年，全球经济再次衰退。 这些灾难性的事件使这些国家陷入了所谓的“中产阶级陷阱 ” ： 无法增长也无法继续扩大其中产阶级。 但是，到21世纪下叶，一切都变了：长期稳定的宏观经济、能干的中左翼或中右翼政府、明智的社会政策以及全球经济增长使墨西哥、巴西、智利、乌拉圭，甚至阿根廷等各国能够再迈出一大步。 大约截止2008年，在这些国家的总人口中，约55%属于中产阶级，无论根据谁的定义都是如此。 畅通的信贷、更多的工作、汇款、大宗商品繁荣以及有条件的现金转账让数百万人买了房子和汽车，过上了更美好的生活。 这个中产阶级并不是北大西洋中产阶级的复制品，其中产阶级的身份是不稳定的，也是可逆的。 此外，他们的生活水平也远远低于其较富裕国家的同仁。 但是它就是中产阶级。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if Clinton takes a restrained approach to the use of force in international disputes, as President Barack Obama has over the last eight years, she would not be able to stand by idly if North Korea had the capacity to launch a long-range nuclear strike. America would have to protect its Asian allies (not to mention its own citizens, were the North able to strike the US mainland). But unilateral action would certainly not be the best option. It would be far better to persuade China to intervene to bring Kim’s regime to heel. That would demand some deft diplomacy. Chinese officials still insist that they cannot control North Korea. That may be true, up to a point. Yet it is clear that no one has as much clout in Pyongyang as China’s Communist Party bosses. And it is very possible that, behind closed doors, Chinese officials are already testing their ability to manipulate some of the shadowy figures surrounding Kim, who appears increasingly paranoid about the possibility of a coup. But China would be unlikely to agree to more direct intervention in North Korea without some quid pro quo. Perhaps America, with its Asian allies, could make some modest shift in their approach to China’s illegal pursuit of territorial claims in the South and East China Seas. This would, to be sure, be unpopular, particularly among China’s neighbors. But it might also be necessary to quell the North Korean nuclear threat. Defusing North Korea’s nuclear ambitions would be worth the sacrifice.", "zh": "即使克林顿在动用武力解决国际纠纷方面采取克制方针，一如过去八年中的奥巴马总统，她也无法在朝鲜拥有发射远程核打击能力的情况下袖手旁观。 美国将不得不保护期亚洲盟友（更不用说本国公民了，如果朝鲜有能力打击美国本土的话 ） 。 但单方面行动显然不是最佳选择。 更好的办法是说服中国干预，让金氏王朝屈服。 这需要高超的外交技巧。 中国官员仍坚称他们无法控制朝鲜。 从某种程度上说，这也许是真的。 但显然，没有人能像中共高层那样对平壤有如此影响力。 很有可能，中国官员已经通过秘密渠道检验了他们控制某些金正恩身边影子人物的能力，而金正恩似乎越来越偏执地认定随时可能发生政变。 但如果没有交换条件，中国不会同意更多地直接干预朝鲜。 也许美国及其亚洲盟友能够在对待中国对南海和东海的非法领土主张的方针上做出一些温和调整。 当然，这样做必然不受欢迎，特别是在中国周边国家。 但这也许也是平息朝鲜核威胁的必要条件。 为了打消朝鲜的核野心值得做出这一牺牲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But setting a distant decarbonization deadline is not enough, given climate scientists’ repeated warnings that global warming is on course to reach 1.5° Celsius, relative to pre-industrial levels, by 2037 – not 2050. The IMO must listen to the scientists and seek to secure an agreement among member states during the current negotiations to eliminate shipping emissions well before mid-century. In addition, countries need to set gradually increasing emissions-reduction targets for key economic sectors, with modest goals for as early as 2025 followed by more ambitious objectives for 2030 and 2040. For example, researchers have suggested cutting shipping emissions by at least 34% by 2030 in order to reach zero by 2050. A concrete, step-by-step decarbonization pathway at the global level will nudge countries to move the industry progressively away from hydrocarbons and toward clean and sustainable fuels. The European Union is already embarking on this path by proposing to include shipping emissions in its carbon market and by setting sustainability targets for marine fuels. A truly ambitious IMO climate strategy could drive a wave of green innovation in the shipping industry. Firms would have to invest their multibillion-dollar profits in the development and uptake of clean fuels such as green hydrogen, green ammonia, and battery technologies, and in replacing their fossil-fuel-powered fleets with zero-emission vessels. Along the way, they should improve their fleets’ energy and operational efficiency, which is one of the fastest ways to cut shipping’s climate pollution. For many people around the world, whether the world sets clear targets for clean shipping and manages to limit global warming to 1.5°C, rather than 2°C or higher, is an existential issue. Small island states already on the front line of the climate crisis are most at risk of a global temperature rise above these levels, as a recent report by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change highlighted. Limiting global warming to 1.5°C rather than 2°C can reduce sea-level rise this century by ten centimeters – meaning ten million fewer people will be at risk of coastal flooding. The UN Ocean Conference declaration stated that the IMO must urgently align its climate ambition with the Paris agreement’s global-warming targets and set “clear interim goals” to start reducing the shipping industry’s greenhouse-gas emissions “as soon as possible.” This is a welcome if long-overdue step.", "zh": "但仅仅设定一个遥远的脱碳期限是不够的，因为气候科学家们一再警告全球气温相对于工业化前水平的升幅将在2037年 — — 而非2050年 — — 达到1.5℃。 国际海事组织必须听取科学家们的意见并寻求在当前谈判中确保成员国之间能达成一项协议，在本世纪中期之前完全消除航运排放。 此外各国需要为关键经济部门制定逐步增加的减排目标，针对最早2025年制定适度的目标，随后在2030和2040年制定更宏大的目标。 比如研究人员就建议在2030年将航运业排放量至少减少34 % ， 以此在2050年实现归零。 一个具体而循序渐进的全球层面去碳化路径将促使各国逐步推动该行业从碳氢化合物转向清洁和可持续燃料。 欧盟已经开始走上这条道路，提议将航运排放纳入其碳市场，并为海洋燃料设定各项可持续发展目标。 一个真正宏大的国际海事组织气候战略可以推动航运业的绿色创新浪潮。 企业必须将自身获得的数十亿美元利润投资于绿色氢气、绿色氨气和电池技术这类清洁燃料的开发和采用，并以零排放船舶取代其矿物燃料动力船队。 在此过程中它们应该提高其船队的能源和运营效率 — — 这是减少航运业气候污染的最快捷方式之一。 对全球许多人来说，世界能否为清洁航运制定明确减排目标并设法将全球变暖限制在1.5℃（而不是2℃或更高）是一个生死攸关的问题。 正如联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会最近发布的一份报告强调的那样，那些已经处于气候危机前线的小岛屿国家在全球温度上升超过上述水平时面临的风险最大。 将全球变暖限制在1.5℃而非2℃可以使本世纪的海平面上升幅度减少10厘米 — — 这意味着让1000万沿海居民免遭海水倒灌。 联合国海洋会议宣言指出，国际海事组织必须尽快将其气候目标与巴黎协议的全球变暖目标保持一致，并制定“明确的短期目标”去“尽快”开始减少航运业温室气体排放。 这是一个姗姗来迟但值得欢迎的步骤。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Some analysts have recently claimed that this is because the pursuit of GDP growth, job creation, and financial stability, as well as the establishment of priorities when there are tradeoffs, clearly requires political decisions, which should not be made by unelected officials alone. Moreover, by pushing interest rates toward zero, the current policy of quantitative easing (increasing money supply by buying government securities) has strong, often regressive, income effects. Opponents of central-bank independence contend that, given the allocational and distributional consequences of current monetary-policy interventions, central banks’ decision-making should be subject to political control. But this argument neglects an important point. While it is true that multiple policy targets tend to increase the political sensitivity of central banks’ decisions, concentrating only on price stability also has important distributional consequences and political implications. In fact, politicization is a matter of scale, not a substantive transformation of monetary policymaking. The real reason why central-bank independence tends to create a democratic deficit under a multi-target monetary-policy regime, and why it has become increasingly vulnerable, is that the two main arguments in favor of it no longer apply. The first argument in favor of central-bank independence is that, without it, politicians can exploit expansionary monetary policy’s positive short-run effects at election time, without regard for its long-run inflationary consequences. (By contrast, fiscal and exchange-rate policies rarely imply comparable temporal trade-offs, and thus are difficult to exploit for political gain.) But this argument becomes irrelevant when ensuring price stability is no longer monetary policymakers’ sole task. The second argument for institutional independence is that central banks have a clear comparative advantage in dealing with monetary issues, and can therefore be trusted to pursue their targets independently. But this advantage does not extend to other policy areas. Given that central banks are likely to continue to pursue multiple objectives for a long time, their independence will continue to erode. As long as governments do not encroach excessively on central-bank decision-making, this development will restore balance in policymaking and support policy coordination, particularly in times of stress. To ensure a positive outcome, policymakers should develop a fully transparent framework with well-defined “rules of engagement.”", "zh": "一些分析师最近声称这是因为追求GDP增长、就业创造、金融稳定以及在存在权衡时决定孰先孰后显然要求政治决策，而政治决策不应该光由非民选官员做出。 此外，通过将利率推向零水平，当前的量化宽松政策（通过购买政府证券增加货币供给）具有相当强的、通常是累退的收入效应。 央行独立的反对者指出，由于当前货币政策干预的配置和分配后果，央行决策应该受政治控制。 但这一论调忽略了一个要点。 诚然，多重政策目标会增加央行决策的政治敏感性，但只关注价格稳定也具有重要的分配后果和政治影响。 事实上，政治化是一个规模问题，而不是货币决策的重大变化。 为何在多重目标货币政策机制下央行独立性会产生民主赤字？ 为何央行独立行越来越受到人们的抨击？ 支持央行独立的第一个理由是，若非如此，政客可以在选举期间利用扩张性货币政策的积极短期效应而不顾及它的长期通胀性后果。 （相反，财政和汇率政策很少意味着类似的暂时性权衡，从而较难为政治利益所利用。 ）但当确保价格稳定不再是货币决策者的唯一使命时，这一理由便站不住脚了。 制度性独立的第二个理由是央行在处理货币问题上有着显而易见的比较优势，因此应该被信任独立地追求其目标。 但这一优势并不能扩展到其他政策领域。 由于央行可能在很长一段时间里继续追求多重性目标，其独立性也将继续削弱。 只要政府不过分蚕食央行的决策权，这一趋势将重塑决策平衡，支持政策协调，特别是在面对压力时。 为了确保积极的结果，决策者应该在明晰的“参与规则”下开发完全透明的框架。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The health challenge India faces is shared by many countries worldwide, including far wealthier ones such as the United States. Addressing it will demand not just more innovation, but also the application of existing solutions like the Mohalla Clinics, based on the recognition that health is a public good and that effective health-care systems are built on social solidarity – the same principle that informs all of the SDGs. The fact is that every head of state, every government, and every citizen has a responsibility to ensure that we achieve the SDGs. In that sense, the goals refute the view that the best way to maximize prosperity and security is to put one’s own country and its interests first, while walling it off from its neighbors. Achieving the SDGs – and, thus, tackling the climate crisis – will require us to stand up to the vested political, business, and economic interests that seek to maintain our current unequal order. It will also demand that we overhaul our unsustainable lifestyles and our patterns of production and consumption, while confronting the issue of rapid population growth. Everyone will have to pull their weight. This year, people worldwide are marking the centenary of Mandela’s birth. Mandela, one of the most remarkable and visionary leaders the world has ever seen, understood that human development is a collective, holistic endeavor. “Overcoming poverty,” he once declared, “is not a task of charity, it is an act of justice.” Let us honor Mandela’s legacy by taking urgent, cooperative, and comprehensive action to achieve the SDGs. Let us build a world that we can proudly bequeath to our children and grandchildren.", "zh": "印度所面临的健康挑战在存在于世界上许多国家，甚至包括美国等富裕国家。 解决这一问题不仅需要更多的创新，还需要德里社区诊所等现有解决方案的推广应用，这是基于认识到健康是一项公共产品，而有效的医疗保健系统都建立在社会团结的基础上 — — 同样的原则也影响到所有可持续发展目标 事实上，每个国家元首，每个政府和每个公民都有责任确保我们能实现可持续发展目标。 从这个意义上讲这些目标驳斥了这样一种观点，即实现繁荣和安全最大化的最佳途径是将本国家利益置于首位，同时将自身与邻国隔离开来。 实现可持续发展目标 — — 从而解决气候危机 — — 将要求我们去抵制那些试图维持现有不平等秩序的既定政治，商业和经济利益。 它还要求我们彻底改变我们不可持续的生活方式以及生产和消费模式，同时应对人口迅速增长的问题。 每个人都必须尽力发挥作用。 今年全世界的人们都在庆祝曼德拉诞辰一百周年。 曼德拉是世界上最杰出和最富远见的领导人之一，他认为人类发展是一项集体、全面的努力。 他曾说“克服贫困不是一项慈善事业，而是一种正义行为 。 ” 让我们通过采取紧迫，协作且全面的行动来实现可持续发展目标来沿着曼德拉的道路前进，去建立一个可以充满自豪地留给子孙后代的世界。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And a separate and independent judiciary guarantees the rule of law to which all, including ministers, are subject. That is how Britain has run its national affairs: avoiding political extremism, achieving a self-adjusting balance between left and right, managing change over decades in peace and war, and making the transition from imperial power to middle-sized European country. By doing this without surrendering or diluting our values, we have won approval and praise around the world. Sadly, things look very different today. As a proportion of its electorate, Britain has fewer political activists than most other European countries. Yet these activists and other political partisans have recently acquired growing control over their parties’ policy direction and choice of leader. As a result, the Labour Party is now led by Jeremy Corbyn, an old-fashioned far-left socialist. And 90,000 Conservative members, whose views have become more extreme as their numbers have fallen, recently selected Boris Johnson as their new leader, and thus as the country’s new prime minister. In doing so, they have chosen a mendacious chancer. It is no exaggeration to say that Johnson has lied his way to the top, first in journalism and then in politics. His ascent owes everything to the growing xenophobia and English nationalism that many Conservatives now espouse.", "zh": "同时，一套独立的司法体系能够确保所有人，包括政府各部部长，都遵守法治。 这就是英国一直以来管理其国家事务的方式：避免政治极端主义，在左右两派之间达成自我调节的平衡，在和平与战争时期管理数十年的变革，并且完成从帝国主义列强到中等规模欧洲国家的过渡。 通过在实现目标的同时不放弃或稀释我们的价值观，我们赢得了世界各国的认可和赞誉。 可悲的是，今天已经形成了完全不同的局势。 英国政治活动家占全部选民的比例比多数其他欧洲国家要低。 但这些活动家和其他政治党派近来对其党派的政策方向和领导人选择却获得了越来越多的控制。 结果导致工党现在由杰里米·科尔宾领导，他是一个老式的极左翼社会主义分子。 而90，000名保守党党员随着人数减少而导致观点变得更加极端，保守党不久前选择鲍里斯·约翰逊作为他们的新领袖，并进而就任英国新首相一职。 这样，他们选择了一位虚伪的投机者。 毫不夸张的说，约翰逊靠一路撒谎才爬到高层，先是在新闻界，而后又在政治领域。 他的步步升迁完全归功于许多保守党人现在支持的愈演愈烈的仇外情绪和英国民族主义。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Likewise, outspoken consumers, using means from protests to social media, can help swing the pendulum on a wide range of issues, from remuneration to corporate responsibility. Indeed, just last week, the Fox News host Bill O’Reilly lost his job, despite having America’s most popular cable news show, when advertisers, facing concerted grassroots pressure, quickly deserted him. The revelation that O’Reilly and Fox News’s parent company had paid $13 million to multiple women to settle complaints of sexual harassment against him made him a high-risk proposition to advertisers, many of which decided that the danger of alienating their customers – and their own employees – was too great. With general-meeting season for publicly traded companies just beginning, now is the ideal time for shareholders and stakeholders to let companies know what they think. If company leaders decide to take advantage of Trump’s deregulation spree, they must be made to feel the repercussions immediately and directly. This is not just an American problem. The impact of deregulation in the US will be felt worldwide, especially if the US-based multinational companies that take advantage of it are allowed to benefit from that choice. The result would be to encourage companies based elsewhere to follow suit. No one elected companies to run the world. (The kind of leadership demonstrated recently by the likes of Uber, Pepsi, and United Airlines is certainly not what voters seek in their government.) But there is no denying that companies’ decisions have far-reaching consequences. If their managers fall prey to the same governance by id that Trump has brought to Washington, DC, they will lose, just as Trump will lose. The only question is whether they, unlike Trump, will have to clean up their own mess.", "zh": "同样，直言不讳的消费者通过借助从抗议到社交媒体等现代化手段，可以在从薪酬到企业责任等一系列问题上改变企业的侧重。 事实上，就在上周，福克斯新闻主播比尔·奥莱利尽管拥有美国最受欢迎的有线电视真人秀，但却依然失去了工作。 因为广告商面对团结一致的民众压力而迅速抛弃了他。 媒体曝光奥莱利及福克斯新闻母公司向多名女性支付1，300万美金以解决针对奥莱利的性骚扰投诉。 这导致奥莱利成为广告企业的高风险资产，其中不少企业认为疏远自身客户 — — 及员工 — — 的风险大到他们无法承受。 随着上市公司全体股东大会季刚刚开始，现在对股东和利益相关方而言是理想的时机告诉企业自己的想法。 如果企业领导人决定利用特朗普放松管制的狂欢，我们必须让他们立即感受到直接的后果。 这并不仅仅是美国的问题。 美国放松管制将对世界各国造成影响，尤其如果利用这个机会的美国跨国企业被允许从这个选择中得到好处。 结果必然导致其他地方的企业采取同样的举措。 没有人选举企业来管理这个世界。 （近来优步、百事和美联航等公司所表现出来的领导力肯定不是选民希望政府表现的。 ）但不可否认企业决策可以产生深远的影响。 如果企业管理者抵制不住特朗普带到华盛顿的那种个人治理模式的诱惑，他们将会最终失败，就像特朗普将会最终失败一样。 唯一与特朗普不同的问题是，他们是否要清理自己留下的烂摊子。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Avoiding the Worst in Ukraine and Taiwan NEW YORK – Two dangerous flashpoints, in Europe and Asia, could bring the United States, Russia, and China into open conflict. The crises over Ukraine and Taiwan can be resolved, but all parties must respect the others’ legitimate security interests. Acknowledging those interests objectively will provide the basis for a lasting de-escalation of tensions. Consider Ukraine. Although it undoubtedly has the right to sovereignty and safety from a Russian invasion, it does not have the right to undermine Russia’s security in the process. The current Ukraine crisis is the result of overreach by both Russia and the US. Russia’s overreach lies in its 2014 annexation of Crimea and occupation of Ukraine’s industrial heartland in Donetsk and Luhansk; and in its ongoing efforts to keep Ukraine dependent on it for energy, industrial inputs, and markets. Ukraine has a legitimate interest in integrating more closely with the European Union economy, and it has signed an association agreement with the EU for that purpose. The Kremlin, however, fears that EU membership could be a stepping stone for Ukraine to join NATO. The US, too, has been overreaching. In 2008, US President George W. Bush’s administration called for Ukraine to be invited to join NATO, an addition that would establish the Alliance’s presence on Russia’s long border with that country. This provocative proposal divided US allies, but NATO nonetheless confirmed that Ukraine could eventually be welcomed as a member, noting that Russia has no veto over who joins. When Russia violently annexed Crimea in 2014, one of its objectives was to ensure that NATO could never gain access to Russia’s Black Sea naval base and fleet. Judging by the public transcripts of discussions between US President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin this month, NATO enlargement to Ukraine remains on the table. Although France and Germany might well maintain their longstanding threat to veto any such bid for membership, Ukrainian and NATO officials have both reiterated that the choice to join lies with Ukraine. Moreover, a high-ranking Estonian parliamentarian has warned that walking back Ukraine’s right to join NATO would be tantamount to Britain’s appeasement of Hitler in 1938.", "zh": "避免乌克兰和台湾出现最坏局面 纽约—可能导致美国、俄罗斯和中国爆发公开冲突的是欧亚两条危险的导火线。 乌克兰和台湾的危机可以解决，但各方必须尊重对方的合法安全利益。 持久缓和紧张局势的基础必须是客观承认上述安全利益。 以乌克兰为例。 尽管它无疑有权捍卫其自身的主权和安全，避免俄罗斯入侵，但它却无权在此过程中破坏俄罗斯的安全利益。 俄罗斯和美国的过度干预导致了目前这场乌克兰危机。 俄罗斯的过分之处在于该国于2014年吞并了克里米亚并占领了以顿涅茨克和卢甘斯克为代表的乌克兰工业核心区；还不断加深乌克兰在能源、工业原料和市场等领域对它的依赖。 而乌克兰则在与欧盟经济实现更紧密融合方面拥有合法利益，它还为此与欧盟签署了联合协议。 但克里姆林宫却担心欧盟成员资格可能成为乌克兰加入北约的垫脚石。 美国同样也有过分之举。 2008年，美国总统乔治·W·布什政府呼吁邀请乌克兰加盟北约，而此举将在俄罗斯与乌克兰漫长的边境线上宣誓北约的存在。 该挑衅性提议导致美国盟友间出现了分歧，但北约却依然确认其最终可能以成员国身份欢迎乌克兰的加入，并强调俄罗斯对谁有资格成为北约成员国没有否决权。 当俄罗斯在2014年暴力吞并克里米亚时，其目的之一就是确保北约永远无法将手伸进俄罗斯黑海海军基地及舰队。 从本月美国总统乔·拜登和俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京的公开谈话记录看，北约东扩合并乌克兰的问题依然悬而未决。 尽管法国和德国仍有可能长期威胁要否决任何此类申请，但乌克兰和北约官员均一再重申加入与否的选择权取决于乌克兰。 此外，爱沙尼亚一名高级议员也曾提出警告，称收回乌克兰加入北约的权利将无异于英国1938年对希特勒实行绥靖主义。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "膜分离技术助力破解“温室效应” - 中新网\n膜分离技术助力破解“温室效应”\n新型混合基质膜制备技术示意图\n本报讯 记者商瑞报道：日前，天津大学大气环境与生物能源团队针对“膜分离法捕集二氧化碳”取得重大进展，成功研发出新型混合基质膜制备技术，大幅提升膜材料二氧化碳捕集性能。\n相关成果已作为国际期刊《温室气体：科学与技术》封面文章发表。\n“温室效应”是困扰人类发展的重大环境问题，二氧化碳排放则是造成“温室效应”的元凶。\n如何高效捕获并利用人类排放的二氧化碳是科学家关注的焦点。\n“膜分离法”是一种新兴的二氧化碳捕集技术，它在膜材料帮助下分离二氧化碳气体，具有高效节能、操作简单的特点。\n如何让膜材料“深呼吸”， 提高气体分离效率，是采用膜分离法捕集二氧化碳的瓶颈难点。\n天津大学科研团队创新思路，通过反复实验，探究不同溶剂对膜气体分离性能的影响。\n实验结果表明，以N-甲基吡咯烷酮作为制备溶剂，生成的膜材料中碳纳米管分布更加均匀，“更透气”，有效提升了膜材料气体分离效能和速率。\n用这种新技术制备的混合基质膜，二氧化碳分离性能接近目前此类膜材料的理论分离上限。\n“新技术为膜分离法捕集二氧化碳提供了新思路。”\n天津大学大气环境与生物能源团队成员李润表示：“ 我们希望这种技术能够为未来燃煤电厂与化工企业处理烟气提供有力支持，在控制温室气体排放等领域发挥重大作用", "en": "Membrane separation technology helps to solve the \"greenhouse effect” - www.chinanews.com\nMembrane separation technology helps to solve the \"greenhouse effect\"\nSchematic diagram of preparation technology of new mixed matrix membrane\nWww.chinanews.com, reporter Shang Rui - Recently, the Atmospheric Environment and Bioenergy Task Force at Tianjin University made great progress on \"carbon dioxide capture by membrane separation method\", and successfully researched and developed a new preparation technology of mixed matrix membrane, which greatly improves the carbon dioxide capture performance of membrane materials.\nRelated achievements have been published as a cover article of the international journal Greenhouse Gas: Science and Technology.\n\"Greenhouse effect\" is a major environmental problem that puzzles human development, and carbon dioxide emission is the culprit of \"greenhouse effect\".\nHow to efficiently capture and utilize carbon dioxide emitted by human beings is the focus of scientists' attention.\n\"Membrane separation\" is a new carbon dioxide capture technology, which separates carbon dioxide gas with the help of membrane materials, and has the characteristics of high efficiency, energy saving and simple operation.\nHow to make membrane materials \"breathe deeply\" and improve the efficiency of gas separation is the bottleneck and difficulty of carbon dioxide capture by membrane separation.\nThe scientific research team of Tianjin University innovated ideas and explored the impact of different solvents on membrane gas separation performance through repeated experiments.\nThe experimental results indicate that with N- methylpyrrolidone as the preparation solvent, the carbon nanotubes in the generated membrane material are more evenly distributed and “more breathable”, which effectively improves the gas separation efficiency and rate of the membrane material.\nThe carbon dioxide separation performance of the mixed matrix membrane prepared by this new technology is close to the upper limit of the theoretical separation of this kind of membrane material at present.\n\"The new technology provides a new idea for capturing carbon dioxide by membrane separation. ”\nLi Run, a member of the Atmospheric Environment and Bioenergy Task Force at Tianjin University, said: \"we hope that this technology can provide strong support for future coal-fired power plants and chemical enterprises to deal with flue gas and play a major role in controlling greenhouse gas emissions. ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "TowerBlocks"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“As other nations step up their contributions, we look forward to the day when we can bring our warriors home.” But if the goal is to avoid creating a situation in which the Islamic State (ISIS) or other terrorist groups could reconstitute themselves, that day remains far off. The US is reportedly attempting to persuade Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Jordan to create a Sunni force that would maintain order in areas liberated from ISIS. It is far from clear whether such a force will come into being, and even less certain that it could stand on its own, given these countries’ modest capabilities and extensive commitments. A considerable US military presence and involvement will still be required. An ongoing US troop presence is also required to maintain coordination with Syrian Kurdish forces, who did most of the fighting against ISIS. But sustaining support for the Kurds without causing additional problems with Turkey, which has introduced forces into the area to weaken Kurdish control, may prove impossible. That fact calls for reducing US military reliance on access to Turkish bases. Trump has said nothing about the plight of internally displaced Syrians. America, which accepted more than 10,000 Syrian refugees as recently as two years ago, has rolled up its welcome mat, accepting only a trickle last year. And the matter of who should pay, and how much, to support Syrian refugees and the neighboring countries that have taken them in remains unresolved. A final question involves diplomacy. There is no realistic hope of engineering a political transition in Damascus, but it may be possible to arrange local cease-fires and create areas where Syrian civilians (but not government forces) could live in safety. Such arrangements, however, would likely require Russian involvement and support to keep the Syrian and Iranian governments on board. Russia has acted irresponsibly of late, but there remains the chance it will choose to offer limited help, if only to hold down the costs of its Syria policy. None of this adds up to a solution; Syria is likely to remain a broken country for years to come, with an illegitimate government that controls most but not all of the state’s territory.", "zh": "“随着其他国家作出更多贡献，期待着有一天能让我们的勇士回家 。 ” 但如果目标是防止伊斯兰国或其他恐怖组织得以重建，这一天仍然是遥遥无期的。 据报道，美国正试图说服埃及、沙特阿拉伯、阿联酋和约旦建立逊尼派部队，承担在ISIS解放区维持秩序的任务。 现在还不知道这支部队能否成功组建，更不确定它能否依靠自身力量完成任务，因为这些国家实力不强，而且还要兼顾诸多目标。 相当程度的美国军事存在和参与仍然很有必要。 保持与叙利亚库尔德军队的协调也需要美国军队继续驻扎，库尔德军是反抗伊斯兰国的主要力量。 但事实证明在不恶化与土耳其关系的前提下保持对库尔德人的支持或许是不可能的，土耳其人已经派遣部队进入该地区，以削弱库尔德人的力量。 这样一种现实要求降低美军对土耳其基地的军事依赖度。 特朗普对叙利亚国内流离失所者的困境未作任何评价。 美国接受1万多名叙利亚难民还是在两年前，而现在却已卷起了欢迎的红毯，去年仅接受了很小一部分。 而由谁来承担支持叙利亚难民和为他们提供庇护的邻国的开销以及承担多少的问题仍未得到解决。 最后一个问题涉及外交。 在大马士革实现政治过渡不存在现实希望，但或许可以安排局部停火并划定叙利亚平民（不包括政府军）可以安全生活的地方。 但这样的安排可能需要俄罗斯的参与和支持，才能约束叙利亚和伊朗政府。 俄罗斯近来行事不负责任，但即使仅仅只是为了压低叙利亚政策的成本，它仍有可能选择提供有限的帮助。 这些都不足以解决问题；叙利亚极有可能在未来若干年仍然支离破碎，拥有一个控制多数而非全部领土的非法政府。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China has been widely accused of blocking a more ambitious result, mostly because of its resistance to external surveillance of its agreed targets, appealing to state sovereignty with all the self-righteousness that the world was accustomed to hearing from former US President George W. Bush. Maybe the criticism is unfair. But it certainly was unwise to allow a junior official to shout and wag his finger at Obama at one of the key Copenhagen meetings. Americans, too, Chinese officials should remember, have “face” that they do not wish to lose. Some people cite the spat over arms sales to Taiwan and the Dalai Lama’s visit to Washington as a fourth dampener on all the G-2 talk. I am not so convinced. These are fairly ritualistic issues, and Chinese officials are smart enough to know that, given the Chinese government’s recent behavior, Obama had little choice but to decide on them as he did. Far more worrying is an issue that is yet to play out. How will China react to any move to introduce tougher sanctions on Iran if no progress is made in efforts to prevent it from developing nuclear weapons? If China blocks action in the United Nations Security Council, relations with America will be set back to a point where any G-2 talk will seem laughable. Deng Xiaoping, the architect of China’s economic rise, advised his colleagues to move stealthily in dealing with the rest of the world. “Hide your brightness, bide your time,” he counseled.", "zh": "外界广泛批评中国阻挠达成一个更宏大的目标，主要是由于其不同意让外国来监察本国实现减排目标的情况，把什么都跟国家主权联系在一起，那种自以为是的态度简直跟美国前总统小布什不相上下。 这些批评或许不太公平。 但任由一个低级官员在一场关键的哥本哈根会议中指着奥巴马鼻子大声驳斥也是不明智的。 中国的官员们可要记住，即便是美国人也是要“面子”的。 此外有些人还指出对台军售和达赖喇嘛访美是 G-2 会谈的第四个阻碍因素。 但我对此不以为然。 这些都是些老把戏了，中方官员不是笨蛋，自然也明白对中国政府最近的作为奥巴马没什么好方法应对，只能翻翻旧帐了。 但此外还有一个更值得忧虑，却尚未浮现的问题。 那就是如果在制止伊朗发展核武器方面还是难以取得进展的话，中国将对更严厉的国际制裁作何反应。 倘若中国阻挠在联合国安理会实施行动，那美国对此的反应将令任何 G-2 对话变成一场闹剧。 中国经济起飞的总设计师邓小平曾经告诫他的同志们，在跟其它国家打交道的时候要采取暗中行事的策略。 他说了这四个字 ： “ 韬光养晦 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The weaponization of economic-policy tools such as tariffs and other trade measures is risking a fragmentation of global economic and financial relationships, favoring higher prices, and compelling a greater degree of more costly self-insurance by companies and consumers. At the same time, as expectations of continued low inflation become more entrenched, an upward price shock could expose vulnerabilities and increase the risk of policy mistakes and market accidents. Considering how these competing forces are likely to play out over time, policymakers and investors should not rule out a return of inflation over time. Looking ahead, we will likely continue experiencing an initial stage in which the Amazon/Google/Uber effect remains dominant. But that may well be followed by a second stage in which tight labor markets, populist nationalism, and industry concentration begin to offset the one-time structural effects of new technologies being widely adopted. And in a third stage, the possible onset of higher inflation may catch policymakers and investors by surprise, producing excessive reactions that make a bad situation worse. As with most paradigm shifts, there can be little certainty regarding the timing of this scenario. But, either way, policymakers in advanced economies must recognize that their inflation outlook is subject to a wider range of dynamic possibilities than they have considered so far. Focusing too much on the cyclical, rather than the structural, could pose serious risks to future economic wellbeing and financial stability.", "zh": "关税和其他贸易措施等经济政策工具的武器化有可能导致全球经济和金融关系破碎，有利于价格上涨，迫使公司和消费者更大程度地采取成本更高的自我保险。 与此同时，随着持续低通胀预期变得根深蒂固，涨价冲击可能让脆弱性暴露无遗，增加政策错误和市场事故的风险。 在考虑这些互相矛盾的力量如何随着时间而展开时，决策者和投资者不应排除通胀随时回归的可能。 放眼未来，我们可能继续面临初始阶段，亚马逊/谷歌/优步效应起着主导作用。 但随之而来的可能是第二阶段，收紧的劳动力市场、民粹主义民族主义、行业集中开始抵消新技术被广泛采用所带来的一次性结构影响。 而在第三阶段，可能出现的高通胀将让决策者和投资者大吃一惊，导致让情况雪上加霜的过度反应。 和大部分范式变迁一样，这一情形的时机十分不确定。 但无论如何，发达经济体的决策者必须认识到，他们的通胀前景要受到比他们现在所认为的更加广泛的动态可能性的影响。 过于关注周期性而非结构性因素可能给未来经济福利和金融稳定造成严重风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And he was this incredibly tragic figure, but he was a window into the extent to which our memories make us who we are. The other end of the spectrum: I met this guy. This is Kim Peek. He was the basis for Dustin Hoffman's character in the movie \"Rain Man.\" We spent an afternoon together in the Salt Lake City Public Library memorizing phone books, which was scintillating. And I went back and I read a whole host of memory treatises, treatises written 2,000-plus years ago in Latin in Antiquity and then later in the Middle Ages. And I learned a whole bunch of really interesting stuff. One of the really interesting things that I learned is that once upon a time, this idea of having a trained, disciplined, cultivated memory was not nearly so alien as it would seem to us to be today. Once upon a time, people invested in their memories, in laboriously furnishing their minds. Over the last few millenia we've invented a series of technologies -- from the alphabet to the scroll to the codex, the printing press, photography, the computer, the smartphone -- that have made it progressively easier and easier for us to externalize our memories, for us to essentially outsource this fundamental human capacity. These technologies have made our modern world possible, but they've also changed us. They've changed us culturally, and I would argue that they've changed us cognitively. Having little need to remember anymore, it sometimes seems like we've forgotten how. One of the last places on Earth where you still find people passionate about this idea of a trained, disciplined, cultivated memory is at this totally singular memory contest. It's actually not that singular, there are contests held all over the world. And I was fascinated, I wanted to know how do these guys do it. A few years back a group of researchers at University College London brought a bunch of memory champions into the lab. They wanted to know: Do these guys have brains that are somehow structurally, anatomically different from the rest of ours? The answer was no. Are they smarter than the rest of us? They gave them a bunch of cognitive tests, and the answer was not really.", "zh": "虽然他是个悲剧角色 但通过他 我们能了解到 记忆在何种程度上塑造了我们的人格 情况的另一个极端是 我遇到了这样一个人 他叫Kim Peek 他是Dustin Hoffman在电影《雨人》里的角色的原型 我和他花了一下午 在盐湖城公共图书馆里背电话簿 让我大开眼界 回家后 我读了许多关于记忆的论文 写于两千多年前的论文 用拉丁文写的 从古代 一直到后来中世纪期间 我学到很多很有意思的事儿 其中一个就是 曾经 训练 规束 培养记忆力的这种概念 完全不像如今那样陌生 曾几何时 人们寄希望于自己的记忆 能不遗余力地装饰自己的心灵 近几千年来 人类发明了一系列技术 从字母表到卷轴 到法典 印刷机 摄影技术 电脑 智能手机 让我们能越来越轻松地 外化记忆能力 让我们从根本上 把这种基础的人类能力拱手让出 这些技术让现代生活变为可能 但同时也改变了我们 不仅在文化上 我觉得也在认知上 不再需要费劲去记忆 有时会觉得我们已经忘了如何去记忆 在这片地球上已经很少有地方 能让你觉得人们仍热衷于 训练 规束 培养记忆力了 那非同寻常的记忆大赛算是一个 其实它也没有那么非同寻常 世界各地都开始举办这样的竞赛 我对此深深着迷 想要知道这些人是怎么做到的 几年前 伦敦大学学院的一组研究人员 请来一批记忆大赛的冠军接受研究 他们想要弄明白 这些人的大脑 是否跟我们其他人在解剖学上的结构不一样? 答案是否定的 那他们比我们都聪明吗? 他们给研究对象实施了一系列认知测试 依旧得出了否定结论"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, the US current-account deficit in 2013 had narrowed by half in dollar terms from its 2006 peak, and from 5.8% of GDP to 2.4%. This is a decline of two-thirds when expressed as a share of global output. A symmetric adjustment has also occurred in China, via real appreciation of its currency and higher prices for labor and land. China’s current-account surplus peaked in 2008 at more than 10% of GDP and has since narrowed dramatically, to 1.9% last year. China’s trade adjustment in some respects followed that of Japan, the original focus of American trade anxieties in the 1980s. I propose a third, more speculative reason why it may be time to stop worrying about the US current-account deficit. It is possible that, properly measured, the true deficits were smaller than has been reported, and even that, in some years, they were not there at all. Every year, US residents take some of what they earn in overseas investment income – interest on bonds, dividends on equities, and repatriated profits on direct investment – and reinvest it then and there. For example, corporations plow overseas profits back into their operations, often to avoid paying the high US corporate income tax implied by repatriating those earnings. Technically, this should be recorded as a bigger surplus on the investment-income account, matched by greater acquisition of assets overseas. Often it is counted correctly. The world has long run a substantial deficit in investment income, even though the correct numbers should sum to zero. The missing income must be going somewhere. Even for officials as highly competent as those at the BEA, it is impossible to keep track of all of the stocks and flows in the international economy. Everyone knows that errors and omissions are large, especially when it comes to financial transactions. Underfunding of statistical agencies exacerbates measurement problems, but it does not create them. Less well known, however, is a particular pattern in the revisions of the US international investment position. The currently available historical statistics show that in every year from 1982 to 2000, the initial estimate of the net international investment position was subsequently revised upward, as statisticians found overseas assets about which they previously had no way of knowing. Since then, some subsequent revisions have been positive and some negative.", "zh": "结果，用美元衡量，2013年美国经常项目赤字较2006年减少了一半，占GDP之比从5.8%下降到2.4 % 。 以占全球产出比衡量，降幅为三分之二。 对称的调整发生在中国 — — 通过人民币实际升值和劳动力及土地价格升高实现。 中国经常项目盈余在2008年达到峰值，占 GDP比例超过了10 % ， 此后大幅下降，去年只占GDP的1.9 % 。 从某些角度，中国的贸易调整是在步日本后尘。 20世纪80年代，日本是美国贸易焦虑的最初焦点。 我提出了第三个更具猜测性的原因解释为何或许应该停止担心对美国经常项目赤字的担忧。 若以恰当手段测算，美国真实赤字或许比报告的要小，甚至在有的年份中根本没有经常项目赤字。 每一年，美国居民都会获得来自海外投资的所得 — — 债券利息、股票红利、直接投资的留存利润等 — — 将其中一部分就地重新投资。 比如，公司将海外利润重新投入经营 — — 通常是为了避免留存这些利润所带来的高额美国公司所得税。 长久以来，世界一直存在巨大的投资所得赤字，尽管正确的数字总和应该为零。 丢失的所得一定有去向。 即使是BEA这样有能力的机构官员，也无法追踪国际经济的所有存量和流量。 所有人都知道错误和遗漏很大，特别是金融交易。 统计机构资金不足加剧了测算问题，但并非造成问题的原因。 但是，比较鲜为人知的是修订美国国际投资头寸数字的特殊方法。 目前所能获得的历史数据表明，从1982年到2000年期间的每一年，净国际投资头寸的初始估算值最后都会被大幅向上修正，因为统计者发现了此前无从获知的海外资产。 自此以后，修正方向有时为正有时为负。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fed’s Risk to Emerging Economies MILAN – The US Federal Reserve has finally, after almost a decade of steadfast adherence to very low interest rates, hiked its federal funds rate – the rate from which all other interest rates in the economy take their cue – by 25 basis points. That brings the new rate up to a still-minimal 0.5%, and Fed Chair Janet Yellen has wisely promised that any future increases will be gradual. Given the state of the US economy – real growth of 2%, a tightening labor market, and little evidence of inflation rising toward the Fed’s 2% target – I view the rate rise as a reasonable and cautious first step toward normality (defined as a better balance between borrowers and lenders). However, other central banks, particularly in economies where the output gap is larger than in the United States, will not be keen to follow the Fed’s lead. That implies a coming period of monetary-policy divergence, with uncertain consequences for the global economy. On the face of it, a tiny change in the US rate should not trigger dramatic shifts in global capital flows. But, as US monetary policy follows the path of interest-rate normalization, there could well be knock-on effects, both economic and financial, especially in the form of currency volatility and destabilizing outflows from emerging economies. The reason we should fear this possibility is that the world’s economic equilibrium is both fragile and unstable – and could wobble dangerously without determined and coordinated policy intervention.", "zh": "新兴经济体的美联储风险 米兰—美联储在坚守了近十年极低利率后终于提高了其联邦基金利率25个基点。 联邦基金利率是所有其他利率的参考利率。 这次升息将新利率提高到0.5 % ， 仍然很低，美联储主席耶伦聪明地承诺，未来升息都将是渐进的。 从美国经济状态看 — — 实际增长率为2 % ， 劳动力市场吃紧，通胀也没有靠近美联储2%的目标 — — 我认为升息是迈向正常化的合理谨慎的第一步（正常化是指借款人和贷款人之间达成更好的平衡 ） 。 但是，其他央行，特别是产出缺口比美国更大的新兴经济体央行，不会急切地步美联储后尘。 这意味着世界将迎来一段货币政策分歧时期，给全球经济带来不确定后果。 在如此形势下，美国利率的微小变动应该不会导致全球资本流的剧烈变动。 但是，随着美国货币政策继续向利率正常化迈进，极有可能产生经济和金融连锁反应，特别是货币波动和破坏性流出新兴经济体。 我们之所以应该担忧这一可能性，是因为世界经济均衡脆弱不稳 — — 如果没有果断而的协作政策干预，可能出现危险的波动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, the “nuclear hostage” relationship of the Cold War continued, capped in 2002 by the Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty, which set the upper limit on warheads at 2,200 by 2012. In the spring of 2009, speaking in Prague, Obama advanced a bold ambition: a world without nuclear weapons. But his audacity confronted a world in which the Bomb remained at the heart of many countries’ deterrence strategies. Obama muddled his message further by admitting that he did not expect to see abolition in his lifetime. Nonetheless, New START marks a step in the direction of disarmament. It would limit each country to 1,550 strategic warheads on 700 deployed delivery vehicles. Verification relies on 18 on-site inspections, notification of forces in and out of service, missile-test flight information and other data exchanges, plus a consultative commission to iron out compliance. Were the US Senate to fail to ratify New START, the treaty’s proponents argue that the US would lose predictability about Russia’s nuclear activities, resulting in greater distrust and risk of miscalculation, making both sides less secure. But arms-control skeptics take issue with this. Throughout the Cold War, they viewed restraints on America’s development and fielding of nuclear weapons as compromising national security. Fears that the Soviet Union would cheat reinforced their position. And cheating did indeed upset the broader superpower relationship. Today, similar apprehensions stoke opposition to New START. To allay such concerns, the Obama administration committed to a multi-year increase in the budgets of the US military’s nuclear-weapons laboratories. And in the April 10 release of the Nuclear Posture Review, Obama’s administration warned nuclear-armed states and others tempted to violate the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty that they would remain nuclear targets. Missile defense has become another bone of contention. The language in the preamble to New START states that the agreement will not “undermine the viability and effectiveness of the strategic offensive arms of the Parties.” Critics contend that the clause, along with the Kremlin’s implied warning that it could withdraw from the treaty unilaterally were America’s defenses to become too robust, provides the Kremlin with leverage to impede deployment of any strategic missile-defense system.", "zh": "于是冷战时期的“核人质”关系继续维持了下来，最终在2002年的《削减战略进攻性核武器条约》中告一段落，商定各自于2012年将核弹头数量减少到2200枚。 在2009年春的布拉格讲话中，奥巴马提出了一个更具野心的建议：无核世界。 但他的大胆建议却生不逢时，因为核武器依然是许多国家威慑战略的核心。 这令奥巴马都不免感到气馁，只得承认说他并不认为这一想法能在自己有生之年成为现实。 但即便如此，新条约其实是向核裁军方面迈进的新一步。 它会将双方的战略核弹头数量削减到1550枚，发射车数量减少到700辆。 而验证方式则依靠对双方部署区域的18次检查，对核武器的服役/退役情况，导弹发射测试以及其他信息的互相告知，并成立一个商议委员会来平息争端。 新条约的支持者们宣称，如果参议院未能通过的话，美国将难以预测俄罗斯未来的核活动，并以此产生更多的不信任和误判，最终令双方都更不安全。 但那些对武器削减持怀疑态度的人可不这样认为：在整个冷战期间，他们将美国对发展和部署核武器的限制视为对国家安全的出卖。 那些对苏联可能使诈的忧虑有力地支持了他们的观点，而两个超级大国之间的关系确实也曾因背叛而遭到损害。 时至今日，同样的忧虑也对新条约构成了障碍。 为了安抚这些忧虑，奥巴马承诺逐年增加对美军核武器研究所的经费支持。 而在4月10日发布的《核态势研究报告》中，政府也警告那些试图破坏《核不扩散条约》的国家不要轻举妄动，因为他们依然会是美国核导弹的目标。 另一方面，导弹防御也成为了另一个争论焦点。 在新条约的序言中列明：条约“不会减低双方战略进行性核武器的和可使用性和使用效果 ” 。 加上俄罗斯方面威胁说如果美国的防御能力太过强大的话，它将单方面退出条约，因此有批评认为条约本身就赋予了俄方阻挠美国部署任何战略防御系统的口实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Global Climate Solidarity Impossible? NEW YORK – Despite the buzz around climate action at this year’s World Economic Forum meeting in Davos, Switzerland, the world’s current environmental prospects look grim. There are three obstacles: climate-change denial; the economics of reducing greenhouse-gas (GHGs) emissions; and the politics of mitigation policies, which tend to be highly regressive. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, global carbon-dioxide emissions must be cut by 45% from 2010 levels by 2030, and then eliminated entirely by 2050, to have even a reasonable chance of preventing global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. “We need quick wins,” warns the United Nations Environment Program in its latest Emissions Gap Report, “or the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement will slip out of reach.” That is an understatement. Even if the current Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the 2015 Paris accord are met, emissions in 2030 will be 38% above where they need to be. Global average temperatures will be on track to rise by a disastrous 2.9-3.4°C by 2100, with continuing increases thereafter. The NDC targets would need to be roughly tripled just to limit warming to 2°C, and would have to increase fivefold to achieve the 1.5°C goal. That is not going to happen. The only time in recent history when CO2 emissions have looked as though they might plateau was in 2014-2016, owing to weak global growth. According to the Global Carbon Project, emissions have since increased again, by 2.7% in 2018 and 0.6% in 2019. Making matters worse, the December 2019 UN Climate Change Conference (COP25) was a dismal failure, resulting in no new climate pledges or clear messages of intent for this year’s COP26 summit in Glasgow. Why is humanity so reluctant to save itself? First, many people simply do not accept the predictions issued by climate scientists.", "zh": "全球气候团结是无法实现的吗？ 发自纽约 — — 尽管围绕气候行动的讨论在今年的达沃斯世界经济论坛年会上热闹非凡，但全球当前的环境前景却仍然严峻。 此处涉及三个障碍：对气候变化的否定；减少温室气体排放的经济考量；缓解政策所涉及的政治因素，而且由这三点所导致的开倒车问题也特别严重。 根据联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会的说法，到2030年全球二氧化碳排放量必须较2010年水平减少45 ％ ， 然后在2050年完全归零，这样才能确保有合理可能性去防止全球气温升高到比工业化前高1.5°C的水平。 而联合国环境规划署则在最新的《排放差距报告》中警告说 ： “ 我们必须迅速取得成果，否则《巴黎协定》的1.5°C目标将变得遥不可及 。 ” 但即便是上述论断也已经算是轻描淡写了。 即使2015年《巴黎协定》规定的国家自主贡献目标能在当前得到满足，到2030年时的排放量也会比其需要达到的水平高出38 ％ 。 到2100年全球平均温度的上升幅度有可能达到灾难性的2.9~3.4°C，而且此后还将继续上升。 为了将升温限制在2°C以内，国家自主贡献的目标需要提升大约三倍，而要达到1.5°C的话则必须加到五倍。 然而上述情况是不会发生的。 近代历史上唯一一次二氧化碳排放量看似未有增长的时候是2014~2016年，因为当时全球经济增长疲软。 根据全球碳计划组织的数据，此后排放量又再度恢复增长，2018年增加了2.7 ％ ， 2019年增加了0.6 ％ 。 令情况变得更糟的是2019年12月举办的《联合国气候变化框架公约》第25次缔约方会议（COP25）惨淡落幕，没有达成任何新的气候承诺，也未能明确表达要在今年于格拉斯哥举行的COP26会议上实现何种意图。 那么为何人类还如此踌躇于自救？ 首先，许多人根本不采纳气候科学家的预测。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can America Be Trusted Again? STOCKHOLM – A sigh of relief swept across Europe when it became clear that Joe Biden would replace Donald Trump in the White House. New leadership in the United States would mean that after four years of disruption to the transatlantic relationship, an era of constructive cooperation on bilateral and global issues was at hand. But in recent weeks, that previous sense of relief has given way to nervousness as the US political scene has plumbed new depths of dysfunction. America’s democratic institutions have withstood assaults unlike anything seen since the Civil War. The ransacking of the US Capitol on January 6 – broadcast live to a stunned world – will not soon be forgotten. The hatred and disdain for democracy exhibited by the insurrectionists will not disappear with Trump’s departure. Millions of Trump supporters around the country will maintain the false belief that the election was stolen. Trump has left American society deeply wounded, and Europe with an abiding sense of nervousness and concern for its longtime ally’s future. Much has changed since early December, when the European Commission released a document outlining its vision for renewed EU-US cooperation. “With a change of administration in the US, a more assertive Europe and the need to design a post-corona world,” EU leaders saw a “once-in-a-generation opportunity to design a new transatlantic agenda for global cooperation.” Hopes were high. Biden and his impressive team of advisers have made clear that they will reach out to friends and allies to address pressing global challenges such as climate change, threats to public health, and the rise of China. But while European institutions and governments will remain ready to answer America’s call, they should not assume smooth sailing. The winds have changed. A poll of 11 EU member states commissioned by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) shows that European attitudes toward the US have shifted substantially during the Trump era. A majority of respondents in EU member states believe that the US political system is broken; that Europe can’t rely on the US for its defense; that China will be more powerful than the US within a decade; and that Europe should not take sides in a conflict between the two.", "zh": "美国可以再次信任吗？ 斯德哥尔摩—拜登将取代特朗普入主白宫，欧洲大舒一口气。 新的美国领导层意味着，跨大西洋关系在经历了四年的破坏之后，终于迎来了双边和全球问题建设性合作的时代。 但在最近几周，此前的缓解又让位给了紧张：美国政治局面陷入了新的瘫痪深渊。 美国民主机构经历了自南北战争以来所未见的冲击。 1月6日美国国会遭到洗劫 — — 全世界目睹视频目瞪口呆 — — 这将长久留在人们的记忆中。 暴徒所表现出来的对民主的憎恨和鄙夷不会随着特朗普的去职而消失。 美国上下数百万特朗普支持者将继续持有选举胜利遭到窃取的错误信念。 特朗普让美国社会深度受伤，让欧洲始终担心这一长期盟友的未来。 12月初，欧盟委员会公布了新的欧美关系提纲，此后，情况发生了很大变化。 “由于美国政府的改变，欧洲变得更加坚定，以及构建新冠后世界的必要性 ， ” 欧洲领导人有“几十年一遇的机会制定新的全球合作的跨大西洋日程 。 ” 希望可谓厚矣。 拜登和他的令人印象深刻的幕僚团队明确表示他们会与友邦和盟国一同解决紧迫全球挑战，如气候变化，公共健康威胁，以及中国崛起等。 但是，尽管欧洲机构和政府随时准备着回应美国的呼叫，但也不可认为前途一帆风顺。 风向已经发生了改变。 欧洲外交关系委员会（ECFR）进行的11个欧盟成员国民调表明，欧洲对美国的态度在特朗普时期发生了巨大的变化。 大部分欧盟成员国受访者认为美国政治制度已经破产；欧洲的防务无法依靠美国；中国在十年内就将比美国更强大；欧洲不应该在中美冲突中站边。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Good Times Down Latin America’s Way MEXICO CITY – For Latin America, 2011 was, in Frank Sinatra’s terms, a very good year – and 2012 doesn’t look like being so bad either. For a region not always accustomed to things going well, this is a somewhat strange state of affairs. Three elections were held in Latin America in 2011. Two – in Argentina and Peru – went well; the other – in Nicaragua – was marred by egregious fraud and heavy-handed government intervention in favor of the incumbent. Still, two out of three is not bad in a region where, previously, if elections were held at all, disputes about the outcomes were the norm. In economic terms, high commodity prices fueled strong growth in South America in 2011, and the modest US recovery benefited nearby countries. In Chile, Peru, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, and, to a lesser extent, Brazil and Colombia, voracious Chinese and Indian demand for raw materials and food boosted foreign reserves, enabled heavy government spending, and sustained high levels of imports. All this led to average growth rates well in excess of 4%. But it also led to new doubts about the wisdom of reliance on commodity exports. Chilean economist and politician Carlos Ominami, in his tell-all memoir Secretos de la Concertación, wondered what would happen if China's economy slowed or its real-estate bubble burst. By the end of the year, this seemed to be happening: commodity prices and growth rates were dropping, and 2012, while still promising strong economic performance, will not match this year's success. Sustained lower prices may bring chickens home to roost. The outliers were Venezuela, despite high oil prices, and the Caribbean Basin: Mexico, Central America, and the islands. These countries export manufactured goods to the US, on which they also rely for tourism and remittances; they lack either the geography or the geology to become great commodity exporters (or, like Mexico, they export all of their oil to the US). But even the outliers enjoyed decent growth this year. If the US avoids a new slowdown, they may do better than South America in 2012.", "zh": "拉丁美洲前途光明 墨西哥城 — — 对于拉丁美洲而言，2011年按弗兰克•西纳特拉的话来说是非常好的一年，2012年看来也不会差。 对于一个通常不大适应一切顺利的地区来说，这多少显得有些奇怪。 2011年，拉丁美洲举行了三场选举。 其中两场 — — 在阿根廷和秘鲁 — — 一切顺利，另一场尼加拉瓜的选举遭到了严重舞弊和实施高压政策的政府干预支持现任领导人的破坏。 先前该地区要是举行选举，对选举结果争论不休司空见惯，在三场选举中有两场成功的结果并不糟糕。 在经济方面，2011年，大宗商品的高价格促使拉丁美洲强劲增长，美国经济适度复苏也让邻近的国家受益。 在智利、秘鲁、阿根廷、乌拉圭、玻利维亚以及相对受益较少的巴西和哥伦比亚，中国和印度对原材料和粮食的巨大需求增加了外汇储备，使政府能够大举投资并支持了高水平的进口。 这一切促使平均经济增长率大大超过4 % 。 但是，这也带来了新的疑问，依赖大宗商品出口是否明智。 智利经济学家和政治家卡洛斯•奥米纳米在其无所不谈的回忆录《秘密的联盟 》 （ Secretos de la Concertación）中发出疑问，如果中国经济放缓或其房地产泡沫破灭会出现什么情况。 到今年底，这似乎正在发生：大宗商品价格和增长率正在下降，2012年，经济有望继续强劲增长，但是无法与今年的成功相提并论。 价格持续下降可能会带来问题。 不受影响的国家有委内瑞拉（尽管石油价格高）和加勒比海盆地地区：墨西哥、中美洲和岛国。 这些国家向美国出口制造品，还依赖美国带来的旅游和汇款。 它们缺少成为大宗商品出口大国的地理和地质条件（或者像墨西哥，它们把所有石油出口到美国 ） 。 但是今年，连这些局外国家的经济增长也不错。 2012年，如果美国能够避免新的经济放缓，它们的表现可能超过南美洲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the UK joined the European Union in 1973, we were in danger of becoming an object of sympathy, the sick man of Europe. Over the years, we prospered in Europe, shaping it in our own interest and avoiding the bits of the European enterprise that we did not like – a single currency and social policies that would inhibit growth. But, naturally, we accepted that to ensure the fairness and success of the single European market, we needed to pool sovereignty and share in decision-making about some European laws and regulations. Equally, as a medium-size power, we were more likely to be able to protect and advance our interests by negotiating trade and other matters as part of a bloc of other mostly medium-size countries. But all of this has been deeply unpalatable to those who think that working with others somehow undermines our sovereignty. They fail to comprehend that international cooperation is required to solve most of the big national problems – from illegal immigration to climate change – that face us today and will face us in the future. Moreover, on our own we would have to accept many of the rules and regulations made by others, not least in earning our living around the world. There is no point in crying about it. Gunboat diplomacy is a thing of the past, and even if it wasn’t, we have very few gunboats anymore! Many older voters have had considerable difficulty in adjusting their aspirations to a world that has changed. We are still a remarkable country. But we can no longer get our own way by asserting our will and invoking our history. No one owes us a living. British Prime Minister Theresa May must confront many of her supporters with this hard truth if she is to secure the UK’s national interest. She cannot deliver what many of them believe they were promised, namely that we could leave the EU without any loss of economic stability or political influence. Recognizing that opinion in Parliament is moving strongly against leaving the EU on the terms proposed by May, with a growing number of members even in favor of a second referendum to test whether we should leave at all, some right-wingers have flirted with the idea of trying to close down the House of Commons for a time. They want the government to be able to get its own way without any democratic opposition.", "zh": "1973年，英国加入欧盟时，我们正处在沦为同情对象、欧洲病夫的边缘，多年后，我们实现了在欧洲的繁荣，根据我们自身的利益影响欧洲，避免我们所不喜欢的欧洲做派 — — 单一货币和抑制增长的社会政策。 但我们天生接受，为了保证欧洲单一市场的公平和成功，我们必须将主权集中起来，在一些欧洲法律和监管问题上实行共同决策。 同样地，作为一个中等规模的力量，我们更有可能以其他主要也是中等规模国家的集团的一部分的身份，参与贸易和其他问题的谈判，以保护和推动我们的利益 但对于认为与他人合作总归会牺牲我们的主权的人来说，所有这些令人很难接受。 他们无法理解，必须通过全球合作才能解决大部分我们今天所面临以及未来将面临的国家大问题 — — 从非法移民到气候变化。 此外，我们必须接受许多由他人制定的规则和监管来约束我们，比如在全世界讨生活。 不满于这一点毫无意义。 舰炮外交已是历史遗迹，即便不是这样，我们也已经没有多少舰炮了！ 许多年长选民很难调整抱负以适应已经变化的世界。 我们仍然是一个卓越的国家。 但我们不再能够通过提出我们的要求、援引我们的历史而随心所欲。 没人欠我们这样的生活。 英国首相梅必须如果想要确保英国的国家利益，就必须让她的众多支持者面对这一硬事实。 她无法实现他们中很多人所认为的许诺之事，即我们可以退出欧盟而不会承受任何经济稳定或政治影响力的损失。 议会的观点正在变为强烈反对按照梅所提出的方案退出欧盟，越来越多的议员甚至支持举行第二次公投以检验我们到底是否应该脱欧，认识到这一点，一些右翼开始考虑尝试暂时关闭下议院。 他们想让政府能够在不遭到任何民主反对的情况下得逞。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Under these conditions, the four-decade decline in labor incomes as a share of national income is likely to be reversed – though automation and other rapidly advancing labor-saving technologies may counteract this process to some extent. In short, now that several decades of developing-country growth have exhausted much of the world’s unused productive capacity, global growth is increasingly constrained not by demand but by supply and productivity dynamics. This is not a transitory shift. One clear consequence of this process is that inflationary forces have shifted fundamentally. After vanishing or flattening for an extended period, the Phillips curve (which describes an inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment) is probably back, permanently. Interest rates will rise along with inflationary pressures, which are already forcing major central banks to withdraw liquidity from capital markets. A highly indebted global economy (the legacy of years of low interest rates) will go through a period of turbulence as debt levels are reset for a “new normal” interest-rate environment. Portfolio asset allocations will be adjusted accordingly, and the extended honeymoon during which risk assets outperformed the economy will end. It is anyone’s guess how abruptly this will happen. Specific outcomes are impossible to forecast precisely. The global economy’s encounter with the Lewis turning point will be a period of considerable uncertainty, which is to be expected with any tectonic shift. Many parts of the global economy will experience a fundamental regime change.", "zh": "在这些条件下，40年来劳动收入在国民收入中所占比例的下降趋势可能会被逆转 — — 尽管自动化和其他快速发展的节省劳动力技术或许能在一定程度上抵消这一进程。 简而言之，现在发展中国家几十年的增长已经耗尽了世界上大部分未使用的生产能力，日渐制约全球增长的不是需求，而是供应和生产力的动态，而且这种转变可不是暂时性的。 这个进程的其中一个明显后果就是那些驱动通胀的力量已经发生了根本性变化。 （描述了通胀和失业之间反比关系的）菲利普斯曲线在长期消失或变平之后再度回归，并且是永久性的。 利率将与通胀压力一起上升，且已经迫使主要央行从各个资本市场撤回流动性。 一个高度负债的全球经济（这是多年低利率的遗产）将随着债务水平依据“新常态”利率环境重新设定而经历一个动荡期。 投资组合的资产配置将被相应调整，风险资产表现优于经济的漫长蜜月期也将结束。 任何人都无法预知这种情况何时会骤然降临。 具体的结果是无法准确预测的。 正如在任何结构性转变中都可以预期的那样，全球经济与刘易斯拐点的相遇将产生一个相当不确定的时期。 全球经济的许多部分都将经历一个根本性的制度变革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The more respectable argument revolved around the question of sovereignty. The EU is not a democratic state. EU membership means that certain laws are proposed and enacted by people who have not been directly chosen in national elections. There is a purist case to be made that a liberal democracy cannot delegate law-making powers to supranational institutions without watering down national sovereignty. In fact, some of the laws that seem most irksome to Brexiteers are national, not European at all. But the point would not be whether laws are good or bad, but who has the right to make them. Certain British patriots see absolute national sovereignty as the core of their democratic system, exemplified by the Mother of Parliaments. But when they fetishize the will of the people expressed in a referendum, they become defenders of a very different political tradition, which is inimical to the British parliamentary system. If Johnson, an unelected prime minister, and his increasingly rabid supporters choose to “take back” their country by setting up a conflict between the people and their political representatives, they risk destroying the greatness of Britain. Furthermore, by alienating the Scots, who might choose to make their own national way, and possibly also the Northern Irish, they literally jeopardize the United Kingdom itself.", "zh": "更值得尊敬的提法围绕国家主权问题。 欧盟并非一个民主国家。 欧盟成员资格意味着由未经全国直接选举的人来提出和颁布特定法律。 这里有一个纯粹的观点，那就是自由民主政体无法在不稀释国家主权的前提下将立法权授予超国家体制。 事实上，最令英国脱欧分子讨厌的某些法律是国内法，与欧洲根本没有关系。 但重点不是法律好和坏，而在于谁拥有制定法律的权利。 像议会之母一样，某些英国爱国人士将绝对国家主权视为其民主制度的核心问题。 但当他们盲目迷恋全民公投中所表达的人民意愿时，他们就成为一种完全不同政治传统的捍卫者，而这种传统对英国议会体制不利。 如果约翰逊这位未经选举的首相及其越来越狂热的支持者选择通过挑起民众及其政治代表的冲突来“夺回”对国家的控制，他们就有可能摧毁英国伟大的根基。 此外，通过疏远有可能选择自身民族道路的苏格兰人，也许还有北爱尔兰人，英国本身实际正在遭受他们的威胁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the end of the day, only domestic cash flows would be taxed. And, because transactions between domestic companies and related foreign parties would have no US tax consequences, the practice of profit shifting would disappear. Moreover, the border tax adjustments would move the locus of taxation from where products are produced to where they are sold. Because domestic production would impose no additional tax on companies, America’s attractiveness as a location for employment-generating investment would be enhanced. A major added benefit would be that the welter of complicated tax rules aimed at preventing corporations from shifting profits and production abroad could be repealed as unnecessary artifacts of a bygone era, rather than being augmented even further under the Biden plan. Likewise, with the tax system imposing no special burdens on US corporations, all measures aimed at preventing them from moving their headquarters abroad in order to escape US nationality could be consigned to history, rather than confounding matters further. And tying tax liability only to transactions within the US would relieve the Internal Revenue Service of the burden of chasing down information about companies’ foreign operations. Readers may recognize the DBCFT from its appearance in 2016, when House Republicans Paul Ryan and Kevin Brady proposed it. The scheme ultimately did not make it into the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, because its sponsors’ insistence on the immediate, full-scale adoption of a then-unfamiliar reform drew opposition from other Republicans.", "zh": "最终只有国内现金流才会被征税，而且由于国内企业与国外关联方之间的交易将无需向美国缴税，那些转移利润的做法也会随之消失。 此外，边境税调整将把征税地点从产品生产地转移到销售地。 由于国内生产不会为企业增添额外税收，美国将成为一个更具吸引力的创造就业型投资地点。 还有一个主要的额外好处是那些旨在防止企业将利润和生产转到国外的各种复杂税收规则可以被作为不必要的旧时遗留加以废除，而不是在拜登计划下进一步扩大。 同理，由于税收体制没有对美国企业施加特殊负担，所有旨在防止企业为逃避美国国籍而将总部迁往海外的措施都可以成为历史（而不是变得更加错综复杂 ） 。 同时仅仅将纳税责任与美国境内交易挂钩的做法则可以减轻国内税务局追查企业海外运营信息的负担。 读者们可能会回想起2016年首次提出的基于目的地的现金流税，当时众议院共和党人保罗·瑞安（Paul Ryan）和凯文·布雷迪（Kevin Brady）提出了这一方案。 但该计划最终未被纳入2017年《减税和就业法案 》 ， 因为其发起人坚持要立即全面通过一项当时众人并不熟知的改革，激起了其他共和党人的反对。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That same year, in 2004, on the other side of the country, another library was completed, and it looks like this. It's in Seattle. This library is about how we consume media in a digital age. It's about a new kind of public amenity for the city, a place to gather and read and share. So how is it possible that in the same year, in the same country, two buildings, both called libraries, look so completely different? And the answer is that architecture works on the principle of a pendulum. On the one side is innovation, and architects are constantly pushing, pushing for new technologies, new typologies, new solutions for the way that we live today. We wear all black, we get very depressed, you think we're adorable, we're dead inside because we've got no choice. We have to go to the other side and reengage those symbols that we know you love. So we do that, and you're happy, we feel like sellouts, so we start experimenting again and we push the pendulum back and back and forth and back and forth we've gone for the last 300 years, and certainly for the last 30 years. Okay, 30 years ago we were coming out of the '70s. Architects had been busy experimenting with something called brutalism. It's about concrete. Small windows, dehumanizing scale. This is really tough stuff. So as we get closer to the '80s, we start to reengage those symbols.", "zh": "同一年，2004年， 这个国家的另一端， 另一个图书馆完工了， 就是这样。 在西雅图。 这个图书馆关于在数字时代 我们是如何消费媒体的。 这是城市的一个新型的公众设施， 一个可以聚会，读书和分享生活的地方。 怎么会这样呢 在同一年，同一个国家， 两个建筑物，都是图书馆， 却有着巨大的差别？ 答案就是，建筑风格是摇摆不定的。 一边是创新， 建筑不断被推进， 加入新的科技元素， 根据我们现代生活所需 新的类型，新的方案。 我们穿黑色，我们压力很大， 你认为我们很可爱， 而我们内心已死， 因为别无选择。 我们走向另一端 重新找回那些我们了解到 你们热爱的符号。 我们这样做，你们很开心。 我们感受到客满演出， 于是又开始试验 我们将钟摆推来推去， 推来推去 过去的300年里我们这样做， 过去的30年也是如此。 好的，30年前 我们刚走过70年代。 建筑师们忙着试验某种叫做 粗野主义的艺术。 它是关于混凝土的艺术... 小窗户，毫无人性的巨大规模。 这些都很艰难。 然后我们快进入80年代了， 我们开始重拾某些符号。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Here I would point to China’s militarization of the South China Sea, its unfair trade practices, its growing repression at home, and its economic coercion of countries in the region. Now, however, there is speculation that Chinese President Xi Jinping is contemplating the use of force to absorb Taiwan in an effort to realize his goal of China’s “rejuvenation” and build his legacy. He may also be trying to shape Taiwan’s politics and strengthen leaders it perceives as being friendlier to the mainland. Whatever Xi’s motives, we have seen increased economic pressure on Taiwan, cyberattacks, attempts to sow disinformation and interfere in its democracy, military flights near the island, the deployment of additional military capabilities along China’s coast near Taiwan, and efforts to keep Taiwan out of international organizations. Official US policy has long been to emphasize the principle that if the status quo is to change, it must be done consensually and with the support of the people of Taiwan. The US has also consistently stated it does not support Taiwan’s independence, in an effort to prevent Taiwan from triggering a crisis. Some in the US advocate accepting what they see as the inevitability of the mainland’s takeover of Taiwan. But allowing China to coerce or absorb Taiwan would undermine or even end the US alliance system in Asia. Governments would either be inclined to defer to China – an Asian version of Finlandization – or become more autonomous, which could lead to conventional military and even nuclear proliferation. There is also the fact that nearly 24 million people would see their democracy extinguished, while China would be able to project power throughout the Pacific, control key shipping lanes, and dominate Taiwan’s vital semiconductor industry. Any of these outcomes would reduce regional stability, freedom, and prosperity. On the other side of the debate are those who believe that Taiwan is a country in all but name and ought to be treated as one. But encouraging or recognizing Taiwan’s independence in the face of mainland opposition would almost certainly result in conflict, a rupture in US-Chinese relations, or both. This means continuing to make clear to Taiwan that it must act with caution. Some argue that this gives China too much influence. But a successful foreign policy often requires tough tradeoffs.", "zh": "在此我认为原因在于中国在南海的军事化、不公平的贸易操作，日益增加的国内镇压行动及其对该地区其他国家的经济胁迫。 但如今有人猜测中国国家主席习近平正在考虑武力吞并台湾以实现其“复兴”大业并构建个人政治遗产。 他还可能试图左右台湾政治并扶持那些看似更亲大陆的台湾领导人。 但无论习近平怀有何种动机，我们已经看到了不断增加的对台经济压力、网络攻击、散布虚假信息和干预其民主的尝试、绕岛军事飞行、在临近台湾的沿海地区部署更多军事力量以及百般阻挠台湾加入各类国际组织的行动。 美国的官方政策长期以来一直强调这样一个原则：对现状的任何改变都必须在台湾民众的同意下以协商一致的方式进行。 美国也一直声明不支持台湾独立以免台湾方面借此挑起危机。 美国的一些人认为大陆必将接管台湾并鼓吹各界接受这种必然性。 但允许中国胁迫或吞并台湾将破坏甚至终结美国在亚洲的联盟体系。 各国政府要么听命于中国（也就是亚洲版的芬兰化 ） ， 要么变得更加自主 — — 这可能导致常规军备竞赛甚至核扩散。 同时近2400万人将看到他们的民主制度被摧毁，而中国则得以在整个太平洋地区投射力量，控制关键航道并支配台湾重要的半导体产业，这些结果中的任何一个都会降低区域的稳定、自由和繁荣。 而辩论的另一方则认为台湾除了没有国家之名外实际上就是一个国家，因此应当享有国家待遇。 但不顾大陆反对去鼓励或承认台湾独立几乎肯定会导致冲突、中美关系破裂，或是两者同时发生。 这意味着要继续要求台湾谨慎行事。 有些人会觉得这会赋予中国过度的影响力，但一个成功的外交政策往往需要艰难的权衡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This does not mean that one should disregard what can be learned from others; but imitation without adaptation is a recipe for ineffectiveness, if not worse. It can easily imply importing solutions to non-existent problems, while letting real problems fester. Colombia and Panama illustrate the contrast between these approaches. For much of the recent past, economic policymaking in Colombia has been driven by two goals: signing a free-trade agreement with the US (in effect since 2012) and joining the OECD (in negotiation since 2013). (True, other important initiatives have been the peace process and the expansion of the road network, though these are not, strictly speaking, economic policies). In the meantime, Colombia’s main obstacle to growth, which arguably is the lack of export dynamism, given the fall in oil prices, has not been addressed. Despite the FTA – and a 38% depreciation of the peso since 2014 – exports to the US have gone nowhere: they have stagnated overall, fallen as a share of overall exports, and become even more concentrated in traditional products such as oil, coffee, gold, and flowers. This stands in marked contrast to the impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement on Mexico’s exports: between its entry into effect in 1994 and 2000, exports to the US tripled, from $50 to $150 billion. In the following decade, Vietnam generated an even larger export boom, with no major trade agreements. Clearly, NAFTA was crucial for Mexico; but whatever is preventing Colombia from becoming a more successful exporter is not the kind of transaction costs that FTAs can address. But it is highly unlikely that these issues will be tackled by joining the OECD. The OECD demands a smorgasbord of reforms affecting corporate governance, private insurance markets, competition policy, statistics, health, technology, agriculture, and many other regulatory areas. Whether any of these reforms nurture a new suite of export industries that can propel Colombia forward is, to put it bluntly, a crapshoot. Now consider Panama – by far Latin America’s fastest-growing economy during the 2004-2014 commodity price boom. Panama’s annual GDP growth averaged 8.2%, despite the fact that it did not profit directly from the commodity bonanza that benefited Colombia and much of South America.", "zh": "这并不意味着应该否认从他人的经验中学习；但照搬的模仿必然导致低效甚至更加糟糕的情况。 这很有可能意味着引进针对根本不存在的问题的解决方案，而真正的问题继续恶化。 哥伦比亚和巴拿马可以说明这两种方针之间的对比。 在最近的大部分时间里，哥伦比亚经济决策一直由两个目标推动：与美国签订自由贸易协定（2012年生效）和加入经合组织（2013年开始谈判 ） 。 （诚然，其他重要计划包括和平进程和扩张道路系统等，但严格讲这些不属于经济政策。 ） 与此同时，哥伦比亚的主要增长障碍 — — 很可能是石油价格下跌背景下的出口乏力 — — 没有得到解决。 尽管与美国签订了自由贸易协定 — — 以及2014年以来比索38%的贬值幅度 — — 对美国出口仍不见起色：总量没有增长，占总出口之比反而下降，并且更加集中于石油、咖啡、黄金和花卉传统产品等。 这与北美自由贸易协定对墨西哥出口的影响形成了鲜明对比：自1994年生效到2000年，墨西哥对美出口增长了两倍，从50亿美元增加到150亿美元。 此后十年，越南在没有签订大型贸易协定的情况下实现了规模更大的出口繁荣。 显然，北美自由贸易协定是墨西哥成功的关键；但阻止哥伦比亚成为更加成功的出口国的绝非自贸协定所能解决的交易成本问题。 但这些问题也很难通过加入经合组织而解决。 经合组织要求采取大杂烩式的改革，这将影响到公司治理、私人保险市场、薪酬政策、统计数据、医疗、技术、农业和其他许多监管领域。 直截了当地讲，这些改革是否能够培养出新的出口产业集群、助推哥伦比亚前进完全是碰运气。 现在我们来看看巴拿马 — — 2004—2014年大宗商品价格繁荣期间它是拉丁美洲增长最快的经济体。 巴拿马年GDP增长平均为8.2 % ， 尽管它并未从哥伦比亚和大部分南美国家获益良多的大宗商品大繁荣中直接获益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Three Ways to Improve Child Health SEATTLE – Over the last 15 years, the international community has made great strides in improving child health. But, with millions of children under the age of five dying each year from preventable and treatable diseases like diarrhea and pneumonia, the job is far from finished. Most people would say that malaria or even HIV/AIDS are the leading child killers. In fact, diarrhea and pneumonia top the charts as the biggest threats to child survival – as they have for the more than 30 years that we have been tracking them. According to the recently published 2016 Pneumonia and Diarrhea Progress Report, the two diseases caused 1.4 million child deaths last year, and one-quarter of all deaths of children under the age of five. They exact their highest toll in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. Tackling the two biggest killers of children worldwide may seem daunting, but we have all the knowledge we need to mount an effective response. Indeed, we know which viruses, bacteria, and parasites we need to target; which interventions are likely to work; and which countries need them the most. Just 15 countries account for 72% of childhood deaths from pneumonia and diarrhea. These are the countries on which the Pneumonia and Diarrhea Progress Report focuses. Its analysis of national efforts shows that, while most countries have made improvements over the last year, improvement in some of the largest countries has been minimal, and a few countries have not made any progress at all. Most deaths happen in the first two years of a child’s life. To change this, governments need to step up their efforts to prevent pneumonia and diarrhea, including by ensuring that parents have access to the information they need to protect their children. Here, it is critical that ordinary citizens stand up and hold their governments accountable. The good news is that there are three relatively simple interventions that could make a big difference. The first is breastfeeding. An age-old, no-cost intervention, breastfeeding exclusively for the first six months of a baby’s life is one of the easiest ways to prevent both diarrhea and pneumonia. Breast milk has all the nutrients babies need to grow, as well as antibodies that boost their immune systems, thereby protecting against illness and helping to accelerate recovery.", "zh": "改善儿童健康的三个方法 西雅图—过去十五年中，国际社会在改善儿童健康方面取得了巨大的进步。 但是，每年仍有数百万五岁以下儿童因为腹泻和肺炎等可防可治疾病而死亡，改善儿童健康仍然任重道远。 大部分人认为疟疾甚至艾滋病是儿童死亡的主因。 事实上，腹泻和肺炎在儿童生存最大威胁排行榜上位居前茅 — — 在我们追踪观察的30多年来是如此。 据最新发布的《2016年肺炎和腹泻进展报告 》 （ 2016 Pneumonia and Diarrhea Progress Report ） ， 这两种疾病去年导致140万儿童死亡，以及四分之一的五岁以下儿童死亡案例。 其中南非和撒哈拉以南非洲情况最为严重。 跟踪全世界前两大儿童杀手似乎是一个艰巨的任务，但我们已经具备采取有效应对措施的所有知识。 事实上，我们知道应该针对哪些病毒、细菌和寄生虫；知道哪些干预措施可能有效；知道哪些国家最需要它们。 15个国家占了肺炎和腹泻致死儿童数量的72 % 。 它们是《肺炎和腹泻进展报告》关注的对象。 报告对国家措施的分析表明，尽管大部分国家在去年有所进步，但一些最大的国家改善很小，一些国家甚至完全没有进步。 大部分死亡病例出现在两岁以前。 要改变这一状况，政府需要采取措施预防肺炎和腹泻，包括通过确保家长能获得保护孩子所需要的信息。 在这方面，普通公民站出来问责政府至关重要。 好消息是有三种相对简单的干预方法能够带来巨大的不同。 首先是母乳喂养。 作为古老的无成本干预手段，新生儿前六个月纯母乳喂养是预防腹泻和肺炎最简单的方式。 母乳具备婴儿生长所需的全部营养，还能提供刺激婴儿免疫系统的抗体，从而预防疾病、加快恢复。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the story of the 2018 midterms is about more than Trump and the future of his presidency. It is about an American electorate yearning for democratic reforms. Like in the Progressive era of the early twentieth century, when citizens and states spearheaded a wave of measures to improve democratic governance, voters from both parties used the election to signal their support for democracy. More than two-thirds of US voters live in states that allow ballot initiatives, a reform tool that was introduced by the Progressive movement more than 100 years ago. And in 2018, voters in 17 states voted on more than two dozen ballot measures that were designed to make government more representative and responsive. In fact, the number of democratic reform measures on the ballot last year reached a new record. One important type of democratic reform focuses on the problem of partisan gerrymandering. In 2018, large majorities supported redistricting reforms in Colorado, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio (in a ballot initiative this past May), and Utah (by a slim margin). With the exception of Colorado, Trump won all of these states in 2016. Moreover, reforms to expand and protect voting rights also won popular support in four states last year. For example, in Florida, which had some of the closest statewide races in the country, an historic measure to restore voting rights to citizens with past felony convictions passed by a two-to-one margin. In Michigan, where voters were evenly divided on gubernatorial and US Senate candidates, 65% of the electorate supported an initiative to introduce same-day voter registration and other pro-democracy measures. And a similar initiative passed handily in Nevada, too. Meanwhile, eight states and the District of Columbia already allowed for automatic registration in last year’s election, resulting in big voter-registration gains overall. And Maine became the first state to use ranked-choice voting in congressional elections. Voters in several states also made clear that they want more ethical and accountable governance. Missouri voters, for example, passed a package of ethics reforms tightening campaign-finance restrictions for state lawmakers. New Mexico established an ethics commission to investigate allegations of misconduct by state officials, candidates, and lobbyists. North Dakota did likewise, and also approved a ban on foreign political contributions and a new requirement that campaign-finance information be made publicly available. And New York City strengthened its public election-financing program.", "zh": "但2018年中期选举可不仅关于特朗普及其总统任期，而是关于选民对民主改革的渴望。 就像二十世纪初的进步时代一样，当公民和各州都牵头采取一系列改善民主治理的措施时，两党选民都利用选举来表达自身对民主的支持。 超过2/3的美国选民居住在允许进行公民投票的州，而这正是100多年前由进步运动引入的改革工具。 在2018年有17个州的选民进行了二十多项旨在使政府更具代表性和响应性的公民投票。 事实上去年启动投票的民主改革措施数量也达到了创记录的水平。 其中一类重要的民主改革集中在党派分歧问题上。 在2018年有大多数选民支持在科罗拉多、密歇根、密苏里，俄亥俄（在去年5月的一次公民投票中）和犹他州（以微弱多数）进行选区重划改革。 而特朗普则在2016年大选中赢得了所有这些州（科罗拉多州除外）的胜利。 此外，扩大和保护投票权的改革也在去年赢得了四个州民众的支持。 例如佛罗里达这个在全国来说两党支持率最为接近的州就通过了一项历史性措施，以2对1的比例通过让过往曾犯重罪的公民重获投票权。 而在密歇根这个两党选民在州长和参议院候选人选举中平分秋色的州，65％的选民投票支持关于允许投票当日选民登记以及其他民主促进措施的动议。 内华达州也有类似的动议。 与此同时，八个州以及哥伦比亚特区已经在去年的选举中允许自动登记，令总体选民登记数量大幅上升。 而缅因州则成为第一个在国会选举中使用排序投票制的州。 还有多个州的选民也明确表示需要更多有道德且负责任的治理。 比如密苏里州的选民就通过了一揽子道德改革项目，加强了对州立法者的竞选财政限制。 新墨西哥州为此成立了一个道德委员会，负责调查对州官员，候选人和游说者不当行为的指控。 而北达科他州也拿出了同样的举措，批准了对外国政治捐款的禁令以及一项竞选财务信息公开的新要求。 纽约市则对其公共选举融资项目进行了加强。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this services-export-led growth strategy, skill shortages did not become a major problem, thanks to a fairly open immigration policy, which allowed the country to use the talent that Colombia, among other countries, was unable to keep. The comparison between these two approaches is clear. Colombia’s policymakers have been hoping that if they adopt best-practice legislation and regulation, somebody will come. And if they do not, they can still bask in the international accolades they receive from foreign entities. Panama, by contrast, took the risk of imagining some key strategic, export-oriented investments, and then focused on creating the conditions to make them happen. In many cases, the private sector took the initiative. But policymakers did not shy away from large strategic public investments when needed, as in the case of the Canal expansion or the airport. The special tax regimes and other policies they adopted may make some at the OECD cringe. But, arguably, this helped create the ecosystem that makes Panama so attractive to so many Fortune 500 companies. Authentic leadership requires a commitment to real goals. But, to achieve them, there are no prêt-à-porter solutions. Tailoring policies to specific problems, without disregarding the lessons from the past or from elsewhere, involves risks, and any responsible leader will necessarily feel the anxiety this creates. Authenticity does not, in the end, require Trumpian recklessness. But abandoning economic goals and imitating the means taken by others is not only inauthentic: it is also deeply irresponsible.", "zh": "在这一服务-出口拉动的增长战略中，技能短缺并没有成为主要问题，这要归功于非常开放的移民政策让巴拿马能够利用哥伦比亚和其他国家留不住的人才。 这两种方针之间的对比是鲜明的。 哥伦比亚决策者希望采取最佳实践立法和监管能够起到吸引效果。 如果不成功，他们仍能收获外国机构的掌声。 相反，巴拿马冒着风险设想了一些重要的战略性出口导向型投资，然后将精力集中于实现这些投资的条件。 在许多例子中，项目的落实依靠私人部门。 但在必要时决策者也绝不回避大型战略性公共投资，比如运河扩建计划和机场。 他们所采取的特殊税收制度和其他政策可能令一些经合组织国家汗颜。 但是，这显然帮助创造了一个生态系统，使巴拿马能够吸引众多《财富》500强公司。 真性情领导力需要致力于真正的目标。 但是，要实现它们，没有现成的解决方案可用。 为具体问题量身定制政策，不忽视来自历史和其他国家的教训，拥抱风险，顺势而为的领导人未必会因此而焦虑。 说到底，真性情并不一定意味着特朗普式的鲁莽。 但抛弃经济目标、模仿他人的方法不但是假惺惺，更是严重的无担当。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Viral Authoritarianism NEW YORK – “God and the people are the source of all power … I have taken it, and damn it, I will keep it forever,” declared Haiti’s François “Papa Doc” Duvalier in 1963. And so he did, remaining president until his death in 1971, whereupon he was succeeded by his son, Jean-Claude (“Baby Doc”), who extended the dictatorship another 15 years. This may seem like ancient history. But not to me. My family is Haitian, and though we immigrated to the United States during my childhood, we always seemed to remain within reach of the Duvaliers’ ruthless regime. I have never lost sight of the brutal lessons Haitians learned under the Duvaliers, including how they regularly used natural disasters and national crises to tighten their stranglehold on power. We must heed that lesson today. COVID-19 is a threat not just to public health, but also to human rights. Throughout history, crises like the current one have served as a convenient pretext for authoritarian regimes to normalize their tyrannical impulses. My parents witnessed this firsthand in Haiti. We are all seeing it again now. The new threat started in China, where an already authoritarian government’s initial effort to cover up the epidemic allowed it to spread globally. But China is hardly alone. In India, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government instituted a 21-day lockdown with only four hours’ notice, providing no time for millions of the world’s poorest people to stockpile food and water. Worse, Indian law-enforcement authorities have since been using the lockdown to increase their targeted discrimination against the country’s Muslims. Meanwhile, in Kenya and Nigeria, police and military forces have pummeled anyone who does not seem to be complying quickly enough with social-distancing protocols. In Israel, the authorities have joined around two dozen other governments in stretching privacy protections to the breaking point, by using cellphone data to track citizens’ movements.", "zh": "病毒专制主义 发自纽约 — — 1963年，海地的弗朗索瓦·杜瓦利埃（François Duvalier，人称“老杜 ” ） 宣称 ： “ 上帝和人民是一切权力的源泉 … … 而我接管了这些权力，也会将这该死的东西永远握在手里 。 ” 他于1971年去世，随后其子让-克劳德·杜瓦利埃（Jean-Claude Duvalier“小杜 ” ） 继任，又将独裁统治延续了15年。 这对某些人来说似乎是很久远的事情，但对我来说却不然。 我的家人来自海地，尽管全家在我小时候就移民到了美国，但大家似乎始终未能摆脱杜瓦利埃残暴政权的影响。 我从未忘记海地人在杜瓦利耶家族执政期间领教到的血泪教训，包括后者如何定期利用自然灾害和国家危机来加强对权力的掌控。 而我们必须在当前留心这一教训。 新型冠状病毒不仅威胁公共健康，同时也危及人权。 纵观历史，像当前这样的危机已成为专制政权实现暴政正常化的便宜借口。 我的父母在海地亲眼目睹了这一状况，如今我们都将再次见证这一幕。 这一新威胁发端于中国，该国本已专制的政府起初掩盖疫情的行径致使病毒最终蔓延到全球。 但中国也不是孤家寡人，在印度，总理纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）政府下达了为期21天的封锁令，但只提前四个小时公告，根本没有为数百万全球最为穷苦的民众留下储存食物和水的机会。 更糟糕的是，自那以后印度执法部门一直在利用封锁手段来加大对该国穆斯林的针对性歧视。 同时在肯尼亚和尼日利亚，军警对那些似乎未能足够迅速地遵守社会隔离规定的人大打出手。 在以色列，当局与其他大约二十几国政府一道肆意触碰私隐保护的底线，利用手机数据跟踪公民的活动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It seems that the government has established a floor for growth; as long as it is not hit, there will be no more fiscal or monetary stimulus. But the new leadership’s reluctance to intervene in order to spur growth is just part of the story of China’s current slowdown. Something more fundamental has happened, weakening the government’s ability to stimulate the economy. In particular, even as the annualized growth rate in the first quarter of 2013 fell far below the average growth rate over the past 30 years, the annual increase in the consumer price index rose to a ten-month high of 3.2% in February, while house prices have been rising unabatedly. Slower growth and higher inflation in the expansionary phase of the economic cycle (compared with previous cycles) reflect an essential macroeconomic change. For many years, China’s Phillips curve – the historical inverse relationship between inflation and unemployment – was rather flat, which meant that when the government used expansionary monetary and fiscal policies to spur growth, it did not have to worry too much about price instability. But there is now growing evidence that the Phillips curve has started to rotate since 2010. Today, for a given rate of GDP growth, the corresponding inflation rate is substantially higher than it was over the past two decades. In other words, inflation – especially house-price inflation – has become an important constraint on growth. The leftward rotation of China’s Phillips curve stems from many important structural changes. First, as a result of demographic and social changes, the marginal wage cost of production and minimum-wage levels have increased significantly. Second, with environmental concerns becoming more widespread, enterprises – especially those with newly installed production facilities – have been spending lavishly. Third, the relentless exploitation of resources has caused the prices of energy and raw materials to increase rapidly. Fourth, feverish real-estate development throughout China continues to propel land prices to new heights. Fifth, as a result of decades of catch-up growth, China is approaching the technological frontier in many areas and the latecomer’s advantage is diminishing, which means that the marginal productivity of its capital stock is diminishing, too.", "zh": "政府似乎设定了经济增长下限，只要下限未曾触及，就不会推出财政或货币刺激政策。 但新领导层不愿以干预手段刺激经济增长只是中国目前经济放缓的部分因素。 中国已经出现某些根本性的变化，削弱了政府对经济的刺激能力。 特别是即使2013年第一季度的年化增长率远低于近30年的平均增长率，居民消费价格指数却在2月上升至10个月以来的高点3.2 % ， 而房价上涨也一直没有放缓的趋势。 经济周期扩张阶段的经济增长放缓和高通胀（与以往经济周期相比）反映出重要的宏观经济变化。 多年来中国反应通胀和失业历史反比关系的菲利普斯曲线都相当平缓，也就是说当政府采用扩张性货币和财政政策刺激经济时，不必过于担心价格的波动。 但现在越来越多的证据表明菲利普斯曲线从2010年起已经开始改变。 今天，为了实现设定的GDP增速，相应的通胀率要大幅高于过去20年。 换句话说，通胀 — — 特别是房价通胀 — — 已经成为经济增长的重要制约因素。 许多重要的结构性变化导致中国的菲利普斯曲线左移。 首先，人口和社会变化导致生产边际工资成本和最低工资水平显著增加。 其次，随着对环境问题的担忧越来越普遍，企业，特别是新建成的生产企业与以往相比成本急剧上升。 第三，毫无节制的资源开采已经使能源和原材料价格迅速上升。 第四，中国各地的房地产开发热推动土地价格迭创新高。 第五，经过几十年的追赶式增长，中国的许多领域正在向技术前沿靠拢，后发优势也正逐渐丧失，这意味着资本存量的边际生产率也在递减。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Xi’s Reform Gambit HONG KONG – When Deng Xiaoping initiated China’s market-oriented reforms 35 years ago, he – and the Chinese Communist Party – was taking the biggest political risk since the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949. When President Xi Jinping unveiled his own reform agenda at last year’s Third Plenum of the 18th CCP Congress, he was taking an equally large risk. Will his strategy pay off? In 1979, Deng was in a difficult situation. He knew that the shift from centrally planned egalitarian socialism toward market-oriented capitalism could destabilize the CCP’s rule, and the unequal accumulation of wealth in the short term could cause significant social and political division. But, with China on the verge of economic and social collapse, following the decade-long chaos of the Cultural Revolution, he had to take action – and there were few, if any, alternatives available. The reforms turned out to be extremely rewarding: more than three decades of double-digit economic growth followed their implementation. Moreover, they allowed the CCP to retain its hold on power. But they benefited some people and regions much more quickly than others – a problem that was tougher to address than Deng had anticipated. Xi’s reforms, like Deng’s, reflect the absence of alternatives. Not only has China’s labor-intensive, investment-led growth model run out of steam; bureaucratic inefficiencies and pervasive corruption – not to mention severe and worsening pollution – are also damaging China’s long-term prospects.", "zh": "习近平的改革序幕 香港—35年前，当邓小平开启中国的市场经济改革时，他和中国共产党承担了自1949年人民共和国成立以来最大的政治风险。 当习近平主席在去年的中共十八大三中全会上启动他的改革日程时，他也承担了同样巨大的风险。 他的改革战略会带来成果吗？ 1979年，邓小平处于十分困难的境地。 他知道从中央计划的平均社会主义向市场经济的资本主义的转变可能会动摇中共的统治，而短期内财富的不平等积累也可能引发巨大的社会和政治动荡。 但是，在经历了文革十年动乱后，当时的中国已经站在了经济和社会崩溃的边缘，他必须采取行动，因为除此之外别无选择。 邓小平的改革最终收到了巨大成效：三十多年两位数字的经济增长。 此外，邓小平的改革也让中共巩固了政权， 但给不同的人和地区带来了贫富不均，而这一问题比邓小平所预想的还要难以解决。 习近平的改革和邓小平当初的改革类似，是别无选择的选择。 不但中国的劳动密集、出口及投资拉动型增长模式已经失去动力；低效的官僚主义、无处不在的腐败、严重的贫富差距、 不断恶化的污染等问题正在损害着中国的长期发展前景。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋原本正坐在座椅上，直播还有一分钟开始，她没在意，可是忽然听到了门口处熟悉的声音，惊得整个人都跳了起来。 她猛地扭头，“砰”的一下就把自己所在的主卧房门给关上了！ 身为男主播，高佑明当然想要混进娱乐圈，所以对娱乐圈里的事情特别关注。 宋城他当然认识了，重点是……宋城身后，这个带着口罩，带着墨镜的人……难道是沈凉川？ 他已经完全被出现在自己面前的人物给冲晕了头！ 来字还没说出口，就听到了身后的关门声，他一个机灵，回过神来，当下立马拦在了门口处。 他瞪大了眼睛看着宋城，“那个，我们……这个，还请你们等一下。” 他差点就忘记了，乔恋答应跟他一起直播比赛的前提，就是不露脸。 而且高佑明也不可以暴露她的行踪，更不可以对外宣布她的照片。 宋城本来以为，自己这张脸一出现，对方就会乖乖请他进门。", "en": "As there was only one minute before the livestream began, Qiao Lian sat at her seat idly. However, when she suddenly heard a familiar voice emanating from the entrance, she jumped up in shock. She quickly turned her head and immediately slammed the door of the main bedroom, where she was currently at! As a male livestreamer, Gao Youming definitely wanted to enter the entertainment industry as well, which was why he paid a lot of attention to entertainment news. Obviously, he knew who Song Cheng was. However, more importantly, the man standing behind Song Cheng wearing sunglasses and a mask… could that actually be Shen Liangchuan? He felt woozy just from looking at the people who had just appeared in front of him! Before he could finish speaking, he heard a door slam shut behind him. Instantly, as if by reflex, he decisively blocked the front door. He widened his eyes and looked at Song Cheng. “That, I- um, please wait here for a while. Let me see whether… Wang Chuan is willing to meet the both of you.” He had almost forgotten that Qiao Lian promised that she would livestream with him, provided he agreed to the condition that she would not have to reveal her face on-air. Furthermore, Gao Youming was not allowed to expose her location to the public, nor release any photographs of her. Song Cheng had initially thought that when the other party recognized him, the other party would respectfully invite him inside."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "cd机上还刻着一行小字——祝我亲爱的初恋，李轻水小子，永远开心快乐。 你最亲爱的媳妇儿大人，小豆子。 摸着这行小字，李轻水笑了笑，随后找到了两节老式电池按进了cd机之中，带上耳机，小夜曲安静柔美的旋律从里面缓缓发出，声音平静，祥和，还透着三分的悲伤。 把cd机挂在腰间，李轻水继续从抽屉里面翻出了两张照片，一张是他和两个老人照的，看起来很旧了。 另外一个稍微新点，照片上的人是刘畅小静还有他本人，三个人表情不一。 刘畅笑得很僵硬，但是却是在努力的笑着。 李轻水面无表情，似乎心事重重。 而小静则是别过脸去，不去看李轻水所在方向。 仔细看着这张照片，盯了足足几十秒钟李轻水笑了起来，随后把两张照片都整整齐齐的收进了口袋，打开了实验台上他早就给自己准备好的一瓶红酒。", "en": "A sentence was also engraved on the Walkman - To my love, Qing Shui, I wish you are always happy. Your sweetest, Dou. His fingers fondled the engraving, and he smiled. He inserted two batteries in the device and put earplugs in his ears. Chopin's nocturne flew into him. It was peaceful and tranquil, but filled with sorrow. He clipped the Walkman to his belt, then continued to fumble in the drawer until he located two photographs. One was of him and an aged man and woman, and it was very worn out. The other was relatively new, with him, Chang, and Jing. All of them were wearing different expression in it. Chang's smile was rigid, but anyone could tell that he had tried hard for it. Qing Shui had a straight face; he seemed pensive. While Jing had turned her face away from Qing Shui, so she didn't need to see him at all. Qing Shui stared at the pictures for more than a minute, then he started chuckling. He stacked them together, made sure the edges were aligned before he tucked them into his pocket. He left the operation room to his lab, where he picked a bottle of wine from the crate under the lab desk that he had prepared for himself."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The country has a lower rate of positive results, which is a more meaningful statistic. Brazil and Mexico are in deep trouble largely because of poor leadership. Their presidents are following the pandemic-response strategy pioneered by Trump: deny the seriousness of the situation, and then undermine public-health experts’ recommendations, such as mask wearing. It is hard to say what the country’s government has done wrong in its pandemic response, yet COVID-19 deaths per capita are higher than in both Brazil and the US. Equally puzzling is why Chile has reported more cases per capita than almost any other country. The pandemic’s economic effects have been worse in EMDEs than in richer countries. Besides the direct effects of illness and lockdowns, COVID-19 has reduced EMDEs’ export revenue (especially in the case of oil exporters), tourism receipts, and remittances from expatriates. In March, risk-averse global investors fled emerging markets en masse. Capital flows later returned to some countries, encouraged by the US Federal Reserve’s stimulus measures. The current easy conditions in global financial markets mean that the much-invoked “perfect storm” analogy does not quite apply. But the current risk tolerance in financial markets may not hold up. The US and other advanced economies responded domestically to the pandemic-induced recession with massive government-financed rescue packages. EMDEs, by contrast, lack the fiscal space to introduce big spending programs even for public health and to support hard-hit households, let alone for broad macroeconomic stimulus. Some debtor countries, such as Argentina, Ecuador, Lebanon, Nigeria, and Venezuela, had severe debt problems even before the pandemic, and have had to restructure their debt or default. Others, including Peru, entered 2020 with relatively strong debt and foreign-reserve positions, but have been badly hit by both the pandemic and the global recession. Recognizing these acute financing constraints, the G20 agreed in April to suspend bilateral official debt payments for the world’s 73 poorest countries until the end of 2020. But this step falls short in four ways. First, suspension is not forgiveness. There is little reason to think that the economic situation will be better at the end of the year. Further debt restructuring will be needed in some cases.", "zh": "该国的病毒检测阳性结果比率较低，也是一个更有意义的统计数据。 巴西和墨西哥陷入严重困境的主要原因是错误领导。 他们的总统都效仿了特朗普率先提出的疫情应对策略：否认局势的严重性，然后诋毁公共卫生专家的各项建议（例如戴口罩 ） 。 然后是秘鲁的情况：该国政府在疫情应对方面似乎没什么毛病，但是人均新冠病毒死亡人数却高于巴西和美国；同样令人困惑的还有智利报告的人均病例数竟然高于几乎所有国家。 新兴市场和发展中经济体疫情对经济的影响要比富裕国家大。 除了疾病和封锁的直接影响之外，新型冠状病毒还减少了这些经济体的出口收入（尤其是石油出口国 ） ， 旅游收入和侨汇。 在今年3月时全球投资者集体逃离了新兴市场以规避风险，后来在美联储的刺激措施的鼓励下又返回了一些国家。 当前全球金融市场的宽松状况意味着被人们称为“完美风暴”的类比并不完全适用，但是目前金融市场的风险承受状况可能无法持久。 美国和其他先进经济体都利用政府提供的大规模救助计划在本国内部对由疫情引发的经济衰退做出了应对。 相比之下新兴市场经济体缺乏财政空间，无力引入大手笔支出计划用于公共卫生和支持受影响家庭，更别提广泛的宏观经济刺激措施了。 一些债务国 — — 例如阿根廷、厄瓜多尔、黎巴嫩，尼日利亚和委内瑞拉 — — 甚至在疫情之前就已经存在严重的债务问题，不得不实施债务重组或违约。 包括秘鲁在内的其他国家原本在2020年初还拥有相对健康的债务和外汇储备，如今也遭到了疫情和全球经济衰退的严重打击。 认识到这些严峻的融资困难状况，二十国集团（G20）于4月同意暂停要求全球73个最贫困国家偿付双边官方债务直至2020年底，但这一举措存在以下四个缺陷： 首先，暂停并不等同于减免。 目前也没有任何理由认定经济状况会在年底出现好转。 在某些情况下将需要进一步的债务重组。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today, that share has fallen to 51%. As for the presidential election, the conservative Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi – who lost in 2017 – is viewed favorably by three out of four Iranians, compared to one in three for Rouhani. The poll did not include the Revolutionary Guard commander Hossein Dehghan, who has also entered the presidential race. To be sure, Rouhani does shoulder some blame for his declining popularity. The economic gains that followed the rollback of sanctions disproportionately benefited the wealthiest. Among the very first fruits of the JCPOA were 200 new passenger jets to improve the travel experience of the 1% of Iranians who travel abroad. (I won a $100 bet against a friend who expected direct flights between Tehran and New York by the end of 2015.) Moreover, in 2018, Rouhani announced a hefty hike in the price of gasoline – a measure that disproportionately hurt the poor. When Ahmadinejad did the same in 2010, he at least offered cash transfers to help offset the economic pain. Rouhani didn’t, and Iranians made clear their dissatisfaction, with large-scale riots, which security forces crushed. This lack of regard for economic justice meant that the brief recovery brought about by the JCPOA raised real per capita spending by the top 20% of income earners by 15.6%, while reducing the expenditures of the bottom 20% by 4.9%.", "zh": "而今天，上述比例已骤降至51 % 。 至于总统大选，曾于2017年落败的保守派人士阿亚图拉易卜拉欣·莱希得到了3/4伊朗民众的支持，而鲁哈尼的支持率则为1/3。 民调并未包括革命卫队指挥官侯赛因·德汉，德汉同样参加了总统选举。 可以肯定，鲁哈尼无疑要为自己的人气下降承担一定责任。 制裁取消后所获得的经济收益不成比例地导致最富有的人受益。 联合全面行动计划的最初成果包括为改善1%出国旅行的伊朗人的体验而采购200架新客机。 （我和一位朋友打赌赢了100美元，他预期到2015年底可以出现伊朗直飞纽约的班机。 ） 此外，2018年，鲁哈尼宣布大幅提高汽油价格 — — 该举措不成比例地损害了穷人的利益。 当艾哈迈迪内贾德在2010年采取同样措施时，他至少通过提供现金转移的方式协助缓解经济上的痛苦。 而鲁哈尼却没有这样做，而伊朗人则通过大规模骚乱表达他们的不满，骚乱最终被安全部队镇压下去。 上述对经济正义关注的缺失意味着由联合全面行动计划所带来的短暂经济复苏导致收入最高的20%伊朗人人均实际支出增加了15.6 % ， 而收入最低20%其实际支出却下降了4.9 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Chinese Monroe Doctrine? NEW DELHI – Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s upcoming visit to India will include his first meetings with India’s new government, including Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj and, more important, Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But the trip is about more than getting acquainted. The leaders of both countries will be taking one another’s measure, and their conclusions will determine how the relationship between the world’s two most populous countries evolves. In some ways, the bilateral relationship is already moving in a positive direction, especially on the economic front. But, as trade imbalances favoring China become apparent, India is growing increasingly frustrated. Wang, an establishment figure well versed in Indian affairs, will make every effort to downplay these imbalances and promote deeper ties. A far more formidable challenge will be resolving the dispute over the countries’ Himalayan frontier – the world’s longest unsettled land border. Indeed, “special representatives” from the two countries have already met 17 times to settle the issue, but have made precious little progress, not least because of Chinese concerns about the restive border provinces of Tibet and Xinjiang. As if the conflict were not already complicated enough, China has adopted an increasingly assertive stance in the area, including several incursions into disputed territory. For example, last year, Chinese troops established a temporary camp in Ladakh’s Depsang valley, leading to a high-stakes standoff with India. As long as the “line of actual control” remains undefined, tensions will continue to escalate – raising serious risks for both countries. Another major point of contention is China’s reflexive support for Pakistan’s efforts to destabilize Ladakh and Kashmir, buttressed by deepening military cooperation. This aspect of China’s foreign policy is puzzling, not only because it undermines relations with India, but also in view of Chinese fears of Islamist radicalism among the Xinjiang’s Uighurs. All of this highlights a fundamental flaw in China’s external strategy: its efforts to use its increasingly powerful military to intimidate its neighbors come at the expense of its own long-term security. Indeed, instead of trying to build a mutually beneficial relationship with its largest neighbor, China has sought to encircle India by asserting military control of surrounding territories.", "zh": "中国门罗主义？ 新德里—中国外交部长王毅即将访问印度，并与印度新政府成员做首次会面，包括外交部长斯瓦拉吉（Sushma Swaraj）和更重要的总理莫迪。 但王毅的印度之行意义并不在熟络关系。 两国领导人将会交换彼此的措施，他们所结果将决定世界上人口最多的两个国家之间的关系走向。 从某种程度上说，双边关系已经在朝积极方向发展，特别是在经济领域。 但是，随着贸易不平衡日益明显地向有利于中国的方向倾斜，印度也感到日益不满。 王毅是熟悉印度事务的老牌政治家，他将竭尽全力淡化不平衡，促进深化联系。 更严峻的挑战是解决两国在喜马拉雅山区的边境纠纷 — — 这也是世界上最长的未定国界。 事实上，两国的“特别代表”已就该问题进行了17次会晤，但几无进展，原因就在于中国担心其桀骜难驯的西藏和新疆等边境省份的问题。 让问题更加复杂的是，中国在该地区采取了日益独断强硬的立场，包括数次侵入争议领土。 比如，去年解放军在拉达克（Ladakh）的德普桑（Depsang）峡谷临时扎营，导致了与印度的紧张对峙。 只要“实际控制线”得不到明确，紧张局面就会继续爆发 — — 给两国都带来严重风险。 另一个主要争议点是中国对巴基斯坦试图动摇拉达克和克什米尔的反射性支持，支持的方式是深化军事合作。 中国外交政策的这一做法令人费解，因为这不但破坏了与印度的关系，也不利于中国治理新疆维吾尔族的伊斯兰极端主义。 所有这些都凸显出中国对外战略存在根本性漏洞：利用日益强大的军力裹挟邻邦的代价是威胁到其自身的长期安全。 事实上，中国没有试图与其最大邻国建立互利共赢的关系，反而寻求通过侵略性地军事控制周边领土对印度实施包围。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是一家从事功能性材料研发、生产及销售的高新技术企业，具备功能性材料的核心设计合成能力，专注于为客户提供定制化功能性材料。 公司可根据客户的差异化材料需求，以粘接特性（初粘力、剥离强度、保持力、内聚力、抗翘曲等）、物理特性（导热、导电、电磁屏蔽、绝缘、防水、防静电、排气、高洁净等）、化学特性（耐腐蚀、阻燃等）、耐候性等功能维度为基础，形成矩阵化功能材料体系，设计、合成出在多个功能维度同时满足客户需求的复合功能性材料。 根据产品功能、应用场景差异，公司产品主要包括精密制程应用材料、电子复合功能材料和光电显示模组材料。 目前，公司产品已广泛应用于苹果公司、三星公。 司等多家知名消费电子品牌产品，并与其产业链企业建立了长期稳定的合作关系。 世华新材作为一家专注于功能性材料研发的高科技企业，坚持以自主研发为基础，对客户需求进行快速优质的研发响应并为客户提供具有竞争力的产品。 经过十余年积累，公司核心技术和生产工艺不断沉淀，掌握了包括高分子聚合物聚合与接枝改性技术、涂层配方及材料结构设计技术、精密涂布技术在内的多项关键技术，具备功能性材料的核心设计合成能力，为公司长远发展奠定了坚实的基础。", "en": "The company is a high-tech enterprise engaged in the research and development, production, and sales of functional materials. It has core design and synthesis capabilities for functional materials and focuses on providing customized functional materials for customers. The company can meet customers' differentiated material needs based on adhesive properties (initial tack, peel strength, holding power, cohesive strength, anti-warping, etc.), physical properties (thermal conductivity, electrical conductivity, electromagnetic shielding, insulation, waterproofing, anti-static, exhaust, high cleanliness, etc.), chemical properties (corrosion resistance, flame retardancy, etc.), and weather resistance. It has formed a matrix functional material system and designed and synthesized composite functional materials that simultaneously meet customer requirements in multiple functional dimensions. Depending on the product function and application scenarios, the company's products mainly include precision process application materials, electronic composite functional materials, and optoelectronic display module materials. Currently, the company's products have been widely used in well-known consumer electronics brands such as Apple and Samsung, and have established long-term stable cooperative relationships with their supply chain enterprises. As a high-tech enterprise focusing on the research and development of functional materials, Shihua New Materials adheres to independent research and development as the basis, responds quickly and with high quality to customer needs, and provides competitive products. After more than ten years of accumulation, the company's core technologies and production processes have continuously improved, and it has mastered key technologies including polymer polymerization and graft modification technology, coating formulation and material structure design technology, and precision coating technology. It has core design and synthesis capabilities for functional materials, laying a solid foundation for the company's long-term development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Use the SDR LONDON – Owing to the COVID-19 pandemic, the International Monetary Fund estimates that, between now and the end of 2021, global GDP will suffer a cumulative loss of more than $9 trillion – a figure greater than the size of the Japanese and German economies combined. While the ultimate solution to the crisis will depend on the development and widespread deployment of diagnostics, treatments, and eventually a vaccine, there has also been a proliferation of proposals for containing the pandemic’s economic fallout. With governments intervening on a massive scale, debt is expected to rise to unprecedented levels in some countries. Italy’s debt-to-GDP ratio, for example, is projected to increase by at least 20 percentage points, to over 155%, by the end of the year. Along similar lines, other countries severely hit by the pandemic, like France and Spain, will also experience a sizable spike in their debt-to-GDP ratios. And many developing countries will find themselves in an even worse situation as their access to international capital markets becomes more constrained. With limited reserves in international currencies, they will be less able to purchase goods and services, including life-saving medical supplies. Accordingly, the global debate has shifted toward proposals to create or mobilize new resources. Some commentators have called for an issuance of the IMF’s reserve asset, Special Drawing Rights (SDRs), in order to ensure international liquidity. To that end, the Financial Times suggests that at least $1.37 trillion worth of SDRs would be appropriate.", "zh": "如何使用特别提款权？ 发自伦敦—根据国际货币基金组织的估算，从现在到2021年年底，全球因新型冠状病毒疫情所引发的累计GDP亏损将超过9万亿美元 — — 超过日本和德国经济规模的总和。 而在危机的终极解决方案取决于诊断、治疗手段以及疫苗这个最终解药的开发和广泛部署之时，旨在遏制疫情经济影响的政策提议也在不断涌现。 随着各国政府大规模出手干预，某些国家的债务估计会被提升到一个前所未有的水平。 比如意大利的债务相对GDP比率预计将在今年年底增加至少20个百分点，达到155％以上。 同理，法国和西班牙等疫情严重国家的债务相对GDP比率也将大幅攀升。 同时随着许多发展中国家进入国际资本市场的渠道日益受限，它们也会落入更加糟糕的境地。 这些国际货币储备有限的国家将无法购买包括医疗救生物资在内的商品和服务。 而全球辩论也因此转向了创建或动员新资源的提案上。 一些评论员呼吁发行国际货币基金组织的储备资产 — — 也就是特别提款权 — — 以确保国际流动性。 比如英国《金融时报》就提议至少发行总值1.37万亿美元的特别提款权。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The EU is Missing in Action in Afghanistan The withdrawal of Britain’s Paddy Ashdown as a candidate for the post of UN envoy in Afghanistan means that the international community still has some way to go before it speaks with one voice in that country. Such a unified voice is needed, for six years of war and the biggest military operation in NATO’s history have failed to subdue the Afghan insurgency, leaving President Hamid Karzai’s increasingly corrupt government dependent on the continued presence of international forces. Afghanistan remains the world’s fifth poorest country and its biggest opium producer, with a weak central state that is further debilitated by warlordism and the Taliban insurgency. There are many reasons for this outcome, but at least some of the blame lies with the European Union. On paper, the EU effort looks impressive. Twenty-five EU nations have contributed troops to NATO’s 35,000-strong army in Afghanistan, and now represent more than half of all troops. EU states command a third of all Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs), and, together with the European Commission, have paid for a third of the country’s post-2001 reconstruction. But European support for the Afghan mission is in fact limited, and cooperation between the biggest EU donor governments and the European Commission remains inadequate. Public support for Europe’s engagement has been plummeting, and most EU governments have failed to act on NATO’s request to boost troop levels. One exception is the United Kingdom, which has recently pledged to increase its troop numbers in the restive poppy-growing province of Helmand. But European troop contributions continue to fall short of the 17,000 US troops deployed with the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and its 8,000 Coalition Force troops outside of ISAF. Apart from 1,500 Dutch soldiers in the neighboring Uruzgan province and a Polish and Romanian presence in Ghazni, Paktika, and Zabul, no other EU nations are willing to operate in the insurgency-ridden southern and eastern parts of the country, giving the Taliban free reign. Overall, there are at least 60 such operating restrictions – known as “caveats” – on European troops, preventing commanders from deploying military assets where they are most needed. In areas such as policing, the rule of law, and counter-narcotics, EU states have pursued policies entirely independently of each other.", "zh": "欧盟在阿富汗碌碌无为 撤回英国的阿什顿为联合国阿富汗特使侯选人的任命意味着国际社会在那个陷入黑暗的国家将开始用同一种声音说话还有待时日。 现在迫切需要大家发出共同声音，因为六年的战争以及北约历史上规模最大的军事行动没有能够制服阿富汗的叛乱分子，而日益腐败的卡尔扎伊总统政府则必须依靠国际力量的持续存在才得以维持下去。 阿富汗依然是世界上倒数第五的最贫穷国家和最大的鸦片生产国，而薄弱的中央政府因为受到军阀和塔利班叛乱分子的挑战而进一步削弱了。 出现这样的结果有许多原因，但是欧盟至少要承担部分的责任。 在纸面上，欧盟似乎做出了很大的努力。 有25个欧盟国家派兵参加了北约在阿富汗35000人的强有力的部队，差不多占现在全部驻军的一半。 欧盟国家指挥着三分之一的省级重建队，并且和欧盟委员会一起支付了这个国家在2001年三分之一的重建费用。 但是事实上欧洲对阿富汗的支持却是非常有限的，而最大的欧盟捐助国与欧盟委员会之间的合作也相当不够。 公众对欧洲介入那儿的事务的支持率一直在下降，大多数欧盟国家没能响应北约增兵的要求。 唯一的例外是英国，它最近承诺增加它在动乱不安的鸦片种植省赫尔曼德的兵力。 但是欧洲贡献的兵力一直低于美国驻守在国际安全协助部队的17000名兵力以及国际安全协助部队之外的8000名联合部队。 除开驻扎在临近的乌鲁兹甘省的1500名荷兰士兵以及驻扎在加兹尼、帕克蒂亚和扎布尔省的波兰和罗马尼亚士兵外，再没有其他欧盟国家愿意在叛乱分子非常活跃的南部和东部地区进行军事行动，从而使塔利班主宰了这些地区。 总体上，那里至少有60个这样的对于欧洲部队来说是被“告诫”的行动限制区，不允许指挥官将军队派驻到这些最需要的地方。 在警察、法治和打击毒品等领域，欧盟国家采取了完全各不相干的政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Authentic Leadership COLOMBO – The theme of this year’s World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, is “Responsible and Responsive Leadership.” But one possible reading of Donald Trump’s victory in the United States presidential election is that voters these days care less about responsibility than “authenticity.” Voters welcomed Trump’s reckless comments on sensitive issues because he was speaking his mind and being true to himself. Ordinary politicians, by always saying the “right” thing, seem packaged and staged. But does authenticity need to involve recklessness? Alternatively, can “politically correct” behavior be a form of recklessness, to the extent that it evades difficult issues and focuses on what is easier to justify rather than what is right? Does authenticity involve facing the anxiety and anguish that Jean-Paul Sartre thought was the inevitable companion of freedom and responsibility? These are questions for economic policymakers as much as for anyone else. Policymakers approach their task in two fundamentally different ways. One paradigm regards economic policies as a set of universal best practices. The more you adopt, the more they (investors) will come. The other paradigm views policies as solutions to specific problems. Because each society has a unique set of characteristics, constraints and goals, policies are necessarily idiosyncratic: the path is made by walking.", "zh": "真性情领导力 科伦坡—今年瑞士达沃斯世界经济论坛的主题是“领导力：应势而为，勇于担当 ” 。 但对唐纳德·特朗普赢得美国总统竞选的一个可能的解读是如今选民更多地关注“真性情”而不是“勇于担当 ” 。 选民对特朗普关于敏感话题的鲁莽评论趋之若鹜，因为他说出自己的想法，坦诚面对自己。 普通政客总是说“正确”的东西，看起来像是包装好在演戏。 但真性情就一定要鲁莽吗？ 或者 ， “ 政治正确”的行为可以以鲁莽的形式出现，只要它能规避难题、聚焦于更容易论证而不是正确的内容吗？ 真性情是否包括直面焦虑和痛苦？ 让-保罗·萨特（Jean-Paul Sartre）认为，自由和担当与焦虑和痛苦是相辅相成、密不可分的。 这些问题对于经济决策者很重要，对其他所有人也同样重要。 决策者完成任务可以通过两种完全不同的方法。 第一种范式将经济政策视为一组放之四海而皆准的最佳实践。 你采取得越多，他们（投资者）来的也越多。 另一种范式将政策视为具体问题的解决方案。 各个社会都有各自独一无二的特征、约束和目标，因此政策也必然是异质的：路是走出来的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Kick-Off for Peace? Yerevan – Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan’s recent invitation to Turkish President Abdullah Gul to visit Yerevan to watch a football match together was historic. Given the two countries’ long-strained relations, this visit would have been remarkable at any time. But coming as it does only one month after the alarming Russian-Georgian confrontation, it may offer real hope that tensions in the volatile Caucasus region can be eased. Of course, ancient and difficult issues divide Armenia and Turkey. But now is the moment for both countries to put the past aside in order to address their common security concerns. In the new context set by the war in Georgia, the urgency of Turkey becoming a real bridge between the nations of the Caucasus is not lost on anyone. This expectation is an inevitable consequence of Turkey’s geography and history. Situated figuratively between modernity and tradition, secularism and Islam, and democracy and tyranny, Turkey also is an actual physical bridge between East and West. For the peoples of the Caucasus, Turkey marks our path to Europe. It is a NATO member, bordering the three Caucasus republics that have NATO Individual Partnership Action Programs. It aspires to join the European Union, and would bring the EU to our three borders, even as we, too, aspire to join one day. Indeed, Turkey has never missed an opportunity to present itself as a regional broker. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey proposed the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. This year, as the American-led effort to mediate a Middle East peace settlement began to falter, Turkey took up the job of mediator in both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the conflict between Syria and Israel. Now, in the immediate wake of the Russia-Georgia crisis, Turkey’s leaders have stepped forward once again to take a leadership role in the Caucasus. The world must fervently hope that the Turkish proposal for a Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform is more serious and sustained than previous similar efforts. But, in order to succeed, Turkey must firmly pursue a pledge from all the region’s players to repudiate the use of force in settling their disputes. If this pledge is adopted and respected, conflicts in the region will be viewed in a wholly different, more tolerant context, marking a historic breakthrough to peace.", "zh": "开启和平 埃里温 - - 亚美尼亚总统萨尔基相最近邀请土耳其总统居尔访问埃里温一同观看足球赛，这是具有历史意义的事件。 鉴于两国关系长期僵持，这一访问在任何时候都是不同寻常的。 但是这是在触目惊心的俄国和格鲁吉亚冲突仅仅一个月以后，因此，这次访问也许会给人们确实的希望，也就是高加索地区动荡不安紧张局势可以得到缓解。 当然，亚美尼亚和土耳其之间的恩怨由来已久，错综复杂。 但是现在两国应该摒弃前嫌，处理共同的安全关切。 格鲁吉亚战争带来了新的环境，因此，人们都清楚土耳其急于想要成为高加索地区国家之间真正的桥梁。 这一期望是土耳其的地理和历史所决定的。 土耳其被比喻成为介于现代和传统、世俗和伊斯兰以及民主和专制之间，而且它在地理上也是东西方之间的桥梁。 对于高加索地区的人民而言，土耳其标志着我们通向欧洲的道路。 土耳其是北约成员国，与三个高加索地区国家接壤，这三个国家都有北约单个伙伴行动计划。 土耳其渴望加入欧盟并且将会把欧盟带到我们的三个边境。 甚至我们也渴望有朝一日加入欧盟。 确实，土耳其从来就没有错过机会成为地区调停人。 苏联解体后，它马上就提议建立黑海经济合作组织。 今年，当亚美尼亚主导的中东和平倡议告吹之际，土耳其担当了巴以冲突和叙以冲突之间的调停人。 现在俄国和格鲁吉亚危机刚刚结束，土耳其领导人再次站出来在高加索地区发挥领导作用。 全世界热切希望土耳其提出的高加索稳定和合作平台比以往的类似建议更为严肃认真和持久。 但是，为了成功，土耳其必须紧紧寻求本地区所有国家的承诺，在解决争端中放弃使用武力。 如果这一承诺获得通过并且尊重，那么，人们就可以完全不同而且更为宽容的眼光来审视这一地区的各种冲突。 这将标志着朝向和平的历史性突破。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“这个鬼地方，实在是待不下去了”爱因斯坦用一个老乞丐的姿势抱着小提琴蹲在地上说。秘书长点点头说：“待不下去了，也不能再待下去了！三体文明的唯一出路，就是和这个宇宙赌一把。”“怎么赌？”汪淼问？“飞出三体星系，飞向广阔的星海，在银河系中寻找可以移民的新世界！”这时汪淼听到一阵“轧轧”的声音，看到巨大的摆锤正在被旁边一个高架绞车上的一根细缆斜拉着升高，升向它被释放的位置，它后面的天空背景上，一弯巨大的残月正在晨光中下沉。秘书长庄严宣布：“单摆启动！”高架绞车松开了将摆锤拉向高处的细缆，巨大的摆锤沿着一条平滑的弧形轨迹无声地滑落下来，开始落得很慢，但迅速加速，到达最低点时速度达到最大，冲破空气发出了浑厚的风声，当这声音消失时，摆锤已沿着同样的弧形轨迹升到了同祥的高度，停滞片刻后开始了新一轮的摆动。", "en": "\"We can t stay in this terrible place anymore,\" Einstein said, crouched down on the ground like an old beggar.The secretary general nodded. \"We can't stay here any longer. The only path left for Trisolaran civilization is to gamble with the universe.\"\"How?\" Wang asked.\"We must leave the Trisolaran stellar system and fly into the wide open sea of stars. We must find in the galaxy a new world to emigrate to.\"Wang heard a grinding noise. He saw that the giant weight of the pendulum was being pulled up by a thin cable whose other end was attached to an elevated winch. As it rose to its highest point, a great waning crescent moon descended slowly in the sky behind it.The secretary general solemnly announced, \"Start the pendulum.\"The elevated winch released the cable tied to the pendulum, and the weight noiselessly fell along a smooth arc. Initially, it fell slowly, but then it accelerated, reaching maximum speed at the bottom of the arc. As it sliced through the air, the sound of the wind was deep and resonant. By the time the noise disappeared, the pendulum had followed the arc to its highest point on the other side, and, after pausing for a moment, began its backward swing."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the process, assets under management and margin debt rose to record levels, as did indebtedness and the US Federal Reserve’s balance sheet. Given the magnitudes involved, it is not surprising that central banks in particular are treading very carefully these days, fearful of disrupting financial markets in a manner that would undermine the post-pandemic economic recovery. On a financial-sector highway where too many participants are driving too fast – some recklessly so – we have already had three near-accidents this year involving the government debt market, retail investors pinning hedge funds in a corner, and an over-levered family office that inflicted a reported $10 billion of losses on a handful of banks. Thanks to some good fortune, rather than official crisis prevention measures, each of these events did not cause a major pileup in the financial system as a whole. Central banks’ long-evolving codependent relationship with the financial sector seems to have led policymakers to believe that they had no choice but to insulate the sector from the pandemic’s harsh reality. That resulted in an even more stunning disconnect between Wall Street and Main Street, and gave a further worrisome boost to wealth inequality. In the 12 months to April 2021, the combined wealth of the billionaires on Forbes magazine’s annual global list increased by a record $5 trillion, to $13 trillion. And the world’s billionaire population grew by nearly 700 from the previous year, reaching an all-time high of more than 2,700. Policymakers would be unwise merely to hope for the best – namely, a type of financial deus ex machina in which a strong and quick economic recovery redeems the enormous run-up in debt, leverage, and asset valuations. Instead, they should act now to moderate the financial sector’s excessive risk-taking. This should include containing and reducing margin debt; enforcing stronger suitability criteria on broker dealers; enhancing assessment, supervision, and regulation of non-banking institutions; and reducing the tax advantages of currently favored investment gains. These steps, both individually and collectively, are not in themselves a panacea for a persistent and growing problem. But that is no excuse for further delay.", "zh": "在这个过程中受管理资产总额和保证金负债额都上升到了创纪录的水平，而债务和美联储的资产负债表也是如此。 鉴于所涉及的规模，我们也就不难理解各大央行为何最近尤为谨慎，担心自己破坏疫情后经济复苏的做法会扰乱金融市场。 在这条有太多参与者开得太快的金融行业高速公路上 — — 有些人甚至是闭着眼睛开的 — — 今年已经发生了三起险些造成事故的事件，涉及政府债务市场、散户投资者将对冲基金逼到墙角，以及一个据说给几家银行造成了100亿美元损失的过度杠杆化家族办公室。 多亏了一些好运气而非官方危机预防措施，这些事件都没有在整个金融体系中引发太过严重的连环车祸。 央行与金融部门长期以来形成的依赖关系似乎使政策制定者认定自己别无选择，只能把金融部门与疫情的残酷现实影响隔绝开来。 这导致了华尔街和普通民众之间更加惊人的脱节，并令人忧虑地进一步拉大了财富不平等状况。 在2021年4月之前的12个月中《福布斯》年度全球亿万富翁榜单入选者的财富总额增长了5万亿美元，达到创纪录的13万亿美元。 与此同时全球亿万富翁数量比前一年增加了近700人，也达到了2700多人的历史新高。 政策制定者不能仅仅寄希望于奇迹降临（也就是某种可以催生强劲而迅速的经济复苏以弥补债务、杠杆和资产估值巨大增幅的金融大翻盘 ） 。 相反他们应该当即采取行动去减缓金融部门的过度冒险行为，这应该包括控制和减少保证金负债；对经纪商执行更强的合规标准；加强对非银行机构的评估、监督和监管；减少目前享受诸多优惠的投资收益的税收减免。 虽说这些步骤 — — 无论是单独行事的还是集体实施的 — — 本身都并非解决一个持续存在且不断膨胀的问题的灵丹妙药，却也不是持续拖延的借口。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Allowing that to happen could start a dangerous nuclear arms race in East Asia. Taiwan also has highly advanced computer technology, which the US and its democratic allies would prefer not to see in the PRC’s hands. Then there is the long hand of history. We are not determined by the past, but we ignore it at our peril. And while its effects may be the result of myths, myths can be more potent than facts. At the core of contemporary Chinese nationalism is the idea of national humiliation redeemed by renewed greatness. According to this narrative, for at least one hundred years, between the Opium Wars in the 1840s and the brutal Japanese invasions in the 1930s and 1940s, China was degraded, bullied, and occupied by foreign powers. Only the national revival overseen by the Communist Party of China will ensure that this never happens again. This lesson is taught throughout the country, in patriotic museums, memorials, movies, books, musicals, and of course, history textbooks. One reason for the current dominance of revanchist nationalism in official Chinese rhetoric is the weakening of Marxist-Leninist or Maoist ideology in China. With so few Chinese, even Communists, still believing the old dogma, the Party needed a new justification for its monopoly on power. Redemption of the humiliations of the past has become a powerful one. Japan’s colonial conquest of Taiwan, as a spoil of its victory over China in the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, still rankles. It is irrelevant that the emperors of China never cared much about Taiwan. Nor is it important that it was not the Chinese people who were humiliated, or even China as such, but rather the Qing Dynasty’s empire, ruled by Manchus, which the Chinese Revolution in 1911, led by Han Chinese, brought down. None of that matters: the Party regards restoring or keeping the Qing imperial possessions, like Taiwan and Tibet, as a sacred patriotic duty. Americans are affected by a different history – for which they weren’t even directly responsible. It was Britain’s Neville Chamberlain who signed the Munich Agreement in 1938, allowing Hitler’s Germany to begin dismantling Czechoslovakia. Chamberlain’s name would be associated forever with cowardly appeasement, while Winston Churchill emerged as the great war hero.", "zh": "坐视这种情况发生可能会在东亚引发一场危险的核军备竞赛。 同时，台湾还拥有高度先进的计算机技术，而美国及其民主盟友则不希望这些技术落入到中华人民共和国手中。 而后是历史遗留因素。 虽然我们并非由过去所决定，但无视过去却会给我们自己带来危险。 尽管带来某些效果的可能是虚构的神话，但神话的力量却可能超过现实。 当代中国民族主义的核心是以伟大复兴来洗刷国耻的理念。 根据这种说法，至少100年来，在1840年鸦片战争爆发到1930及1940年日本野蛮侵略期间，中国一直遭受列强的侮辱、欺凌和霸占。 只有在中国共产党领导下的民族复兴才能确保历史永远不再重演。 这样的说法通过爱国博物馆、纪念馆、影视剧、书籍、音乐剧，当然还有历史教科书等方式在全国各地流传。 在目前的中国官方言论中，正在弱化的马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想是复仇民族主义占据主导地位的一个理由。 因为仍然相信陈旧教条的中国人，甚至共产党人实在太少，共产党需要一个新的理由来为自己对权力的垄断进行辩护。 洗刷过去的耻辱已经成为一个有力的理由。 日本对台湾的殖民占领，作为其1895年打赢中日战争的战利品，至今仍让人耿耿于怀。 人们并不在乎中国的皇帝从来都不关心台湾。 被羞辱的根本不是中国民众，甚至不是中国也不重要，当时，被羞辱的其实是由满人统治的清帝国，而1911年由汉人领导的中国革命已将清王朝推翻。 所有这一切都无关紧要：党将恢复和保留清帝国的遗产，如台湾和西藏，视为一种神圣的爱国义务。 影响美国人的则是一段完全不同的历史 — — 他们对这段历史甚至并不负有直接责任。 签署1938年慕尼黑协议的是英国的内维尔·张伯伦，这份协议坐视希特勒领导的德国开始瓦解捷克斯洛伐克。 张伯伦的名字将永远与懦弱的绥靖政策联系在一起，而温斯顿·丘吉尔则成为伟大的战争英雄。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "你最亲爱的媳妇儿大人，小豆子。 摸着这行小字，李轻水笑了笑，随后找到了两节老式电池按进了cd机之中，带上耳机，小夜曲安静柔美的旋律从里面缓缓发出，声音平静，祥和，还透着三分的悲伤。 把cd机挂在腰间，李轻水继续从抽屉里面翻出了两张照片，一张是他和两个老人照的，看起来很旧了。 另外一个稍微新点，照片上的人是刘畅小静还有他本人，三个人表情不一。 刘畅笑得很僵硬，但是却是在努力的笑着。 李轻水面无表情，似乎心事重重。 而小静则是别过脸去，不去看李轻水所在方向。 仔细看着这张照片，盯了足足几十秒钟李轻水笑了起来，随后把两张照片都整整齐齐的收进了口袋，打开了实验台上他早就给自己准备好的一瓶红酒。", "en": "Your sweetest, Dou. His fingers fondled the engraving, and he smiled. He inserted two batteries in the device and put earplugs in his ears. Chopin's nocturne flew into him. It was peaceful and tranquil, but filled with sorrow. He clipped the Walkman to his belt, then continued to fumble in the drawer until he located two photographs. One was of him and an aged man and woman, and it was very worn out. The other was relatively new, with him, Chang, and Jing. All of them were wearing different expression in it. Chang's smile was rigid, but anyone could tell that he had tried hard for it. Qing Shui had a straight face; he seemed pensive. While Jing had turned her face away from Qing Shui, so she didn't need to see him at all. Qing Shui stared at the pictures for more than a minute, then he started chuckling. He stacked them together, made sure the edges were aligned before he tucked them into his pocket. He left the operation room to his lab, where he picked a bottle of wine from the crate under the lab desk that he had prepared for himself."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“奥德，你个臭小子，别让我在看见你。” “长弓！” “老师，我……”不知道为什么我现在一看见老魔鬼浑身就不自在，两条腿不自觉的就开始筛糠。 “长弓啊，满上就要毕业考试了，你对自己有信心吗？” “我也说不好，看看今年考什么了。” “傻小子，你是学光系魔法的，是近几十年以来唯一一个，学校不会考你攻击魔法的，那样对你不公平啊！” 秀老师的严重竟然露出了慈祥。 “啊，太好了，那我肯定能考上Ａ类学院。” 我高兴的蹦了起来，当然是为了以后的零花钱高兴了。 “你的好胜心还挺强的嘛！ 不过，这次我不希望你参加学院的毕业考试。” 我疑惑的问。", "en": "“Ao De, you despicable fellow, don’t let me see you again.” “Zhang Gong!” “Teacher, I……” I don’t know why I feel uneasy when I look the old demon from head to toe. Unconsciously, my two legs began shaking all over. “Zhang Gong, you’ll be graduating soon. Are you confident?” “I can’t really say, I’ll just have to take the exam and see how I do.” “Foolish boy, you’re learning light magic. You’re the only one learning light magic in the past few decades. The academy won’t test you on attack magic to be fair.” The serious Teacher Xiu unexpectedly revealed kindness. “Ah! This is great. Then I’m certain to pass an A class academy’s exam.” I happily jumped up. Of course it is because of the future allowance that I’m so happy. “You’re rather ambitious huh. However, this time I don’t want you to participate in the academy’s graduation exams. “What??” I asked puzzlingly."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ceteris paribus, the higher the saving rate, the less likely it is that a high debt/GDP ratio will trigger a financial crisis. In fact, China’s high debt/GDP ratio is, to a large extent, a result of its simultaneously high saving and investment rates. And, while the inability to repay loans can contribute to a high debt burden, the nonperforming-loan (NPL) ratio for China’s major banks stands at less than 1%. If, based on these considerations, one concludes that China’s debt/GDP ratio does constitute a substantial threat to its financial stability, there remains the question of whether a crisis is likely to occur. Only when all of the specific linkages between a high debt burden and the onset of a financial crisis have been identified can one draw even a tentative conclusion about that. China’s real-estate price bubble is often named as a likely catalyst for a crisis. But how such a downturn would unfold is far from certain. Let us assume that the real-estate bubble has burst. In China, there are no subprime mortgages, and the down payment on the purchase price required to qualify for financing can exceed 50%. Given that property prices are unlikely to fall by such a large margin, the bubble’s collapse would not bring down China’s banks. Even if real-estate prices fell by more than 50%, commercial banks could survive – not least because mortgages account for only about 20% of banks’ total assets.", "zh": "给定其他条件不变，储蓄率越高，高债务/GDP比触发金融危机的可能性越小。 事实上，中国的高债务/GDP比在很大程度上是储蓄率和投资率同时高企的结果。 此外，尽管无法偿还贷款让债务负担加重，但中国主要银行的不良贷款率仍低于1 % 。 基于这些考虑，如果你认为中国的债务/GDP比确实构成了金融稳定的巨大威胁，那么还有一个问题：危机是否可能发生。 只有所有高债务负担和金融危机爆发之间的具体联系都存在，你才可以做出假设性的论断。 中国的房地产泡沫经常被认为是危机的一大可能催化因素。 但危机会如何展开谁也说不清。 不妨假设房地产泡沫已经破裂。 中国不存在次贷，要获得按揭，首付比例可能超过50 % 。 给定房地产价格难以出现如此大幅的下跌，则泡沫的破裂拖不垮中资银行。 即使房地产价格下跌超过50 % ， 商业银行也可以存活下来 — — 次贷仅占银行总资产的20%左右。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We entrust them with driving our country to new levels of growth and development, which is why we have now appointed a cabinet minister of their age and created a special council of youth. We have also learned from hundreds of thousands of dead and millions of refugees in our region that sectarian, ideological, cultural, and religious bigotry only fuel the fires of rage. We cannot and will not allow this in our country. We need to study, teach, and practice tolerance – and to instill it in our children, both through education and our own example. That is why we have appointed a Minister of State for Tolerance. We believe that a legal framework should formalize the tolerance our society already displays, and that our policies and initiatives will provide an outstanding example to our neighbors. When the Arab world was tolerant and accepting of others, it led the world: From Baghdad to Damascus to Andalusia and farther afield, we provided beacons of science, knowledge, and civilization, because humane values were the basis of our relationships with all civilizations, cultures, and religions. Even when our ancestors left Andalusia, people of other faiths went with them. Tolerance is no catchphrase, but a quality we must cherish and practice. It must be woven into the fabric of our society to safeguard our future and maintain the progress we have made. There can be no bright future for the Middle East without an intellectual reconstruction that re-establishes the values of ideological openness, diversity, and acceptance of others’ viewpoints, whether intellectual, cultural, or religious. With every lesson we learn comes a decision that will shape our future. But we also know that we can learn by looking to the future, not just the past or present. Simply put, we must think of what life will be like in a post-oil economy. That is why we have invested heavily – more than 300 billion dirhams ($81.5 billion) – in establishing a focus for the UAE’s path ahead, with the aim of preparing for a diverse economy that frees future generations from dependence on the ever-fluctuating oil market. Achieving that goal requires reconsidering our legislative, administrative, and economic system fully to move away from dependence on oil. We need a strong and appropriate regulatory infrastructure to build a sustainable and diverse national economy for our children and their children.", "zh": "我们把推动社会进入新增长和发展层次的重任交付与他们，我们因此任命了一位年龄与他们相仿的内阁部长，并且设立了青年特别委员会。 本地区数十万死难者和数百万难民让我们知道，宗派、思想、文化和宗教偏见只会为愤怒火上浇油。 我们不能也不会允许这种情况发生。 我们需要研究、教授和践行���容 — — 通过教育和我们自身树立的榜样，将宽容的理念灌输到我们的子孙后代心中。 我们因此任命了一位宽容部部长。 我们相信法律框架应该可以规范我们社会已经展现出来的宽容，我们的政策和举措将为我们的邻国起到示范作用。 当阿拉伯世界宽容并接受他人时，我们曾经是世界的领袖：从巴格达到大马士革、再到安达卢西亚和更远的疆土，我们曾经是科学、知识和文明的灯塔，因为人文价值是我们与一切文明、文化和宗教关系的基础。 甚至当我们的祖先离开安达卢西亚，其他信仰的民众仍在追随他们的脚步。 宽容不是简单的口号，而是我们必须拥有和践行的品质。 我们必须确保宽容能够融入社会结构，才能捍卫我们的未来、保持我们已经取得的进步。 如果没有重建思想开放、多元化和接受他人思想、文化或宗教见解价值观的思想体系重构，中东地区就不可能拥有光明的未来。 我们学到的点点滴滴都将重塑我们的未来。 但我们也知道未来同样可以成为学习的源泉，而不仅局限于过去或现在。 简言之，我们必须思考后石油经济的生活状态。 我们为此投入了巨额资金 — — 超过3，000亿迪拉姆（合815亿美元 ） — —明确阿联酋前进道路的焦点，目的是实现经济多元化，解除子孙后代对不断波动的石油市场的依赖。 实现这一目标需要重新思考我们的立法、行政和经济制度，以便解除对石油的依赖。 我们需要建立强大、恰当的管理基础设施，为我们的子孙以及子孙的子孙建立可持续和多样化的国民经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trade is also an engine of political and economic reform. What countries must do to join the World Trade Organization is precisely what they must do to become productive and democratic: accept the rule of law, reduce corruption, and become open, accountable, and transparent. At the same time, increased trade can help create and sustain a middle class – precisely the social group that often stands at the forefront of movements for democratic reform. Trade has a strategic benefit as well, for it gives countries a stake in good relations with one another and in maintaining order and stability. A China that trades extensively with the US and its Asian neighbors will think twice before it pursues any policy that would place those relationships at risk. Likewise, trade between India and Pakistan could contribute to the normalization of ties between these long-estranged neighbors. But if the case for expanding world trade is compelling, the prospects for actually doing so are clouded, owing to a simple but nonetheless fundamental political reality: those who gain from trade, which is almost everyone, are not always aware of it. The benefits of freer trade, such as job creation, lower inflation, and greater consumer choice, are often invisible or only partly visible. By contrast, those who lose from trade, or who fear that they could lose, while relatively small in number, are anything but invisible. They feel the threat acutely and act accordingly, often dominating their country’s political process.", "zh": "贸易也是政治和经济改革的发动机。 各国为加入世贸组织所必须做的正是他们要成为生产性的民主国家所必须做的：接受法治，减少腐败，成为开放、负责且具有透明度的国家。 同时，增长的贸易有助于建立并保持一个中产阶级 — — 一个经常站在民主革命前沿的社会团体。 贸易同时也带来战略性的收益，因为它在各国之间保持良好关系并维持良好秩序及稳定性的情况下带来利益。 与美国及其亚洲邻国广泛进行贸易的中国在它决定采取任何可能危及那些关系的政策之前都会三思而行。 同样地，印度和巴基斯坦之间的贸易对正常化这两个长期疏远的邻国之间的关系功不可没。 但若扩大世界贸易是迫不得已的，那么这样做的前景就十分暗淡，这是因为一个简单但却十分基本的政治事实：那些从贸易中获利的人，几乎是每个人，从来没有意识到这一点，即更为自由的贸易所带来的益处，诸如产生就业岗位、更低的通货膨胀率以及更宽广的消费者选择范围，经常不被他们看到，或者只看到了一部分。 相反，那些从贸易中受损的人们，或那些害怕他们会遭受损失的人们，尽管数量相对较小，却绝不可忽略。 他们强烈地感受到了威胁并因此采取行动，通常控制了他们国家的政治进程。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This means that “Dubai, Inc.” can quickly and seamlessly adapt to changing economic circumstances. Dubai is sometimes called the Singapore of the Desert, because, like Singapore, it has experienced enormous state-directed economic growth, and benefits from proactive, visionary leadership that has turned a small city-state with limited natural resources into an important international entrepôt. Moreover, Dubai has done a good job of branding itself to attract the foreign investment and labor needed to achieve its growth ambitions. Like New York, Shanghai, and Las Vegas, which have all enhanced their images through architecture, Dubai conveys its innovation-oriented identity through its cityscape and skyline, which has around 150 skyscrapers, more than any other city except New York and Hong Kong. Dubai also has the first 3D-printed office building, stunning manmade islands, the world’s only (self-proclaimed) “seven-star hotel,” shopping malls combined with aquariums, indoor skiing, and skydiving facilities, and an array of iconic buildings and amusement parks. It also hosts the world’s most expensive horseraces and other lavish sporting events. Dubai’s brand is further strengthened by its political stability, safety, tolerance, cultural diversity, and high standard of living, which are a draw for skilled expatriates from around the world. Moreover, the emirate appeals to foreign investors with special economic zones that few other states can match. Two billion people live within a four-hour flight radius of Dubai, so it is unsurprising that it has emerged as a compelling location for visitors and investors alike. As one businesswoman I interviewed put it, “Dubai has all the ingredients of an extremely popular attraction for investors and tourists from around the world,” with “a substantial number of Arab youth aspiring to come and live the ‘Dubai Dream.’” Dubai has complemented its competitive advantage in attracting high-skill workers and investment with labor policies that also bring in lower-skill foreign workers to power its growth engine. But reliance on foreign workers could run into structural problems down the road. While firms can quickly shed workers during hard times, this then results in labor shortages when conditions improve. Higher-skill workers, in particular, take much longer to attract than to let go.", "zh": "这意味着这家“迪拜集团”可以迅速无缝地适应不断变化的经济环境。 迪拜有时被称为沙漠新加坡，因为它像新加坡一样经历了由政府主导的庞大经济增长，并因为积极主动、富有远见卓识的领导力而将一个自然资源有限的小型城市国家发展成为一个重要的国际贸易中心。 此外，迪拜成功建立了自主品牌，成功吸引了实现其增长目标所需的外资和劳动力大量流入。 像借助城市景观和天际线提升城市形象的纽约、上海和拉斯维加斯一样，迪拜利用其自身的都市风光和空中轮廓展现了其以创新为主导的特征。 迪拜拥有约150座摩天大楼，这一数量超过了除纽约和香港之外的其他任何城市。 迪拜还修建了首家3D打印办公楼、令人赞叹的人工岛、世界唯一一座（号称 ） “ 七星级的酒店 ” 、 内设水族馆的购物中心、室内滑雪和跳伞设施，以及一系列标志性游乐园和建筑物。 这里同时举办全世界最昂贵的赛马和其他奢侈的体育赛事。 迪拜的政治稳定、安全、包容、文化多样性和高水准生活进一步强化了迪拜的品牌形象，吸引了来自世界各国的拥有熟练技术的外籍雇员。 此外，阿联酋用其他国家无法比拟的经济特区吸引外国投资者。 迪拜四小时飞行半径内生活着20亿民众，因此它对游客和投资人拥有超强的吸引力原本就在意料之中。 就像我所采访的一位女性商人所说的那样 ， “ 强烈吸引世界各地投资者和游客的所有元素在迪拜全都具备 ， ” 同时有“大量阿拉伯青年梦想来到这里并实现‘迪拜梦 ’ ” 。 迪拜还成功地以能吸引低技术外来工人为其增长引擎注入动力的劳工政策吸引高技术工人和投资来对其竞争优势进行补充。 但不久的将来依靠外国工人可能会造成结构性问题。 虽然企业可以在困难时期迅速裁减人员，但当经济条件逐步改善时却会导致劳动力短缺。 尤其是吸引比裁减高技术工人所需的时间要长得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Then, during the Great Depression of the 1930s, many people thought that global population would go into permanent decline. Yet, by the 1950s and 1960s, the new fear – reflected in terms like “population bomb” and “Famine 1975!” – was that continuing rapid population growth would destroy humankind and the planet. All three predictions were wrong. The truth is that we cannot know precisely how many children will be born during the rest of this century. What we can do, however, is make a greater effort to ensure better nutrition, health, housing, education, prosperity, peace, security, equality of opportunity, environmental quality, climate stability, and freedom for all people. The future of childbearing and childrearing, population health and survival, and trends in migration and social integration will depend on the investments and commitments that countries make now and in the coming decades. Sound political leadership and support for high-quality mass education are of the utmost importance, as are basic nutrition, accessible contraception and health care, and constructive international relations. The Lancet study is not the first to forecast a likely end to world population growth before 2100. But the authors have made a uniquely valuable contribution by also offering several original proposals for improving population projections more generally. Most important, the new research uses external factors to predict future birth, death, and migration rates. The fertility forecasts, for example, depend on future commitments to education and available contraception. Similarly, the migration forecasts have accounted for per capita incomes, education, fertility, deaths due to conflict and natural disasters, and other variables. It remains to be seen whether these external factors – themselves uncertain – will improve the accuracy of population projections compared to those issued by the United Nations Population Division, which are based on demographic extrapolations and professional judgment. Over the past half-century, the UNPD’s projections have proved reasonably accurate for the global population, though less so for individual countries. Although population projections from different agencies disagree on whether and when global population growth will end, there are a few points on which pretty much everyone is in accord. All anticipate that by 2100, the average number of children each woman has in her lifetime will have declined globally.", "zh": "然后，在20世纪30年代的大萧条期间，许多人认为全球人口将进入永久性下降。 然而，到了20世纪50年代和60年代，新的恐惧 — — 反映在“人口爆炸”和“1975年饥荒 ! ” — — 即持续快速的人口增长将毁灭人类和地球。 这三个预测都是错误的。 事实是，我们无法确切知道在本世纪剩余的时间里会有多少孩子出生。 然而，我们能做的是更加努力确保所有人获得更好的营养、健康、住房、教育、繁荣、和平、安全、机会平等、环境质量、气候稳定和自由。 生育和养育子女的未来、人口健康和生存以及移徙和社会融合的趋势将取决于各国现在和今后几十年所作的投资和承诺。 健全的政治领导和对高质量大众教育的支持至关重要，同样重要的还有基本的营养、可获得的避孕和保健以及建设性的国际关系。 《柳叶刀》的研究在预测2100年前世界人口增长可能结束方面并不是第一个。 但作者们做出了独特的、有价值的贡献，他们还提出了一些改进人口预测的原始建议。 最重要的是，这项新研究利用外部因素来预测未来的出生、死亡和迁移率。 例如，生育率的预测取决于未来对教育和避孕措施的承诺。 同样，移民预测也考虑了人均收入、教育、生育率、冲突和自然灾害造成的死亡以及其他可变因素。 与联合国人口司（the United Nations Population Division）根据人口和专业判断所发表的预测相比，这些本身不确定的外部因素是否会提高人口预测的准确性仍有待观察。 在过去半个世纪中，联合国开发计划署对全球人口的预测已证明相当准确，但对个别国家的预测就不那么准确了。 尽管来自不同机构的人口预测在全球人口增长是否结束以及何时结束的问题上存在分歧，但在一些问题上，几乎所有人的看法都是一致的。 所有人都预计，到2100年，全球每位妇女一生中所生孩子的平均数量将会下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the average teenager today took an IQ test in 1910, he or she would score 130, which would be better than 98% of those taking the test then. It is not easy to attribute this rise to improved education, because the aspects of the tests on which scores have risen the most do not require a good vocabulary, or even mathematical ability, but instead assess powers of abstract reasoning. One theory is that we have gotten better at IQ tests because we live in a more symbol-rich environment. Flynn himself thinks that the spread of the scientific mode of reasoning has played a role. Pinker argues that enhanced powers of reasoning give us the ability to detach ourselves from our immediate experience and from our personal or parochial perspective, and frame our ideas in more abstract, universal terms. This, in turn, leads to better moral commitments, including avoidance of violence. It is just this kind of reasoning ability that improved during the twentieth century. So there are grounds to believe that our improved reasoning abilities have enabled us to reduce the influence of those more impulsive elements of our nature that lead to violence. Perhaps this underlies the significant drop in deaths inflicted by war since 1945 – a decline that has become even steeper over the past 20 years. If so, there would be no denying that we continue to face grave problems, including of course the threat of catastrophic climate change. But there would nonetheless be some reason to hope for moral progress.", "zh": "而如果今天一个拥有平均智商的青少年被送回1910年接受测试的话，他/她将能得到130分，高于当时98%的受测者。 我们不能轻易地把分数的提升归因于教育水平的提高，因为该项测试中分数提升最多的部分并不需要对词汇量的良好掌握或甚至是数学能力，而是抽象思维中的评估能力。 另一个解释我们更高的智商分数的理论认为这是因为我们处于一个符号更加密集的环境之中。 而弗林自己则认为科学推理模式的广泛传播也扮演了其中一个角色。 平克认为推理能力的提升给予了我们把自身与当前经验以及个人狭隘观点分离开来的能力，并将我们的理念以一种更加抽象而普遍适用的方式勾勒出来。 这也转而催生了一个更美好的道德承诺，包括避免使用暴力。 而在20世纪中也正是这种推理能力得到了提高。 因此有理由相信是得到提升的推理能力使我们得以避免受到自己本性中更冲动因素的影响，而也正是这些因素引发了暴力。 这或许可以解释自1945年以来战争死亡人口大幅减少的事实 — — 在过去20年间下滑得更厉害。 如果是这样的话，无可否认我们将继续面对诸多严峻问题，其中当然包括灾难性气候变化的威胁。 但即便如此，也有理由去期望更多的道德进步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It’s Cheaper to Talk than to Cut Emissions STOCKHOLM – Earlier this month, the UK parliament declared that the planet is facing a “climate emergency,” making the United Kingdom the first country to do so after cities like Los Angeles, London, Vancouver, and Basel. It’s a move that sums up all that is wrong with climate policy: politicians are making grandiose, fear-mongering declarations that are divorced from economic reality, as well as from what will fix the problem they claim to be addressing. Political rhetoric is cheap, but drastic cuts in carbon dioxide emissions remain prohibitively expensive and technologically challenging. After all, emissions cuts have been promised (and mostly not delivered) since the “Earth Summit” in Rio de Janeiro in 1992. Cutting CO2 emissions to net zero by 2050 or much sooner is the ambitious goal being pushed by environmental protesters like Extinction Rebellion and endorsed by politicians around the world, including several US presidential candidates. These protesters and politicians get a lot of attention, but their proposals would incur far higher costs than almost any electorate is willing to pay. Although opinion polls show that people care about climate change and want to spend a relatively modest amount to fix it, they want more spent on education, health, job opportunities, and social support. Most Americans, for example, are willing to pay up to $200 per year to fight climate change; in China, the amount is about $30. Britons are unwilling to cut their driving, flying, and meat consumption significantly in order to combat climate change.", "zh": "空谈比减排更廉价 斯德哥尔摩—本月早些时候，英国议会宣布地球正面临“气候紧急状况 ” ， 使得英国成为继洛杉矶、伦敦、温哥华和巴塞尔等城市之后首个这样做的国家。 此举总结了气候政策的所有失误：政治家们正在制造脱离经济现实并散布恐慌的宏伟宣言，他们的所作所为也无法成为他们声称正在修复问题的解决之道。 政治空谈十分廉价，但大幅削减二氧化碳排放仍然极其昂贵而且在技术上具有挑战性。 归根结底，自1992年在里约热内卢举办“地球峰会”以来，人们一直在承诺减排（但这些承诺绝大多数却是空头支票 ） 。 最晚到2050年或者更早将二氧化碳净排放降低到零是由诸如灭绝反叛等环保抗议人士推动并由世界各地政治家，包括几位美国总统候选人所认可的雄心勃勃的目标。 上述抗议人士和政治家得到了很多关注，但其提案所附加的成本却远高于几乎所有选民愿意支付的代价。 虽然民调显示人们关注气候变化，而且愿意适度花钱解决问题，但他们却更希望加大对教育、医疗、就业岗位和社会支持的投入。 例如，多数美国民众愿意每年支付最高200美元来应对气候变化；而在中国，上述金额约为30美元左右。 英国人不愿削减开车、乘飞机和肉类消费来战胜气候变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The first of these is the conventional comparative-advantage argument for trade liberalization; the second is a mercantilist argument. The goals advanced by these arguments are mutually contradictory. From the standpoint of comparative advantage, gains from trade arise from imports; exports are what a country has to give up in order to afford them. These gains accrue to all countries, as long as trade expands in a balanced fashion. Trade agreements do not create jobs; they simply reallocate them across industries. In the mercantilist worldview, by contrast, exports are good and imports are bad. Countries that expand their net exports gain; all others lose. Trade agreements can create jobs, but only to the extent that they destroy jobs in other countries. Either argument for trade agreements is thus inconsistent with their advocates’ key claim that such deals will simultaneously create jobs and be mutually beneficial. Strangely, supporters of the TPP and TTIP simultaneously rely on both arguments. On the political front, proponents argue that TPP and TTIP will enshrine good, liberal rules for world trade. Lower barriers and greater transparency in regulation are generally good things. But here, too, the reality is much more complex. For the US, a great attraction of the TPP is that it will enforce tighter intellectual-property rules on other countries.", "zh": "前者是常规的贸易自由化比较优势观点；而后者则是重商主义的说法。 这些观点所推动的目标是相互对立的。 从比较优势的立场上看，贸易的收益来自进口；出口则是一个国家为获得这些收益所必须放弃的代价而已。 只要贸易持续以平衡的状态扩大，那所有国家都会因此得益。 贸易协定并不会创造就业；只是把职位在不同行业之间重新分配罢了。 而在重商主义者眼中则恰恰相反，出口是良友而进口是恶人。 那些扩大自身净出口的国家是胜者；而其他国家则败下阵来。 贸易协定能创造就业，但其数量取决于其他国家所损失的就业数量。 因此上述这两个观点都与它们的鼓吹者的核心观点不一致，因为这些人宣称协定能同时增加就业并让各方得益。 吊诡的是，泛太平洋伙伴关系协定和泛大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系协定的支持者们同时都仰仗这两套观点。 在政治方面，支持者们认为两大协定都会把良好，自由的管制融入世界贸易。 更少的贸易壁垒和更高的监管透明度总体来说是好东西，但在这里也不例外，因为现实要比理论更为复杂。 对美国来说，泛太平洋伙伴关系协定的吸引人之处在于可以对其他国家实施更严格的知识产权管制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "张传溪 理学博士, 教授(二级）。 男，1960.1 出生。 1982年毕业于浙江农业大学植保系，1985年在同校获昆虫学专业硕士学位，并留校任教。 1994-1997年在中国科学院生物化学研究所在职从事博士学位论文工作。 博士学位论文被评为全国优秀博士学位论文。 1998年晋升浙江大学教授。 2001-2003年任日本学术振兴会和爱媛大学CMES特别研究员。 本校昆虫专业、生物化学与分子生物学专业博士生导师, 兼任浙江加州纳米研究院博导, 所教授委员会主任。 长期从事昆虫和病毒分子生物学研究，先后主持“973”课题1项、国家自然科学基金重点和面上项目9项、国家自然科学基金国际合作1项，合作主持“863”重大和“863”探索项目各1项, 负责国际合作项目和省部项目多项。 作为通讯作者，先后在Nature、PNAS、Genome Biology、Annual Rev Entomol、eLife等发表高水平论文，在病毒学三大杂志（JV、JGV、Virology）和昆虫学TOP杂志（IBMB）等学术刊物上发表SCI收录论文180余篇。", "en": "Chuanxi Zhang Doctor of Science, Professor (Level 2). Male, born in January, 1960. Zhang graduated from the Department of Plant Protection of Zhejiang Agricultural University in 1982, obtained a Master's Degree in Entomology from the same school in 1985 and then stayed as a teacher. He worked as a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Institute of Biochemistry, Chinese Academy of Sciences from 1994 to 1997 to complete his dissertation. His doctoral dissertation was rated as the National Outstanding Doctoral Dissertation. Zhang was promoted to Professor of Zhejiang University. He served as a Special Researcher at the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science and Ehime University. He is a Doctoral Supervisor in Insect, Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, and holds concurrent posts as Doctoral Supervisor of Zhejiang-California International NanoSystems Institute, and Director of Professor Committee of that institute. He has long engaged in the research of Insect and Virus Molecular Biology, successively presided over 1 \"973\" Project, 9 Key and General Projects of National Natural Science Foundation of China, and 1 National Natural Science Foundation of China International Cooperation, co-hosted 1 \"863\" Major Project and 1 \"863\" Research Project, and was in charge of a number of international cooperation projects and provincial and ministerial projects. Zhang has published a great many papers on Nature, PNAS, Genome Biology, Annual Rev Entomol, eLife. And over 180 SCI-included papers have been published on 3 leading virology journals JV, JGV, Virology and 1 entomology top journal IBMB."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Western Economies Can Avoid the Japan Trap NEW YORK – Not too long ago, the conventional wisdom held that “Japanification” could never happen in Western economies. Leading US economists argued that if the combined threat of weak growth, disinflation, and perpetually low interest rates ever materialized, policymakers would have the tools to deal with it. They had no problem lecturing the Japanese about the need for bold measures to pull their country out of a decades-old rut. Japanification was regarded as the avoidable consequence of poor policymaking, not as an inevitability. And yet the specter of Japanification now looms over the West. After the 2008 financial crisis, the recoveries in both Europe and the United States were more sluggish and less inclusive than the majority of policymakers, politicians, and economists expected. And, more recently, hopes for achieving “escape velocity” out of the “new normal” of low growth and persistent disinflationary pressure have been dashed in Europe and Japan, and some worry that they may be receding in the US. Europe, in particular, is back in the grips of a worrisome regionwide slowdown. Growth projections have been consistently revised downward, and the European Central Bank has acknowledged that its earlier optimism about achieving on-target inflation was misplaced. With yields on government bonds having fallen, the global trade in securities at negative interest rates has reached around $10 trillion. Meanwhile, Japan is approaching its fourth consecutive decade of consistently low nominal growth, inflation, and interest rates.", "zh": "西方经济如何能够避免日本陷阱 纽约—不久前，传统智慧还认为西方经济永远不会发生“日本化 ” 。 美国著名经济学家们认为，如果增长萎靡、通胀疲软和长期低利率的综合威胁真的成为现实，决策者也有应对工具。 他们毫无问题地指导日本人采取果断措施让国家走出长达几十年的“巨坑 ” 。 日本化被认为是糟糕的决策的结果，它是可以避免的。 但日本化的幽灵如今飘荡在西方上空。 2008年金融危机后，欧洲和美国的复苏都比大部分决策者、政客和经济学家所预期的更缓慢，更不包容。 最近，实现摆脱低增长和持续反通胀压力的“新常态”的“逃逸速度”的希望在欧洲和日本日益渺茫，一些人担心美国也在日益疲软。 特别是欧洲，令人担忧的地区性减速卷土重来。 增长预测不断向下调整，欧洲央行承认早前实现通胀目标的乐观态度有误。 政府债券收益率下降，全球负利率政权交易量已达10万亿美元。 与此同时，日本正在接近连续第四个持续低名义增长、通胀和利率的十年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Neither Japan nor the US has official diplomatic relations with Taiwan, and most countries around the world do not recognize Taiwan as a sovereign state. Unlike in Ukraine, Chinese leaders could claim that any invasion of Taiwan that China launches is necessary to suppress anti-government activities in one of its own regions, and that such acts therefore would not violate international law. When Russia annexed Crimea, the international community ultimately acquiesced, even though Russia had violated Ukrainian sovereignty. Given this precedent, it is not surprising that Chinese leaders may very well expect the world to be more tolerant should they, too, adopt the logic of “regional” – rather than national – subjugation. This logic has made strategic ambiguity untenable. The policy of ambiguity worked extremely well as long as the US was strong enough to maintain it, and as long as China was far inferior to the US in military power. But those days are over. The US policy of ambiguity toward Taiwan is now fostering instability in the Indo-Pacific region, by encouraging China to underestimate US resolve, while making the government in Taipei unnecessarily anxious. Given the change in circumstances since the policy of strategic ambiguity was adopted, the US should issue a statement that is not open to misinterpretation or multiple interpretations. The time has come for the US to make clear that it will defend Taiwan against any attempted Chinese invasion. Whenever I met President Xi Jinping during my time as prime minister, I always made it a rule to convey clearly to him that he should not misjudge Japan’s intention to defend the Senkaku Islands, and that Japan’s intentions were unwavering. The human tragedy that has befallen Ukraine has taught us a bitter lesson. There must no longer be any room for doubt in our resolve concerning Taiwan, and in our determination to defend freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.", "zh": "日美两国均未与台湾建立正式的外交关系，而且，世界多数国家均不承认台湾是主权国家。 与乌克兰不同的是，中国领导人可以声称，中国对台湾所发动的任何入侵都是镇压其本国领土上反政府活动所必须的举措，因此并不违反国际法。 当俄罗斯吞并克里米亚时，尽管俄罗斯侵犯了乌克兰的主权，但国际社会最终还是默许了。 鉴于这一先例，如果中国领导人也采取“地区 ” — —而非国家性的 — — 征服逻辑，他们期望世界表现出更多的宽容并不令人惊讶。 上述逻辑导致战略模糊态度无法维系。 只要美国足够强大，只要中国在军事实力上远逊于美国，这种模糊政策就非常有效。 但那样的日子已经过去。 美国对台湾的模糊政策正在助长印度-太平洋地区的不稳定，鼓励中国低估美国的决心，同时让台北政府感到不必要的焦虑。 考虑到自采纳战略模糊政策以来的情况变化，美国应发表一份不会被人误解、也不会出现多重解读的声明。 美国应明确表示，它将保护台湾免受任何可能的中国入侵。 任职首相期间，每次我会见习近平主席时，我总是明确告诉他，他不应错判日本捍卫尖阁列岛的意图，以及日本的意图坚定不移。 降临在乌克兰身上的人类悲剧给我们上了惨痛的一课。 我们在台湾问题上的决心，以及捍卫民主、自由、人权和法治的决心，绝不容再有任何被怀疑的余地。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When his maternal grandfather asked him why he chose to major in war studies when Afghanistan could provide him a battlefield view, the young Massoud replied that he focused on the subject so his generation could avoid war rather than remaining mired in it. As Massoud matured, his stature grew, earning him meetings with heads of states and intelligence chiefs around the world. Today, facing a Taliban onslaught, he needs material assistance, not petit fours in presidential palaces. The billions of dollars of American weaponry the Taliban swept up in their march on Kabul has made its way to the valley, and Massoud lacks the supply routes through Tajikistan that his father relied on to repel the Taliban. But the valley’s craggy and steep gorges provide him benefits no war strategist can deny. And the ranks of his fighters are growing daily as former Afghan security officials flock to Panjshir, unwilling to accept the Taliban takeover. There have been widespread protests in Kabul and overseas in support of Massoud’s call for resistance. To protect his enclave, Massoud’s forces need long-range mortars to repel the Taliban’s heavy guns. Communication equipment also is vital in a region where the Taliban periodically severs mobile and internet links. And the civilians in his fledgling rebel redoubt need winterization kits as the temperatures begin to fall. Without such aid, this last bastion of Taliban resistance will be wiped out. Ever since the Taliban took Kabul, the international community has insisted that it will neither accept the reimposition of the group’s rigid Islamic strictures nor acquiesce as Afghanistan becomes a jihadist safe haven.", "zh": "当他的外祖父问他阿富汗已是一片战乱景象，为什么还要选择主修战争研究的时候，年轻的马苏德回答说他专注于此是为了让自己这一代人免于战争而不致继续深陷其中。 随着马苏德日渐成熟，他的地位也不断提高，使之有机会与世界各国元首和情报主管共商国是。 如今面对塔利班的进攻，他需要的是物质援助，而不是总统官邸里的精致下午茶。 塔利班在进军喀布尔时沿路收缴的数十亿美元美式武器装备已经运到了山谷，而小马苏德虽然缺乏他父亲赖以击退塔利班的塔吉克斯坦补给线，但山谷中的峭壁也为他提供了任何战争战略家都无法否认的好处。 随着不愿意接受塔利班接管的前阿富汗安全官员涌向潘杰希尔，他的队伍每天都在壮大。 在喀布尔和世界各地也都出现了响应马苏德抵抗号召的广泛抗议活动。 为了保护这个孤岛，马苏德的部队需要远程迫击炮来击退塔利班的重武器。 在塔利班定期切断移动信号和互联网的地区，通信设备也至关重要。 随着气温逐步下降，生活在他新构建的抵抗区里的民众需要过冬物资。 如果没有这些援助，这个反塔利班力量的最后壁垒终将难逃被攻破的命运。 自从塔利班占领喀布尔以来，国际社会一直坚称既不会接受该组织重新实施僵化的伊斯兰教戒律，也不会坐视阿富汗成为圣战分子的避风港。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We need to start judging people by what they do, not what they look like. We can all start by taking responsibility for the types of pictures and comments that we post on our own social networks. We can compliment people based on their effort and their actions and not on their appearance. And let me ask you, when was the last time that you kissed a mirror? Ultimately, we need to work together as communities, as governments and as businesses to really change this culture of ours so that our kids grow up valuing their whole selves, valuing individuality, diversity, inclusion. We need to put the people that are making a real difference on our pedestals, making a difference in the real world. Giving them the airtime, because only then will we create a different world. A world where our kids are free to become the best versions of themselves, where the way they think they look never holds them back from being who they are or achieving what they want in life. Think about what this might mean for someone in your life. Your friend? It could just be the woman a couple of seats away from you today. What would it mean for her if she were freed from that voice of her inner critic, nagging her to have longer legs, thinner thighs, smaller stomach, shorter feet? What could it mean for her if we overcame this and unlocked her potential in that way? Right now, our culture's obsession with image is holding us all back. But let's show our kids the truth. Let's show them that the way you look is just one part of your identity and that the truth is we love them for who they are and what they do and how they make us feel. Let's build self-esteem into our school curriculums. Let's each and every one of us change the way we talk and compare ourselves to other people. And let's work together as communities, from grassroots to governments, so that the happy little one-year-olds of today become the confident changemakers of tomorrow. Let's do this.", "zh": "我们需要根据人们的所做所为去评判一个人， 而不是他们的长相。 我们可以从对我们 发布在社交网络上的图片和评论 担起责任开始做起。 我们可以基于人们的努力 和行动去赞美他们 而不是他们的相貌。 让我来问问你， 你上一次对着镜子亲吻 是什么时候？ 最终，我们需要跟 社区、政府 和企业一起努力去改变我们的这些文化， 这样我们的孩子才能在成长中获得完整的自我， 重视个性、多元和包容。 我们要让那些正在改变 我们的现状的人去改变 真实的世界。 给他们时间，因为只有这样 我们才能创造一个不同的世界， 一个我们的孩子可以自由地成为 最好的自己的世界， 一个他们不会因自己的长相 而阻碍他们成为自己想要成为的人 或者获得想要的东西的世界。 想一下这对你生命中的某个人可能意味着什么。 还是你的某个朋友？也可能只是今天 跟你隔着几个座位的某个女性。 这将对她意味着什么呢? 如果她能摆脱内心挑剔的声音 唠叨她要有 更长更细的大腿,更瘦的肚子 和更短的脚。 如果我们能克服这些并打开 她在那方面的潜力，那对她来说又将意味着什么？ 现在，我们的文化中对形象的痴迷 阻碍了我们所有人。 但是让我们向孩子们展示真相。 让我们向他们表明长相 只是身份的一部分， 而事实是我们爱他们是因为 他们是谁 和他们的所做所为 以及他们给我们的感觉。 让我们在学校的课程中设置自尊心科目。 让我们每一个人改变 我们谈论自己和跟他人比较的方式。 让我们作为团体一起努力， 从基层到政府， 以便这些今天一岁大的快乐的孩子 成为 明天自信的变革者。 让我们这样做吧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More generally, however, women had sampled the economic and personal freedom that employment provides, gained marketable skills, and proved their capabilities. Women’s wartime experience thus gave powerful impetus to the movement for gender equality. Will the feminization of farming in Asia’s transition economies have a similar effect? There are no guarantees. Evidence shows that increased representation in agriculture does not necessarily contribute to women’s socioeconomic empowerment. In fact, even as women take on more agricultural duties, their decision-making power remains limited. In Bangladesh, the microfinance revolution and NGO-led training programs have enabled thousands of rural women to become frontline workers and even start their own small businesses since the 1990s. The country now leads South Asia in closing the gender pay gap. Yet, in agriculture, women have about half the power of men, measured by variables like asset ownership and control over income. Moreover, research conducted in India has found that women’s growing participation in agriculture is strongly linked to several indicators of poverty. This at least partly reflects the fact that women’s entry into the paid workforce is not accompanied by any reduction in their already-heavy burden of unpaid labor. And a rising proportion of women employed in the agricultural sector are not paid for their work at all. Add to that the unpredictable nature of agricultural production, and, as researchers in India noted, “the feminization of agriculture may better be described as the feminization of agrarian distress.”", "zh": "但从更广泛的意义上讲，女性已经体验了就业所带来的经济和个人自由，获得了有销路的技术，并且证明了自己的能力。 因此，女性的战时经历强势推动了性别平等运动。 亚洲转型经济体内部的农业女性化会不会产生类似的影响？ 这一点是不确定的。 有证据表明，农业就业人数增加并不一定有助于扩大女性的社会经济权能。 事实上，妇女的决策能力依然有限，哪怕她们已经承担了更多的农业职责。 在孟加拉国，小额信贷革命和由非政府组织主导的培训计划已经使得20世纪90年代后数千名农村妇女成为一线工人，甚至自主创办了小企业。 该国目前在缩小性别薪酬差异方面领跑南亚。 但在农业领域，如果按照资产所有权和收入控制权等变量来衡量，女性所拥有的权力大约是男性的一半左右。 此外，在印度进行的研究发现，女性越来越高的农业参与度与若干农业贫困指标密切相关。 这至少部分反映出这样一个事实，那就是妇女加入带薪劳动大军并没有减少她们本已沉重的无偿劳动负担。 而且在农业部门供职的妇女根本没有为所付出劳动拿到报酬的比例也越来越高。 此外，农业生产具有不可预测性，而且，就像印度研究人员所指出的那样 ， “ 与其说是农业女性化，还不如说是农业困境女性化更为恰当 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是国内领先的激光加工控制系统企业之一，长期致力于激光先进制造领域的自动化及智能化发展。 公司主营业务为激光加工设备运动控制系统的研发与销售，并能够为不同激光加工场景提供综合解决方案和技术服务。 公司主要产品包括激光加工控制系统、激光系统集成硬件及激光精密加工设备等。 其中，激光加工控制系统以运动控制软件为核心，与运动控制卡组合使用，是激光加工设备自动化控制的核心数控系统；激光系统集成硬件为公司根据客户需求提供集成化解决方案，向客户配套提供经过联调联试后的配套硬件；激光精密加工设备主要包括激光调阻等领域的加工设备。 经过多年的积累，公司产品系列覆盖激光标刻、激光切割、激光焊接、激光。 清洗等多个领域，赢得了良好的品牌形象及市场资源。 凭借技术、品牌、产品等综合优势，公司与华工科技、飞全激光、海目星、大族激光等建立了良好的合作关系，拥有优质的客户群体，与国内外超过上千家下游客户建立了直接或间接的合作关系，产品广泛应用于消费电子、新能源、半导体、汽车、服装、医药等领域。 未来公司将继续深耕激光加工运动控制领域，进一步提升市场地位，推动激光加工自动化、智能化及柔性化发展。", "en": "The company is one of the leading laser processing control system enterprises in China, dedicated to the automation and intelligent development of advanced laser manufacturing. The main business of the company is the research and sales of motion control systems for laser processing equipment, and it is able to provide comprehensive solutions and technical services for different laser processing scenarios. The main products of the company include laser processing control systems, integrated hardware for laser systems, and precision laser processing equipment. Among them, the laser processing control system, with motion control software as its core and combined with motion control cards, is the core numerical control system for the automation control of laser processing equipment. The integrated hardware for laser systems provides integrated solutions according to customer needs and provides customers with matched hardware after joint debugging and testing. The precision laser processing equipment mainly includes processing equipment in areas such as laser resistance adjustment. After years of accumulation, the company's product series cover multiple fields such as laser marking, laser cutting, laser welding, and laser cleaning, and have won a good brand image and market resources. With comprehensive advantages in technology, brand, and products, the company has established good cooperative relationships with Huagong Technology, Feiquan Laser, Haimuxing, and Han's Laser, and has a high-quality customer base. It has established direct or indirect cooperative relationships with over a thousand downstream customers at home and abroad, and its products are widely used in consumer electronics, new energy, semiconductor, automotive, clothing, pharmaceutical, and other fields. In the future, the company will continue to deepen its presence in the laser processing motion control field, further enhance its market position, and promote the development of laser processing automation, intelligence, and flexibility."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bulgaria’s Betrayal of Europe When Bulgaria joined the European Union this past January, I believed that my country had finally left its repressive past behind. But the recent arrest and threatened deportation of Annadurdy Hadjiev, a dissident from Turkmenistan who sought refuge here, suggests that some things never change. If Bulgaria sends this man back to Turkmenistan – where he faces certain torture and the threat of a brutal death – our claim to be part of a democratic, rights-respecting Europe will ring hollow. Moreover, the EU’s image as a defender of human rights around the world will be tarnished by its inability to hold member states to its own standards. The case evokes memories of the days when the KGB’s influence was pervasive, and dissidents across Eastern Europe and Soviet lands like Turkmenistan lived in fear. Hadjiev and his family fled to Europe in 2001, escaping one of the world’s most repressive regimes: the absolutist dictatorship of the late Saparmurat Niyazov, who fancied himself “Turkmenbashi,” the father of all Turkmen. A former deputy chairman of the Central Bank of Turkmenistan and later an outspoken critic of Turkmenbashi’s government, Hadjiev, a senior member of the exiled Watan (Republican) Party, received “humanitarian parole” – a protected category of individuals that falls short of refugee status – when he reached Bulgaria. But he has since been subjected to violent and arbitrary reprisals in this supposed “safe haven.” And, although Turkmenbashi died in December, his successor, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, has continued to imprison dissidents, stifle freedom of expression, and scoff at democracy, as February’s rigged elections demonstrate. Bulgaria’s persecution adds to the anguish and injustice that has befallen Hadjiev and his family. Last summer, Hadjiev’s brother and sister were arrested after they collaborated on a documentary about Turkmenistan, and were tried on trumped-up charges of weapons possession. After a perfunctory closed trial, they were sentenced to seven and six years in prison, respectively. Hadjiev’s sister, the journalist Olgusapar Muradova, died in prison several weeks later, under suspicious circumstances. Her grown children, who viewed her body, told relatives that they saw evidence of torture and that she had sustained a severe head wound. (A state-controlled autopsy implied that she had committed suicide.)", "zh": "保加利亚对欧洲的背叛 当保加利亚在去年一月加入欧盟时，我相信我的国家最终远离了它压制的过去。 但最近对在该国寻求避难的土库曼斯坦持不同政见者Annadurdy Hadjiev的逮捕和威胁驱逐出境的事件说明有些事情还是没有改观。 如果保加利亚将此人遣送回土库曼斯坦—在那里他将会面临某种折磨和死亡威胁—我们口口声声说自己是民主、尊重人权的欧洲的一部分的话也成为空谈。 另外，欧盟在全世界的人权卫士形象也会因为它不能让成员国坚持自身的标准而黯然失色。 这一案件勾起了人们对克格勃的影响力无处不在的那个时代的回忆。 那时整个东欧和如土库曼斯坦这样的苏联土地上的持不同政见者都生活在恐惧之中。 Hadjiev和他的家人在2001年逃到欧洲，以躲避世界上最严酷的政权之一：已故的，自诩为“Turkmenbashi（土库曼之父 ） ” 的Saparmurat Niyazov的专制主义独裁政权。 作为曾担任土库曼斯坦中央银行副行长以及一位后来直言不讳批评Turkmenbashi政府的人士，被流放的资深共和党人Hadjiev在到达保加利亚时得到了“人道入境(humanitarian parole ) ” 的待遇—一个低于难民地位的保护类别。 但从那时起，他就在这个本应是“安全岛”的地方一直遭受着激烈而任意的攻击。 虽然Turkmenbashi在去年十二月死去，他的继任者Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov继续关押持不同政见者，遏制言论自由，并嘲弄民主，正如他在二月份舞弊的选举中所表现的那样。 保加利亚的迫害更加重了Hadjiev及其家人身上遭受的痛苦和不公正。 去年夏天，Hadjiev的兄弟和姊妹在参与了一部关于土库曼斯坦的纪录片拍摄之后被捕。 随后又以大鸣大放的持有武器罪名受到审判。 经过了一场敷衍的关门庭审之后，他们分别被判入狱七年和六年。 Hadjiev的姊妹，新闻记者Olgusapar Muradova几周后在可疑的情况下死于狱中。 探视过她遗体的成年子女告诉亲戚他们看到了折磨的痕迹，并且她还遭受了头部的重伤。 （国家控制的尸检显示她是自杀。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Economic Incompetence of Republican Presidents BERKELEY – One hears many strange things nowadays, not least because “they” (a complicated term) are flooding the zone with misinformation. Without a shared set of facts upon which to base ethical and policy debates, democracy inevitably breaks down. The system’s virtue lies in its unique ability to elevate and consider a broad range of ideas emanating from society. Ideally, through a good-faith exchange of arguments and a weighing of the alternatives, a majority of voters converges on the best course of action. But we have lost one of the most basic conditions for this process to work properly: a reality-based public sphere. While there were always deep, even intractable, disagreements in the past, people at least were talking about the same thing. One could watch the Abraham Lincoln-Stephen Douglas debates and decide which figure was more trustworthy and convincing without being buffeted by a wave of informational manipulation and distortion. One increasingly prevalent piece of misinformation holds that the United States will face a monumental trade-off on Election Day. On one hand, electing a Democrat as president will mean that America no longer has a government that abducts children and permanently breaks up families just because it can. On the other hand, putting Democrats in power is supposedly risky for the economy, because the GOP is the party of business.", "zh": "不会搞经济的共和党总统们 发自伯克利—如今人们总能听到许多奇奇怪怪的说法，尤其是当“他们 ” （ 一个含义复杂的词汇）正在用许多误导性信息淹没整个空间的时候。 如果缺乏一套共同认定的事实作为道德和政策辩论的基础，民主制度就会不可避免地分崩离析，因为该体制的优点就在于拥有提升和考量各类社会思想理念的独特能力。 在理想状态下，通过真诚地交换意见和权衡各类选项，大多数选民都会趋向于实施最佳的行为方式。 但我们已经失去了能使该程序正常运行的其中一个最基本条件，那就是以现实为基础的公共领域。 尽管过去也曾存在过各类深刻甚至棘手的分歧，但人们至少还在谈论同一件事，也可以在不受信息操纵和歪曲冲击的情况下观看亚伯拉罕·林肯（Abraham Lincoln）与斯蒂芬·道格拉斯(Stephen Douglas)的辩论并确定谁更值得信赖和信服。 一条日益流行的错误信息认定美国将在大选日面临一场事关重大的取舍。 一方面，一名民主党人上台将意味着美国不再拥有一个可以随心所欲绑架（非法移民）儿童并永久拆散家庭的政府；另一方面，据说让民主党执政是存在经济风险的，因为共和党才是懂得经商的政党。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "温有道说道：“我哥儿俩这两个月来手气不好，欠下你的银子着实不少，你兄弟虽然不在乎，我二人心中却十分不安。”温有方道：“现下银子越欠越多，你兄弟的手气更越来越旺，我哥儿却越来越霉，这样下去，也不知何年何月才能还你。这么一笔债背在身上，做人也没有味儿。”韦小宝笑道：“欠债不还，那是理所当然之事，两位以后提也休提。”温有方叹了口气，道：“小兄弟的为人，那是没得说的了，老实不客气说，咱哥儿的债倘若是欠你小兄弟的，便欠一百年不还也不打紧，是不是？”韦小宝笑道：“正是，正是，便欠二百年、三百年却又如何？”温有方道：“二三百年吗？大伙儿都没这个命了。”说到这里，转头向兄长望去。温有道点了点头。温有方续道：“可是咱哥儿知道，你小兄弟的那位主儿，却厉害得紧。”", "en": "'Our luck has been just terrible these last two months,' went on Wen Youdao. 'We owe you a substantial sum. You may make light of it, but it worries us.' 'Our debt is growing all the time, ' put in his brother. 'And while your luck at the tables keeps going up, ours keeps going down. At this rate we'll not be able to pay you back for ages. It's making our lives a misery just thinking about it!' 'But I'm not asking you for any of it!' replied Trinket with a gracious smile. 'And I insist that you never bring the subject up again!' Wen Youfang sighed: 'If it was only you! Why, to tell the truth, if we only owed money to you, we could let a hundred years go by and not feel under any pressure—isn't that true?' 'Why, yes!' laughed Trinket. 'I suppose it is! Or two hundred! Or three, come to that!' 'Two or three?' queried Wen Youfang. 'We'll all be dead and gone by then . . .' At this point in the conversation he turned and gave his brother a look. Youdao gave a little nod, and Youfang continued: 'But you see, the trouble is, we know that your master is a very difficult person to deal with—'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Eastern Europe’s Tito Option LONDON – Success stories in what the European Union calls “the neighborhood” have been hard to come by. First Georgia, then Ukraine, and most recently Moldova have all been big EU hopes. That summit comes at an auspicious time, as the EU reviews its European Neighborhood Policy (launched in 2004) and the Eastern Partnership (launched in 2009), ahead of a second grand summit in Budapest under the Hungarian EU presidency in May 2011. But France has dragged its feet on easing visa requirements for Ukrainians, and EU negotiators are frustrated with the total lack of progress towards a Deep Free Trade Agreement, which they blame, rightly, on the Ukrainian “oligarchs” who have returned to power since Viktor Yanukovych became President in February. One problem has long been the lack of enthusiasm on the EU side for further expansion into the region. More recently, the EU has also had to face the reality of competing with Russia in what President Dmitri Medvedev calls Russia’s “sphere of privileged interests.” Increasingly, however, the problem is with Eastern Europe’s states themselves. First, these are new states whose sovereignty was often contested at their birth in 1991, and that have remained weak. Their independence was a result of the USSR’s collapse, and, while some had national revolutions, in most Soviet elites and political culture remained entrenched. Corruption is rife, state capture by powerful vested interests is the norm, and institutional effectiveness and capacity for reform are weak.", "zh": "东欧的铁托选择 伦敦 — — 在欧盟称为“邻国”的国家中，成功的故事十分鲜见。 开始是格鲁吉亚，后来是乌克兰，还有最近的摩尔多瓦，这些国家欧盟都寄予厚望。 但每次都以失望告终。 对欧盟来说不幸的是，今年与乌克兰的年度峰会（11月22日）很可能展示这种失败。 这一峰会来的正是时候，欧盟正在回顾其《欧洲邻国政策 》 （ 2004年启动）和《东方伙伴 》 （ 2009年启动 ） ， 2011年5月匈牙利轮值欧盟后将举行第二次大型峰会。 但法国在放松乌克兰签证要求方面磨磨蹭蹭，欧盟谈判者对于达成《深度自由贸易协定》毫无进展十分沮丧，他们将其归咎于维克托·亚努科维奇2月当选总统使得乌克兰回到了“寡头政权”时代。 欧盟对这一地区缺乏进一步扩张的热情，这一直是一个问题。 最近，欧盟还需要面对现实，在俄罗斯总统德米特里·梅德韦杰夫所谓的俄“特殊利益范围”内与其竞争。 但东欧问题不断涌现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In April, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund offered a modicum of debt relief to many of these countries, and the G20 agreed to a temporary payment standstill for official debt, which paved the way for hundreds of private creditors to do the same. Yet these forms of assistance offer too little, too late. The fact is that most of these debts never should have been issued in the first place. Grants are the proper way to transfer resources to low-income countries. After World War II, the Marshall Plan involved only grants; today, the case for “corona grants” to low-income countries could hardly be stronger. Under the IMF and the World Bank’s 1996 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, some 36 countries received full or partial debt relief. It is time to return to that idea, starting with a comprehensive round of debt forgiveness for the world’s poorest countries. This selective jubilee should include debts owed to the IMF, the World Bank, other multilateral lenders, national sovereigns, official bodies like state-owned enterprises, and private creditors. Debt is a dangerous instrument. For far too long, the world has used it to avoid awkward but unavoidable decisions. In the midst of an unprecedented global crisis, something will have to give.", "zh": "在4月的时候世界银行和国际货币基金组织向其中许多国家提供了少量债务减免，二十国集团也同意暂时停止官方债务偿还，这为数百家私人债权人的同样行动铺平了道路。 然而这类形式的援助提供得太少也太迟了。 事实上这些债务中的很大一部分原本就不应该发行。 而赠款则是将资源转移支付给低收入国家的正确方法。 二战后的马歇尔计划就只涉及赠款；今时今日则更有理由向低收入国家提供“冠状病毒赠款 ” 。 国际货币基金组织和世界银行1996年出台的重债穷国倡议使大约36个国家获得了全额或部分债务减免。 现在也是时候回归这一理念，并首先着手对那些世界上最贫穷的国家进行全面债务减免。 这一选择性大赦应涵盖那些国际货币基金组织、世界银行、其他多边贷方、各国政府，官方机构（如国有企业）以及私人债权人手中的债务。 债务是一种危险的工具。 长期以来世界一直在利用它来逃避那些尴尬却又不可避免的决定。 而在这场前所未有的全球危机中，我们必须有所舍弃。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We know, too, where most PM2.5 comes from: power plants, heavy industry, and motor vehicles. During fossil-fuel combustion, carbon dioxide, the world’s most prevalent greenhouse gas, is emitted into the air, along with particles of incompletely combusted solids and gases (mainly sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides) that react chemically in the atmosphere to form fine particulate matter. Knowing the killer pollutant and its sources, the US Environmental Protection Agency, under the 1990 Clean Air Act, issued new standards to reduce PM2.5 levels. The EPA estimates that between 1990 and 2015, the national concentration of particulate matter fell by 37%, and that in 2010, some 160,000 premature deaths were averted as a result of the regulations. In short, despite a considerable number of deaths still linked to dirty air, the US had, until this year, been heading in the right direction. Now, however, US President Donald Trump has promised to create “unbelievable prosperity” by discarding regulations intended to reduce toxic emissions from coal-fired power plants, lowering or eliminating fuel-efficiency standards for automobiles, and dismantling the EPA. He has also vowed to repeal limits on fracking, open up more public lands to coal mining, and expand oil and gas production in the Arctic and Atlantic Oceans. Let’s assume, for a moment, that such measures would actually produce prosperity for the entire country, and not just for the fossil-fuel industry. What price, as a country, is the US willing to pay? How many early deaths per year are too many? There are alternatives that don’t require a zero-sum tradeoff between economic growth and human health. And, ironically, one place to look for inspiration is China. Holding up China as a model to emulate might seem absurd. After all, its PM2.5 levels are considerably higher than in the US, and consumption of fossil fuels, especially coal, is far greater. But Chinese policymakers are taking vigorous steps to reverse course, free the country from its dependence on fossil fuels and create a future-oriented economy powered by clean energy and green technology – one that places China at the forefront of the global economy. Today, China is the world’s largest investor in renewable energy, with outlays in 2015 totaling $103 billion, more than double US spending of $44 billion.", "zh": "我们也已知晓绝大多数PM2.5来自何处：发电厂、重工业和机动车辆。 在化石燃料燃烧期间，全世界最常见的温室气体二氧化碳被排放到空中，同时排放的还有未经完全燃烧并在大气中发生化学反应形成细微颗粒物的固体和气体颗粒物（主要是二氧化硫和氮氧化物 ） 。 了解了致死污染物及其来源，美国环保局根据1990年清洁空气法颁布了降低 PM2.5水平的新标准。 美国环保局估计在1990到2015年间，全国颗粒物浓度下降了37 % ， 并且在2010年，由于上述规则实施而避免了约160,000人过早死亡。 总之，虽然仍有相当数量的死亡案例依然与脏空气有关，但截至今年为止，美国已经在迈向正确的方向。 但现在，美国总统唐纳德·特朗普已经承诺要通过废除旨在降低燃煤电厂有毒排放的规则、降低或取缔机动车燃油效率标准和解散环保署等举措来创造“难以置信的繁荣 ” 。 他还承诺要废除对水力压裂的限制、开放更多的公共土地用于煤炭开采，并扩大北极和大西洋海域的石油和天然气生产。 让我们暂时假设这样的举措实际能为整个国家、而非仅是化石燃料业带来繁荣。 但美国作为一个国家愿意付出什么样的代价？ 究竟每年多少人过早死亡才是不能承受之重？ 有些替代方案不必在经济增长和人类健康之间进行零和权衡。 颇具讽刺意味的是，中国是这个能为我们带来灵感的地方。 把中国作为典范来模仿看似荒谬。 毕竟，那里的PM2.5水平远高于美国，而且化石燃料消费量，尤其是煤炭，也要高很多。 但中国决策者正在采取积极措施扭转局面，力求让国家摆脱对化石燃料的依赖并创造由清洁能源和绿色科技驱动的面向未来的经济 — — 这保障了中国能在全球经济发展中保持领先。 今天，中国是世界最大的可再生能源投资国，2015年投资总额为1030亿美元，超过美国440亿美元的两倍还多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Houses of Cards There are times when being proven right brings no pleasure. For several years, I argued that America’s economy was being supported by a housing bubble that had replaced the stock market bubble of the 1990’s. But no bubble can expand forever. With middle-class incomes in the United States stagnating, Americans could not afford ever more expensive homes. As one of my predecessors as Chairman of the US President’s Council of Economic Advisers famously put it, “that which is not sustainable will not be sustained.” Economists, as opposed to those who make their living gambling on stocks, make no claim to being able to predict when the day of reckoning will come, much less identifying the event that will bring down the house of cards. But the patterns are systematic, with consequences that unfold gradually, and painfully, over time. There is a macro-story and a micro-story here. The macro-story is simple, but dramatic. Some, observing the crash of the sub-prime mortgage market, say, “Don’t worry, it is only a problem in the real estate sector.” But this overlooks the key role that the housing sector has played in the US economy recently, with direct investment in real estate and money taken out of houses through refinancing mortgages accounting for two-thirds to three-quarters of growth over the last six years. Booming home prices gave Americans the confidence, and the financial wherewithal, to spend more than their income.", "zh": "美国的房产危机 有些时候即便证明自己正确也毫无快感可言。 过去几年来，我一直认为美国的经济是由房地产泡沫支撑着。 这种泡沫取代了1990年代的股市泡沫。 但没有泡沫可以无限膨胀。 随着美国中产阶级的收入滞胀，美国人买不起越来越贵的房产了。 作为美国总统经济顾问委员会主席，我的一位前任曾有一句名言 ： “ 不可持续的东西是不会受到支撑的 。 ” 相对于那些靠在股市搏杀为生的人，经济学家们从未声称能预测清算日何时到来，更别说确认什么事件会令房产市场崩盘。 但有些征兆是系统的，其后果也随着时间的推移逐渐而痛苦地显露出来。 这里有宏观和微观层面的原因。 宏观原因简单但又富有戏剧性。 有些观察到次级贷市场崩溃的人说 ： “ 别担心，这只是不动产行业的问题 。 ” 但这种说法忽视了房产市场近年来在美国经济中扮演的角色。 在过去六年里，对不动产市场的直接投资和通过重新融资按揭从房产市场抽出的资金占整个经济增长量的三分之二到四分之三。 房产价格的一路飙升给了美国人信心和资金让他们可以超前消费。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Middle East, as we know, is immersed in a process of revolution and upheaval that has been immensely complicated by Islamism and its extremist offshoots. In Pakistan, more than 50,000 people have lost their lives in the terror attacks of the last decade. Violence linked to the same ideology has taken innocent lives and destroyed communities in India, Russia, Central Asia, and the Far East as well. What is that ideology? Here is the crux of the issue. Because misrepresentation follows any pronouncement on this question, let me state some things very clearly. This ideology does not represent Islam. The majority of Muslims do not agree with it. They are repulsed by it. This should give us hope about the future. But this ideology is a strain within Islam that represents an organized, substantial, powerful, and funded minority. What might loosely be called Islamism is based on a politicization of religion that is fundamentally incompatible with the modern world, for it assumes that there is one true religion, only one interpretation of that religion, and that this interpretation should prevail and dominate all countries’ politics, government institutions, and social life. Those who do not share this view must be overcome. This Islamist ideology is a spectrum. At one extreme are groups like Boko Haram. Other groups may not advocate violence (though sometimes they do) but still preach a view of the world that is dangerous and hostile to those who disagree.", "zh": "众所周知，中东正陷于革命和起义浪潮中，这一浪潮因为伊斯兰教及其极端分支而被大大复杂化了。 在巴基斯坦，过去十年有50,000多人因恐怖袭击丧生。 与同一意识形态相关的暴力在印度、俄罗斯、中亚和远东地区也夺走了许多无辜群众的生命，摧毁了许多社区。 这一意识形态是什么？ 问题的要害就在这里。 对这一问题的任何阐述都会带来误读，因此对于某些东西，我要解释得非常清楚。 这一意识形态并不代表伊斯兰教。 大部分穆斯林都不认同这一意识形态。 他们是被这一意识形态裹挟的。 这应该令我们对未来有所期待。 但这一意识形态是伊斯兰教内部的一大成分，代表着一群有组织的、为数相当庞大的、实力相当强大的、资金相当充裕的少数派。 广义的伊斯兰教是宗教的政治化，它与现代世界根本上不相容，因为它认为存在一个真正的宗教，这种宗教只有一种解释，并且这种解释应该在所有国家的政治、政府机构和社会活动中胜出并占主宰地位。 不持有这一观点的人必须征服。 这一伊斯兰教意识形态之下又可以细分。 一个极端是博科圣地等组织。 其他组织或许不鼓吹暴力（尽管有时也会鼓吹 ） ， 但也宣扬世界对不信教者不安全、充满敌意的观点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Taming of Trump NEW YORK – Now that Donald Trump has unexpectedly won the US presidency, it is an open question whether he will govern in accordance with his campaign’s radical populism, or adopt a pragmatic, centrist approach. If Trump governs in accordance with the campaign that got him elected, we can expect market scares in the United States and around the world, as well as potentially significant economic damage. But there is good reason to expect that he will govern very differently. A radical populist Trump would scrap the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), repeal the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and impose high tariffs on Chinese imports. He would also build his promised US-Mexico border wall; deport millions of undocumented workers; restrict H1B visas for the skilled workers needed in the tech sector; and fully repeal the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), which would leave millions of people without health insurance. Overall, a radical Trump would significantly increase the US budget deficit. He would sharply reduce income taxes on corporations and wealthy individuals. And while he would broaden the tax base, increase the carried-interest tax, and encourage companies to repatriate foreign profits, his plan would not be revenue-neutral. He would increase military and public-sector spending in areas such as infrastructure, and his tax cuts for the rich would reduce government revenue by $9 trillion over a decade. A radical Trump would also drastically change the current monetary-policy approach – first by replacing US Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen with a monetarist hawk, and then by filling current and upcoming Fed Board vacancies with more of the same. Moreover, he would repeal what he could of the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial reforms; gut the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau; cut alternative-energy subsidies and environmental regulations; and slash any other regulations that supposedly hurt big business. Finally, a radical Trump’s foreign policy would destabilize America’s alliances and escalate tensions with rivals. His protectionist stance could incite a global trade war, and his insistence that allies pay for their own defense could lead to dangerous nuclear proliferation, while diminishing American leadership on the world stage. But it is actually more likely that Trump will pursue pragmatic, centrist policies. For starters, Trump is a businessman who relishes the “art of the deal,” so he is by definition more of a pragmatist than a blinkered ideologue.", "zh": "驯服特朗普 纽约—现在，特朗普出人意料地赢得美国总统大选，他将依照竞选纲领中的激进民粹主义治国，还是采取务实的中间道路，这成了一个开放性问题。 如果特朗普根据让他赢得大选的竞选纲领治国，那么可以预期美国和全世界将爆发市场恐慌，甚至有可能引起重大经济损失。 但有很好的理由认为他不会这样治国。 激进的民粹主义者特朗普将废除跨太平洋合作伙伴关系（TPP ） 、 撤销北美自由贸易协定（NAFTA ） ， 并向中国进口品施加高额关税。 他还将建造承诺的美墨边境隔离墙、驱逐数百万无证移民工人、收紧高科技行业所需要的高技能员工的H1B签证，并完全推翻平价医疗法（奥巴马医保）从而让数百万人失去医疗保险。 总体而言，激进的特朗普将大大增加美国的预算赤字。 他将大幅削减公司和富裕个人的所得税。 尽管他将扩大税基，增加附带收益税，鼓励公司将海外收入汇回美国，但他的计划并不是税收收入中性的。 他将提高军事和基础设施等公共部门的支出，他的富人减税计划将在十年中减少政府收入9万亿美元。 激进的特朗普还将大幅改变当前货币政策方针 — — 首先是用货币鹰派取代现任美联储主席耶伦，然后用更多的货币鹰派填补目前和即将出缺的美联储理事会席位。 此外，他将废除2010年多德-弗兰克（Dodd-Frank）金融改革；撤销消费者金融保护局（Consumer Financial Protection Bureau ） ； 减少替代能源补贴和环境监管；削减任何其他可能对大企业不利的监管。 最后，激进的特朗普的外交政策将动摇美国的盟友，升级与对手的紧张。 他的保护主义立场将带来全球贸易战，他坚持盟友自己为自己的防务买单将导致危险的核扩散，同时削弱美国在世界舞台上的领导力。 但实际上更有可能特朗普将追求务实的中间政策。 首先，特朗普是一位商人，沉迷于“交易的艺术 ” ， 因此他天生是一个务实派而不是狭隘的空想家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But any clear division of tasks and responsibilities between governments and central banks has, it seems, been jettisoned. Government action in many problem countries ultimately ends in finger pointing: “Europe,” the ECB, and Germany, with its (relatively) responsible policy, have all been scapegoats. Against this background, the ECB has yielded to immense political pressure, particularly from France and Italy, to loosen monetary policy further and weaken the exchange rate. But indulging the old political reflex of manipulating the exchange rate to create a competitive advantage will yield a short-term fix at best. It will not eliminate the structural weaknesses of the countries in question. The ECB is moving ever farther into uncharted territory. In view of the insufficient balance-sheet corrections in the private sector and inadequate structural reforms, macroeconomic demand-management tools will not work. Despite the ECB’s aggressive approach, monetary policy in the absence of structural economic reform risks being ineffective. Simply put, more liquidity will not lead to more active bank lending until there is more transparency regarding the extent of non-performing loans and the relevant economies have become more flexible. The ECB’s asset quality review and bank stress tests are expected to bring some clarity to the first question. Then, more lending will occur on acceptable terms – assuming that there is corresponding demand. But the uncertainty regarding the extent and pace of economic reforms remains. The ECB’s recent decisions, with their focus on short-term effects, indicate that monetary policy is no longer targeted at the eurozone as a whole, but at its problem members. Ad hoc decisions have replaced a feasible and principled medium-term strategy. The problems created by this approach will be compounded by the unavoidable conflicts of interest with monetary policy implied by the ECB’s assumption of its new financial-stability and banking-supervision roles. The first casualty will most likely be price stability.", "zh": "但任何各个政府和央行之间的明确的任务和责任分割都被放弃了。 许多问题国家的政府行动最终沦为互相指责的 ： “ 欧洲 ” 、 欧洲央行、德国及其（相对）负责任的政策都成了替罪羊。 在这样的背景下，欧洲央行屈服于巨大的政治压力，特别是来自法国和意大利的压力，进一步放松了货币政策、贬值了汇率。 但沉溺于操纵汇率创造竞争优势的旧政治反射充其量只能算是短期解决方案。 它无法消除问题国家的结构性弱点。 欧洲央行正在朝着未知领域越走越远。 从私人部门资产负债表修正不充分和结构性改革不足的观点看，宏观经济需求管理工具是无效的。 尽管欧洲央行采取了积极政策，但没有结构型经济改革，货币政策也可能毫无效果。 简言之，更多的流动性无法带来更活跃的银行贷款行为，除非不良贷款程度的透明度有所增加，并且相关经济体弹性变得更大。 欧洲央行的资产质量检查和银行压力测试有望澄清第一个问题。 接着，就可以在可接受的条件上发生更多的贷款 — — 假设有相应需求的话。 但与经济改革程度和节奏有关的不确定性仍然存在。 欧洲央行最近的决定及其对短期影响的关注表明货币政策的目标已不再是欧元区整体，而是其问题成员国。 临时决定取代了可行、审慎的中期战略。 欧洲央行认为它应该扮演新的金融稳定和银行监督者角色，据此采取的货币政策所带来的不可避免的利益冲突将让这一方针所造成的问题更加复杂。 首当其冲者很有可能是价格稳定性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Shape of China’s Recovery BEIJING – China’s economy is on the road to recovery after the COVID-19 shock in the spring of 2020. Negative growth rates in investment, manufacturing activity, and consumption have reversed course and moved into positive territory, and some indicators, such as exports, have even beaten expectations, registering a positive growth rate of more than 10% in the third quarter of the year. How an economy recovers from an economic shock determines how robust its recovery will be. Back in 2009, the Chinese government’s CN¥4 trillion ($605 billion) stimulus plan following the global financial crisis fueled a credit boom, which inflated the shadow-banking sector and sent debt levels soaring to alarming heights. To be sure, China’s overall response salvaged the economy and maintained impressive growth rates. But as investment flooded into infrastructure projects and housing, and onto the balance sheets of large state-owned enterprises, it created even more economic distortions than there had been before the crisis. Overall productivity growth would remain diminished for the next decade. This time around, China’s recovery is again based on a large stimulus plan, coupled with measures to control the virus so that work and other economic activities can resume. But much of the spending so far has come from the public sector rather than private enterprise. Moreover, recent figures show that China’s post-COVID rebound has been led by investments in infrastructure and housing, whereas consumption growth has been sluggish and nowhere near the pre-crisis trend.", "zh": "中国的复苏形态 发自北京—在2020年春季遭受了新型冠状病毒疫情冲击后，中国经济就一直在复苏之路上迈进。 投资，制造业活动和消费的负增长已逆转为正数，包括出口在内的一些指标甚至超出了预期，在今年第三季度实现了超过10％的增长。 一个经济体从经济冲击中复苏的方式决定了其复苏的稳健性。 2009年全球金融危机爆发后中国政府出台的4万亿元人民币（折合6050亿美元）经济刺激计划助长了一波信贷热潮，导致影子银行业大幅扩张并将债务推高了相当危险的水平。 可以肯定的是，中国的整体应对方式挽救了本国经济并维持了惊人的增长率。 但随着投资大量涌入基础设施项目，房地产以及大型国有企业的资产负债表，它所造成的经济扭曲甚至比危机前更为严重，导致随后十年的总体生产率增长一直遭到压抑。 这一回中国的复苏依然是基于一项大型刺激计划，并结合病毒控制措施以恢复工作和其他经济活动，但目前为止大部分支出都来自公共部门而非私人企业。 此外最近发布的数据显示中国在新冠疫情之后的反弹主要是由对基础设施和住房投资带动的，然而消费增长却不见起色，与危机前的趋势相去甚远。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Chinese grow up with the idea – not wholly wrong – that China was deeply humiliated by foreigners for more than a hundred years, especially during the nineteenth-century Opium Wars and the brutal Japanese invasions. Only a strong China, under the firm leadership of the Communist Party, can protect its people from future depredations. In Russia, Putin, too, is manipulating old grievances and a traditional sense that the wicked West is bent on undermining Russian unity and destroying its soul. As is true of China’s leaders, Putin accuses the West of ganging up on Russia. One can call this paranoia, but it is not completely irrational. After all, both Russia and China are surrounded by countries allied to the US. And, by pushing NATO as far as the Russian borders, the West has hardly been sensitive to Russian security concerns. The problem with nationalism based on resentment is that it impedes diplomacy, which is based on give and take. Criticism is quickly seen as a sign of hostility or disrespect. Unwelcome moves by American or Japanese politicians are officially branded as “insults to the people.” Of course, much of this is intended for domestic consumption – a way to mobilize public opinion behind authoritarian rulers. But these powerful autocracies’ resentful nationalism still makes them harder to deal with than their more brutal, but less unpredictable, Communist predecessors. Given that military confrontation would be extremely dangerous, the best formula might still be the one framed by the US diplomat George Kennan in 1947. If China and Russia cannot be treated as friends, conflict can be managed by recognizing their different interests, by constant vigilance, and by maintaining the strength of our own democratic institutions. If, pace Obama, we are at the start of a new Cold War, so be it. The whole point of the Cold War was to ensure that a hot one would be prevented.", "zh": "中国人从小的想法（这些想法并不完全错误）是一百多年来中国深受外国人的羞辱，尤其是十九世纪的​​鸦片战争和残暴的日军侵略。 只有共产党领导的强大的中国才能保护民众免遭未来的劫掠。 俄国总统普京也充分利用过去的不满和邪恶西方着意破坏俄罗斯团结、毁灭俄国人灵魂的传统思维。 和中国领导人一样，普京指责西方勾结起来遏制俄罗斯。 你可以把这归结为偏执妄想，但它确有其合理之处。 毕竟，俄罗斯和中国周围都是美国的盟国。 而且西方把北约扩展至俄罗斯边界的时候，几乎丝毫没有考虑俄罗斯对安全问题的忧虑。 民族主义怨恨的问题是它阻碍了以互谅互让的外交手段解决问题。 批评很快会被视作敌意或不尊重的标志。 美日政治家不受欢迎的举动被正式冠以“对民众的侮辱”而被嗤之以鼻。 当然，这在很大程度上意在国内消费 — — 用于调动专制统治者背后的民意。 但这些强大专制国家充满愤怒的民族主义还是比更残酷、但预知性更强的共产主义前辈更难处理。 鉴于军事对抗的极度危险性，美国外交官乔治·凯南提出的方案可能依然是最好的解决办法。 如果我们不能将中俄两国视为朋友，那么至少可以通过承认他们的不同利益、保持警惕和保持我们自身民主制度的力量实现对冲突进行管理。 如果正在开始一场新的冷战，那我们必须接受这一事实。 冷战的全部意义在于避免爆发真正的战争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If support is not widespread, the tax, even if imposed, will not last. When taxes on high incomes are raised, usually in wartime, it turns out to be only temporary. Ultimately, it seems natural to most people that taxing successful people to benefit unsuccessful people is demeaning to the latter, and even the recipients of the handout often do not really want it. Politicians know that: they usually do not campaign on proposals to confiscate high incomes and pad low incomes. So, taxes must be reframed to remedy income inequality induced by robotization. It may be more politically acceptable, and thus sustainable, to tax the robots rather than just the high-income people. And while this would not tax individual human success, as income taxes do, it might in fact imply somewhat higher taxes on higher incomes, if high incomes are earned in activities that involve replacing humans with robots. A moderate tax on robots, even a temporary tax that merely slows the adoption of disruptive technology, seems a natural component of a policy to address rising inequality. Revenue could be targeted toward wage insurance, to help people replaced by new technology make the transition to a different career. This would accord with our natural sense of justice, and thus be likely to endure.", "zh": "而如果一项税收得不到广泛支持，即使实施也难以长久。 当针对高收入者的税收（通常在战时）被提高时，也只是暂时的。 最终，大多数人会自然而然地认为对成功人士征税来补助那些平凡的人是在贬低后者，即便是受援助者通常也不希望伸手要钱。 政治家也明白这一点：他们在竞选时通常不会鼓吹要没收高收入者资产来补贴低收入者。 因此，税制必须重组以弥补机器人所引发的收入不平等。 对机器人而不仅仅是高收入人士征税可能在政治上更容易接受，从而也是可持续的。 虽然这不是像所得税一样对个人所取得的成就征税，但实际上这可能意味着对更高收入的更高税收，如果这些高收入是在涉及用机器人取代人类的活动中所取得的话。 对机器人的适度税收，即便是仅仅减缓这类破坏性技术推广的临时税，似乎是一项旨在解决日益严重不平等现象的政策的天然组件。 其收入可以投入工资保险，帮助那些被新技术取代的人们，并使之得过渡到不同的职业。 这符合我们自然的正义感，因此人们也更能容忍这类税项。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Earlier this year, the World Bank announced plans to provide $22.5 billion for climate adaptation and mitigation in Africa for 2021-25. The African Development Bank, for its part, recently invested $25 million in a renewable-energy equity fund that plans to add 533MW of installed energy-generation capacity in Sub-Saharan Africa. This initial public investment is expected to mobilize an additional $60-75 million from private investors. But, if a country hopes to be a recipient of that private investment, it must have strong energy planning and an effective regulatory regime, which is crucial to functioning clean-energy markets and the emergence of project pipelines. That is why African countries must integrate climate action into all their economic and development planning. To this end, a coalition of African countries, supported by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the New Climate Economy, is working to facilitate meaningful, coordinated action that puts the entire continent on a more inclusive and sustainable growth path. Partnerships with national finance and planning ministers, relevant development-finance institutions, and the private sector will support this process. Overcoming the formidable challenge that climate change poses to Africa will depend on moments of collective focus and clarity. The UN secretary-general’s climate summit next month should be just such a moment, with countries committing to step up their emissions-reduction targets under the 2015 Paris climate agreement, so as to reach net-zero emissions by mid-century. Given their heightened vulnerability, African countries have every incentive to set the bar high, thereby putting pressure on others to ramp up their own contributions.", "zh": "今年早些时候，世界银行宣布计划在2021—2025年间为非洲提供225美元用于气候适应和移民。 非洲开发银行最近向一家可再生能源股权基金投资 2 500万美元，计划为撒哈拉以南非洲地区增加533百万瓦装机容量。 这项由公共资金发起的投资预计能够从私人投资者手中再动员6 000—7 500万美元。 但是，如果一国想要得到私人投资，就必须有强大的能源规划和有效的监管机制，这对于正常运转的清洁能源市场以及项目渠道的出现至关重要。 因此，非洲国家必须将气候行动整合到经济和发展的全面规划中。 在这方面，一个由非洲国家组成的联盟，在联合国非洲经济委员会和新气候经济计划的支持下，正致力于促进有意义的协作，促使整个非洲走上更加包容、更加可持续的增长道路。 与国家财政和计划部长、相关开发融资机构，以及私人部门的合作将支持这一进程。 克服气候变化给非洲造成的严峻挑战取决于集体聚焦和清晰度时刻。 下个月的联合国秘书长气候峰会应该便是这类时刻之一，各国将承诺提高2015年巴黎气候协定的减排目标，从而在本世纪中叶实现近零排放。 非洲国家是非常脆弱的，因此它们有很强的激励制定高标准，施压其他国家提高自己的贡献。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Path to Altruism SHECHEN, NEPAL – “Cooperation,” the Harvard University biologist Martin Nowak has written, is “the architect of creativity throughout evolution, from cells to multicellular creatures to anthills to villages to cities.” As mankind now tries to solve new, global challenges, we must also find new ways to cooperate. The basis for this cooperation must be altruism. The desire to help others without consideration for ourselves is not just a noble ideal. Selflessness raises the quality and elevates the meaning of our lives, and that of our descendants; in fact, our very survival may even depend on it. We must have the insight to recognize this, and the audacity to say so. Humanity faces three monumental challenges: ensuring everyone decent living conditions, improving life satisfaction, and protecting our planet. Traditional cost-benefit analysis struggles to reconcile these demands, because they span different time frames. We worry about the state of the economy from year to year; but we consider our happiness over the course of a lifetime, while our concern for the environment will mainly benefit future generations. But an altruistic approach requires few trade-offs. A considerate investor will never speculate recklessly with his clients’ life savings, despite the potential gain for himself. A caring citizen will always think first how his actions affect his community. A selfless generation will exercise care with the planet, precisely in order to leave a livable world to its children. Altruism makes us all better off. This vision of the world may seem idealistic. After all, psychology, economics, and evolutionary biology have often claimed that humans share an essentially selfish nature. But research over the past 30 years indicates that true altruism does exist and can extend beyond kin and community to encompass the welfare of humans generally – and that of other species. Moreover, the altruist does not have to suffer for his good deeds; on the contrary, he often benefits indirectly from them, while the selfish actor often creates misery for himself as well as others. Studies have also shown that an individual can learn to be altruistic. Neuroscientists have identified three components of altruism that anyone can develop as acquired skills: empathy (understanding and sharing the feelings of another), loving kindness (the wish to spread happiness), and compassion (a desire to relieve the suffering of another).", "zh": "通往利他主义之路 尼泊尔雪谦寺 — — 哈佛大学生物学家马丁·诺瓦克写道 ， “ 合作是进化过程中创造力的源泉，从细胞、多细胞生物、蚁丘、村庄到城市莫不如此 。 ” 人类在力求迎接全球新挑战的同时，必须找到新的合作方式。 利他主义必须是合作的基础。 愿意无私向他人伸出援手不仅是一种崇高的理想。 无私也提升了我们及子孙后代的生活品质和意义；事实上，无私或许甚至是生存的必要条件。 我们必须敏锐地意识到这一点，并且大胆地告诉世界。 人类面临着三项重要挑战：确保所有人拥有体面的生活条件、提高生活满意度和保护我们的地球。 传统的成本效益分析很难把上述要求统一到一起，因为它们分属于不同的时间框架。 我们担心每年的经济状况；我们关注自己终生的幸福，而我们对环境的忧虑则主要为子孙后代造福。 但利他主义原则需要进行取舍。 即使自己有可能从中受益，负责任的投资者也绝不会轻率地利用客户一生攒下的积蓄进行投机操作。 一位充满爱心的公民总是先想到自己的行为会对社会造成何种影响。 无私的一代会处处关爱地球，而这恰恰是为子孙后代留下一个宜居的世界。 利他主义让所有人都能更好地生活。 以这样的眼光来看待世界似乎过于理想化。 毕竟，心理学、经济学和进化生物学普遍认为人类的本性同样是自私的。 但过去30年的研究表明真正的利他行为确实存在，而且可以超越亲属和社区，涵盖人类甚至是其他物种的普遍福祉。 此外，利他主义者并不一定会因善举而受损；相反，在自私者为自己和他人带来痛苦的同时，利他主义者往往会间接受益于自己的善举。 研究还表明个人可以学会利他的行为方式。 神经学家已确定了利他主义的三个组成部分，每个人都可以通过学习来最终掌握：同理心（理解并分享他人的感受 ） 、 慈爱心（希望传播快乐）和同情心（希望减轻别人的痛苦 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In fact, we may have entered a period of fundamental change that could weaken growth everywhere, as the “old” shrinks before the “new” can occupy sufficient space. To be sure, the creative destruction that is taking place seems to be affecting developing-economy growth proportionately more than advanced-economy growth, largely because the new technologies are being put to work where they were invented, and developing countries have not yet managed sufficient imitation. But I am not convinced that “catch-up” opportunities will remain diminished – not least because it will always be easier to imitate than to invent. In fact, it could be argued that new “leap-frogging” may become possible. As experience in the telecommunications sector shows, the ability to adopt new technologies without first having to dismantle old systems can enable rapid progress. The key to enabling continued convergence – even at a fairly rapid pace – is good political governance. Developing-country governments must implement policies aimed at managing the impending transformation, while maintaining social solidarity and cohesion. That is the challenge they must meet at this time of great disruption.", "zh": "事实上，我们可能已经进入了一个根本性变革时代 ， “ 旧”东西已经破坏而“新”东西尚未占据足够大的空间，所有国家的增长率都可能遭到削弱。 平心而论，正在发生的创造性破坏对发展中经济体的影响似乎相对来说大于发达经济体，这主要是因为，新技术正在发明它们的地方启用，而发展中国家尚无法进行足够的模仿。 但我不确定“赶超”机会会一直减少下去 — — 因为模仿总是比发明容易。 事实上，可以说，新的“蛙跳”会成为可能。 通讯业的经验表明，在不必破坏旧体系的情况下采取新技术的能力可以带来快速进步。 （甚至以相当快的速度）带来持续趋同的关键是良好的政治治理。 发展中国家政府必须实施旨在管理即将到来的转型的政策，同时保持社会团结和凝聚。 这是它们在大干扰时代所必须面对的挑战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "陈国权，清华大学经济管理学院教授、博士生导师，国家杰出青年科学基金项目获得者，教育部长江学者特聘教授，领导力与组织管理系系副主任。 陈国权1985年考入清华大学，1994年获博士学位，2001年晋升为教授，2003年晋升为博士生导师，为当时清华大学最年轻的教授和博士生导师之一。 陈国权教授为各类研究生、 EMBA、MBA和企业高级管理培训学员讲授组织行为学、领导力开发、时空领导力等课程。 陈国权教授作为第一负责人主持1项国家杰出青年科学基金项目、1项国家自然科学基金创新研究群体项目、3项国家高技术研究发展（863）计划项目、4项自然科学基金面上项目、2项教育部项目和多项企业咨询课题，发表国内外重要期刊论文 60余篇和若干本教材专著。", "en": "Guoquan Chen is a Professor and Ph.D. Supervisor at the School of Economics and Management, Tsinghua University. He was awarded with National Outstanding Youth Fund Project and was employed as a Distinguished Professor of the Yangtze River Scholars of the Ministry of Education. And he also serves as the Vice Director of the Department of Leadership and Organization Management. Chen was admitted into Tsinghua University for undergraduate study and received his Ph.D. in 1994. In the year of 2001, he was promoted to Professor and promoted to Doctoral Supervisor 2 years later, at the time of which he was one of the youngest professors and doctoral supervisors at Tsinghua University. Professor. Chen teaches organizational behavior, leadership development, leadership & team management courses for graduate, EMBA, MBA, and EDP students. As directors, Professor Chen has been in charge of one National Distinguished Young Scholar Science Foundation project, one National Natural Science Foundation of China's Innovative Research Group Project, three projects sponsored by National High Technology Research and Development Program (863 Program), four general projects sponsored by Natural Science Foundation of China, two projects sponsored by Ministry of Education and several management consulting projects for companies. And he has also published over 60 papers in both international and Chinese journals as well as several textbooks and monographs."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "水及海水资源利用设备制造，主要包括建筑装饰及水暖管道零件制造、阀门和旋塞制造、机械化农业及园艺机具制造、水资源专用机械制造、海洋工程装备制造、供应用仪器仪表制造等。建筑装饰及水暖管道零件制造，主要包括节水淋浴喷头。阀门和旋塞制造，主要包括节水阀门、节水水龙头。机械化农业及园艺机具制造，主要包括节水型喷灌机械设备、农业节水型灌溉机械、灌溉系统。水资源专用机械制造，主要包括工业节水专用设备、节水工程专用设备、其他专业节水设备、工业废水处理及再生水回用装置、矿井水利用和净化装置、苦咸水综合利用设施、雨水收集利用与回渗技术与装置、利用可再生能源进行海水淡化的装备、浓盐水综合利用装备、浓盐水浓缩洁净零排放装备、饮用水强化处理装置、饮用水高效安全消毒装置、管网水质稳定装置、直饮水净化装置、城镇再生水利用的技术设备、农村饮用水除氟装置、海水污染物与废弃物快速分离设备、海水污染物与废弃物快速回收设备。", "en": "The manufacturing of water and seawater resource utilization equipment mainly includes the manufacturing of building decoration and plumbing pipe parts, valve and plug manufacturing, mechanized agriculture and horticultural machinery manufacturing, water resource-specific machinery manufacturing, marine engineering equipment manufacturing, and supply of instruments and meters for application. The manufacturing of building decoration and plumbing pipe parts mainly includes water-saving showerheads. The manufacturing of valves and plugs mainly includes water-saving valves and water-saving faucets. The manufacturing of mechanized agriculture and horticultural machinery mainly includes water-saving sprinkler machinery and equipment, agricultural water-saving irrigation machinery, and irrigation systems. The manufacturing of water resource-specific machinery mainly includes industrial water-saving special equipment, water-saving engineering special equipment, other professional water-saving equipment, industrial wastewater treatment and recycled water reuse devices, mine water utilization and purification devices, comprehensive utilization facilities for brackish water, rainwater collection and utilization, infiltration technology and devices, equipment for seawater desalination using renewable energy, comprehensive utilization equipment for concentrated brine, concentrated brine concentration clean zero-emission equipment, enhanced treatment devices for drinking water, efficient and safe disinfection devices for drinking water, stable water quality devices for pipeline networks, purified drinking water devices, technical equipment for urban recycled water utilization, fluoride removal devices for rural drinking water, rapid separation equipment for seawater pollutants and waste, and rapid recovery equipment for seawater pollutants and waste."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The biggest and most frightening setback occurred in India, where a democratically elected Narendra Modi is creating a Hindu nationalist state, imposing punitive measures on Kashmir, a semi-autonomous Muslim region, and threatening to deprive millions of Muslims of citizenship. In Latin America, a humanitarian catastrophe continues to unfold. By the beginning of this year, almost five million Venezuelans had emigrated, causing tremendous disruption in neighboring countries. In neighboring Brazil, President Jair Bolsonaro has failed to prevent the destruction of the Amazon rainforest by those seeking to open it up for cattle ranching. In a further blow, the United Nations climate conference in Madrid broke up without reaching any meaningful agreement. To top it all off, North Korea’s Kim Jong-un threatened the US with its nuclear capabilities in his New Year’s speech, and US President Donald Trump’s impetuous decision to assassinate Iran’s second-highest-ranking official heightened the risk of a conflagration in the Middle East. The problem of North Korea is of course tied to an even larger problem: the deteriorating relationship between the US and China. Sino-American ties have become exceedingly complicated and difficult to understand, but the interaction between the two presidents, Trump and Xi Jinping, provides a useful clue. Both face internal constraints and various enemies. Both try to extend the powers of their office to its limit and beyond. While they have found some mutually beneficial reasons to cooperate, their motivations are completely different. Trump is a con man and narcissist who wants the world to revolve around him.", "zh": "其中最大规模也最骇人听闻的倒退事件发生在印度，由民主选举产生的纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）政权正尝试建立一个印度教民族主义国家，不但对克什米尔这个半自治穆斯林地区施以各项惩罚措施，还威胁要剥夺数百万穆斯林的公民身份。 在拉丁美洲，人道主义灾难继续蔓延。 截至今年年初已有约有500万委内瑞拉人逃离该国，给周边各邻国带来了极大困扰。 而在邻国巴西，总统雅伊尔·博索纳罗（Jair Bolsonaro）无力阻止畜牧业者对雨林的破坏。 更糟糕的是在马德里举行的联合国气候会议最终破裂，未能达成任何有意义的协议。 但最恶劣的莫过于金正恩在其新年演讲中用其核能力威胁美国，而特朗普击杀伊朗二号领导人的鲁莽决定则加剧了中东陷入战火的风险。 朝鲜问题显然会与另一个更为宏大的问题相关，那就是不断恶化的中美关系。 中美关系正变得异常复杂且难以理解，但特朗普和习近平这两位首脑之间的互动可以为我们提供一些有用的线索。 他们两人都面临着内部掣肘和各种敌对势力，也都试图将其政府权力扩张到极限甚至突破之。 尽管他们有一些互利互惠的理由去开展合作，但两者的动机却截然不同。 特朗普是一个信口开河的骗子，同时也是一个极端自恋者，希望整个世界都围着他转。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One Crisis, One World GENEVA – As recession spreads around the world, the global production networks that arose with the globalization of the world economy have become sources of cutbacks and job losses. Postponing purchases of new winter coats in the United States means job losses in Poland or China. These losses then translate into reduced demand for American or German machine tools. Unemployment and reduced sales then feed back into new losses in banks’ loan portfolios, further weakening the battered financial sector. As a result, anxiety, hopelessness, and anger are spreading, as what was a financial crisis becomes an economic and human crisis. Unchecked, it could become a security crisis. Trying to rescue the financial sector without supporting a recovery in terms of businesses, jobs, and family purchasing power will not work. What is needed is a large worldwide fiscal stimulus to counteract falling private demand. Different countries’ capacity to act depends on their indebtedness, foreign exchange reserves, and current-account deficits. Germany and China can do more than others. The US can do a lot, in part because of the dollar’s status as the main international reserve currency. Low interest rates mean that the additional debt burdens that public borrowing will create can remain manageable. Moreover, if the stimulus succeeds and leads to an early recovery, the additional income gained may more than offset the increase in debt. Given the collapse of commodity prices and excess production capacities, there is no short-term inflation danger, even if part of the stimulus is financed directly by central banks.", "zh": "同一场危机，同一个世界 日内瓦 - - 在衰退波及全球之际，在世界经济全球化时代崛起的全球生产网络也遭受削减和失业。 美国人推迟购买冬天大衣就意味着波兰或中国工人的失业。 这些失业就会导致对美国或者德国机械工具需求的减少。 失业和销售下降最后转回到银行贷款组合的损失，进一步削弱受到打击的金融行业。 结果，人们的担忧、无望以及愤怒波及开来，原本一场金融危机变成了经济和人力危机。 如果不加以限制，就会成为一场安全危机。 试图不通过支持企业、就业以及家庭购买力的复苏来拯救金融行业是行不通的。 现在所需要的是世界范围内大规模的财政刺激来抵消不断下降的私营企业需求。 不同国家采取行动的能力取决于各自的负债情况、外汇储备以及经常项目赤字。 德国和中国可以做的比别人多。 美国可以大有作为，部分是由于美元作为国际主要储备货币的地位。 低利率意味着公共借贷产生的额外债务负担可以保持在可以管理的水平上。 而且，如果经济刺激成功并且促成早期复苏，由于得到的额外收入或许会抵消债务增加。 由于基本商品价格暴跌和过剩的产能，即使中央银行直接为部分经济刺激计划提供资金，因此近期通货膨胀危险并不存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他有意无意地选取城市中那些散发着蛮荒气息的角落，如公园中干涸的湖底、建筑工地上翻出的新土、钻出水泥缝隙的野草等。为了消除背景上城市的俗艳色彩，他只使用黑白胶片，没想到竟自成一派，渐渐小有名气，作品入选了两次大影展，还加入了摄影家协会。每次出去拍摄，他就这样骑着自行车在城市里随意乱转，捕捉着灵感和他需要的构图，有时一转就是一整天。今天，汪淼的感觉有些异样。他的摄影以古典风格的沉稳凝重见长，但今天，他很难再找到创造这种构图所需要的稳定感，在他的感觉中，这座正在晨曦中苏醒的城市似乎建立在流沙上，它的稳定是虚幻的。在刚过去的那一夜，那两颗台球一直占据着他长长的梦境，它在黑色的空间中无规则地乱飞，在黑色的背景一卜．黑球看不见，它只有在偶尔遮挡白球时才显示一下自己的存在。", "en": "Consciously or subconsciously, he usually chose corners of the city that held some aspect of the wild: a dried lakebed in a park, the freshly turned soil of a construction site, a weed struggling out of cracks in cement. In order to eliminate the busy colors of the city in the back-ground, he only used black-and-white film. Unexpectedly, he had developed his own style and had gained some notice. His works had been selected for two exhibitions, and he was a member of the Photographers Association. Every time he went out to take pictures, he would ride his bike and wander around the city in search of inspiration and compositions that caught his fancy. Often he would be out all day.Today, Wang felt strange. His photography style tended toward the classical, calm and dignified. But today he could not seem to get in the mood necessary for such compositions. In his mind, the city, as it awoke from its slumber, seemed to be built on quicksand. The stability was illusory. All night long, he had dreamt of those two billiard balls. They flew around a dark space without any pattern, the black one disappearing against the black background and only revealing its existence occasionally when it obscured the white ball."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第100章 新车 “父亲，这个组织您可以猜出它的来历吗？”大卫对神秘的组织还是非常不放心，他向汉斯问道。 “大卫，你知道‘不老圣水’的来历吗？”汉斯并没有直接回答，而是反问道。 他轻轻把玩着装有‘不老圣水’的试管，眼中却是有着寒光闪动。 “父亲，您知道？”大卫精神一震，连忙问道。 组织如此重视‘不老圣水’，这‘不老圣水’必然是组织掌握的一种特殊资源，汉斯知道‘不老圣水’的来历，那么组织的来历自是可以猜测出来。 “‘不老圣水’并不是联邦的出品，而是来自于神属大世界，并且是神属大世界的特产，至于如何生产出来的，我并不知道。”汉斯解释道。 “这组织可以得到‘不老圣水’，那么会不会与神属大世界有关联？”大卫又接着问道。 “虽然‘不老圣水’是神属大世界的特产，但在战星联邦的一些强者与神属大世界的强者也有交情，也会换取一些‘不老圣水’，所以单是这点‘不老圣水’就认定组织与神属大世界有关，就有些牵强了！”汉斯摇头说道。", "en": "Chapter 100: New Car \"Father, can you guess the origin of this organization?\" David was still very uneasy about the mysterious organization. He asked Hans. \"David, do you know the origin of the holy water of immortality?\" Instead of answering directly, Hans asked. He was playing with the test tube containing the \"holy water of immortality\", but there was a cold light in his eyes. \"Father, do you know?\" David was so excited that he asked in a hurry. The organization attaches so much importance to the \"holy water of immortality\", which must be a special resource mastered by the organization. Hans knows the origin of the \"holy water of immortality\", so the origin of the organization can be guessed. \"The holy water of immortality\" is not a product of the Federation, but a specialty of the great world of God. As for how to produce it, I don't know. \" Hans explained. \"If this organization can get the\" holy water of immortality \", will it have something to do with God's great world David asked again. \"Although the\" immortal holy water \"is a specialty of God's big world, some powerful people in the warstar Federation also have friendship with the strong ones of God's big world, and they will also exchange some\" immortal holy water \". Therefore, it is far fetched to conclude that the organization has something to do with God's great world alone.\" Said Hans, shaking his head."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "单表义和邱绍群似乎接到了暗号，迅速闪身将殿门一关。 宋扶闻声一惊，迅速回头，却见杀神般的阎修一双板斧已经怒劈而来。 宋扶迅速拔出随身佩剑，一道寒光出鞘，迅速丁零当啷抵挡。 单表义和邱绍群几乎也在瞬间挺枪而出，联手围攻宋扶。 阎修和宋扶的修为差不多，两人本就势均力敌，再加上单表义和邱绍群联手加入，宋扶的形势瞬间变得岌岌可危。 “无耻贼子！” “安敢谋害……” 被包围之下，无法脱身，堪堪挥剑和阎修拼命相持在一起的宋扶悲声怒吼还没喊完，便被拼命穿刺而来的两支枪刺穿了法力防御，狠狠扎进了胸膛。 宋扶瞪大了双眼努力回头看向苗毅，哆嗦着嘴唇，眼中的愤怒无法形容。 他终于明白了这是个圈套，山门牌坊倒塌不但是要栽赃到他身上，而且还要把他的同门给调离开，为免他联合同门反抗，主要目的就是要他的命。", "en": "Dan Biaoyi and Qiu Shaoqun, as though receiving a signal, quickly moved to close the doors to the hall. Song Fu was shocked upon hearing this, and he quickly turned around, only to find Yan Xiu already angrily swinging forth his broad axes like a reaper. Song Fu quickly pulled out the sword he always carried, a cold gleam dashed out from the scabbard, a cling-clang as he hastily blocked. Dan Biaoyi and Qiu Shaoqun also immediately thrust their spears out, attacking Song Fu in unison. Yan Xiu and Song Fu’s cultivation base was pretty much equal, so the two of them were matched in the first place, but with the addition of Dan Biaoyi and Qiu Shaoqun into the fray, Song Fu’s circumstances immediately became precarious. “Shameless thief!” “To dare frame—” Being surrounded and unable to escape, Song Fu, who could only wave his sword to desperately come to a draw with Yan Xiu, had not even finished bellowing, before two frantically thrusting spears pierced through his transcendence protection, brutally stabbing his chest. Song Fu’s eyes widened as he desperately turned his head to look at Miao Yi, his lips trembling—the hatred in his eyes was indescribable. He finally understood that this was a plot, the mountain memorial archway falling was not just to pin the blame on him, but also to separate him from his comrades and to prevent him from retaliating together with them—the main objective was to take his life."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要多管齐下提高脱贫质量，巩固脱贫成果。 要严把贫困退出关，严格执行退出的标准和程序，确保脱真贫、真脱贫。 要把防止返贫摆在重要位置，适时组织对脱贫人口开展“回头看”，对返贫人口和新发生贫困人口及时予以帮扶。 要探索建立稳定脱贫长效机制，强化产业扶贫，组织消费扶贫，加大培训力度，促进转移就业，让贫困群众有稳定的工作岗位。 要做好易地扶贫搬迁后续帮扶。要加强扶贫同扶志扶智相结合，让脱贫具有可持续的内生动力。 第五，稳定脱贫攻坚政策。 “胜非其难也，持之者其难也。” 今年上半年将累计有430多个贫困县宣布摘帽。 考核中发现，一些摘帽县去年以来出现松劲懈怠，有的撤摊子、歇歇脚，有的转移重心、更换频道，有的书记、县长希望动一动，一些已脱贫的群众收入不增甚至下降。 贫困县摘帽后，要继续完成剩余贫困人口脱贫任务，实现已脱贫人口的稳定脱贫。 贫困县党政正职要保持稳定，做到摘帽不摘责任；脱贫攻坚主要政策要继续执行，做到摘帽不摘政策；扶贫工作队不能撤，做到摘帽不摘帮扶；要把防止返贫放在重要位置，做到摘帽不摘监管。", "en": "Adopting a multi-layered approach, we must raise the quality of poverty alleviation and consolidate the results of our efforts in this regard. We must strictly control exits from poverty by rigorously enforcing relevant standards and procedures to ensure that poverty alleviation initiatives are genuinely effective and reach those who truly need help. We should prioritize the prevention of relapse into poverty, conduct timely follow-up checks on people lifted out of poverty, and offer prompt assistance to those relapsing into poverty as well as new cases of poverty. We should look into forming long-term mechanisms for people to steadily make their way out of poverty, including strengthening poverty alleviation by developing industries in poor areas and channeling consumer spending to these areas, enhancing relevant training, and promoting nonagricultural employment opportunities for the surplus rural workforce so that poor people can find stable jobs. We need to provide adequate follow-up support to people that have been relocated, and ensure that our poverty alleviation efforts help people build the confidence and capacity to pull themselves out of poverty so that the campaign is equipped with sustainable internal drive. Fifth, we must keep our poverty alleviation policies stable. As an old Chinese saying goes, “The most difficult part of a victory is not winning it, but rather sustaining it.” In the first half of this year, more than 430 poor counties will bid farewell to poverty. During the assessment process, it was found that some counties that had shaken off the designation of being poor have grown sluggish in their efforts since last year. Some have put their feet up and abandoned poverty alleviation projects, and some have shifted their focus elsewhere. Party committee secretaries and administrators in some counties have shown eagerness to be transferred to other posts, and some people that have been lifted out of poverty have seen their incomes stagnate or even decrease. After shaking off the designation of being poor, counties must continue to complete the task of lifting their remaining poor out of poverty, and keep those who have already been lifted out of poverty from falling back in. In these counties, Party and government leadership should remain stable with officials aware that they still bear responsibility, major poverty alleviation policies should remain in force so that they are followed through with, poverty alleviation teams should remain in place so that they continue to provide assistance, and oversight should be prioritized to prevent people from slipping back into poverty."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To get a sense of the magnitude of resources required, consider the recent estimate by Princeton University’s Ashoka Mody that Italy will need about $600-800 billion in external assistance to help it respond to its coronavirus calamity. And this is just the amount needed to combat one global public “bad” at one point in time in one relatively rich country. In a world of infinite resources and unbridled goodwill and generosity, donors could always ramp up financing of GPGs without reducing country lending. But in the real world, the envelope for giving is shrinking – meaning that distorted allocation incentives will have serious consequences. The message for the international donor community – not just traditional lenders such as the World Bank, but also emerging actors such as private foundations and China – is clear. The aid architecture needs a radical revamp so that massive amounts of money, possibly hundreds of billions of dollars annually, can be devoted to global public goods. By bringing practice into line with the evidence, the world could start addressing the massive challenges of the future in a serious way. Like today’s COVID-19 pandemic, these challenges will be devastatingly contemptuous of national borders and nativist governments.", "zh": "如果想大致了解一下所需的资源量级，可以参考一下普林斯顿大学客座教授阿舒卡·莫迪（Ashoka Mody）最近的估算，即意大利需要约6000~8000亿美元的外部援助来协助其应对新型冠状病毒灾情，而这仅仅是在一个相对富裕国家在某一时点抗击一个全球公共“坏产品”所需的金额。 如果我们这个世界拥有无限资源以及无穷无尽的慷慨善意，那么捐助者尚能在不减少国家贷款的情况下增加全球公共产品融资。 但在现实中捐赠的金额正在缩减，意味着这种扭曲的分配激励因素将带来严重的后果。 而这也给那些国际捐助者 — — 不仅是世界银行这类传统借贷方，还有私人基金会和中国这些新兴参与者 — — 传达了一个明确信息：我们需要对援助架构进行彻底改革以使每年几千亿美元的巨额资金可以被投入全球公益事业，而其中一部分钱必须通过减少现有国家贷款金额来筹集。 只有让实践与证据同步，世界才能着手认真应对即将到来的各项巨大挑战。 因为正如眼下的新型冠状病毒大流行一样，国界和那些只关注本国利益的政府在这些挑战面前连个屁都不是。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Market Manipulation Goes Global NEW HAVEN – Market manipulation has become standard operating procedure in policy circles around the world. All eyes are now on China’s attempts to cope with the collapse of a major equity bubble. But the efforts of Chinese authorities are hardly unique. The leading economies of the West are doing pretty much the same thing – just dressing up their manipulation in different clothes. Take quantitative easing, first used in Japan in the early 2000s, then in the United States after 2008, then in Japan again beginning in 2013, and now in Europe. In all of these cases, QE essentially has been an aggressive effort to manipulate asset prices. It works primarily through direct central-bank purchases of long-dated sovereign securities, thereby reducing long-term interest rates, which, in turn, makes equities more attractive. Whether the QE strain of market manipulation has accomplished its objective – to provide stimulus to crisis-torn, asset-dependent economies – is debatable: Current recoveries in the developed world, after all, have been unusually anemic. But that has not stopped the authorities from trying. In their defense, central banks make the unsubstantiated claim that things would have been much worse had they not pursued QE. But, with now-frothy manipulated asset markets posing new risks of financial instability, the jury is out on that point as well. China’s efforts at market manipulation are no less blatant. In response to a 31% plunge in the CSI 300 (a composite index of shares on the Shanghai and Shenzhen exchanges) from its June 12 peak, following a 145% surge in the preceding 12 months, Chinese regulators have moved aggressively to contain the damage. Official actions run the gamut, including a $480 billion government-supported equity-market backstop under the auspices of the China Securities Finance Corporation, a $19 billion pool from major domestic brokerages, and an open-ended promise by the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) to use its balance sheet to shore up equity prices. Moreover, trading was suspended for about 50% of listed securities (more than 1,400 of 2,800 stocks). Unlike the West’s QE-enabled market manipulation, which works circuitously through central-bank liquidity injections, the Chinese version is targeted more directly at the market in distress – in this case, equities.", "zh": "市场操纵全球化 纽黑文—市场操纵已经成为全世界政策圈的标准操作流程。 如今，所有人的目光都集中在中国如何处理股市大泡沫的破灭。 但中国当局的措施并不独特。 西方主要经济体无不做着同样的事情 — — 只不过用不同的外衣掩饰操纵之实而已。 以量化宽松为例。 先是本世纪初的日本，然后是2008年的美国，再然后是2013年日本再次动用量化宽松，现在则轮到了欧洲。 在所有这些例子中，量化宽松本质上都是操纵资产价格的大动作。 它主要通过央行直接购买长期主权债券、从而降低长期利率、反过来再让股票更有吸引力起作用。 以量化宽松的方式进行市场操纵是否完成了目标 — — 为饱受危机冲击、依赖资产的经济提供刺激 — — 仍有待争议：毕竟，目前发达世界的复苏相当萎靡。 但这并没有阻止当局继续尝试。 央行的辩解缺乏事实依据。 它们说，如果不采取量化宽松，情况还要糟糕得多。 但是，如今被操纵的资产市场出现了许多泡沫，带来了新的金融动荡风险，因此对于这一点也有待争议。 中国的市场操纵措施并不比发达国家更激进。 面对沪深300指数从6月12日的高点暴跌31%的情况（此前12个月上涨145 % ） ，中国监管者采取了大手笔措施遏制损失。 官方行动可谓火力全开，包括证金公司的4,800亿美元政府支持的救市资金、190亿美元国内主要券商资金池以及中国人民银行承诺无限期动用其资产负债表支持股价。 此外，大约50%的上市公司停牌（2,800家上市公司中的1,400多家 ） 。 与西方通过量化宽松进行市场操纵 — — 通过央行流动性注入间接操纵市场 — — 不同，中国的版本的目标更加直接 — — 处于危机中的市场，现在是股市。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On November 5th, 1990, a man named El-Sayyid Nosair walked into a hotel in Manhattan and assassinated Rabbi Meir Kahane, the leader of the Jewish Defense League. Nosair was initially found not guilty of the murder, but while serving time on lesser charges, he and other men began planning attacks on a dozen New York City landmarks, including tunnels, synagogues and the United Nations headquarters. Thankfully, those plans were foiled by an FBI informant. Sadly, the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center was not. I was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania in 1983 to him, an Egyptian engineer, and a loving American mother and grade school teacher, who together tried their best to create a happy childhood for me. It wasn't until I was seven years old that our family dynamic started to change. My father exposed me to a side of Islam that few people, including the majority of Muslims, get to see. However, in every religion, in every population, you'll find a small percentage of people who hold so fervently to their beliefs that they feel they must use any means necessary to make others live as they do. We arrived at Calverton Shooting Range, which unbeknownst to our group was being watched by the FBI. That day, the last bullet I shot hit the small orange light that sat on top of the target and to everyone's surprise, especially mine, the entire target burst into flames. They all seemed to get a really big laugh out of that comment, but it wasn't until a few years later that I fully understood what they thought was so funny. They thought they saw in me the same destruction my father was capable of. Those men would eventually be convicted of placing a van filled with 1,500 pounds of explosives into the sub-level parking lot of the World Trade Center's North Tower, causing an explosion that killed six people and injured over 1,000 others. These were the men I looked up to. These were the men I called ammu, which means uncle.", "zh": "1990 年 11 月 5 日， 一位名叫埃尔·塞伊德·诺塞尔的男子 走入曼哈顿的一间宾馆 刺杀了拉比梅厄‧卡赫纳， 犹太防卫联盟的首领。 诺塞尔一开始并未被指认参与谋杀， 但当他因小事入狱服刑期间， 他和一些人开始计划袭击 纽约市的一些地标， 包括隧道，犹太教会堂 和联合国总部。 谢天谢地，这些计划被 美国联邦调查局的线人挫败了。 不幸的是，1993 年 世贸中心的那场爆炸袭击却发生了。 我 1983 年出生在 宾夕法尼亚州的匹兹堡， 我的父亲是一位 埃及裔工程师， 我有个爱我的美国母亲， 她是一名小学老师， 他们尽最大的努力 为给我创造出欢乐的童年。 直到我 7 岁的时候 家庭氛围开始出现了变化。 我的父亲让我接触伊斯兰的一支 很少人见过，包括大部分的穆斯林， 都没见过的一个派别。 然而，所有宗教，所有群体， 你总能看到一小部分人 对他们的信仰太过狂热 以至于认为他们应该用各种方法 让其他人和他们过同样的生活。 我们来到凯佛顿射击场， 我们并不知道自己已经 被联邦调查局监视了。 那天，我射出的最后一颗子弹 打中了目标顶上的橙色亮光， 所有人都惊呆了，尤其是我， 整个目标版燃烧了。 他们当场开怀大笑起来， 几年后 我才了解他们大笑的原因， 他们以为我和我的父亲有着 同样的摧毁能力。 这群男人最终被指控 将满载 1500 磅重的 炸弹的厢式货车 停在世界贸易中心北塔的 地下停车场， 爆炸造成 6 人死亡， 同时致使超过 1000 人受伤。 这些是我曾经敬仰的人。 这些是我曾经称呼其为 ammu， 意为叔叔的人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China's Tech Regulators Strike Again HONG KONG – ByteDance, the parent company of the popular social-media platform TikTok, has a not-so-secret weapon. Its powerful algorithms are able to predict users’ preferences with precision and recommend content they actually want to see, thereby keeping them glued to their screens. But ByteDance may soon have to sheathe that weapon – or, at least, dull its blade. Internet-platform companies in China are facing a slew of new data regulations that could curtail the use of recommendation engines. For starters, the Personal Information Protection Law, which took effect this month, requires platforms to allow users to opt out of personalized content and targeted ads. But China may soon go much further. Its internet regulator, the Cyberspace Administration of China (CAC), recently issued new draft guidelines that entail a host of restrictions on the collection and processing of data and its transfer across borders. Notably, apps would have to obtain explicit consent from users before collecting or using data to make personalized recommendations. In other words, individuals would have to opt into personalization, rather than opting out of it, as is the current norm. This policy could go a long way toward eroding the business models of online platforms like Douyin (the version of TikTok used in China) and Taobao (an online-shopping platform owned by the Alibaba Group), with potentially far-reaching implications for future innovation in the Chinese tech sector. The reason is simple: many users, if asked, decide that personalization is not worth giving up their privacy. Asking makes all the difference. When Apple buried the option to refuse tracking by apps in its complicated privacy settings, only 25% of users took the time to find it and opt out. But when the company began prompting iPhone users with the opportunity to opt out of tracking, 84% took it. Apple’s new opt-out policy, which it introduced to its iPhone iOS last April, has been devastating for US tech firms such as Facebook, whose business models are built on the collection of user data and the sale of targeted ads. According to one estimate, Apple’s policy change cost Facebook, Snap, Twitter, and YouTube together nearly $10 billion in revenue – or 12% of the total – in the second half of 2021.", "zh": "中国监管机构再次出手，打击科技巨头 香港—字节跳动（抖音的母公司）有一个不那么秘密的武器：它强大的算法能够精确预测用户的偏好，并推荐他们真正想看的内容，让他们“机不离手 ” 。 但字节跳动可能很快就不得不给这一武器插上刀鞘 — — 或者至少让它的刀刃变钝。 中国互联网公司正面临着一系列新的数据监管规定，这些规定可能会限制推荐算法的使用。 首先，本月生效的《个人信息保护法》要求平台允许用户可以选择不接受个性化内容和广告推荐。 但中国有可能很快就会进一步采取行动。 国家网信办最近发布了新的指导方针草案，对数据的收集、处理以及跨境转移做出了一系列限制。 值得注意的是，应用程序在收集或使用数据进行个性化推荐之前必须要获得用户的明确同意。 换句话说，用户必须要主动选择个性化服务之后平台才可以开始投放内容，而不是像现在先直接推送，等用户明确取消了再停止投放。 这一政策可能会在很大程度上侵蚀抖音和淘宝等在线平台的商业模式，可能会对中国科技行业未来的创新产生深远影响。 其中的原因很简单：如果询问用户是否接受个性化推荐，许多用户会认为牺牲个人隐私来获取个性化推荐有些不值。 “询问”的环节让一切都变得不同。 当苹果公司在iPhone复杂的隐私设置中隐藏“拒绝应用跟踪”的选项时，只有25%的用户会花时间找到并开启这一选项。 但当苹果公司开始向iPhone用户提供“要求App不跟踪”的选项时，84%的用户点击了这一选项。 Facebook等美国科技公司的商业模式以收集用户数据和精准投放广告盈利为基础；但今年4月，苹果发布iOS 14.5，引入了新隐私政策，对这些公司产生了毁灭性打击。 据估计,苹果的隐私政策变化让Facebook、Snap、Twitter和YouTube四家公司在2021年下半年共遭受了近100亿美元的损失，占其总收入的12 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Stronger cooperation among Asian countries, together with the international community, could ease regional tensions and lead North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons programs. Some regional institutions have already been established, including the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), ASEAN+3 (the ten members of the ASEAN plus China, Japan, and South Korea) and the East Asia Summit (EAS). Such institutions will be critical to resolving conflicts and establishing a framework for peace that can support regional prosperity and global leadership. But that is only the first step. And whether Asian leaders share a common vision for regional integration remains unclear. Judging by Europe’s experience – from the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951 to the establishment of the European Union in 1993 – there is no need to rush the integration process. But it will take a lot of time and effort. Perhaps the best way to kick-start this process is to identify areas where the region can gain the most from integration, and take steps that will bring quick returns. For example, Asian countries can move toward a single market with common rules governing trade and free movement of workers, especially skilled ones. Launching the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a free-trade agreement currently being negotiated by ASEAN and six partners (Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea, and New Zealand), would be an important step in this direction. Given the vulnerability of cross-border capital flows, Asia must also pursue joint action on financial supervision, surveillance, and regulatory issues to prevent and manage crises.", "zh": "亚洲国家与国际社会加强合作可以缓解区域紧张局势，并令朝鲜放弃核武计划。 一些区域性架构，包括东南亚国家联盟（东盟 ） ， 东盟+3（东盟的十个成员加上中国，日本和韩国）和东亚峰会（EAS）都已经建立。 这类架构将对解决冲突并建立一个能够支持区域繁荣和全球领导的和平框架至关重要。 但这只是第一步，因为尚不能明确亚洲领导人是否拥有共同的区域一体化愿景。 根据欧洲的经验 — — 从1951年欧洲煤钢共同体成立到1993年欧洲联盟建立 — — 没有必要去匆忙推动整合，但这个过程确实要耗费极大的时间和精力。 也许启动这一进程的最好方法是确定该地区可以在那些领域中率先通过整合获益，并采取一些能带来快速回报的措施。 例如，亚洲国家可以走向单一市场，制定有关贸易和劳动者（特别是技术工人）自由流动的共同规则。 还有就是发起区域全面经济伙伴关系，目前由东盟及六个合作伙​​伴（澳大利亚，中国，印度，日本，韩国和新西兰）正在谈判的自由贸易协定将是朝这个方向迈出的重要一步。 鉴于跨境资本流动的脆弱性，亚洲还必须在金融监查，监督和监管问题上采取联合行动以预防和管理危机。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The panels had opened, and I could see a completely white sea around the Nautilus. Steaming sulfurous fumes uncoiled in the midst of waves bubbling like water in a boiler. I leaned my hand against one of the windows, but the heat was so great, I had to snatch it back. “Where are we?” I asked. “Near the island of Santorini, professor,” the captain answered me, “and right in the channel that separates the volcanic islets of Nea Kameni and Palea Kameni. I wanted to offer you the unusual sight of an underwater eruption.” “I thought,” I said, “that the formation of such new islands had come to an end.” “Nothing ever comes to an end in these volcanic waterways,” Captain Nemo replied, “and thanks to its underground fires, our globe is continuously under construction in these regions. According to the Latin historians Cassiodorus and Pliny, by the year 19 of the Christian era, a new island, the divine Thera, had already appeared in the very place these islets have more recently formed. Then Thera sank under the waves, only to rise and sink once more in the year 69 A.D. From that day to this, such plutonic construction work has been in abeyance. But on February 3, 1866, a new islet named George Island emerged in the midst of sulfurous steam near Nea Kameni and was fused to it on the 6th of the same month.", "zh": "嵌板打开，我看见诺第留斯号周围的海完全是白的。一阵硫磺质的水蒸气在水流中间升起，水流像火锅中的水一般沸腾。我把手放在一块玻璃上，但热得厉害，我赶快把手缩回来。 “我们现在在什么地方？”我问。 “教授，”船长回答我说，“我们现在在桑多休岛附近，就是在把尼亚一加孟宜小岛和巴列亚一加孟宜小岛分开的那条水道中。我是想给您看一看海底喷火的新奇景象。” “我原以为，”我说，“这些新岛屿的形成早就停止了。” “在火山区域的海中没有什么是停止的，”尼摩船长回答，“地球也老是受地下火力的煎熬。根据嘉西奥多尔①和蒲林尼的话，公元19年，已经有一个新岛，名字叫铁那女神，在新近形成的那些小岛地位上出现。不久这岛沉下去，到公元69年又浮出来，以后又沉下去一次。白那个时期后直到现在，海中的浮沉工作停止了。但是，1866年2月3日，一个新的小岛，名为佐治岛，在硫磺质的水蒸气中间，近尼亚一加孟宜小岛的地方浮出来了，同月6日，它同尼亚一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As the historian Adam Tooze has argued, transitory inflation calls for a restrained response, whether through regulation or monetary policy. The best argument against price controls is not that they are “incompatible with science” but that nothing so radical needs to be considered for now. The same caution would apply to orthodox policy as well: central banks should be patient before raising interest rates. What about Erdoğan’s continued insistence that high inflation is the result rather than the cause of high interest rates? The validity of his argument has always been in doubt, given that Turkey’s macroeconomic imbalances are legion and have been building up for quite some time. Even when an argument cannot be settled beforehand, facts eventually allow us to distinguish among theories that do and do not make sense in a given place. In Turkey’s case, the evidence that has accumulated since policymakers embarked on Erdoğan’s experiment speaks loudly and clearly. In particular, despite the lowering of the Turkish central bank’s policy rate – the interest rate that the monetary authorities control directly – market interest rates have continued to rise. Depositors and savers have demanded higher rates, driving up the price of credit for borrowers. This undermines the argument that lower policy rates could effectively reduce production costs for firms. It indicates that the rise in interest rates reflects more fundamental problems with the economy, uncertainty about the conduct of economic policy, and higher inflation expectations for the future. Sometimes, as in Turkey’s case, the orthodox economic argument is indeed the correct one. Experiments that depart from conventional policy can be costly. But this does not mean that there are universal rules in economics or that the prevailing view among mainstream economists should determine policy. Otherwise, some of the most important policy innovations in history – think of the New Deal in the US or industrial policy in post-World War II East Asia – would never have occurred. In fact, today’s dominant monetary policy framework, inflation targeting, is itself a product of the peculiar political and economic circumstances that prevailed in New Zealand during the 1980s. It sat uncomfortably with the theory of monetary policy of the time. Economists should be humble when they recommend (or dismiss) various inflation-fighting strategies.", "zh": "历史学家亚当·图兹 (Adam Tooze) 指出，短暂的通胀需要克制的反应，无论是通过监管还是货币政策。 反对价格管控的最佳论据不是它们“与科学不相容 ” ， 而是目前不需要考虑如此激进的事情。 同样的谨慎也适用于正统政策：央行在加息之前应该保持耐心。 那么，埃尔多安坚持高通胀是高利率的结果而不是高利率的原因呢？ 鉴于土耳其的宏观经济失衡严重且已经持续了相当长一段时间，他的论点的有效性一直受到质疑。 即使无法事先解决争论，事实终将让我们区分给定之处有用和没用的理论。 就土耳其而言，自政策制定者落实埃尔多安实验以来所积累的证据清晰而响亮。 特别是，尽管土耳其央行的政策利率（货币当局直接控制的利率）降低了，但市场利率仍在继续上升。 存款人和储户要求更高的利率，推高了借款人的信贷价格。 这破坏了降低政策利率可以有效降低企业生产成本的论点。 这表明利率上升更多地反映的是经济基本面问题、经济政策实施的不确定性以及对更高的未来通胀预期。 有时，就像土耳其的情况一样，正统的经济论点确实是正确的。 偏离传统政策的实验可能代价高昂。 但这并不意味着经济学有放之四海而皆准的规则，也不意味着主流经济学家的主流观点应该决定政策。 否则，历史上一些最重要的政策创新 — — 想想美国的罗斯福新政或东亚的二战后产业政策 — — 将永远不会发生。 事实上，今天的主导货币政策框架，即通胀目标，其本身便是1980年代发生在新西兰的特殊的政治经济环境的产物。 它与当时的货币政策理论也格格不入。 经济学家在建议（或反驳）不同通胀应对策略时应保持谦卑的态度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile the Nautilus’s speed had increased appreciably. So it was gathering momentum. Its entire hull was vibrating. Suddenly I let out a yell. There had been a collision, but it was comparatively mild. I could feel the penetrating force of the steel spur. I could hear scratchings and scrapings. Carried away with its driving power, the Nautilus had passed through the vessel’s mass like a sailmaker’s needle through canvas! I couldn’t hold still. Frantic, going insane, I leaped out of my stateroom and rushed into the lounge. Captain Nemo was there. Mute, gloomy, implacable, he was staring through the port panel. An enormous mass was sinking beneath the waters, and the Nautilus, missing none of its death throes, was descending into the depths with it. Ten meters away, I could see its gaping hull, into which water was rushing with a sound of thunder, then its double rows of cannons and railings. Its deck was covered with dark, quivering shadows. The water was rising. Those poor men leaped up into the shrouds, clung to the masts, writhed beneath the waters. It was a human anthill that an invading sea had caught by surprise!", "zh": "可是，诺第留斯号的速度显然增大了。它现在采取的是前进的速度：它的整个船壳都颤抖了。突然我大喊一声。冲撞发生了，但相对较轻。我感到那钢铁冲角的穿透力量。我听到拉开来和送进去的声音。但诺第留斯号在推进器的强力推动下，从这艘战舰身上横冲过去，就像帆船上的尖杆穿过布帆那样！我简直忍不住了。我像疯子一样，神经完全错乱，我跑出我的房间，急急走进客厅中。尼摩船长在客厅中。沉默、忧郁、冷面无情，他通过左舷的嵌板，两眼注视看。一个庞大的物体沉到水底下来，诺第留斯号跟它一起下降到深渊中要亲眼看一看它临死时的惨痛。距我十米远，我看见这只船壳裂开，海水像雷鸣一般涌进去，然后水淹了两列大炮和吊床舱房。甲板上满是往来乱动的黑影。海水涌上来。那些受难的不幸的人都跳到桅墙网上，抓住桅墙，在水中挣扎，扭弯肢体。这简直就是突然被整个大海侵进来的人类蚂蚁窝！"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Painful Structural Transformation SHANGHAI – For more than a year, headlines worldwide have been pointing to a Chinese economic slowdown. But a closer look at regional dynamics within China tells a different story – one that is less about deceleration than changing gears. According to China’s National Bureau of Statistics, the resource-rich province of Shanxi has suffered an economic slowdown, but the southwestern provinces of Chongqing and Guizhou have experienced vibrant growth. Hebei and three other northeastern provinces are feeling the effects of recession, but the heavy-industry economies of Tianjin, Shandong, and Jiangsu are booming. After the 2008 financial crisis, when slower growth became the “new normal” for many countries, China began to accelerate its economic rebalancing by shifting the drivers of growth from manufacturing and exports toward goods and services for domestic consumption. This transition has had far-reaching implications for the future dynamics of China’s economy. With its previous export strategy, the government’s main priority was to integrate domestic manufacturing operations into global production chains. Now, however, its aim is an economy that meets domestic consumers’ diverse demands, and it is the industries closely connected to those demands that are quickly expanding. Previously, the economic activities that are now flourishing weren’t categorized as manufacturing industries at all, but as “services.” But services do not exist in a vacuum. All businesses need manufactured products, transportation, information and communications technology (ICT), logistics, real estate, finance, insurance, and more. Thus, new demand for new services has virtuous-cycle effects in terms of capital investment in infrastructure and equipment. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the growth of services in China to meet domestic demand does not mean the end of manufacturing and capital investment, much less of economic growth. Service sectors stand to make up for much, if not all, of the growth lost to lower output in export-oriented manufacturing branches. China’s transportation, ICT, finance, insurance, real estate, education, and health-care sectors have long had inappropriately low labor productivity, which means they have significant room to grow faster. According to a paper by the economists Jong-Wha Lee and Warwick J. McKibbin, service-sector productivity growth in Asia “benefits all sectors eventually, and contributes to the sustained and balanced growth of Asian economies.”", "zh": "中国经济结构转型之痛 上海一年多来，全球经济新闻头条纷纷指向中国经济放缓。 但近观国内区域经济的增长动态，看到的东西会有所不同 — — 与其说中国经济处于减速期，不如说处于换挡期。 根据中国国家统计局公布的资料，资源丰富的山西省遭遇了经济下滑，但是位于西南部的重庆市和贵州省的经济却增长迅速，生机勃勃。 同时，河北省和其他东北三省正在经历经济衰退带来的不良后果，而同样曾是重工业主导的天津市、山东省和江苏省的经济却保持蓬勃发展势头。 2008年全球金融危机后，经济增长放缓已成为许多国家的“新常态 ” ， 中国也开始加快经济的再平衡，由原来的制造业和出口转向主要用于国内消费的产品的生产与服务的提供。 这一转变给中国未来的经济增长动力带来了深远影响。 以前的出口战略中，政府优先考虑的是将国内制造业与全球生产链进行整合。 如今的目标则变为满足多样的国内消费需求，并且正是与这些需求紧密相关的产业正在迅猛发展。 现今繁荣的这些经济活动长期以来是被归入服务业，而非制造业的，但是服务业并不意味着脱离实际，与世隔绝。 所有的商业活动都需要制造、运输、信息和通信技术、物流、地产、金融、保险等行业配套。 因此，对于新服务的新需求会对基础设施投资和设备投资产生良性循环的效果。 不同于传统智慧，服务业的日益增长是为了满足国内消费需求，并不意味着制造业和资本投资的末日，更不意味着经济增长走到尽头。 即便不能完全弥补，服务业也在努力更多地弥补由出口导向型制造业产出降低导致的增长失速。 中国在运输、信息和通信技术、金融、保险、地产、教育、健康等行业的劳动生产率长期以来并不高，反倒证明这些行业有着重要的快速增长空间。 经济学家Jong-Wha Lee 和Warwick J. McKibbin在一篇论文中指出，亚洲的服务业生产率增长将“最终使所有行业受益，并有助于亚洲经济体持续、平衡的增长 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Suppose that the goal is to create jobs, and that the politician chooses the best policy to achieve that goal. Then, an external shock causes employment to fall. Voters can never be sure of what the correct policy was, but they suspect the politician of exaggerating the size of the shock to explain away lost jobs. All voters know is that they cannot get a job when they want one, and they blame the politician for this. As societies become more complex and the difficulty of evaluating and choosing policies grows, so will the potential for this kind of tension. Technocrats endowed with the knowledge needed to make complex policy decisions will rise in social importance but fall in public esteem. Recall former UK justice minister Michael Gove’s remark in the midst of the Brexit debate: “people in this country have had enough of experts.” Or, as Bobbio puts it, “technocracy and democracy are antithetical: if the expert is the protagonist of industrial society, this rules out a central role for ordinary citizens.” Add one final complicating factor: technology vastly increases the speed at which citizens transmit multiple demands. A town’s mayor will know almost instantly from Twitter and Facebook if rubbish is not collected from a street corner. And yet modern checks and balances slow down any response. Suppose the mayor wants to institute a new rubbish collection and disposal system. Detailed environmental impact assessments and lengthy citizen consultations will be required. In the years that it will take for the new system to be up and running, rubbish will occasionally go uncollected, sharpening – almost by the day – the potential for conflict between what citizens expect and what democracy can deliver. Perhaps the fault lies not only with the current practice of democracy, but also with the expectations raised by some of democracy’s advocates. Democracy’s promises have indeed been broken. “But,” Bobbio asks, “were they promises which really could have been fulfilled? I would say no.” The old Churchillian dictum may apply here: democracy is the worst system of government except for all the others. Under modern representative democracy, people enjoy more personal freedom and more material prosperity than at any other time in human history.", "zh": "假设目标是创造就业机会，而这位政治家选择了实现这一目标的最佳政策。 但之后发生的外部冲击导致就业下降。 选民们永远无法确定正确的政策是什么，但他们怀疑政治家夸大了外部冲击的影响，并借此来推卸工作机会丧失的责任。 所有选民都知道在需要工作时无法找到工作，而他们将这个问题归咎于政治家。 随着社会复杂程度越来越高，评估和选择政策的难度不断加大，这种紧张局面发生的概率也随之不断增加。 拥有做出复杂政治决策知识的技术专家们在社会地位上越来越重要，但公众评价却不断恶化。 记得前英国司法部长迈克尔·戈夫在英国退欧辩论中说过 ： “ 这个国家的民众已经受够了专家 。 ” 或者，就像博比奥所说的那样 ， “ 专家执政和民主是对立的：如果专家还是工业社会的主人公，普通民众就将丧失核心作用 。 ” 还有最后一个令事态变��更加复杂的因素：即技术导致民众传递多重需求的速度大幅增加。 如果街角的垃圾没有被收走，一座城市的市长几乎立刻就会从推特和Facebook上了解情况。 但现代的制衡体系拖慢了采取对策的速度。 假设市长希望建立一套新的垃圾收集和处理系统，就需要进行详细的环境影响评估和漫长的公民协商。 在新体系确立并运行所需的数年时间里，偶尔会出现垃圾无法收集的状况，这种状况几乎每天都在增加民众期望和民主成效之间可能产生的冲突。 也许问题不仅在于当前的民主实践，而且在于某些民主倡议者所提出的期望。 民主的承诺确实已被打破。 “但是 ” ， 博比奥质疑 ， “ 这些承诺是否真能兑现？ 我的答案是不能 。 ” 这里可能适用丘吉尔古老的格言：民主是排除其它一切选择后最糟糕的政府制度。 在现代代议制民主体制下，民众比人类历史上任何时候都享有更多的个人自由和物质繁荣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Rise of an Insecure Giant SEOUL – By the time China overtakes the United States as the world’s largest economy sometime in the next few years, it will have cemented its status as a major military power – one whose drive to assert itself strategically already is inspiring serious anxiety among its neighbors. But the truth is that China is a solitary, vulnerable rising power – one that faces potentially crippling domestic challenges. China is currently encircled by US military installations and allies. While Asian countries are largely willing to maintain and even expand their economic ties with China, none (except North Korea, which depends on Chinese aid) is prepared to accept it as the region’s primary power. In fact, US allies like Indonesia and India have emerged as global players largely in response to China’s rise. For its part, the US has shifted substantial military power toward Asia – with high-profile military deployments in Australia and the Philippines, and 60% of America’s naval capabilities now deployed in the region – and has enhanced its defense ties with Japan and South Korea. Moreover, it is helping to spearhead the Trans-Pacific Partnership, an economic and trade agreement that excludes China but includes many of its regional neighbors. Against this background, US claims that its strategic rebalancing is not about containing China are not particularly convincing.", "zh": "一个不自信巨人的崛起 发自首尔 — — 在数年后中国超过美国成为世界最大经济体之时，它也已经巩固了自身作为主要军事强国的地位 — — 而其在战略上维护自身利益的举动已经在临近各国引发了强烈忧虑。 但事实上中国的大国崛起是一个封闭而脆弱的 — — 还面临着潜在的破坏性国内挑战。 中国目前处于美国军事基地和盟友的包围之下。 虽然亚洲国家大都愿意保持甚至扩大与中国的经济关系，但除了依赖中国援助的朝鲜之外，都不准备接其作为该地区的主要势力。 事实上，像印尼和印度这样的美国盟友在很大程度上正是为了应对中国崛起才成为了全球事务参与者。 作为战略的一部分，美国向亚洲转移了大量的军事力量 — — 在澳大利亚和菲律宾进行高调军事部署，目前美国60%的海军力量已经部署在该地区 — — 以及加强与日本和韩国的防务联系。 此外，它正在与中国周边邻国建立跨太平洋伙伴关系（Trans-Pacific Partnership ） ， 而中国则被排除在这一经济与贸易协议之外。 在此背景下，美国声称其战略调整并非针对中国的说法就显得不是特别有说服力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "实行农民工在就业地平等享受就业服务政策。帮扶残疾人、零就业家庭等困难群体就业。 我国包括零工在内的灵活就业人员数以亿计，今年对低收入人员实行社保费自愿缓缴政策，涉及就业的行政事业性收费全部取消，合理设定流动摊贩经营场所。 资助以训稳岗拓岗，加强面向市场的技能培训，鼓励以工代训，共建共享生产性实训基地，今明两年职业技能培训3500万人次以上，高职院校扩招200万人，要使更多劳动者长技能、好就业。 四、依靠改革激发市场主体活力，增强发展新动能 困难挑战越大，越要深化改革，破除体制机制障碍，激发内生发展动力。 深化“放管服”改革。在常态化疫情防控下，要调整措施、简化手续，促进全面复工复产、复市复业。 推动更多服务事项一网通办，做到企业开办全程网上办理。", "en": "We will adopt a policy to see rural migrant workers have equal access to employment services in the cities where they work. We will assist people with disabilities, zero-employment families, and other groups facing difficulty in securing work. There are several hundred million workers, including casual laborers, in flexible employment in China. This year, low-income earners will be allowed to postpone the payment of their social insurance premiums, all employment-related government charges will be cancelled, and sites will be designated for mobile vendors. We will finance skills training to stabilize and expand employment, step up market-oriented skills training, and encourage work-based training and the joint development and sharing of vocational training centers. This year and next, more than 35 million vocational skills training opportunities will be provided, and enrollment in vocational colleges will grow by 2 million. This will help more people improve their skills and secure jobs. IV．Energizing market entities through reform and strengthening new drivers of growth The greater the difficulties and challenges we face, the more important it is for us to go further in reform, get rid of institutional barriers, and boost internal forces driving development. We will press ahead with reforms to streamline administration and delegate power, improve regulation, and upgrade services. While continuing to implement routine covid-19 control, we will adjust relevant measures and simplify procedures to boost the resumption of work, production, and business activities. We will work to see our people are able to access more government services via a single website and complete all procedures for starting a business online."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Tackle Vulnerable Countries’ Triple Crisis WASHINGTON, DC – The year 2020 changed everything. The world now faces interconnected health, economic, and climate crises that have no historical parallel. These converging threats affect everyone, but are especially devastating for vulnerable developing countries. The tragedy is that these countries receive relatively little direct public support to build resilience to climate change, and development assistance is being cut rather than expanded. As United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres noted at the recent UN Climate Ambition Summit, developed countries are not on track to meet their commitment to provide $100 billion per year to support developing countries’ climate efforts. The international community must now show solidarity and help vulnerable countries withstand the multiple threats they face. Doing so is in everyone’s interest, because the effects of climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, and economic shocks know no borders. In 2020 alone, more than 50 million people were affected by climate-driven disasters while also facing the pandemic and economic crisis. From typhoons and cyclones battering Southeast Asian cities to severe droughts devastating African farmers, the consequences were severe. By the end of 2021, the pandemic could drive an additional 150 million people globally into extreme poverty. Research by the Global Commission on Adaptation shows that every dollar invested in resilience generates up to $10 in net economic benefits. Such spending can give vulnerable countries an urgent economic boost during the COVID-19 crisis and improve people’s livelihoods. Many of these states, from Bangladesh to Fiji, are already building resilience to climate threats – but they need more international support to meet the full scale of the challenge. World leaders must therefore step up by investing more, investing early, and investing locally. Although policymakers have so far mobilized $13 trillion for economic recovery, only a very small share of this amount has been spent by low-income developing countries. These economies have been able to allocate just 2% of their GDP to COVID-19 response and recovery measures, while wealthier economies have spent 8.8% of GDP, on average. Meanwhile, the cost of helping developing countries adapt to climate change will reach an estimated $140-300 billion per year by 2030 – a fraction of what has been spent on global COVID-19 recovery efforts. This is not the time for rich countries to be stingy.", "zh": "如何应对弱势国家的三重危机 华盛顿特区—2020年改变了一切。 世界现在面临着前所未有且相互关联的健康、经济和气候危机。 这些威胁交织在一起，没人能独善其身，其影响对脆弱的发展中国家来说更是灾难性的。 不幸的是，这些国家应对气候变化方面获得的直接公共支持相对较少，而且发展援助的范围小而非扩大。 联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯（António Guterres）在近期举行的联合国气候雄心峰会上指出，发达国家并没有按期兑现每年提供1000亿美元支持发展中国家气候举措的承诺。 国际社会现在必须团结一致，帮助弱势国家抵御它们所面临的多重威胁。 这样做符合每个国家的利益，因为气候变化、新冠疫情大流行和经济冲击的影响不分国界。 仅在2020年，就有5000多万人受到气候灾害的影响，他们同时也面临着新冠疫情和经济危机。 从台风、飓风袭击东南亚城市，到严重的干旱使非洲农民遭受重创，这些灾难的后果都十分严重。 到2021年底，新冠疫情大流行可能使全球额外1.5亿人陷入赤贫。 全球适应委员会（Global Commission on Adaptation）的研究表明，在抗灾能力方面每投资1美元，就会产生高达10美元的净经济效益。 在新冠疫情危机期间，这种支出可以给弱势国家提供紧急经济刺激，并改善人民的生计。 从孟加拉国到斐济，其中许多国家已经在建设抵御气候威胁的能力，但它们需要更多的国际支持来应对这一全面挑战。 因此，世界各国领导人必须尽早加大国内投资力度。 尽管决策者迄今已为经济复苏筹集了13万亿美元，但低收入发展中国家的支出只占其中很小的一部分。 这些经济体仅能将其国内生产总值的2%用于新冠疫情的应对和恢复措施，而富裕经济体平均花费了国内生产总值的8.8 % 。 与此同时，到2030年，帮助发展中国家适应气候变化的成本估计将达到每年1400亿至3000亿美元，这只是全球新冠疫情恢复工作所花费中的一小部分。 现在不是富国吝啬的时候。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "经过多年努力，我国已储备了一定规模的核电厂址资源。除已建和在建工程外，在沿海地区开展前期工作已较充分的厂址还有5000多万千瓦，具体厂址资源开发与储备情况见表3。此外，2004年以来，在广东粤东（田尾厂址）地区，浙江浙西地区、湖北、江西、湖南等地都开展了核电厂址普选工作，进一步增加了核电厂址储备。从厂址条件看，到2020年，表3所列核电厂址容量可以满足运行4000万千瓦、在建1800万千瓦的目标。结合我国能源资源和生产力布局情况，从现在起到2020年，新增投产2300万千瓦的核电站，将主要从上述沿海省份的厂址中优先选择，并考虑在尚无核电的山东、福建、广西等沿海省（区）各安排一座核电站开工建设。除沿海厂址外，湖北、江西、湖南、吉林、安徽、河南、重庆、四川、甘肃等内陆省（区、市）也不同程度地开展了核电厂址前期工作，这些厂址要根据核电厂址的要求、依照核电发展规划，严格复核审定，按照核电发展的要求陆续开展工作。", "en": "After years of effort, our country has reserved a certain scale of nuclear power plant site resources. In addition to the completed and under-construction projects, there are more than 50 million kilowatts of pre-worked sites in coastal areas, as shown in Table 3. In addition, since 2004, site selection work for nuclear power plants has been carried out in Guangdong (Tianwei site), Zhejiang (West Zhejiang area), Hubei, Jiangxi, Hunan, and other areas, further increasing the reserve of nuclear power plant sites. From the perspective of site conditions, by 2020, the capacity of nuclear power plant sites listed in Table 3 can meet the target of operating 40 million kilowatts and constructing 18 million kilowatts. Considering China's energy resources and production layout, from now until 2020, the newly commissioned 23 million kilowatts of nuclear power plants will mainly be selected from the aforementioned coastal provinces, and consideration will be given to starting the construction of a nuclear power plant in coastal provinces (regions) such as Shandong, Fujian, and Guangxi where there is currently no nuclear power. In addition to coastal sites, inland provinces (regions, cities) such as Hubei, Jiangxi, Hunan, Jilin, Anhui, Henan, Chongqing, Sichuan, and Gansu have also carried out preliminary work on nuclear power plant sites to varying degrees. These sites should be strictly reviewed and approved in accordance with the requirements of nuclear power plant sites and in accordance with the development plan of nuclear power, and work should be carried out gradually according to the requirements of nuclear power development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An Economist’s Guide to War and Peace NEW YORK – Stories of conflict fill today’s headlines: whether it is Syria’s civil war, street battles in Ukraine, terrorism in Nigeria, or police crackdowns in Brazil, the gruesome immediacy of violence is all too apparent. But, while commentators debate geostrategic considerations, deterrence, ethnic strife, and the plight of ordinary people caught in the middle, dispassionate discussion of another, vital aspect of conflict – its economic cost – is rare. Violence comes with a hefty price tag. The global cost of containing violence or dealing with its consequences reached a staggering $9.5 trillion (11% of global GDP) in 2012. This is more than twice the size of the global agriculture sector and dwarfs total spending on foreign aid. Given these colossal sums, it is essential that policymakers properly analyze where and how this money is spent, and consider ways to reduce the total. Unfortunately, these questions are seldom given serious consideration. To a large extent, this is because military campaigns are usually motivated by geostrategic concerns, not financial logic. Although opponents of the Iraq war might accuse the United States of coveting the country’s oil fields, the campaign was uneconomical, to say the least. The Vietnam War and other conflicts were also financial catastrophes. Similar doubts accompany arms spending during peacetime. One might, for example, question the financial logic of Australia’s recent decision to spend $24 billion on the purchase of problem-plagued Joint Strike Fighters while simultaneously preparing the country for the most stringent budget cuts in decades. Wasteful, violence-related spending is not just a matter of war or deterrence. Tough and expensive law-and-order campaigns, for example, though appealing to voters, generally have little effect on underlying crime rates. Whether it is a world war or local policing, conflicts always involve big increases in government spending; the question is whether they are worth the cost. Of course, money spent to contain violence is not always a bad thing. The military, the police, or personal security details are often a welcome and necessary presence, and, if properly deployed, will save taxpayers’ money in the long run. The pertinent issue is whether the amount spent in each instance is appropriate.", "zh": "经济学家的战争与和平指导 纽约—冲突报道充斥着当今新闻标题：不管是叙利亚内战、乌克兰巷战、尼日利亚恐怖主义还是巴西警察镇压，可怕的直接暴力历历在目。 但是，尽管评论者大谈地缘战略、考虑因素、威慑、种族冲突以及夹缝中的普通人的困境，但很少听到有人冷静探讨冲突的关键角度 — — 其经济成本。 暴力是有价格的。 2012年遏制暴力或处理其后果的全球成本高达令人咋舌的9.5万亿美元（相当于全球GDP的11 % ） ，是全球农业部门规模的两倍多，也大大高于对外援助支出。 从这些巨大的数字看，决策者合理地分析这笔钱如何花、划在哪里以及如何降低它的总量是至关重要的。 不幸的是，这些问题极少获得严肃的思考。 在很大程度上，这是因为军事运动通常受地缘战略因素而不是金融逻辑刺激。 尽管伊拉克战争的反对者会指责美国垂涎伊拉克的油田，但这场战争至少在经济上并不划算。 越南战争和其他冲突也都是金融灾难。 类似的质疑也围绕着和平时期的武器开支。 比如，你可能会质疑澳大利亚最近决定在准备实施几十年来最严厉的预算削减的情况下花240亿美元购买问题很大的联合歼击机背后的金融逻辑。 与暴力相关的浪费型开支并不仅仅事关战争和威慑。 比如，严厉而昂贵的法律和秩序运动尽管对选民有吸引力，但一般对于重要的犯罪率效果甚微。 不管是世界大战还是地方治安，冲突都会导致政府开支的急剧增加；问题在于这些开支是否物有所值。 当然，花在遏制暴力上的钱并非总是坏事。 军队、警察和个人安全细节等方面是值得欢迎和是必要的开支点，如果合理布置，从长期看有助于节约纳税人的钱。 重要的问题是花在具体例子上的钱数额是否恰当。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The early responses have been mixed: although Republican Senators Jeff Flake, John McCain, and Ben Sasse have expressed varying degrees of disappointment, normally independent-minded Senators Susan Collins and Lindsey Graham have backed Trump’s decision. There is always a chance, in such a volatile climate, that deals will be broken, witnesses will flip, and facts will emerge that are every bit as incriminating as the evidence that felled Nixon. International developments might also awaken some Republicans to the magnitude of the Russian offensive on Western democracies, an offensive which, in the wake of the French elections, feels like an undeclared war. For the moment, though, there is no reason to see Trump’s firing of Comey as a re-run of Nixon’s “Saturday Night Massacre,” or any other event in American political history. The president may be acting as if he has something terrible to hide, just as Nixon did, but that won’t be enough under the circumstances to cause the exposure of whatever it may be. Ironically, Trump, the self-declared outsider who lost the popular vote and squeaked into office by winning the Electoral College, finds himself, for the moment, in some ways more protected than the party man Nixon, who won the 1972 election by overwhelming popular as well as electoral margins. It may be unsettling to acknowledge, but history is not repeating itself, no matter how tragic or farcical things might appear. Trump may yet fall, but a lot will have to change.", "zh": "早期的反应良莠不齐：尽管共和党参议员杰夫·弗莱克（Jeff Flake ） 、 约翰·麦凯恩（John McCain）和本·萨斯（Ben Sasse）都表示了不同程度的失望，但通常思想独立的参议员苏珊·柯林斯（Susan Collins）和林赛·格雷厄姆（Lindsey Graham）都支持特朗普的决定。 但在这样动荡的环境中，总是存在打破交易、证人翻供、像导致尼克松垮台一样能证明特朗普有罪的证据一点一滴浮出水面的可能性。 国际事态的发展也可能唤醒一些共和党人，使他们认识到俄国对西方民主国家的攻势，这样的攻势在法国选举刚刚开始时就像是一场未经宣布的战争。 但是到目前为止，没有理由将特朗普解雇科米看作“星期六之夜大屠杀”或美国政治史上其他政治事件的重演。 美国总统的所作所为可能就像尼克松那样疑似要掩盖真相，但在目前局面下这还不足以曝光他所掩盖的事实。 颇具讽刺意味的是，特朗普这位输掉民众投票、并通过赢得选举团挤进白宫的自封的局外人总统现在却发现自己在某种程度上得到了比党内人士尼克松更好的保护，后者1972年当选总统时获得了压倒多数的民众和选举团支持。 承认这一点可能令人不安，但无论局势看似多么悲惨和滑稽，历史都不会简单重复。 特朗普还有下台的可能，但需要改变的东西仍有很多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Anti-Europeans PARIS – In 2005, two founding members of the European Union, France and the Netherlands, rejected by popular referendum the EU’s proposed constitutional treaty. Two far-right parties from these countries, the French National Front and the Dutch Freedom Party, have now formed an alliance ahead of the European Parliament elections in May 2014. They hope to attract likeminded parties in other EU countries and form a parliamentary bloc powerful enough to slay “the monster of Europe,” as Geert Wilders, the Freedom Party’s leader, calls the EU. It is no accident that France and the Netherlands have taken the lead in this sordid venture. Both countries are in the midst of a deep identity crisis that is mutating into disdain for Europe, foreigners, migrants, and all who represent the “other.” And both countries are experiencing an increase in popular suspicion toward traditional political elites. In this environment, the upcoming European Parliament elections seem tailor-made for extremist parties, with recent public-opinion polls suggesting that the National Front will come out on top in France. European elections leave most citizens indifferent, which translates into low voter turnout – except among those who, defined by what they oppose, wish to express their anger and frustration with the status quo. Marine Le Pen, the National Front’s leader, is shrewd and efficient, running on a straightforward message: “Europe is against the people, so the people must mobilize against Europe.” With her semblance of moderation, she is far more appealing than her father and former party leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen. Her strategy is to enter the mainstream of French politics by shedding all traces of past anti-Semitism, thereby turning the National Front into a seemingly legitimate alternative to a decadent traditional right, which has suffered a prolonged bout of infighting since Nicolas Sarkozy’s defeat in the 2012 presidential election. In the Netherlands, Wilders – more a one-man show than the leader of a real party – has already been in government, thereby providing a veneer of legitimacy to Le Pen simply by forming an alliance with her.", "zh": "欧洲的反欧者 巴黎—2005年，欧盟的两个创始国法国和荷兰以全民公投拒绝了欧盟宪法条约。 这两个国家的两个极右翼政党 — — 法国国民阵线（French National Front）和荷兰自由党（Dutch Freedom Party）如今抢在2014年5月的欧洲议会选举前结成了同盟。 它们希望吸引欧盟国家立场相似的政党，组成一股强大的议会派别除掉“欧洲恶魔 ” — —自由党领袖怀德斯（Greet Wilders）这样称呼欧盟。 法国和荷兰在这场下三滥阴谋中当先并不是巧合。 这两个国家都处于深刻的身份危机中，身份危机让它们仇视欧洲、外国人、移民和一切代表“其他人”的人。 这两个国家都在经历公众对传统政治精英的日渐怀疑。 在这样的背景下，即将到来的欧洲议会选举似乎成为为极端主义政党量身定做的机会，最新的公共观点调查表明国民阵线将成为法国首屈一指的政党。 大部分公民对欧洲选举漠不关心，这导致了低投票率 — — 除了那些（根据他们所反对者的定义）想要表达对现状的愤怒和失望的人。 国民阵线领袖勒庞（Marine Le Pen）精干高效，她提出的口号十分直接 ： “ 欧洲反对人民，因此人民必须奋起反对欧洲 。 ” 她外表上是个温和派，远比其父、国民阵线前领袖让-马里·勒庞（Jean-Marie Le Pen）有号召力。 她的战略是与过去的反犹主义彻底撇清关系，以此打入法国政坛主流，从而让国民阵线成为式微的传统右翼的貌似合法的替代者。 自萨科齐在2012年总统选举中败北以来，传统右翼一直处于内斗之中。 在何来，怀德斯 — — 与其说他是一个真实党派的领袖，不如说他在演独角戏 — — 已经进入了政府，他只需要简单地与勒庞结盟，就能向后者提供合法性的外衣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "智能制造标准体系结构包括“A基础共性”、“B关键技术”、“C行业应用”等3个部分，主要反映标准体系各部分的组成关系。具体而言，A基础共性标准包括通用、安全、可靠性、检测、评价、人员能力等6大类，位于智能制造标准体系结构图的最底层，是B关键技术标准和C行业应用标准的支撑。B关键技术标准是智能制造系统架构智能特征维度在生命周期维度和系统层级维度所组成的制造平面的投影，其中BA智能装备标准主要聚焦于智能特征维度的资源要素，BB智能工厂标准主要聚焦于智能特征维度的资源要素和系统集成，BC智慧供应链对应智能特征维度互联互通、融合共享和系统集成，BD智能服务对应智能特征维度的新兴业态，BE智能赋能技术对应智能特征维度的资源要素、互联互通、融合共享、系统集成和新兴业态，BF工业网络对应智能特征维度的互联互通和系统集成。C行业应用标准位于智能制造标准体系结构图的最顶层，面向行业具体需求，对A基础共性标准和B关键技术标准进。行细化和落地，指导各行业推进智能制造。", "en": "The architecture of the intelligent manufacturing standard system includes three parts: A Basic Commonality, B Key Technologies, and C Industry Applications, which mainly reflect the composition relationship of each part of the standard system. Specifically, the A Basic Commonality standards include six categories: general, safety, reliability, testing, evaluation, and personnel capability. They are located at the bottom layer of the intelligent manufacturing standard system architecture and provide support for the B Key Technologies standards and C Industry Applications standards. The B Key Technologies standards are the projection of the intelligent characteristics dimension of the intelligent manufacturing system architecture in terms of the lifecycle dimension and system level dimension. Among them, the BA Intelligent Equipment standards mainly focus on the resource elements of the intelligent characteristics dimension, the BB Intelligent Factory standards mainly focus on the resource elements and system integration of the intelligent characteristics dimension, the BC Smart Supply Chain corresponds to the interconnection, integration, and system integration of the intelligent characteristics dimension, the BD Intelligent Services correspond to the emerging formats of the intelligent characteristics dimension, the BE Intelligent Empowerment Technologies correspond to the resource elements, interconnection, integration, system integration, and emerging formats of the intelligent characteristics dimension, and the BF Industrial Networks correspond to the interconnection and system integration of the intelligent characteristics dimension. The C Industry Applications standards are located at the top layer of the intelligent manufacturing standard system architecture, targeting specific industry needs, and refining and implementing the A Basic Commonality standards and B Key Technologies standards, guiding various industries in promoting intelligent manufacturing."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With its superior military capabilities, technology, economic efficiency, and alliance networks (which remain robust, despite President Donald Trump’s destructive leadership), the US is far more likely to prevail in the Sino-American cold war than China. Though an American victory could be Pyrrhic, it would more than likely seal the CPC’s fate. The CPC also faces strong economic headwinds. The so-called Chinese miracle was fueled by a large and youthful labor force, rapid urbanization, large-scale infrastructure investment, market liberalization, and globalization – all factors that have either diminished or disappeared. Radical reforms – in particular, the privatization of inefficient state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the end of neo-mercantilist trading practices – could sustain growth. But, despite paying lip service to further market reforms, the CPC has been reluctant to implement them, instead clinging to policies that favor SOEs at the expense of private entrepreneurs. Because the state-owned sector forms the economic foundation of one-party rule, the prospect that CPC leaders will suddenly embrace radical economic reform is dim. Domestic political trends are similarly worrying. Under Xi, the CPC has abandoned the pragmatism, ideological flexibility, and collective leadership that served it so well in the past. With the Party’s neo-Maoist turn – including strict ideological conformity, rigid organizational discipline, and fear-based strongman rule – the risks of catastrophic policy mistakes are rising. To be sure, the CPC will not go down without a fight. As its grip on power weakens, it will probably attempt to stoke nationalism among its supporters, while intensifying repression of its opponents.", "zh": "美国拥有超然的军事实力、科技、经济效率和盟友网络（哪怕在总统特朗普的破坏性领导下，这一网络依然坚挺 ） ， 在中美冷战中胜出的概率远高于中国。 尽管美国的胜利可能是一场惨胜，但极有可能让中共寿终正寝。 中共还面临着强烈的经济不利局面。 所谓的中国奇迹背后是庞大且年轻的劳动力，迅速的城市化，大规模基础设施投资，市场自由化，以及全球化 — — 这些因素要么正在缩水，要么已经消失。 彻底的改革 — — 特别是低效的国有企业的私有化以及结束新重商主义贸易行为 — — 可能可以维持增长。 但是，尽管在中共嘴上大谈要推进改革，但实际上一直不愿落实。 它继续保持有利于国有企业而不利于民营企业家的政策。 由于国有部门构成了一党专政的经济基础，中共领导人一夜之间采取彻底经济改革的前景渺茫。 国内政治趋势也令人担心。 在习近平领导下，中共放弃了过去运转良好的务实主义、意识形态灵活性和集体领导。 随着党转向新毛泽东主义 — — 包括严格的意识形态控制、僵化的组织纪律，以及基于恐怖的强人政治 — — 发生灾难性政策错误的风险也在增加。 平心而论，中共不会不战而降。 随着其对权力的掌握的削弱，它可能会煽动支持者的民族主义，同时加剧对反对者的压迫。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Good governance is the lynchpin that holds societies together in an era of uneven globalization, accelerating technological innovation, growing inequalities, and social injustice. So, could we have foreseen the political events of the past year? As it happens, an impressive body of social-science research shows that the mounting public disaffection that policymakers ignored or simply missed had been in the making for some time. Politicians, the media, and the public may have neglected the white working class; but social scientists did not. One does not have to quote Thomas Piketty to know that rising inequalities now threaten to tear apart the social fabric of the advanced economies. Such inequalities have been analyzed since the 1980s. And the working and living conditions for the most vulnerable populations in Europe and the US have been studied by social scientists for years. Meanwhile, much of what we know about terrorism – the conditions that fuel it, who is susceptible to radicalization, how terrorist networks function – comes from social scientists who have patiently gathered data, conducted interviews often under difficult conditions, and analyzed terrorist networks for many years. And there are numerous studies that shed light on nationalism and populism, too. These problems persist, despite our insight into them, because of the complex relationship between scientific knowledge and human action. Cognitive biases limit our ability to foresee future outcomes, leading to unintended consequences when we turn ideas into action. We are not good at understanding the complexity inherent in large, interlinking systems, from which major, unexpected events can emerge. Knowledge alone can never replace action. Graphs, figures, simulation models, and even seemingly incontestable facts make no difference until action and context are taken into account. And this raises additional questions: How do we apply the knowledge that we have, and what comes next when we do? If we want to avert Heldin’s “grim truth,” we will have to build bridges between knowledge and possible courses of action. In an era no less tumultuous than Nobel’s, social science furnishes us with the hope that our situation could be different, because it generates the knowledge to make it so.", "zh": "在当下全球化不均衡、技术创新加速、不平等性加剧和社会不公正的时代，好治理是社会团结的支柱。 那么，我们是否应该预见到去年的政治事件？ 事实表明，令人印象深刻的许多社会科学研究认为，被决策者忽视或根本没有认识到的公共不满已经酝酿了好些时日。 政客、媒体和公众可能忽视了白人工作阶级；但社会科学家没有。 你不需要阅读托马斯·皮凯蒂（Thomas Piketty）就能知道，不平等性的加剧正在撕裂发达经济体的社会结构。 这些不平等性从20世纪80年代开始就成为研究对象。 而欧洲和美国的最脆弱群体的工作和生活条件在很多年前也已经有社会科学家研究。 与此同时，我们所了解的许多关于恐怖主义的知识 — — 助长恐怖主义的条件、谁有可能激进化、恐怖组织如何运作等 — — 来自多年来耐心地收集数据、在往往十分困难的条件下进行采访并分析恐怖分子网络的社会科学家。 更有大量研究为我们提供了关于民族主义和民粹主义的洞见。 尽管我们对它们做出了研究，但这些问题仍然存在，原因就在于科学知识与人的行为之间的关系十分复杂。 认知偏见限制了我们预见未来结果的能力，导致我们在将思想转化为行动的过程中发生意料外的后果。 我们不善于理解大型互联体系固有的复杂性，而重大意料外事件正爆发于此。 知识本身永远无法替代行动。 图表、数字、仿真模型甚至貌似无可辩驳的事实都无济于事，除非行动和环境被考虑在内。 而这又引出了更多的问题：我们如何应用我们所具备的知识，应有之后会发生什么？ 如果我们想要避免赫尔丁的“残酷的真相 ” ， 就必须在知识和可能的行动过程之间架设一座桥梁。 在一个动荡堪比诺贝尔时代的时代，社会科学让我们保持我们的境况能够有所不同的希望，因为它能产生改变境况所需要的知识。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An EU-China Deal for a Bygone Era WASHINGTON, DC – Late last month, the European Union and China released new details about the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment they concluded in December. On paper, EU negotiators made some progress in important areas like market access, investment liberalization, and sustainable development. But can an incremental bilateral agreement like the CAI really govern economic relations with today’s China? To be sure, the EU has secured market access in important sectors – including electric vehicles, cloud computing, financial services, and health care – largely through the relaxation of equity restrictions. But detailed annexes to the agreement have yet to be made public, and it remains to be seen how many of these commitments are entirely new. It is possible that the deal largely codified steps China has already taken to boost market access, either through its own investment laws and regulations or on an ad hoc basis. Furthermore, while equity restrictions form a formidable barrier to market access, they are hardly the only one. Foreign companies often face a series of other regulatory hurdles, which they can clear only by securing approvals from multiple Chinese government agencies – an often time-consuming and frustrating process. According to the latest US-China Business Council survey, conducted last spring, securing licensing and related approvals is the sixth-biggest challenge American firms face when operating in China. In any case, the content of the CAI is only part of the story: China often disregards its bilateral commitments. Australia is a case in point. Despite a comprehensive bilateral free-trade agreement, China recently imposed restrictions on imports of Australian wine, barley, and coal, among other products, over what are essentially political grievances. (For example, China took issue with Australia’s decision to ban the Chinese giant Huawei from its 5G network and its calls for an independent inquiry into the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic.) Australia is not an isolated case. After South Korea’s 2016 decision to deploy an American missile-defense system within its borders, China imposed heavy economic sanctions, despite the bilateral free-trade agreement that had come into force the previous year. If the Chinese authorities are not hesitant about abandoning their trade commitments, what is the point of securing them?", "zh": "一份过时的欧中协定 发自华盛顿特区—欧盟和中国在上个月底公布了双方于去年12月达成的《全面投资协定》的一些新细节。 从纸面上看欧盟谈判代表确实在市场准入、投资自由化和可持续发展等重要领域取得了一些进展，但试问像《全面投资协定》这样的增补式双边协议真的能够掌控与当今中国的经济关系吗？ 无可否认，欧盟在很大程度上通过要求中国放宽股权比例限制确保了一些重要领域的市场准入（包括电动汽车、云计算，金融服务和医疗保健 ） ， 但鉴于协议的详细附件尚未公开，因此其中有多少承诺是全新的还有待观察。 不过该协定很可能只是将中国业已采取的放宽市场准入措施 — — 无论是借助本国投资法律法规还是临时性的 — — 用文本方式固定了下来。 此外股权限制虽然构成了市场准入的巨大障碍，但它们可不是唯一的阻碍。 外国企业进入中国往往还得遭遇一系列其他监管障碍，而且只能通过报请多个中国政府机构批准来逐个清除 — — 这往往是一个旷日持久且令人沮丧的过程。 根据美中贸易全国委员会在去年春季进行的最新调查，获得许可和相关批准在美国企业在华经营时所面临的挑战中排名第六。 无论如何 ， 《 全面投资协定》的内文只是故事的一部分，因为中国经常无视其双边承诺。 在这方面澳大利亚就是一个典型例子：尽管签订了全面双边自由贸易协定，中国最近却对澳大利亚葡萄酒、大麦和煤炭等产品的进口下达了限制，而此举主要源自于政治上的愤恨 — — 比如对澳大利亚禁止中国科技巨头华为参与其5G网络建设以及要求对新冠疫情的起源开展独立调查等行为的不满。 但澳大利亚并非孤例。 在韩国于2016年决定在其境内部署美国导弹防御系统后，尽管双边自由贸易协定已于前一年生效，中国还是对其实施了严厉的经济制裁。 既然中国当局可以毫不犹豫地放弃贸易承诺，那么把这些承诺写在纸上又有什么意义？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Coming Ban on Nuclear Weapons PRINCETON – On March 27, the United Nations will start negotiations on an international treaty to ban nuclear weapons. It will be a milestone marking the beginning of the end of an age of existential peril for humanity. This day was bound to come. From the beginning, even those who set the world on the path to nuclear weapons understood the mortal danger and moral challenge confronting humanity. In April 1945, US Secretary of War Henry Stimson explained to President Harry Truman that the atomic bomb would be “the most terrible weapon ever known in human history.” Stimson warned that “the world in its present state of moral advancement compared with its technical development would be eventually at the mercy of such a weapon. In other words, modern civilization might be completely destroyed.” Soon afterwards, the newly created UN, established with the express purpose “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,” took the threat posed by nuclear arms as its first priority. In January 1946, in its very first resolution, the UN called for a plan “for the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons.” The Soviet Union submitted such a plan that June. Now largely forgotten, the Gromyko Plan included a “Draft International Convention to Prohibit the Production and Employment of Weapons Based on the Use of Atomic Energy for the Purpose of Mass Destruction.” At the time, only the United States had nuclear weapons, and it chose to maintain its monopoly. But it couldn’t hold onto it for long. Where it led, others soon followed, forcing humanity to endure the decades of weapons development, arms races, proliferation, and nuclear crises that followed. Anti-nuclear movements took root, and, in a phrase made famous by the historian E.P. Thompson, began to protest to survive. They found allies in a growing number of countries. In November 1961, the UN General Assembly declared that “any state using nuclear and thermonuclear weapons is to be considered as violating the Charter of the United Nations, as acting contrary to the laws of humanity, and as committing a crime against mankind and civilization.” As the number and destructive power of nuclear weapons grew, and as even developing countries began to acquire them, recognition of the danger gave rise to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which entered into force in 1970.", "zh": "即将到来的禁核条约 普林斯顿—3月27日，联合国将开始关于国际禁止核武器条约的谈判。 这将是标志着人类生存风险时代结束的开始的里程碑。 这一天迟早要到来。 从一开始，即使是那些让世界走上核武器之路的人也明白，人类因此面临了致命危险和道德挑战。 1945年4月，美国战争部长亨利·史汀生（Henry Stimson）向总统杜鲁门解释，原子弹将是“人类历史上所知道的最可怕的武器 。 ” 史汀生警告说 ， “ 当今世界的状态是其道德发展跟不上技术进步，它的生杀予夺都掌握在原子弹手中。 换句话说，现代文明可能被彻底摧毁 。 ” 不久之后，新成立的联合国明确提出了“拯救子孙后代免受战争祸害”的目标，并将核武器所造成的威胁列为首要工作重点。 1946年1月，联合国历史上的第一份决议就呼吁制定“阻止国家装备原子武器”的计划。 苏联在当年6月递交了这一计划。 这份如今基本被遗忘的格罗米克计划（Gromyko Plan）包括了一项《禁止制造和使用基于以大规模杀伤为目而运用原子能的武器的国际公约草案 》 。 当时，只有美国拥有核武器，而它选择保持这一垄断地位。 但这一垄断没有维持多久。 其他国家很快就跟进，迫使人类进入了迄今已有几十年之久的武器开发时期，军备竞赛、扩散和核危机随之而来。 反核运动从此生根，并且用历史学将汤普森（E. P. Thompson）的名言说，开始示威而生（protest to survive ） 。 1961年11月，联合国大会宣布“任何国家，如果它使用核和热核武器，都将视为违反联合国宪章，违反人类法律，视同反人类和文明犯罪 。 ” 随着核武器数量和破坏力的节节上升，甚至发展中国家也开始获得核武器，人们开始认识到危险 ， 《 核不扩散条约 》 （ NPT）应运而生，从1970年开始生效。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Financing the Green Economy ADDIS ABABA – At the climate-change summit in Copenhagen last December, political leaders expressed a strong will to urgently combat global warming. As we approach the next climate-change summit in Cancún, Mexico, this December, the international community must deliver concrete results and move forward to address the challenge. In this regard, at the Copenhagen summit developed countries committed themselves to the goal of jointly mobilizing $100 billion annually by 2020 to address the needs of developing countries. These funds would be transferred to developing countries in the context of meaningful – and transparently implemented – mitigation measures taken on their behalf. United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s High-level Advisory Group on Climate Finance (AGF), which we chaired, was established to identify practical proposals for how developed countries can mobilize this level of climate financing by 2020. The 21-member group included heads of state and ministers from both developed and developing countries, representatives from international organizations, experts on public finance and development, and leaders from the private sector. Admittedly, the current global economic environment has placed public finances in many developed countries under extreme pressure. Nevertheless, the AGF’s report concludes that reaching the goal of raising $100 billion a year by 2020, while challenging, is feasible. It will require a mix of new public sources, a scaling-up of existing public sources, and increased private flows. Among the AGF’s conclusions, which we have presented to the UN Secretary-General, there are some important messages:", "zh": "为绿色经济融资 发自亚的斯亚贝巴 — — 在去年11月的哥本哈根气候变化峰会上，一众政治领袖都表现出要尽快为全球变暖效应制定对策的强烈意愿。 而在墨西哥坎昆气候峰会将于本月召开之际，国际社会必须取得切实成果，并进一步向应对挑战迈进。 “钱”是全球各国应对气候变化的其中一个关键因素，对此各发达国家已经在哥本哈根峰会上承诺每年筹集1000亿美元以填补发展中国家的资金缺口，并持续到2020年为止。 而这笔资金将被用于开展一系列合理可行且程序透明的移民措施之上。 为此联合国秘书长潘基文特别成立了全球气候变化金融问题高级咨询小组，并任命为笔者为召集人，专门就发达国家如何在2020年前筹集这笔巨资这个问题寻求实用方案。 该小组的21名成员既包括了发达国家和发展中国家的首脑和财政部长，还涵盖了国际组织代表，公共财政和发展领域的专家，以及来自私人部门的领袖人物。 诚然，当前的全球经济环境已经对许多发展中国家的公共财政造成了巨大压力。 但咨询小组的报告也显示：虽然在2020年前每年筹集如此巨款的任务非常艰巨，但还是切实可行的。 而这则需要拓展一系列新的公共资源，加大现有公共资源所占比例，并增加来自私人部门的资金支持。 我们呈交给潘基文秘书长的报告结论中包含了以下几条重要信息："}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "People save partly because of weaknesses in government social-insurance programs; strengthening social security (pensions) and public health and education will simultaneously reduce social inequalities, increase citizens’ sense of well-being, and promote current consumption. If successful – and, so far, China has almost always surpassed even its own high expectations – these adjustments may impose enormous strains on a global economic system that is already unbalanced by America’s huge fiscal and trade imbalances. If China saves less – and if, as officials have announced, it pursues a more diversified policy of investing its reserves – who will finance America’s more than $2 billion a day trade deficit? This is a topic for another day, but that day may not be far off. With such a clear vision of the future, the challenge will be implementation. China is a large country, and it could not have succeeded as it has without widespread decentralization. But decentralization raises problems of its own. Greenhouse gases, for example, are global problems. While America says that it cannot afford to do anything about it, China’s senior officials have acted more responsibly. Within a month of the adoption of the plan, new environmental taxes on cars, gasoline, and wood products were imposed: China was using market based mechanisms to address its and the world’s environmental problems. But the pressures on local government officials to deliver economic growth and jobs will be enormous. They will be sorely tempted to argue that if America cannot afford to produce in a way that preserves our planet, how can we?", "zh": "人们存款部分是由于政府的社会保险计划存在缺陷，而加强社会安全（养老 ） 、 公众健康和教育能够同时减少社会不平等，增强公民的福利意识，促进现实消费。 如果目标成功实现－迄今为止，中国几乎总能超额完成自己设定的最高目标－这些调整就会给全球经济体系带来巨大的压力，而后者已经由于美国巨额的财政和贸易赤字而严重失衡。 如果中国存款减少－如果真像官员们所说的那样执行多样化的储备投资政策－那么谁还有能力为美国每天超过20亿美元的贸易赤字买单？ 这个问题目前似乎不是迫在眉睫，但我们距离那天已经不会太远。 对未来有了这样清醒的认识，接下来执行就成了最大的挑战。 中国幅员辽阔，如果没有广泛的分权作为基础，根本不可能取得任何成功。 但权力分散又会带来很多问题。 举例来讲，温室气体的排放是个全球性问题。 在美国宣称无能为力的同时，中国高级官员的所作所为无疑更负责任。 计划被采纳后短短一个月内，中国政府就对汽车、汽油和木制产品征收了新的环境税：中国正在用市场机制解决自己和全世界的环境问题。 但这对地方政府官员发展经济、创造就业机会的压力无疑是巨大的。 他们会激烈争辩说如果美国不能以环保的方式组织生产，我们又怎么能够做到？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Some would explain this poor performance by arguing that the eurozone is an incomplete monetary union, and that its “core” countries like Germany drain labor and capital from “periphery” countries like Italy. Others might counter that Italians failed to conform to the rules and standards, and to implement the reforms, upon which a successful monetary union is based. But the real explanation no longer matters. The prevailing narrative in Italy holds the euro responsible for the country’s economic malaise. And political parties that have either openly or implicitly called for leaving the eurozone currently hold a parliamentary majority, and would likely retain it in another election later this year or in early 2019. If Italians were confronted with the choice of retaining or abandoning the single currency, recent polls suggest that they would initially decide to stay, for fear of a run on Italian banks and public debt, as Greece experienced in 2012-2015. But the long-term costs of remaining in a club dominated by inherently deflationary, German-dictated rules might tempt Italians to leave. That decision could come in the midst of another global financial crisis, recession, or asymmetric shock that pushes several fragile countries out of the euro at the same time. Like the United Kingdom’s Brexiteers, Italians might convince themselves that they have what it takes to succeed on their own in the global economy. After all, Italy has a large industrial sector that is capable of exporting worldwide, and exporters would benefit from a weaker currency.", "zh": "人们对这种糟糕的表现也是解释众多。 一些人认为欧元区是一个不完全的货币联盟，导致德国这样的“核心”国家不断从像意大利这类“外围”国家抽取劳动力和资本。 其他人可能会反对说这是因为意大利人未能遵守规则标准并实施改革，而一个成功的货币联盟就是以此为基础的。 但真正的解释已经不再重要。 意大利当前的主流舆论认为欧元必须为该国的经济不景气负责。 而那些公开或暗示要求脱离欧元区的政党目前则占据议会多数，并可能在今年晚些时候或2019年初的另一次选举中维持这种状态。 如果意大利人最终面临保留或放弃单一货币的抉择，最近的民意调查显示，他们起初会决定留下，因为担心会像希腊在2012~2015年间那样遭遇银行挤提和公共债券抛售。 但留下的长期成本则主要是内生性通缩，由德国人制定的规则可能会驱使意大利人离开。 这一决定可能会出现在另一场全球金融危机、经济衰退或不对称冲击期间，可能会将几个弱势国家同时踢出欧元区。 与英国的脱欧论者一样，意大利人也可能坚信自己有能力在全球经济中取得成功。 毕竟该国拥有一个能够向世界各地出口的大型工业部门，而出口商也将受益于一个弱势货币。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can the Belt and Road Become a Trap for China? CAMBRIDGE – Critics often claim that China is using its massive “Belt and Road Initiative” as a form of coercive “debt-trap diplomacy” to exert control over the countries that join its transnational infrastructure investment scheme. This risk, as Deborah Brautigam of John Hopkins University recently noted, is often exaggerated by the media. In fact, the BRI may hold a different kind of risk – for China itself. At the recent BRI summit in Beijing, Chinese President Xi Jinping seemed to acknowledge the “debt-trap” criticism. In his address, Xi said that “building high-quality, sustainable, risk-resistant, reasonably priced, and inclusive infrastructure will help countries to utilize fully their resource endowments.” This is an encouraging signal, as it shows that China has become more aware of the debt implications of BRI. A study by the Center for Global Development concluded that eight of the 63 countries participating in the BRI are at risk of “debt distress.” But as John Maynard Keynes memorably put it, “If you owe your bank a hundred pounds, you have a problem. But if you owe your bank a million pounds, it has.” In the context of the BRI, China may turn out to be the banker who is owed a million pounds. In particular, China may fall victim to the “obsolescing bargain model,” which states that a foreign investor loses bargaining power as it invests more in a host country. Infrastructure projects like those under the BRI are a classic example, because they are bulky, bolted to the ground, and have zero economic value if left incomplete. Unsurprisingly, some BRI partner countries are now demanding to renegotiate terms, and typically after the projects have started. China may be forced to offer ever more favorable concessions in order to keep the projects on track. In mid-April, for example, Malaysia announced that a major BRI rail project, put on hold by the government after last year’s election, would now go ahead “after renegotiation.” According to media reports, the costs of construction were reduced by as much as one-third.", "zh": "带路会成为中国的陷阱吗？ 发自剑桥—批评人士经常声称，中国正在利用其庞大的“一带一路”倡议作为某种形式的强制性“债务陷阱外交 ” ， 以对加入其跨国基础设施投资计划的国家施以控制。 但正如约翰·霍普金斯大学的黛博拉·布劳迪甘姆（Deborah Brautigam）最近指出的那样，这种风险经常被媒体所夸大。 事实上一带一路可能会带来另一种风险—对中国本身而言 在最近召开的北京一带一路峰会上，中国国家主席习近平似乎承认了这种对“债务陷阱”的批评。 习近平在致辞中表示 ， “ 建设高质量、可持续、抗风险、价格合理、包容可及的基础设施，协助各国充分利用其存量资源 。 ” 这是一个令人鼓舞的信号，因为它表明中国已经更加意识到一带一路的债务影响。 全球发展研究中心的一项研究得出结论，参与一带一路的63个国家中有8个面临着“债务困扰”的风险。 但正如约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯（John Maynard Keynes）的名言所说 ， “ 如果你欠银行一百英镑，你就有麻烦了。 但如果你欠银行一百万英镑，那就是银行的麻烦了。 “在一带一路的背景下，中国很可能会成为一位被欠了一百万英镑的银行家。 尤其是中国可能沦为“讨价还价实力衰减模型”的受害者，该模式表明外国投资者在东道国投资越多，其议价能力就会越少。 像一带一路那样的基础设施项目是一个典型的例子，因为它们体量庞大，是实打实的钢筋水泥，只有建设完毕才能有经济价值。 不出所料，一些一带一路伙伴国家现在要求重新谈判条款，而且通常是在项目启动后。 中国可能被迫提供更有利的让步以保持项目的正常进行。 比如马来西亚就在4月中旬宣布，在去年大选之后被政府搁置的一个重大一带一路铁路项目现在将在“重新谈判后”继续进行。 据媒体报道建设成本降低了三分之一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The New Normal in China’s Cities HONG KONG – For decades, rapid urbanization in China created clusters of knowledge, manufacturing, and distribution in areas that benefited from well-established connections to the global economy. But that growth model has reached its end. With the share of people living in cities rising to 53% in 2013, from 20% in 1981, China is shifting to a “new normal.” According to President Xi Jinping, the aim is to ensure annual economic growth of around 7%, driven by new opportunities in value-added manufacturing, information technologies, and modernized agricultural production. In moving toward this goal, however, China will face difficult balance-sheet adjustments that cannot easily be managed by conventional fiscal and monetary policies. A new Deutsche Bank study reports that, last year, China’s 300 cities faced a 37% drop in their land-sale revenues – a major setback, given that land sales accounted for 35% of total local-government revenues. Such revenues had risen at an average annual rate of 24% from 2009 to 2013. Moreover, annual consumer and producer inflation dropped to 1.5% and -3.3%, respectively, last December, owing partly to the sharp decline in world oil prices. China now faces deflation and an inhospitable external economic environment, and its urban centers are struggling with the complex interaction of solvency, liquidity, and structural issues. But some cities are better equipped than others to weather these challenges. China’s first- and second-tier cities are very wealthy, benefiting from high property values and the continuous inflow of talent, capital, companies, and investment projects. Despite a property-market slowdown, Beijing’s recent land auction concluded with record-breaking prices of about CN¥38,000 ($6,200) per square meter. Third- and fourth-tier Chinese cities, however, face more challenging balance-sheet adjustments, owing to falling asset prices, outflows of labor, and the need to define new growth models.", "zh": "中国城市的新常态 香港—几十年来，城市化的快速发展使中国出现了一批知识和制造业集中的大都会，它们大多坐落在能很好地与全球经济相连的区域。 但这一增长模式已经达到了极限。 2013年中国城市居民人口比例达到了53 % ， 而1981年仅为20 % ， 这表明中国正在进入一个城市化、工业化、信息化、现代化市场经济的“新常态 ” 。 国家主席习近平指出，新常态的目标是确保年经济增长在7%左右，以高附加值制造、信息技术和现代化农业生产的新机遇为增长驱动力。 但是，在向这一目标迈进的过程中，中国将面临困难的资产负债表的结构调整，这一调整无法仅仅依靠传统财政和货币政策来轻松解决。 德意志银行（Deutsche Bank）新的研究报告指出，去年中国300个城市土地出让金收入下降了37 % — —相当大的降幅，而土地出售占地方政府收入的比例占35 % 。 更重要的是，2009—2013年间，土地出让金收入以平均每年24%的超高速度增长。 此外，去年12月年度消费者和生产者通胀率分别下降到1.5%和-3.3 % ， 部分原因是全球油价暴跌。 如今，中国面临着通缩和不利的外部经济环境，其以城市为中心的经济也在偿债能力、流动性和结构调整等复杂的挑战中互动与挣扎。 但一些城市比另一些更能抵御挑战。 中国的一二线城市十分富有，这是得益于高房价和人才、资本、公司以及投资项目的持续流入。 尽管房地产市场有所减速，但最近北京土地拍卖仍创出了每平方米38,000元人民币的历史记录。 另一方面，由于资产价格下跌、劳动力外流以及需要确定新的增长模式，三、四线城市面临着更加艰巨的资产负债表调整的挑战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Indispensable UN The United Nations’ sixtieth anniversary summit in September reflected its strengths and importance in the many areas in which the international community must work together. Unfortunately, the summit also exposed the UN’s weaknesses and limitations. Founded at the end of World War II to prevent another major disaster of that kind, the UN has now vastly expanded its mandate beyond peacekeeping, as important as that is. For instance, the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), adopted at the UN Millennium summit five years ago, proclaimed the international community’s resolve to reduce poverty in all of its manifestations and set concrete goals to be achieved by 2015. Reaching political consensus on such complex issues is never easy, given the diversity of interests that must be addressed. Success requires diplomacy and patience, and the UN’s latest summit continued the march forward in the creation of a community of nations responsible for the well being of all. To be sure, the attempt by America’s new UN ambassador, John Bolton, to introduce hundreds of last-minute changes to the summit’s concluding declaration doomed the agreement – perhaps deliberately – to being less comprehensive and forceful than had been hoped. Indeed, Bolton even wanted to eliminate any reference to the MDG. Nevertheless, even the United States had to give way in the end to this moral imperative. The summit’s declaration also enunciated, in refined diplomatic language, new rights and obligations concerning international intervention in a country’s internal matters, as in Darfur. We are, it seems, at last becoming a world in which each of us is our brother’s keeper. Some have suggested that the Iraq war proved the UN’s irrelevance. On the contrary, I believe that the Iraq debacle underscores the value of the UN, and the need to strengthen it further. Let’s not forget that, within the limits of its powers, the UN worked. It was asked to judge whether there was an imminent threat to world peace requiring pre-emptive military action. After reviewing the evidence, it concluded that the case for going to war had not been made, while the risk of turmoil – about which most experts in the region warned – almost certainly weighed on the deliberations.", "zh": "联合国不可或缺 九月举行的联合国第六十届首脑高峰会议反映了联合国在诸多领域中的力量和重要性。 国际社会必须在这些领域内通力协作。 不幸的是，这次高峰会议也暴露了联合国的弱点和局限性。 目前，联合国的职责已大大超出维护和平的范畴，而这些新职责与维和同样重要。 例如，五年前在联合国千年首脑会议上通过的千年发展目标宣告了国际社会决心降低各种形式的贫困，并确定了在2015年前所要实现的明确目标。 鉴于必须调和各种利益，在这些复杂的问题上达成政治上一致绝非易事。 成功需要外交斡旋和耐心，联合国本次峰会朝着建立担负人类福祉的国际社会的方向继续前进。 无可否认，美国新任驻联合国大使约翰·博尔顿试图在最后时刻将数以百计的修改加入首脑会议宣言，使得该宣言不如先前期望的全面有力。 他的企图可能是有意的。 事实上，博尔顿甚至想要删除提及千年发展目标的地方。 但是，即使美国最终也不得不向这一道义需要让步。 高峰会议宣言还用修饰的外交语言阐述了国际社会新的干预他国内部事务的权利和义务，正如在苏丹达尔福尔所为一样。 我们看似最终正在成为一个相互关照的世界。 有人说伊拉克战争证明联合国无足轻重。 我相信，恰恰相反，伊拉克灾难突出了联合国的价值以及进一步加强联合国的需要。 不要忘记，联合国在其职权范围内发挥了作用。 它被要求判定是否存在威胁世界和平、从而要求采取先发制人的军事行动的急迫的威胁。 联合国审查证据后认为并没有理由开战，而该地区大多数专家所警告的混乱的危险几乎肯定地影响了有关的审议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第369章: 脱险了 情势一面倒，双方都全力开火，整个海洋上空一片硝烟。 白夜手中的高速磁波扫描枪又一次开火，又有一辆飞机被他轰碎了，这枪支实在是好用，他用得正上瘾，小奶包指挥自若，第一恐怖组织的空军形成一种坚不可摧的攻守战队，开始进行最后一轮的猛攻。 尼克拉一见形势不好，也顾不上尊卑，声音大了起来，“主子爷，撤退吧，再这么打下去，我们会全军覆没。” 路易斯拳头拽得死紧，一脸阴霾，浑身戾气大盛，他何尝看不清目前的情势。 但他很不甘心，就这么被打退了，明明近在咫尺，他又能抓回他们，功亏一篑，真是可恶。 男子翡翠绿的眸，掠过杀气，转而又隐入那双沉寂忧郁的眸中，他朝尼克拉点点头，他立刻下令掩护撤退。 路易斯凝眸看着他在海面上空飘荡的二人，冷哼一声，这次算是他们走运，他不会就这么算了。", "en": "Chapter 369: Finally Safe from Danger As a curbstomp ensued, both parties opened fire. The smell of gunpowder filled the air above the sea. The high-velocity magnetic wave gun in Bai Ye’s hands fired again and another plane was destroyed by him. This gun was nothing short of perfect and he was getting hooked. The young kid kept commanding with calm and ease. The First Terrorist Organization’s air force became an impregnable force that attacked and defended whilst they prepared their final round of attack. Nikolai saw how bad things were and could not be any more concerned about his ego and loudly said, “Master, let’s retreat. If we keep this up, we will be utterly decimated.” Louis, a sinister look on his face, clenched his fists tightly as rage emanated from him. While he could try to clearly and sensibly assess the situation, reluctance overcame him. All his hard work had gone to waste as he was defeated with them within his grasp. Damn it! A murderous intent flashed past his emerald eyes and then sank into silent melancholy. He turned to Nikolai and nodded as he immediately ordered a retreat. Louis focused his gaze at the two of them who drifted above the sea and coldly harrumphed. They were lucky this time, and he would not allow it to slide."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加快原材料工业互联网标识解析二级节点建设，推动标识解析在供应链协同、产品追踪溯源、库存管理等方面的探索应用。鼓励龙头企业打造和各企业之间的网络化协作平台，实现多生产基地的资源共享与协同制造。鼓励产业链龙头企业打造企业级工业互联网平台，实现产业链供应链一体化，构建面向特定行业和区域的特色型工业互联网平台以及专业技术型工业互联网平台。鼓励企业基于平台打通企业端与用户端数据，以下游客户需求为导向，对产品结构和制造流程进行重构，实现从大规模批量生产向大规模定制化生产转变。打造跨行业跨领域工业互联网平台，探索原材料行业与物流、城建、能源等行业的跨领域融通。鼓励原材料细分行业龙头企业、第三方机构等牵头打造专业化、特色化的原材料工业互。联网平台，推动关键设备的数字化改造和上云上平台。聚焦重点环节培育和推广。一批流程管理工业APP和解决方案，为中小企业提供研发设计、软件使用、生产制造、设备运维、经营管理、仓储物流等服务。加快探索原材料工业与“5G+工业互联网”融合发展，打造更多典型应用场景，赋能企业提质降本增效。", "en": "Accelerate the construction of secondary nodes for the identification and resolution of the industrial internet of things in the raw materials industry, and promote the exploration and application of identification and resolution in supply chain collaboration, product traceability, inventory management, and other aspects. Encourage leading enterprises to create networked collaboration platforms between enterprises, realizing resource sharing and collaborative manufacturing among multiple production bases. Encourage leading enterprises in the industrial chain to create enterprise-level industrial internet platforms, achieve integration of the industrial chain and supply chain, and build industrial internet platforms with characteristics for specific industries and regions, as well as professional technical industrial internet platforms. Encourage enterprises to connect enterprise-side and user-side data based on the platform, guided by downstream customer needs, and restructure product structures and manufacturing processes, realizing a shift from large-scale mass production to large-scale customization. Build cross-industry and cross-domain industrial internet platforms, explore cross-domain integration of the raw materials industry with logistics, urban construction, energy, and other industries. Encourage leading enterprises in the raw materials industry, third-party institutions, and others to lead the creation of specialized and characteristic industrial internet platforms for the raw materials industry, promoting the digital transformation and cloudization of key equipment. Focus on cultivating and promoting a batch of industrial apps and solutions for process management, providing research and development design, software usage, production manufacturing, equipment operation and maintenance, business management, warehousing and logistics, and other services for small and medium-sized enterprises. Accelerate the exploration of the integration and development of the raw materials industry and 5G + industrial internet, create more typical application scenarios, and empower enterprises to improve quality, reduce costs, and increase efficiency."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发行人是即将进入商业化阶段、专注于泌尿生殖系统（UrogenitalSystem）肿瘤及其它重大疾病领域的全球化创新药公司。 秉承“改善人类健康，让生命更有尊严”的企业使命，发行人立志成为在专注治疗领域集研发、生产和商业化为一体的国际领先制药企业，为中国和全球患者提供最佳的诊疗一体化解决方案。 发行人坚持以创新技术和产品为核心驱动力，通过内部完善的研发体系、三大核心技术平台和全球药物开发经验专长，深入探索药物作用机理，高效率筛选评价候选药物，致力于在专注治疗领域推出全球首创（First-in-Class）药物及存在巨大未被满足治疗需求的创新药物。 同时，发行人通过自主研发和战略合作，围绕泌尿生殖系统疾病进行产品管线的深度布局。 发行人高度关注专注领域的技术前沿和治疗发展趋势，洞察并挖掘未被满足的临床需求，前瞻性地进行产品规划和生命周期管理，打造从疾病诊断到治疗的优势产品组合，从而造福更多的中国和全球患者。 发行人主营业务及产品管线的具体情况请详见本招股说明书“第六节业务与技术”之“一、发行人主营业务、主要产品或服务的基本情况”。", "en": "The issuer is a global innovative pharmaceutical company that is about to enter the commercialization stage and focuses on the field of urogenital system tumors and other major diseases. Adhering to the corporate mission of \"improving human health and making life more dignified,\" the issuer aspires to become an internationally leading pharmaceutical company that integrates research and development, production, and commercialization in the field of focused treatment, providing the best integrated diagnosis and treatment solutions for patients in China and globally. The issuer insists on innovation technology and products as the core driving force, explores the mechanism of drug action through its internal research and development system, three core technology platforms, and global drug development expertise, efficiently screens and evaluates candidate drugs, and is committed to launching globally innovative first-in-class drugs and innovative drugs that address significant unmet treatment needs in the field of focused treatment. At the same time, the issuer deepens its product pipeline layout through independent research and development and strategic cooperation in the field of urogenital system diseases. The issuer pays close attention to the technological frontier and treatment development trends in the focused field, identifies and explores unmet clinical needs, conducts proactive product planning and lifecycle management, and creates an advantageous product portfolio from disease diagnosis to treatment, benefiting more patients in China and globally. For specific information about the issuer's main business and product pipeline, please refer to Section 6 \"Business and Technology\" of this prospectus under \"I. Basic Information on the Issuer's Main Business, Major Products, or Services.\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "宋书航：“我有种预感，他会给我一个惊喜。”说不定自己想要的‘心魔劫’也能从公子海身上得到。 苏氏阿十六问道：“书航你知道公子海在哪？” “嘿嘿嘿，昨天我睡觉时入梦了公子海，稍稍得到了点情报。”宋书航道。 苏氏阿十六点头道：“那我们就去找他吧，现在七点，我们速度得快点……白前辈他们说不定１１、１２点就回来了。” “我先留点东西。”宋书航打开房间里的储物箱，然后在其中放了一枚‘宝石果实’加一份黑龙世界的化形‘石乳’，另外又放了十枚‘刀意通玄莲子’。 葱娘：“咦？这些东西放在储物箱里干嘛？不如让我将它们吃掉吧？” “这些是给小彩留的。”宋书航轻轻弹了弹葱娘的葱尖。 然后他给小彩发了条短信，告诉她自己在药师大楼里给她留了化形的宝物，让她抽空来一趟。", "en": "Song Shuhang responded, “I have a hunch that he’ll be giving me a surprise.” Song Shuhang might just be able to get the inner demon tribulation he’d been looking for through Young Master Hai’s body. Su Clan’s Sixteen asked, “Shuhang, do you know where Young Master Hai is?” Song Shuhang said, “Hehe, I got to dream of his life yesterday when I was sleeping, so I got some information.” Sixteen nodded, and said, “Then let’s go and find him. It’s seven o’clock now, we have to hurry up. Senior White and Senior Eternal Fire will probably be back by 11 or 12 o’clock.” “I’ll pack some things before we leave.” Song Shuhang opened the storage box in the room, and then placed one gemstone fruit, a portion of stone milk from the Black Dragon World, and 10 Saber Intent Condensing Lotus Seeds inside. “Huh? Why are you leaving these things inside the storage box? Why don’t you just let me eat them instead?” Lady Onion asked. “These are reserved for Little Cai.” Song Shuhang flicked Lady Onion’s onion tip. He then sent a text to Little Cai, telling her that he had left her a treasure in Medicine Master’s building, and that she should come over."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是专业从事柔性交直流输配电成套装置及大功率变流器等高端装备研发、制造、销售及服务的高新技术企业，致力于为客户提供智能电力高端装备、成套解决方案及综合服务，助力构建全球未来以新能源为主体的新型电力系统。 公司的主要产品包括柔性直流输电成套装置（HVDCSmart）、柔性交流输电成套装置（FACTS）和大功率变流器（MaxiVert）三大系列。 公司自成立以来，始终坚持走自主研发的道路，以创新技术为核心，构筑大容量电能变换高端装备产品体系，凭借雄厚的技术开发实力、完善的质量管理体系、优质的全生命周期服务及高素质的核心团队取得了快速发展。 公司的产品和成套解决方案已广泛应用于电力输配电、清洁能源等重要领域，参与了国内多个重点工程建设，打破国外垄断局面，实现关键设备的国产化，提升了我国大容量。 电能变换装备的研制水平，助力我国高端电力装备制造产业升级换代，是国内大容量高端电力装备制造的领军企业之一。", "en": "The company is a high-tech enterprise specializing in the research and development, manufacturing, sales, and service of complete sets of flexible AC/DC transmission and distribution equipment and high-power inverters. It is committed to providing customers with intelligent power high-end equipment, complete solutions, and comprehensive services, and to helping build a new type of power system globally based on new energy. The company's main products include three series: flexible DC transmission equipment (HVDCSmart), flexible AC transmission equipment (FACTS), and high-power inverters (MaxiVert). Since its establishment, the company has always adhered to the path of independent research and development, with innovative technology as the core, and has built a high-end equipment product system for large-capacity energy conversion. With strong technical development capabilities, a sound quality management system, high-quality lifecycle services, and a high-quality core team, the company has achieved rapid development. The company's products and complete solutions have been widely used in power transmission and distribution, clean energy, and other important fields. They have participated in multiple key domestic engineering projects, breaking the monopoly of foreign countries and achieving the localization of key equipment, thereby improving the research and development level of large-capacity energy conversion equipment in China and promoting the upgrading and transformation of the domestic high-end power equipment manufacturing industry. The company is one of the leading enterprises in the domestic manufacturing of large-capacity high-end power equipment."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The New Natural World YORK – Sixty-six million years ago, a celestial body crashed into the Earth and wiped out the dinosaurs. With that, there was space for the rise of mammals and, eventually, the evolution of a tool-wielding, linguistically capable, bipedal ape with the power, some argue, to have almost as transformative an impact on the planet as that celestial body. As we enter the so-called Anthropocene epoch, in which human activity is a dominant influence on the climate and environment, we must take a hard – and nuanced – look at how we are using that power. Many believe the world is becoming increasingly “unnatural” – tainted by humanity. But, given that humans evolved within the world’s biological system, everything we do – killing off species, razing forests, polluting the atmosphere – can be regarded as a natural product of the evolutionary process. By this logic, the world does not become any less natural as we change it. It could be argued that environmentalists and conservationists, in their efforts to return the environment to a past version of itself, are fighting against nature. The reality of today’s world is that it is impossible to separate completely the human from the non-human influences on biological communities. Throughout the history of life on Earth, ecological and evolutionary processes have been the means by which the biological world survives environmental change. Instead of automatically resisting such change, therefore, environmentalists and conservationists should distinguish between “good change” and “bad change.” The challenge is to define good and bad.", "zh": "新的自然界 约克—六千六百万年前，一个天体撞击了地球，让恐龙灭绝。 哺乳类动物因此获得了生存空间，并最终演化出有工具武装、具备语言能力的直立猿类，有人认为，它们的力量对地球的改变之大几乎可以和那颗小天体相提并论。 随着我们进入所谓的人类世，人类活动主导着气候和环境影响，我们必须认真仔细地审视我们如何使用这一力量。 很多人认为世界正在变得越来越“不自然 ” — —被人类所毒害。 但考虑到人类系在世界生态系统中演化而成，我们所做的每一件事 — — 杀绝物种、毁灭森林、污染大气 — — 都可以视为演化过程的自然产物。 根据这一逻辑，世界并没有因为我们改变了它而变得不那么自然。 可以说，环保主义者和保守主义者所奉行让环境恢复过去的自己是在与自然作对。 当今世界的现实是根本不可能完全将生物界的人类与非人类影响区分开来。 纵观地球生命史，生态和演化过程一直是生物界从环境变化中存活下来的途径。 因此，环保主义者和保守主义者不应该自动反对这一变化，而应该区分“好变化”和“坏变化 ” 。 挑战就在于定义好与坏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Progress Report estimates that about half of all diarrhea episodes, and about a third of respiratory infections, could be averted by breastfeeding. Yet rates of exclusive breastfeeding during a child’s first six months remain low. In ten of the 15 countries evaluated in the Progress Report, fewer than half of mothers exclusively breastfeed their children. To increase breastfeeding rates, governments need to ensure that mothers receive the guidance and help they need. That means training health workers; establishing community-level support networks, such as mother-to-mother groups; investing in behavioral-change campaigns; and creating a culture in which breastfeeding is welcome and encouraged. The second critical intervention is improved water, sanitation, and hygiene in homes and communities. Globally, according to UNICEF, around 2.4 billion people still do not have access to modern sanitation, and 663 million do not have access to safe water sources. Many kids still lack clean drinking water, access to basic toilets, and good hygiene practices. Poor water quality and lack of reliable sanitation systems to treat human waste play a big role in spreading diseases. UNICEF reports that something as simple as hand washing with soap can cut rates of diarrhea and respiratory infections by more than 40% and 25%, respectively. By investing not only in systems to provide clean drinking water and sanitation, but also in educational programs that encourage better hygiene practices and toilet use, governments can break a vicious cycle of diarrhea and malnutrition that causes irreversible physical and cognitive damage.", "zh": "《进展报告》估算，大约一半的腹泻病例以及三分之一的呼吸系统感染可以通过母乳喂养避免。 但新生儿前六个月纯母乳喂养率仍然很低。 在《进展报告》所评估的15个国家中，有10个国家只有不到一半的母亲纯母乳喂养孩子。 要提高母乳喂养率，政府需要确保母亲获得所需的指导和帮助。 这意味着培训卫生工作者；建立社区级支持网络（如母亲互助团体 ） ； 投资于移风易俗运动；建立欢迎和鼓励母乳喂养的文化等。 第二项关键性干预是改善社区和家中的水、环境卫生和卫生情况。 据联合国儿童基金会，全球有大约24亿人仍无法获得现代环境卫生设施，6.63亿人无法获得安全水资源。 许多儿童仍然缺乏清洁的饮用水，无法获得基本厕所设施、养成良好的卫生习惯。 糟糕的水质以及缺乏可靠的环境卫生系统处理人类垃圾是疾病传播的重要原因。 联合国儿童基金会报告，只要采取用肥皂洗手等简单的措施，就能让腹泻和呼吸系统感染发病率分别降低40%和25 % 。 政府不但要投资于提供清洁饮用水和环境卫生的系统，也要投资于鼓励更好的卫生习惯和使用厕所的教育计划，如此就能打破导致不可逆转的身体和认知损害的腹泻和营养不良的恶性循环。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I think we all have closets. Your closet may be telling someone you love her for the first time, or telling someone that you're pregnant, or telling someone you have cancer, or any of the other hard conversations we have throughout our lives. All a closet is is a hard conversation, and although our topics may vary tremendously, the experience of being in and coming out of the closet is universal. It is scary, and we hate it, and it needs to be done. Several years ago, I was working at the South Side Walnut Cafe, a local diner in town, and during my time there I would go through phases of militant lesbian intensity: not shaving my armpits, quoting Ani DiFranco lyrics as gospel. And depending on the bagginess of my cargo shorts and how recently I had shaved my head, the question would often be sprung on me, usually by a little kid: \"Um, are you a boy or are you a girl?\" And there would be an awkward silence at the table. I'd clench my jaw a little tighter, hold my coffee pot with a little more vengeance. The dad would awkwardly shuffle his newspaper and the mom would shoot a chilling stare at her kid. But I would say nothing, and I would seethe inside. So I promised myself, the next time, I would say something. I would have that hard conversation. So within a matter of weeks, it happens again. \"Are you a boy or are you a girl?\"", "zh": "我想大家都有个柜 你所谓的出柜 有的或许是你跟她第一次说我爱你 或许告诉别人你怀孕了 或许告诉别人你患有癌症 甚至是其他我们都经历过的 难以启齿的谈话 所谓的柜就是一次说不出口的谈话 虽然我们的话题涉及广泛 在柜中 和出柜的经历都是相通的 这种感觉很可怕 尽管我们都不喜欢 但是还得这样做 几年以前 我在South Side Walnut咖啡店工作 一个当地的餐厅 那段时间我经历了 激进女同性恋的紧张 没有刮我的腋毛 引用福音Ani DiFranco的歌词 由于我宽松的工装短裤 还有我最近的发型 经常会有人问我 通常是小孩儿问我 \"嗯，你是男孩还是女孩？\" 随之而来的是一阵尴尬的寂静 我紧咬牙关 怀着报复的心紧握着咖啡罐 爸爸尴尬地乱翻着报纸 妈妈冷漠地盯着孩子 但是我说不出口 内心却在沸腾 所以我跟自己讲 下一次 我一定会说什么 我会把话说出口 所以 过了几个星期 又出现这种状况了 \"你是男孩还是女孩？\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Will This COP Be Different? CAMBRIDGE – As world leaders gather at the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow, there is tremendous ebullience about the potential of green energy sources. But the hard fact is that fossil fuels still account for 80% of global energy, as they did when governments signed the Paris climate agreement to much fanfare at COP21 six years ago. And even though many economies have not yet returned to their pre-pandemic GDP level, the world is on track in 2021 to post its second-largest annual increase in carbon dioxide emissions on record. True, the International Energy Agency’s recent flagship World Energy Outlook report, which remains the gold standard of energy analysis, strikes an optimistic note by placing greater emphasis on what can be done to limit global warming. But at the same time, “keeping the door to 1.5°C open” seems to involve so many moving parts, innovations, adaptations, and, yes, sacrifices, that it is hard to see how it will work without the global carbon price most economists regard as necessary. In particular, a carbon tax simultaneously incentivizes and coordinates emissions-reduction efforts, and allocates resources accordingly, in ways that state planners simply cannot achieve. The idea of a carbon tax remains political anathema in the United States; it briefly came to the fore in the recent budget negotiations but was dropped like a hot potato.", "zh": "本届联合国气候大会能有新花样吗？ 发自剑桥—当世界各国领导人齐聚格拉斯哥参加联合国《气候变化框架公约》第26次缔约国大会（COP26）时，人们对绿色能源的潜力表现出了极大的热情。 但严峻的事实摆在那里：化石燃料仍然占据着全球80%的能源供应，跟六年前各国政府在第21次缔约国大会上大张旗鼓地签署《巴黎协定》时持平。 同时尽管许多经济体尚未恢复到疫情前的GDP水平，但世界将在2021年迎来有史以来第二高的年度二氧化碳排放增长幅度。 诚然，国际能源署最近发布的高级别报告《世界能源展望 》 — —也是能源分析的黄金标准 — — 通过更多地着墨于限制全球变暖的各类举措来为我们传达了一个乐观的信号。 但与此同时 ， “ 让1.5°C的大门继续敞开”似乎涉及许多斡旋、创新、调整，以及（无可否认的）牺牲，以至于很难想象它在缺少了被大多数经济学家视为必要的全球碳价格时将如何运作 — — 特别是碳税可以同时激励和协调减排工作并相应分配资源，而这些都是各国规划者根本无法实现的。 在美国，征收碳税的想法仍然是政治上的禁忌；它曾在近期的预算谈判中被短暂地摆上台面，却又像一个烫手山芋一样被抛弃了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But in the Global South, oil and gas resources have not translated into sustained economic development and higher standards of living. Instead, they have generally involved extraction from some for the benefit of others: a “resource curse.” In this moment of greater interest in sustainable and just transitions, an increasing number of African countries are pursuing new petroleum exploration and production. Understandably, they hope finally to reap the development benefits of their natural endowments. While more sustainable energy systems are crucial from an environmental perspective, during the transition – and while petroleum resources continue to be required – African states will need to make the most of their fossil-fuel resources and exploit them in ways that contribute to positive welfare outcomes. This is the logic underpinning petro-development. But even with substantial new investment, especially from China and India, the possibilities for petro-development are waning. What once looked like a source of infinite opportunity now has clear limits, given lower global oil prices and a shift in demand toward renewable-energy sources. As a former head of Nigeria’s national oil company, Barkindo is acutely aware of the difficulties in exploiting oil and gas resources in ways that produce net benefits to both the state and its citizens. As renewable energy becomes more cost-effective and societies make the transition to a post-carbon world, the conversation should not be about how the existing oil industry can be part of the solution, but rather about how the industry can make more contributions to socioeconomic development during the transition. Even if oil prices recover, it seems unlikely that most African countries will be able to achieve the desired petro-development without radically overhauling their approach to natural-resource management and governance. And that will require a long-term, carefully designed, and feasible strategy for social and economic development. Such a strategy should, for example, recognize that new investment in the oil industry leads to billions of dollars of spending on a wide variety of goods and services from companies that, in many cases, do much more than service the oil industry. In recent years, Nigeria has been leading a push for African petroleum producers to capture more value by promoting “local content.” Across Africa, countries are trying to build local companies and encourage international companies to do more of their work in-country. In effect, they are trying to find a way to make good use of their resources before the window for doing so closes.", "zh": "但在全球南方，石油天然气资源并未转化为持续经济发展和更高的生活水平。 相反，它们导致了部分人受益，其他人受损，即“资源的诅咒 ” 。 如今，人们更关注可持续的、公平的转型，越来越多的非洲国家采取了新的石化开采和生产措施。 不难理解，它们希望终于能够从资源禀赋中收获发展收益。 从环境角度，更加可持续的能源体系至关重要，但在转型期间 — — 以及石化资源仍然必不可少的时候 — — 非洲国家需要尽量利用化石燃料资源，实现积极的福利结果。 这便是石化发展的基本逻辑。 但即使有大量新投资，特别是来自中国和印度的投资，石化发展的可能性也在日益消失。 曾几何时看上去深不可测的机会源，现在已经有了清晰的极限，全球油价的下跌和需求向可再生能源资源的转移证明了这一点。 身为尼日利亚国家石油公司前主管，巴尔津多敏锐地认识到，勘探石油天然气资源要想给国家和公民都带来净收益是非常困难的。 随着可再生能源性价比日益提高，以及社会开始转向后碳时代，要讨论的问题不再是现有石油业如何成为解决方案的一部分，而是石油业如何为转型期间的社会经济发展做出更大贡献。 即使石油价格恢复，如果不大幅改进自然资源管理和治理方针，大部分非洲国家也不可能实现渴望的石化发展。 而这需要长期的、精心设计的、可行的社会和经济发展战略。 比如，这一战略应该认识到，石油行业新投资能带来数十亿美元的支出用于各种商品和服务，提供这些产品和服务的公司往往远不仅限于服务石油业。 最近几年中，尼日利亚引领非洲石化生产商通过推动“本地内容”获取更多价值。 放眼非洲，各国都在试图打造本地公司，鼓励国际公司来国内开展更多业务。 事实上，它们是在寻找办法在机会窗口关闭之前更好地利用它们的资源。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fragmentation of Bretton Woods LAGUNA BEACH – The world has changed considerably since political leaders from the 44 Allied countries met in 1944 in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to create the institutional framework for the post-World War II economic and monetary order. What has not changed in the last 70 years is the need for strong multilateral institutions. Yet national political support for the Bretton Woods institutions – the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank – seems to have reached an all-time low, undermining the global economy’s ability to meet its potential and contributing to geopolitical insecurity. When the Bretton Woods conference was convened, its participants understood that the IMF and the World Bank were integral to global stability. Indeed, both institutions were designed to discourage individual countries from adopting short-sighted policies that would harm other economies’ performance, incite retaliatory action, and ultimately damage the entire world economy. In other words, they were intended to prevent the kind of beggar-thy-neighbor policies that many major economies adopted during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Moreover, by encouraging better policy coordination and the pooling of financial resources, the Bretton Woods institutions boosted the effectiveness of international cooperation. And they enhanced stability by offering collective insurance to countries facing temporary hardship or struggling to meet their development-financing needs. It is difficult to identify more than a small handful of countries that have not benefited in some way from the IMF or the World Bank. Yet countries seem hesitant to contribute to the reform and strengthening of these institutions. In fact, a growing number of systemically important countries have taken measures that are undermining the Fund and the Bank, albeit largely inadvertently. In recent years, mounting domestic political pressure has driven Western governments to adopt increasingly insular policies. And, just a few weeks ago, the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) acted to bolster a currency-reserve pool to help ease short-term liquidity pressures and to establish their own development bank – a direct challenge to the IMF and the World Bank. Indeed, unlike existing parallel arrangements, which have always been regional in nature and intended to complement the work of the IMF and the World Bank, the BRICS’ New Development Bank and contingent reserve agreement are not based on cultural, geographical, or historical links.", "zh": "布雷顿森林的崩溃 拉古娜海滩—1944年，44个同盟国的政治领导人齐聚新罕布什尔州布雷顿森林，建立了二战后国际经济和货币秩序框架。 至此以后，世界发生了巨大的变化。 在这70年里，不变的是对强大的多边机构的需要。 但对布雷顿森林机构 — — 国际货币基金组织（International Monetary Fund，IMF）和世界银行（World Bank ） — —的国家支持似乎滑落到历史最低水平，制约了全球经济实现潜力，也导致了地缘政治不安全。 布雷顿森林会议召开时，参与者都知道IMF和世界银行事关全球稳定。 事实上，这两个机构就是为了阻止个体国家采取可能伤害其他国家表现、导致报复政策并最终伤害世界经济整体的短视政策而设计的。 换句话说，它们的成立是为了防止众多主要经济体在大萧条和20世纪30年代所实施的以邻为壑政策。 此外，通过鼓励更好的政策协作、集中金融资源，布雷顿森林机构增进了国际合作的效果。 它们还通过为面临暂时困境或难以满足发展融资需求的国家提供集体保险强化了稳定。 很难找出没有以各种方式从IMF和世界银行获益的国家。 但个股似乎对促进改革、加强这些机构颇感犹豫。 事实上，越来越多的系统重要性国家采取了妨碍IMF和世界银行的措施，尽管本意未必如此。 近几年来，日益增加的国内政治压力促使西方政府采取日益孤立的政策。 而就在数周前，金砖国家（巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和南非）采取行动，建立货币储备池以缓解短期流动性压力并建立其自身的开发银行 — — 这是对IMF和世界银行的直接挑战。 事实上，与一直地区性质、以补充IMF和世界银行作用为初衷的现行类似安排不同，金砖国家的新开发银行和应急储备协议并不以文化、地缘政治或历史渊源为基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There was however one really interesting and telling difference between the brains of the memory champions and the control subjects that they were comparing them to. When they put these guys in an fMRI machine, scanned their brains while they were memorizing numbers and people's faces and pictures of snowflakes, they found that the memory champions were lighting up different parts of the brain than everyone else. Of note, they were using, or they seemed to be using, a part of the brain that's involved in spatial memory and navigation. Why? And is there something the rest of us can learn from this? The sport of competitive memorizing is driven by a kind of arms race where every year somebody comes up with a new way to remember more stuff more quickly, and then the rest of the field has to play catchup. This is my friend Ben Pridmore, three-time world memory champion. On his desk in front of him are 36 shuffled packs of playing cards that he is about to try to memorize in one hour, using a technique that he invented and he alone has mastered. He used a similar technique to memorize the precise order of 4,140 random binary digits in half an hour. Yeah. And while there are a whole host of ways of remembering stuff in these competitions, everything, all of the techniques that are being used, ultimately come down to a concept that psychologists refer to as elaborative encoding.", "zh": "但对比受控制的比对目标的大脑 记忆大赛冠军们的大脑 确实有一处很有趣的不同 很说明问题 这些人被送去做功能磁共振 扫描大脑时 当他们在记忆数字或人脸或雪花图案时 研究人员发现记忆大赛冠军们 的大脑激活的区域 跟普通人不太一样 值得注意的是 他们看来是在用 脑中在空间记忆和导航时会用到的部分 为什么? 我们可以从中得出什么样的结论呢? 竞争性记忆的较量 被一种类似军事比赛的方式推向了白热化 每年都会有人 带着更有效的记忆方法现身赛场 而其他人就必须迎头赶上 这是我的朋友Ben Pridmore 赢得过三次国际记忆大赛冠军 在他的台前 有三十六副打乱顺序的牌 他要在一个小时内记下全部 用的是一种他自己发明的 也只有他会的技巧 用与此类似的方法 他曾一字不差地背下了 4140个任意排列的二进制数 只用了半个小时 很牛吧 参赛者在这些竞赛中 运用过很多不同的记忆方法 各式各样 被运用到的所有技巧 最终都能归化为一个概念 心理学家称之为\"精细编码\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发行人是一家智能生产线和智能设备集成供应商，主要从事智能生产线的规划、研发、设计、装配、调试集成、销售、服务和交钥匙工程等。 公司依据客户产品要求、质量保证特性和生产纲领等进行工艺方案规划，再依据研发设计的工位设备技术方案进行采购、加工、装配和调试等。 公司的产品首先在公司现场完成整条产线的装配和调试，通过客户的预验收后发货至客户现场，在客户现场完成智能生产线的装配和调试，并通过客户的终验收，最终完成满足要求的智能生产线。 公司立足于国内领先的智能化装配技术和工艺，可为全球客户提供领先、可靠的智能化装备、装配技术及成套定制化产品的综合解决方案，满足全球制造业精益、高效和柔性作业需求，公司不断为客户提供高品质的自动化、柔性化、信息化和智能化的产品及服务。 凭借多年积累的技术优势和品牌优势，公司获得了国内外一流客户的认可，公司的主要客户包括上汽通用、采埃孚、北京奔驰、长安福特、特斯拉、华晨宝马、标致雪铁龙、康明斯、格特拉克、卡特彼勒、上汽集团、一汽大众和盛瑞传动等国内外知名品牌企业。", "en": "The issuer is an integrated supplier of intelligent production lines and intelligent equipment, mainly engaged in the planning, research and development, design, assembly, debugging integration, sales, service, and turnkey projects of intelligent production lines. The company plans the process scheme based on customer product requirements, quality assurance characteristics, and production guidelines, and then procures, processes, assembles, and debugs according to the technical scheme of research and development and design of workstations and equipment. The company's products are first assembled and debugged on-site, and after pre-acceptance by the customer, they are delivered to the customer's site. The assembly and debugging of the intelligent production line are completed at the customer's site, and the final acceptance is completed to meet the requirements of the intelligent production line. The company is based on leading domestic intelligent assembly technology and processes, and can provide comprehensive solutions for leading and reliable intelligent equipment, assembly technology, and complete customized products for global customers, meeting the lean, efficient, and flexible operation needs of the global manufacturing industry. The company continuously provides customers with high-quality automation, flexibility, informatization, and intelligent products and services. With years of accumulated technical and brand advantages, the company has gained recognition from top domestic and foreign customers. The company's main customers include SAIC General Motors, ZF, Beijing Benz, Changan Ford, Tesla, Brilliance BMW, Peugeot Citroen, Cummins, Getrag, Caterpillar, SAIC Group, FAW-Volkswagen, and Shengrui Transmission, among other well-known domestic and foreign brands."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The closely watched University of Michigan five-year inflation expectations index may have briefly risen above 3%, but it has since fallen back to 2.9%, suggesting that average consumers regard this year’s huge surge in inflation as temporary. Yes, if you are on the Federal Reserve Board, it is far too early to be too confident in this finding. But if consumer sentiments do continue to ease in the coming months, I suspect that the Fed will become less hawkish. Third, while many commodity prices remain significantly elevated from this time a year ago, they, too, have eased in recent weeks. Were they to remain relatively stable, headline inflation in many countries would start to fall – perhaps significantly. Interestingly, while the BOE’s forecast of a recession and even higher inflation has gotten plenty of attention, few seem to have noticed that the central bank ultimately expects inflation to fall sharply from its anticipated higher peak throughout most of 2023. Finally, in most investment-bank research notes nowadays, there is a strong assumption that central banks will vigorously fight any financial-market rally, because they cannot afford to let financial conditions ease in the current environment of low unemployment, upward wage pressures, and concerns about inflation. Yet while this has certainly been the message that one hears from central bankers, I tend to rely on the adage that, “If you can be sure of anything, it is that central bankers will at some point change their mind about the economic climate.” No one is clairvoyant. Recall that throughout 2020 and much of 2021, the consensus among central bankers was that inflation was transient. Though they have since changed their tune, it may turn out that they weren’t entirely wrong after all. Again, it is too early to be too optimistic. I don’t want to give the impression that recession fears are unwarranted. If the recent dip in inflationary signals (such as commodity, house, and used-car prices) and long-term inflationary expectations reverses, I would have to backpedal. But having lived and breathed financial markets for the better part of 40 years, I am always intrigued when there is such a strong consensus about something – especially when some of the actual evidence runs against it. In any case, I certainly hope that the pessimism does turn out to be overdone.", "zh": "备受关注的密歇根大学五年通胀预期指数曾短暂升至3%以上，但此后又回落至2.9 % ， 这表明普通消费者认为今年通胀的大幅飙升是暂时的。 是的，如果你是联邦储备委员会成员，现在对这一发现过于自信还为时过早。 但如果未来几个月消费者情绪确实继续缓和，我怀疑美联储将变得不那么鹰派。 第三，虽然许多大宗商品价格与一年前的这个时候相比仍显着上涨，但最近几周也有所回落。 如果它们保持相对稳定，许多国家的总体通胀将开始下降 — — 也许是显着下降。 有趣的是，英国央行对经济衰退甚至更高通胀的预测得到了大量关注，但很少有人注意到央行最终预计通胀将从预期的 2023 年大部的高峰值大幅回落。 最后，在当今大多数投资银行研究报告中，有一个强有力的假设，即中央银行将大力对抗任何金融市场的反弹，因为在当前低失业率、工资上涨压力和担忧通胀的环境下，它们无法再放款金融条件。 然而，虽说人们从央行官员那里听到的信息就是如此，但我倾向于依赖这句格言 ： “ 如果说有什么事是肯定的话，那就是央行官员会随时改变他们对经济环境的看法 。 ” 没有人是千里眼。 回想一下，在整个 2020 年和 2021 年的大部分时间里，央行官员的共识是通胀是短暂的。 尽管他们后来改变了态度，事实仍有可能证明他们并不完全错误。 同样，现在过于乐观还为时过早。 我不想给人一种印象，即对衰退的担忧是没有根据的。 如果近期通胀信号（如商品、房屋和二手车价格）的下降趋势和长期通胀预期逆转，我也会改变看法。 但是，以我浸淫金融市场40年的经验，当对某事有如此强烈的共识时，我总是很感兴趣 — — 尤其是当一些实际证据与共识背道而驰时。 无论如何，我显然希望事实是悲观过度了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such an extension requires unanimous consent from all EU countries by means of an amendment to the Treaty. This barrier should have ensured that the principle of allocation neutrality was upheld. But, as so often happens, EU policymakers have come up with legal trickery to avoid a formal Treaty change. Putting aside the fundamental legal and economic concerns about the ECB’s manipulation of interest rates, the prospect of nuclear power receiving a green classification is a welcome development. It also makes perfect sense, considering that nuclear power plants don’t emit CO2. In terms of the broader climate agenda, Green politicians made a huge mistake when they demonized nuclear power, and the rest of the world has recognized this. After all, the big shift away from nuclear power, and toward wind and solar, occurred only in Germany and a few other countries, following various accidents that received a great deal of media attention. New nuclear power plants are once again being planned and built throughout the world. Fifty-seven are currently under construction, 97 are planned, and 325 additional plants are being proposed. The first country that seriously considered abandoning nuclear power entirely was Sweden, following the 1979 Three Mile Island accident in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. But it has kept most of its nuclear power plants, and it has long since given up on an exit. Similarly, despite the 2011 Fukushima accident, Japan has once again fully embraced nuclear energy, following a safety review and modernization of its power stations.", "zh": "这种扩权需要所有欧盟国家一致同意，以修订马约的形式实现。 这一障碍本应确保配置中立原则得到维护。 但是，正如经常发生的那样，欧盟政策制定者利用法律伎俩来避免正式的马约变更。 撇开欧洲央行操纵利率的基本法律和经济问题不谈，核电获得绿色分类的前景是一个可喜的发展。 这也非常有意义，因为核电站不排放二氧化碳。 对于总体气候议程，绿党政客在妖魔化核能时犯了一个巨大的错误，世界其他地区已经认识到这一点。 毕竟，从核能转向风能和太阳能的大规模转变只发生在德国和其他少数几个国家，在媒体大量关注的各种事故之后。 世界各地正在再次计划和建造新的核电站。 目前有 57 座核电站正在建设中，97 座正在规划中，另外 325 座提上了议程。 第一个认真考虑完全放弃核电的国家是瑞典，时间是在 1979 年宾夕法尼亚州哈里斯堡三英里岛（Three Mile Island）事故之后。 但瑞典保留了大部分核电站，而且早就放弃了退出核电。 同样，尽管发生了 2011 年福岛事故，但日本在对其发电站进行了安全审查和现代化之后，再次全面拥抱核能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When I went to the site, the first design operation we did was to extend the existing streets, creating 12 initial blocks similar in size and characteristics to the ones we have in Barcelona and other cities in Europe with these courtyards. On top of that, we selected some strategic points reminded of this idea of the gates and connecting them by straight lines, and this modified this initial pattern. And the last operation was to think about the cell, the small cell of the project, like the apartment, as an essential part of the master plan. And for that I thought, what would be the best orientation in the Mediterranean climate for an apartment? And it's north-south, because it creates a thermal difference between both sides of the house and then a natural ventilation. So we overlap a pattern that makes sure that most of the apartments are perfectly oriented in that direction. And this is the result that is almost like a combination of the European block and the Arab city. It has these blocks with courtyards, and then on the ground floor you have all these connections for the pedestrians. And also it responds to the local regulations that establish a higher density on the upper levels and a lower density on the ground floor. And it also reinforces this idea of the gates.", "zh": "当我开始在图纸上规划, 我们做的第一件事情 就是延长周边的街道, 将大区块分割12个基本的小区块 在大小和特征上都类似于我们在巴塞罗那 和其它欧洲城市常见的街区规划. 在这些街区规划的基础上, 借鉴刚才提到的想法, 我们选择了一些关键点, 将这些关键点通过直线 连接起来, 改变了一开始的模式. 最后一步是考虑具体的区块内建筑的设计, 这些类似公寓的小隔间, 是构成这个巨大规划的基本组成部分. 这个时候我在想, 对于一个位于地中海气候的公寓, 什么样的朝向是最好的? 答案是南北朝向, 可以利用房子南北两侧的温度差异, 创造了一个自然的穿堂风效果. 于是我们实现了这种模式,让所有的公寓 都拥有完美的朝向. 这是我们设计的效果, 像是一种结合, 阿拉伯城市风格与欧洲住宅风格的结合. 有些建筑区块是带有走庭院的, 而周围地面上的 人行道能够完整的连接起来. 同时她也满足的当地管理部门的需求, 上层建筑中的人口密度高, 地面人口密度不高. 同时她也满足了我们对出入口之间连通性要求."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s December Day of Reckoning VIENNA – While most of the European Union seems panic-stricken by the prospect of a victory for French far-right leader Marine Le Pen in France’s presidential election in May, the EU’s next test will come much sooner. On Sunday, Italians will vote in a referendum on constitutional reforms, and Austrians will choose their next president. Both countries’ votes could have major ramifications beyond their borders. In Italy, the upcoming plebiscite has become a popular confidence vote in Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, who has said he will resign if the reforms are rejected. According to the latest polls, Renzi could be forced to make good on his pledge, which might spell the end of reformist social democracy in Italy – and beyond. In Austria, voters will choose between a pro- and an anti-EU candidate in the nationalist mold of Le Pen, Norbert Hofer of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). A victory for Hofer could add wind to Le Pen’s sails. The constitutional changes that Renzi’s Yes campaign is asking voters to approve would undo some of his predecessor Silvio Berlusconi’s legacy – a legacy that serves as a prime example of the damage right-wing populism can do to a country. Among other things, Berlusconi altered Italy’s political system in such a way as to prevent the left from ever gaining full power again, and to block any criminal charges that could be leveled against him.", "zh": "12月，欧洲的反思日 维也纳—欧盟大部分国家都因为法国极右翼领导人马琳·勒庞（Marine Le Pen）可能在5月的法国总统大选中取得胜利，但欧盟的下一场考验来得要比这早得多。 本周日，意大利将进行宪政改革全民公投，奥地利将选出下一任总统。 两国的投票结果将产生远远超越国境线的重大影响。 在意大利，即将到来的公决已经成为对总理伦齐的群众信心投票。 伦齐已经表示，如果改革遭拒，他将辞职。 根据最新民调，伦齐可能会被迫履行他的承诺，进而宣告意大利 — — 以及其他国家 — — 改革派社会民主告一段落。 在奥地利，选民将在亲欧盟和反欧盟候选人之间选择，后者是与勒庞持有相同民族主义立场的奥地利自由党（FPÖ）的诺尔伯特·霍福尔（Norbert Hofer ） 。 霍福尔取得胜利将大大助力勒庞的选情。 支持伦齐阵营要求选民批准的宪政改革将剪除一些其前任贝卢斯科尼的遗产 — — 这些遗产显著地表明了右翼民粹主义可能一个国家带来什么伤害。 为了阻止左翼重新赢得充分的权力，以及阻挠一切可能针对他个人的犯罪指控，贝卢斯科尼大大改变了意大利政治制度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Madame Defarge beckoned the Juryman and The Vengeance a little nearer to the door, and there expounded her further views to them thus: “She will now be at home, awaiting the moment of his death. She will be mourning and grieving. She will be in a state of mind to impeach the justice of the Republic. She will be full of sympathy with its enemies. I will go to her.” “What an admirable woman; what an adorable woman!” exclaimed Jacques Three, rapturously. “Ah, my cherished!” cried The Vengeance; and embraced her. “Take you my knitting,” said Madame Defarge, placing it in her lieutenant’s hands, “and have it ready for me in my usual seat. Keep me my usual chair. Go you there, straight, for there will probably be a greater concourse than usual, to-day.” “I willingly obey the orders of my Chief,” said The Vengeance with alacrity, and kissing her cheek. “You will not be late?” “I shall be there before the commencement.” “And before the tumbrils arrive. Be sure you are there, my soul,” said The Vengeance, calling after her, for she had already turned into the street, “before the tumbrils arrive!” Madame Defarge slightly waved her hand, to imply that she heard, and might be relied upon to arrive in good time, and so went through the mud, and round the corner of the prison wall. The Vengeance and the Juryman, looking after her as she walked away, were highly appreciative of her fine figure, and her superb moral endowments.", "zh": "德伐日太太招呼陪审员和复仇女神往门边靠了靠，向他俩进一步说明了她的观点： “那女的现在准在家等着他死去的时刻。她会哀悼，会痛苦，一定会对共和国的审判心怀不满，对共和国的敌人满怀同情。我要到她那儿去。” “多么令人钦佩的女人，多么值得崇拜的女人！”雅克三号欣喜若狂，叫道。“啊，我的心肝宝贝！”复仇女神叫了起来，拥抱了她。 “你把我的编织活儿拿去，”德伐日太太把毛线放到助手手里，“把它放在我平时的座位上，占好座包。马上去，因为十有八九今天的人会比平常多。” “我衷心接受上级的命令，”复仇女神敏捷作答，而且亲了亲她的面颊。“你不会迟到吧？” “行刑开始之前我准到。” “囚车到达之前。一准要到，我的宝贝，”复仇女神对着她的背影说，因为她已转身上了街。“囚车到达之前！” 德伐日太太轻轻挥了挥手，表示她听见了，一定准时到达，然后便穿过泥泞、绕过了监狱大墙。复仇女神和陪审员望着她远去，对她那漂亮的身影和无与伦比的道德秉赋表示了崇高的赞赏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Johnson’s government focusing merely on per capita GDP, with victory to be declared when people in the northeast are earning as much on average as people in London? This wouldn’t do, because, as Johnson notes, large parts of Greater London have also fallen dramatically behind the capital’s more successful areas. If leveling up is to be achieved without leveling down anyone else, boosting per capita GDP across Greater London would create an even larger gap between London and the northeast. Further complicating matters is the issue of living standards. There are massive differences in house prices depending on where one looks. Residents of the southeast – notably of places like Cambridge – may pay so much for housing that their real disposable incomes are below those of others who earn less elsewhere. Instead of targeting only per capita GDP, perhaps the government could focus on life expectancy. Some of Johnson’s most vivid anecdotes highlight the shocking geographical differences in how long people typically live. But it is unclear how, precisely, this public policy would target this metric. In any case, given that the same party that controlled the previous two governments – including the one that introduced the Northern Powerhouse plan – is still in power, allow me to share what I think the forthcoming white paper should spell out. First, the government needs to explain how it will measure progress and success. In my view, a better choice than per capita GDP would be regional productivity, because this both correlates strongly with per capita GDP and captures a range of other desirable social objectives.", "zh": "约翰逊政府是否只关注人均国内生产总值，当东北部人民的平均收入与伦敦人民一样多时，就宣布胜利了？ 这是行不通的，因为正如约翰逊指出的那样，大伦敦的大部分地区也大幅落后于首都更成功的地区。 如果要在不降低其他任何人水平的情况下实现拉平，提高大伦敦的人均国内生产总值将继续扩大伦敦和东北部之间的差距。 生活水平问题使情况进一步复杂化。 各地区的房价差异很大。 东南部（尤其是像剑桥这样的地方）的居民可能会为住房支付过多，以至于他们的实际可支配收入低于其他地方收入较低的人。 也许政府可以把重点放在预期寿命上，而不是只瞄准人均国内生产总值。 通过讲一些生动的轶事，约翰逊突出了不同地区人们预期寿命的惊人差异。 但尚不清楚这项公共政策将如何准确地针对这一问题。 无论如何，鉴于连续执政前两届的同一政党—包括提北部振兴计划的那届政府 - - 仍然掌权，请允许我分享我认为即将发布的白皮书应该阐述的内容。 首先，政府需要解释它将如何衡量进展和成功。 在我看来，比人均国内生产总值更好的选择是区域生产力，因为这既与人均国内生产总值密切相关，又可以体现一系列其他可取的社会目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发行人自成立以来，持续专注于卫星应用技术领域相关产品的研发及制造，是一家卫星导航和卫星通信终端设备研发、制造、销售和技术服务的高新技术企业，主要产品包括卫星导航、卫星通信等系列产品。 公司卫星导航产品主要为基于北斗卫星导航系统的导航终端设备以及核心部件产品，如卫星导航接收机、组件、专用测试设备等，目前主要应用于国防军事领域；卫星通信产品主要为卫星通信天线及组件，包括动中通天线、信标机和跟踪接收机等产品，目前主要应用于海事、民航市场。 盟升电子始终坚持走军民并重的发展路线，以技术自主创新为根基，以持续研发投入为保障，建立了完善的研发体系和强大的科研团队，通过多年的发展，已完全掌握了卫星导航和卫星通信终端设备的核心技术，积累了丰富的项目经验和质量管理经验，产品质量和服务水平赢得了客户的广泛认可。 公司业务范围涵盖军品业务和民品业务，为国防、民航、海洋渔业等多个领域客户提供终端产品和技术服务。", "en": "Since its establishment, the issuer has been continuously focused on the research, development, and manufacturing of products related to satellite application technology. It is a high-tech enterprise engaged in the research, development, manufacturing, sales, and technical services of satellite navigation and satellite communication terminal equipment. The main products include satellite navigation and satellite communication series products. The company's satellite navigation products mainly consist of navigation terminal equipment and core components based on the BeiDou satellite navigation system, such as satellite navigation receivers, components, and dedicated testing equipment. Currently, they are mainly used in the defense and military fields. The satellite communication products mainly include satellite communication antennas and components, including mobile communication antennas, beacon machines, and tracking receivers. Currently, they are mainly used in the maritime and civil aviation markets. Mengsheng Electronics has always adhered to the development path of giving equal importance to military and civilian sectors, based on independent technological innovation and continuous research and development investment. It has established a sound research and development system and a strong scientific research team. Through years of development, it has fully mastered the core technology of satellite navigation and satellite communication terminal equipment, accumulated rich project experience and quality management experience, and gained wide recognition from customers in terms of product quality and service level. The company's business scope covers both military and civilian sectors, providing terminal products and technical services to customers in various fields such as defense, civil aviation, and marine fisheries."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Children’s Champions LONDON – The British social reformer, Eglantyne Jebb, once noted that the only international language that the world understands is the cry of a child. Nearly a century after Jebb founded Save the Children, the 2014 Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Malala Yousafzai, the 17-year-old campaigner for girls’ education, and child-labor opponent Kailash Satyarthi. The Nobel Committee thus recognized a global civil-rights struggle against child trafficking, child labor, child marriages, and discrimination against girls. Given recent and ongoing conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Gaza, and South Sudan, which have devastated so many young lives, the Nobel committee had good cause to highlight children’s suffering. Schools, which should have been sanctuaries, have become military targets. Thousands of children in Syria and Iraq have been press-ganged into military service. Despite the efforts of United Nations relief agencies, the carnage this summer has created an additional one million child refugees. The vulnerability of children was illustrated only too well six months ago, when the Islamist terrorist group Boko Haram (whose name means “Western education is a sin”) abducted 276 Nigerian schoolgirls. Even if all of the kidnapped girls are returned safely, as a truce between the group and Nigeria’s government stipulates, there are still 15 million children under the age of 14 worldwide who are forced to work, often in appallingly exploitative environments. A further ten million school-age girls are married off as child brides each year, while around 32 million girls are denied the right even to an elementary education.", "zh": "儿童先驱 伦敦—英国社会改革家杰布（Eglantyne Jebb）曾经指出，全世界都听得懂的国际语言只有儿童的哭声。 在杰布创立拯救儿童（Save the Children）计划近一个世纪后，2014年诺贝尔和平奖授予了17岁的女孩教育先驱马拉拉·尤沙夫赛（Malala Yousafzai）和童工反对者凯拉什·塞蒂亚尔西（Kailash Satyarthi ） 。 诺贝尔委员会通过这种方式承认了与儿童贩卖、童工、童婚和重男轻女的全球公民权利斗争。 目前，叙利亚、伊拉克、加沙和南苏丹冲突仍在进行中，许多年轻人的生活饱受蹂躏，诺贝尔委员会突出儿童所遭受的苦难可谓正逢其时。 理应成为庇护所的学校成了军事目标。 数千叙利亚和伊拉克儿童被强征入伍。 尽管联合国纾困机构做出了努力，但今年夏天的大屠杀仍然添增了一百万儿童难民。 儿童的脆弱在六个月前的事件中彰显无遗。 伊斯兰教恐怖组织博科圣地（Boko Haram，意思是“西方教育是一种罪恶 ” ） 诱拐劫持了276名尼日利亚女学生。 即使所有女生最后都随着该组织与尼日利亚政府达成休战协议而安全归来，全球仍有1,500万14岁以下儿童被迫工作，受尽剥削，并且他们的工作环境常常骇人听闻。 另有每年一千万学龄女孩成为童婚新娘，大约3,200万女孩享受不到接受小学教育的基本权利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, the US protests other countries’ exchange-rate policies. Two decades ago, the US pressed the Japanese to allow the yen to strengthen against the dollar, claiming that Japan’s unfair exchange-rate policies were responsible for America’s ballooning bilateral trade deficit. Likewise, today’s “China-bashing” in the US – which has intensified as China’s contribution to America’s trade deficit has soared – is intended to force the Chinese authorities to allow faster renminbi appreciation. Herein lies the great paradox. Although no one likes the dollar standard, governments and private market participants still consider it the best option. In fact, US trade deficits are primarily the result of insufficient, mainly government, saving – not a misaligned exchange rate, as economists have led policymakers to believe. Large US budget deficits during Ronald Reagan’s presidency generated the famous twin fiscal and trade deficits of the 1980’s. This, not an undervalued yen, caused the bilateral deficit with Japan to widen in the 1980’s and 1990’s. The much larger US fiscal deficits of the new millennium, courtesy of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, portend large – and indefinite – trade deficits. But American policymakers continue to blame China, claiming that the renminbi has been undervalued for the last decade. The claim that exchange-rate appreciation will reduce a country’s trade surplus is false, because, in globally integrated economies, domestic investment falls when the exchange rate appreciates. So the ill will that China-bashing is generating is for nothing. Worse, it detracts political attention from America’s huge fiscal deficit – $1.2 trillion (7.7% of GDP) in 2012 – and thus impedes any serious effort to rein in future spending for entitlements, such as health care and pensions. Some contend that large fiscal deficits do not matter if the US can exploit its central position under the dollar standard –& that is, if it finances its deficits by selling Treasury bonds to foreign central banks at near-zero interest rates. But America’s ongoing trade deficits with highly industrialized countries, particularly in Asia, are accelerating de-industrialization in the US, while providing fodder for American protectionists. Indeed, America’s trade deficit in manufactures is roughly equal to its current-account deficit (the amount by which domestic investment exceeds domestic saving).", "zh": "此外，美国反对其他国家的汇率政策。 二十年前，美国向日本施压，要求后者允许日元对美元升值，声称日本不公平的汇率政策是美国双边贸易赤字激增的原因。 类似地，如今的“中国冲击”论 — — 随着美国贸易赤字的中国因素日益增加，这一论调也甚嚣尘上 — — 也试图迫使中国当局加快人民币升值步伐。 这里存在一个大悖论。 尽管没人喜欢美元本位，但政府和私人市场参与者仍认为这是最佳选择。 事实上，美国贸易赤字的根本原因是储蓄不足，主要是政府储蓄不足，而不是经济学家诱导决策者所认为的汇率不一致。 里根总统任期内美国的巨大预算赤字造成了20世纪80年代著名的财政和贸易双赤字。 这，而不是被低估的日元，才是导致对日双边赤字在20世纪八九十年代扩大的原因。 进入新千年，小布什和奥巴马任期中的美国财政赤字要大得多，这预示着大规模 — — 不确定会有多少 — — 贸易赤字。 但美国决策者仍在谴责中国，声称人民币被低估了十年。 认为汇率升值会减少一国贸易盈余的观点是错误的，因为在全球一体化的经济中，国内投资会随汇率的升值而下降。 因此，对中国冲击厌恶是毫无根据的。 更糟糕的是，这导致政治关注点从美国的巨额财政赤字 — — 2012年高达1.2万亿美元（或GDP的7.7 % ） — — 上移开，从而妨碍了限制未来开支和福利（如医保和养老金）的措施。 有人认为大额财政赤字无关紧要，只要美国能充分利用其在美元本位下的核心地位 — — 也就是说，只要它能通过向外国央行以近零利率兜售国债为赤字融资。 但美国对高度工业化国家（特别是亚洲）的持续贸易赤字正在导致美国去工业化加速，同时为美国保护主义者制造着借口。 事实上，美国制造业贸易赤字大约与其经常项目赤字（国内投资高于国内储蓄的值）相当。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Innovations in renewable energy, for example, are essential to improving energy security and preserving Europe’s standing as a global leader in combating climate change. Given that renewable energy is one of the world’s fastest-growing sectors, such investment could have a significant impact on future GDP growth and job creation. Meanwhile, agricultural subsidies and cohesion funds, which were cut by 11% and 8%, respectively, relative to the previous MFF, still account for almost two-thirds of total spending. While these areas are important, their allocations should be reduced further to create space for growth-enhancing investments. Another major problem is the MFF’s lack of flexibility. A priority review during the budgetary term would enable the EU to adapt its annual budgets to changing circumstances and reallocate unspent money where it is needed most. Moreover, the current structure of the EU’s annual budget carries financial risks. For example, many projects are completed toward the end of the budgetary cycle, generating a backlog of unpaid bills in the MFF’s later years. If they are not addressed through an MFF-amending budget, they risk fueling a run-up in debt. While the Council eventually agreed to cover the difference in the 2012 budget, an even greater shortfall is forecast for this year – and many member states are unable to oblige the Commission’s request for an additional €11.2 billion to cover these outstanding liabilities. Now, the European Parliament is insisting that all unpaid bills should be settled before the next budgetary cycle begins. To be sure, the EU budget contains flexible instruments, such as the EU Solidarity Fund, which provides emergency assistance after natural disasters. But these tools have not always been used as effectively as possible. Disbursal of relief funds to help Italy rebuild after severe floods in 2011 took almost a year, owing to politicization in the Council. Even without the delays caused by political interference, such instruments are inadequate. Scope to adapt the MFF as a whole is needed, not least to ensure its legitimacy. It should include a comprehensive and binding revision clause ensuring that the state of public finances and collective investment needs are reassessed at the halfway point. This would give the next European Parliament – and the voters who elect its members – the influence over the EU’s long-term budget that a democratic system requires.", "zh": "比如，可再生能源方面的创新是改善能源安全、保证欧洲在抗击气候变化方面作为全球领袖的关键。 可再生能源是世界增长最快的部门，因此这方面的投资可以对未来GDP增长和就业创造产生重大影响。 与此同时，农业补贴和凝聚基金（cohesion fund）分别较上期MFF削减了11%和8 % ， 但仍占了总支出的近三分之二。 这些领域十分重要，但其配置应该进一步削减从而为提振增长的投资腾出空间。 另一个大问题是MFF缺乏灵活性。 预算期间的优先事项检视将能使欧盟令其年度预算适应变化的环境，将未支出资金重新配置到最需要的地方。 此外，欧盟年度预算的当前结构包含着财政风险。 比如，许多项目在预算周期末尾才完成，造成MFF后期应付款项积压。 如果它们不通过MFF修改的预算得以纠正，则有助长债务的风险。 尽管欧盟理事会最终同意弥补2012年预算的差额，但预计今年的短缺情况更加严重 — — 许多国家将无法满足欧盟委员会追加112欧元以覆盖未偿还债务的要求。 如今，欧洲议会坚持所有未偿付款项必须在下一个预算周期开始前支付。 平心而论，欧盟预算包括了灵活的工具，比如提供自然灾害后紧急援助的欧盟团结基金（EU Solidarity Fund ） 。 但这些工具并不总能以效率最高的方式使用。 由于欧盟理事会的政治化，2011年用于帮助意大利严重洪水灾害的纾困资金的发放用了近一年时间。 即使没有政治干预造成的拖延，这些工具也是捉襟见肘的。 从整体看，MFF需要腾挪空间，这不仅是为了保证其合法性。 MFF应该包括全面的整体修订条款，以确保公共财政状况和集体投资需要得到中期重新评估。 这将给予下一届欧洲议会（以及选出其议员的选民）对民主制度所要求的欧盟长期预算的影响力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Northern PDP leaders, still pressuring the region’s large group of presidential contenders, including Babangida, to agree on who will fight it out with Jonathan, are already looking beyond the primaries. They are threatening to take the northern vote to another party if they lose the PDP ticket. This could have far-reaching consequences for the PDP and the country. The PDP, in power since military rule ended in 1999, is widely disliked. Corruption is widespread, and PDP politicians have been unable to deliver the prosperity and improved social services that Nigerians looked forward to following the return of democracy. Indeed, the PDP has been able to retain power only by rigging successive elections, most spectacularly in 2007, when the outgoing Obasanjo foisted Yar’Adua on the party hierarchy. The poorly resourced opposition could benefit if the expected northern backlash divides the PDP. Nuhu Ribadu, the respected former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, has announced his intention to contest the presidency as the candidate of one of the opposition parties. A Muslim northerner, Ribadu enjoys the support of youth and democrats nationwide. The latter are regaining confidence in the political process, following the recent appointment of a no-nonsense academic as head of the election commission. Muhammadu Buhari, whom Babangida replaced as military head of state in 1985, is also expected to run, as the nominee of the Congress of Progressive Change. Doubts linger about whether longtime northern PDP leaders, used to cutting midnight deals with their southern counterparts, would break ranks and support Ribadu next year. Conservative northerners also view Buhari, an ascetic politician popular with the region’s poor, with unease. Even if they overcome their reservations and back Ribadu or Buhari, and either candidate goes on to beat Jonathan at the polls, angry Delta youths could respond with fresh violence against oil workers, disrupting production. Other trouble spots – central Nigeria, where ethnic tensions are simmering, and the far north, the stomping ground of Boko Haram, a violent Muslim sect – could get sucked into election-related violence. With industries collapsing because of constant power outages, unemployment soaring, and cynical politicians forcing their impoverished followers into ethnic and religious laagers, Nigeria’s 2011 elections are shaping up to be a perfect storm.", "zh": "而北方派的党内领导人一方面向包括巴班吉达在内的国内实力派总统竞选者施压，敦促这些人在由谁来与乔纳森进行竞选的问题上达成共识，另一方面，他们已经开始筹划初选之后的事情了。 他们威胁说如果得不到人民民主党的支持，就把选票投给其他政党。 要真的是这样，那将对人民民主党和这个国家产生深远的影响。 自1999年军事独裁结束后，人民民主党开始执政，却无法赢得大多数人的认可。 在民主回归之后，随之而来的却是腐败蔓延，人民民主党的政治家无力给人民带来期望的国家繁荣和社会福利。 要是北方派如期望那样反水，那将会分裂人民民主党，届时，那些资源贫乏的反对党就能从中渔利。 备受尊敬的前经济与金融犯罪委员会主席努胡·利巴杜已经公开宣布将作为反对党候选人参加总统竞选。 而另一位北方穆斯林人士利巴杜则深受国内年轻人和民主人士的支持。 在一位品德高尚的著名学者最近被任命为选举委员会主席后，国内的民主派开始对整个政治进程重拾信心。 此外，在1985年被巴班吉达取代成为国家军事领导人的穆罕穆杜·布哈里也表示将作为进步改革国民大会党的提名人参加竞选。 不过，对于那些习惯了和南方派私分权力的人民民主党北方派大佬是否会在明年另立山头，转而支持利巴杜，人们还是有很大疑问的。 保守的北方派对布哈里这位奉行禁欲主义，且深受国内穷人支持的政治家也感到心里没底。 即便他们真的脱离人民民主党，转而支持利巴杜或布哈里，而且其中一位能在民意调查中打败乔纳森，但愤怒的三角洲青年可能会以袭击石油工人，打乱生产作为回应。 其他较麻烦的地方 — — 包括尼日利亚中部（那里的民族矛盾较为突出）和北部边境（激进穆斯林派系博科圣地的地盘 ） — —也可能遭受与大选有关的暴力袭击。 随着持续的权力斗争导致的工业崩溃，失业率一飞冲天，别有用心的政治家就会迫使他们那些一贫如洗的支持者走上激进宗教主义道路，2011年尼日利亚大选正在孕育着一场巨大的政治风暴。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given that the Doha Round has failed to address the main problems that the US and Europe have encountered in trade relations with China – non-compliance with intellectual-property rules, subsidies for state-owned enterprises, closed government-procurement markets, and limits on access to the services market – both are now emphasizing bilateral trade agreements. But, while the world may be happy to pretend that bilateral cooperation will revitalize multilateralism, nobody should be fooled. The WTO will survive, but its centrality in the trade system is rapidly diminishing. Even cooperation on climate change is crumbling, with the US and China rejecting the multilateral, top-down approach to policymaking. This implies the end of the Kyoto Protocol model, which, like the Doha model, is based on a detailed agenda, established according to specific and ambitious targets, with all relevant actors then compelled to negotiate each topic. Rather than being subject to an internationally agreed standard, the US and China want the fight against climate change to begin with countries’ individual commitments. But this new, bottom-up framework, in which states determine the conditions for a multilateral agreement, lacks an authority to establish standards. Multilateralism requires minimal consensus on global rules and norms among all major powers. The greater the number of countries that have the power to block or veto international initiatives, the more difficult multilateralism becomes – and the less motivated dominant countries are to cooperate. In the emerging multipolar world, characterized by sovereignty concerns and strategic competition, progress toward resolving global issues will be more difficult than ever – with potentially devastating consequences.", "zh": "由于多哈回合并未解决美欧与中国贸易关系中违反知识产权规则、国有企业补贴、封锁政府采购市场、限制进入服务市场等主要问题，双方现在都对双边贸易协定更加关注。 不过尽管世界各国可能愿意假装认为双边合作能够重振多边主义，我们不应该真的被愚弄。 世贸组织将继续存在，但其在贸易体系中的核心地位正在迅速削弱。 由于美中两国拒绝接受自上而下的多边决策模式，就连气候变化领域的合作也正在摇摇欲坠。 这意味着京都议定书模式走到了终点，该议定书和多哈模式一样建立在远大而又具体的目标基础之上，当时曾迫使相关各方就具体议题进行谈判。 相比于遵守国际公认的标准，美中两国更希望与气候变化的对抗源自各国所做出的承诺。 但这一各国自主决定多边协议条件的自下而上的新框架缺乏设定标准应有的权威性。 多边主义要求所有大国就全球规则及规范达成最低限度的共识。 有能力阻止或否决国际倡议的国家越多，多边主义就越难以实现 — — 主要国家也越不愿意展开合作。 在以主权担忧和战略竞争为特色的新兴多极世界里，在解决全球问题上取得进展将比以往更加困难 — — 而这有可能产生破坏性的后果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A TTIP with wider regulatory convergence could facilitate a significant increase in trade. Moreover, a TTIP that establishes a joint project in which the EU and the US (with GDPs of $18.5 trillion and $17.5 trillion, respectively) are essentially equal partners could reinvigorate the bilateral relationship. For Europe, the deal would be even more beneficial, as it would amplify the EU’s voice in global standard setting at a time when it is increasingly being talked over. A limited agreement would not only fail to bring these benefits; it could actually undercut the weight and influence of the transatlantic community, by signaling weakness and ceding rulemaking to other forums. Given current political constraints, developing a TTIP with maximum impact will not be easy, and it will require some creative thinking – like that which facilitated the Paris climate agreement last December. That deal represented a leap forward in how international agreements are made, as it wove together hard rules, non-binding pledges, and overarching frameworks to enable an agreement among 195 countries. Taking inspiration from this innovative approach, the US and the EU should move on from areas in which they have already agreed on binding standards, and adopt broad principles and frameworks for ongoing negotiations on knottier issues, such as health and food safety. Such a mechanism is already envisioned in the TTIP, in a proposed chapter on regulatory cooperation, but in an indefinite and limited way. While an approach that rests more heavily on non-binding cooperation would have a weaker immediate impact, it could be the key to overcoming immediate political hurdles, without giving up on the TTIP’s longer-term potential. Furthermore, it could help to reinforce America’s place at the forefront of international rulemaking, while propelling Europe back to America’s side. After three years of negotiating, the TTIP is simply not where it needs to be – and, without public support, it never will be. Shifting popular opinion will take a lot more than slick messaging; it will require changes in how trade is conducted and how society adjusts to openness and progress. That will take time. The US and the EU should find a gas station.", "zh": "一个具备更广泛的监管覆盖面的TTIP能够促进贸易的大幅增长。 此外，奠定一个欧盟和美国（GDP分别高达18.5万亿和17.5万亿美元）从根本上作为平等合作伙伴的联合工程能够重振双边关系。 对欧洲来说，该协议的好处还要更大，因为它能提高欧盟在全球标准制定方面的话语权，而目前欧盟日益被边缘化。 有限协定不但不能带来这些好处，实际上还会因为尽显弱势和将规则制定事宜让给其他场合而破坏跨大西洋共同体的分量和影响力。 在当前的政治约束下，让TTIP获得最大影响力绝非易事，需要一些创造性思维 — — 就像去年12月促成巴黎气候协定的那样。 巴黎协议是一次跃进，表明了如何达成国际协定 — — 它兼具硬规则、不具约束力的承诺以及起支配作用的框架，让195个国家达成了协定。 受这一创新方法的启发，美国和欧盟应该在它们已经达成约束性标准的领域的基础上更进一步，采取广泛原则和框架为后续更艰��的问题谈判创造条件，比如卫生和食品安全。 这一机制已经体现在TTIP中 — — TTIP有一个关于监管合作的方案章节 — — 但定义模糊，也十分有限。 更加依赖非约束性合作的方针的即期影响较弱，但它可以成为在不必放弃TTIP长期潜力的情况下克服即期政治障碍的关键。 此外，它也有助于增强美国在国际规则制定前沿的地位，并让欧洲回到美国的同一边。 在经历了三年的谈判后，TTIP完全没有实现应有的成果 — — 并且如果没有公共支持，永远无法实现。 改变公众观点要比取巧的口风困难得多；它需要改变贸易的进行方式和社会适应开放和进步的方式。 这需要时间。 美国和欧盟得找到加气站才行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trading Away Human Rights NEW YORK – Trade negotiators in Singapore recently failed to finalize a deal on the long-awaited Trans-Pacific Partnership; they will soon have another chance to complete what would be the world’s largest regional free-trade agreement. But, given serious concerns that the TPP will fail to consider important human-rights implications, that is no cause for celebration. The TPP talks involve the United States, Canada, and ten other Pacific Rim countries with a combined annual output of around $26 trillion, or about 40% of global GDP. Their economic clout is matched by their ambitions; the talks go beyond traditional trade issues, which account for only five of the 29 proposed chapters, and consider a wide range of investment and regulatory issues that will affect many millions of people – and not always positively. Whether trade liberalization generally helps or harms the most vulnerable is a complex question. But that theoretical debate should not prevent us from carrying out a thorough human-rights impact assessment on the terms of the deal currently on the table. Such an assessment should be conducted before the TPP negotiations reach any final agreement on the relevant issues, and it should not overlook how the terms are implemented in practice. Unfortunately, TPP member states have not only failed to do this; they have also excluded independent organizations from the assessment process by refusing to provide access to draft texts. An outside view is especially important when a free-trade and investment agreement is, as the Nobel laureate economist Joseph Stiglitz has noted, more of a “managed trade regime that puts corporate interests first.”", "zh": "出卖人权 纽约 — — 新加坡贸易谈判代表近日未能成功签署期待已久的跨太平洋伙伴关系协议；但很快他们就会有另一次机会签署全世界规模最大的区域自由贸易协议。 不过鉴于跨太平洋伙伴关系不考虑对人权的重要影响，签署这项协议并不值得庆祝。 跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判涉及美国、加拿大等10个环太平洋国家，成员国年生产总值约为26万亿美元，约占全球GDP的40 % 。 经济实力铸就了他们的雄心壮志；谈判超越了传统的贸易问题，贸易问题在29章内容中仅占5章，此外还讨论了影响成百上千万人的多元化投资和监管问题 — — 但这种影响并不总是积极的。 贸易自由化总体而言对弱势群体有益还是有害是个复杂的问题。 但理论上的争议不应妨碍我们针对目前提出的条款展开全面的人权影响评估。 这样的评估应赶在跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判就相关问题达成最终协议前进行，而且也不能忽略上述条款的实际落实。 遗憾的是，跨太平洋伙伴关系成员国不仅没有这样做，而且还拒绝提供文本草案，从而不允许独立机构参与评估过程。 当自由贸易和投资协议如贝尔经济学奖得主约瑟夫•斯蒂格利茨所言更像“企业利益至上的管理贸易制度”时，听取外界看法是尤其重要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, corporate boards tend to deal with basic governance and risk-management issues and seldom address broader geopolitical concerns – and when they do, directors are often unsure how to make a meaningful contribution. But in the face of increasing global disorder, business and finance leaders can no longer afford to be reticent. Instead, they should do three things to make a strong, renewed case for international cooperation. For starters, they need to rediscover and recommit to the core values and principles of key multilateral organizations, principally the WTO and the UN. These organizations embody the belief that, more often than not, countries will achieve better long-term outcomes by acting together than by going it alone. In this regard, UN Secretary-General António Guterres recently made a persuasive case for a “networked multilateralism” that connects bodies like his with important regional organizations and initiatives. Second, corporate chiefs should formally endorse important multilateral private-sector initiatives. The thousands of companies and investors that have signed the UN Global Compact and the Principles for Responsible Investment, for example, are still in the minority. Many more must step up and sign on. Other important private-sector programs with a multilateral origin or orientation include the banking sector’s Equator Principles (originally from the World Bank) and the OECD’s Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. These and other similar initiatives help in two ways. Many of them – including the UN Global Compact – involve multi-stakeholder collaboration. In other words, they bring together the private and public sectors, civil society, and other actors to address critical international issues such as the rule of law, global governance, and climate change. In addition, global policymakers frequently respond to these initiatives and coalitions by creating new possibilities for cooperation. The UN, for example, recently launched an exercise in multilateralism with a financial twist: an annual investment forum designed to promote collaboration and deal-making between governments and institutional investors. Finally, business and finance leaders should triple down on the new global sustainability agenda. This is arguably the best hedge against current threats, challenges, and insecurities, and presents extraordinary opportunities to make a positive global impact. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals and their associated targets are a blueprint for humanity, and, we would add, for the global economy.", "zh": "类似地，公司董事会更倾向于解决基本治理和风险管理问题，很少会去解决地缘政治大问题 — — 而当他们真的这么做时，董事们通常不知道如何做出有意义的贡献。 但面临着日益加剧的全球失序，商业和金融领袖们无法继续保持沉默。 相反，他们应该做三件事来重新打造强大的国际合作。 首先，他们需要重新发现并重新致力于关键多边机构的核心价值观和原则，主要是世贸组织和联合国。 这些组织的信念往往是，国家会通过合作而非单打独斗来实现更好的结果。 在这方面，联合国秘书长古特雷斯最近令人信服地提出了“网络多边主义 ” ， 联合国这样的机构要与重要的地区组织和计划紧密联系。 其次，公司高管应该正式支持重要多边私人部门计划。 比如，数以千计的公司和投资者已在联合国全球契约（UN Global Compact）和责任投资原则（Principles for Responsible Investment）签字，但它们仍是少数。 必须有更多公司跟进签署。 其他有多边主义源头或导向的重要私人部门计划包括银行业的赤道原则（Equator Principles，源自世界银行）和经合组织的跨国企业指引。 这些和其他计划从两个方面有所助益。 它们中有不少 — — 包括联合国全球契约 — — 需要多相关利益方合作。 换句话说，它们集合了私人和公共部门、公民社会和其他行动方来解决关键性国际问题，如法治、全球治理和气候变化等。 此外，全球决策者频频响应这些计划和联盟，为合作创造了新机会。 比如，联合国最近发动了一项带有金融维度的多边主义计划：一个以促进政府和机构投资者之间合作和达成协议为目的的年度投资论坛。 最后，商业和金融领袖们应该将新全球可持续性日程扩大两倍。 这很有可能是针对当前威胁、挑战和不安全的最佳对冲手段，也是形成积极的全球影响的卓著机会。 第十七项可持续发展目标及其相关指标构成了人类蓝图，而我们要说，它们也是全球经济蓝图。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if the asset pool declines in value, the fund’s managers keep the value of each share at $1.00 by rounding upward the fund’s real value. If the fund’s losses are big enough that rounding off still leaves it short of a stable $1.00 value, the fund “breaks the buck.” That happened when Lehman Brothers failed in September 2008. The Reserve Fund, a well-established money-market fund with too many unpaid IOUs from Lehman, could not keep its value steady. It broke the buck. All money-market funds then became suspect, and many investors fled – withdrawing one-third of a trillion dollars in a single week. Since much of the money-market funds’ assets are IOUs from the world’s biggest banks, the withdrawals weakened the already-shaky global banking system. The Federal Reserve, seeking to stem the growing panic and stabilize the American and international banking system, promptly guaranteed the value of all money-market funds. The proposals that the SEC rejected were aimed at making money-market funds more robust by requiring that each fund maintain capital reserves or let its value “float” – and not be rounded up – to reflect its true, underlying risk. The proposal would also have required that money-market funds hold back a fraction of some redemptions, thereby making investors take some risk that funds might not have complete transactional liquidity if their investments weakened. A majority of the commissioners turned down the proposals after substantial lobbying from the mutual-fund industry. If money-market funds had to maintain capital reserves, industry representatives argued, yields to investors would decline and the industry’s profits would suffer. And, if retail investors saw their money-market funds’ values declining from the amount that they had invested, and if they knew that they could not get all of their money back immediately, the funds would become less attractive. Investors might choose other places for their excess cash, like banks. Banks are obliged to hold reserves, maintain capital, and pay deposit insurance to ensure that they can honor their deposits. The mutual-fund industry, one can assume, feared that the SEC’s rules would induce customers to redirect much of their cash directly into banks.", "zh": "即便这个资产组合的价值下跌，基金经理也会通过将基金实际价值凑整的方式来将每份价值维持在1美元。 如果基金的损失使其即便凑整也无法维持稳定的1美元价值，基金就“跌破面值”了。 这种情况在2008年9月雷曼兄弟破产时就出现了。 “储备基金”这家持有过多未支付雷曼兄弟金融要求权的老牌货币市场无法维持自身价值稳定，出现了跌破面值的状况。 所以货币市场基金都因此遭到了质疑，许多投资者闻风撤资 — — 仅仅一个星期内就赎回了3000多亿美元。 由于大多数货币市场基金的资产都是那些来自各大银行的金融要求权，赎回行动削弱了本已摇摇欲坠的全球银行系统。 为了遏制恐慌的蔓延并稳定美国和国际银行系统，美联储则迅速为所有货币市场资金的价值做了担保。 而美国证券交易委员会所否决的几个提案正是为了让货币市场基金更加稳固，要求每个基金保持资本储备或者任其“浮动 ” — —而不是凑整 — — 来体现真实和潜在的风险。 提案同时也要求货币市场基金拒绝某些赎回行动中的一部分交易，从而令投资者们承担更多的风险 — — 如果他们的投资受损的话基金或许不会有完全的交易流动性。 在共有基金行业的有力游说下，委员会的大多数委员否决了这些提案。 那些行业的代理人认为，如果货币市场基金需要保持资本储本金的话，投资者的收益和行业的利润都将受损。 同时如果零售投资者发现原本投资的货币市场基金价值出现了下跌，如果他们知道自己无法迅速把自己的钱赎回来，那么这些基金的吸引力就会下降。 投资者会选择其他地方来配置自己的多余现金，比如银行。 银行有义务去持有储备金，维持资本，并支付储蓄保险以确保能为这些储蓄负责。 因此可以推测，共同基金行业害怕证券交易委员会的监管规则会令消费者将大部分现金转入银行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Hard Look at a Soft Global Economy MILAN – The global economy is settling into a slow-growth rut, steered there by policymakers’ inability or unwillingness to address major impediments at a global level. Indeed, even the current anemic pace of growth is probably unsustainable. The question is whether an honest assessment of the impediments to economic performance worldwide will spur policymakers into action. Since 2008, real (inflation-adjusted) cumulative growth in the developed economies has amounted to a mere 5-6%. While China’s GDP has risen by about 70%, making it the largest contributor to global growth, this was aided substantially by debt-fueled investment. And, indeed, as that stimulus wanes, the impact of inadequate advanced-country demand on Chinese growth is becoming increasingly apparent. Growth is being undermined from all sides. Leverage is increasing, with some $57 trillion having piled up worldwide since the global financial crisis began. And that leverage – much of it the result of monetary expansion in most of the world’s advanced economies – is not even serving the goal of boosting long-term aggregate demand. After all, accommodative monetary policies can, at best, merely buy time for more durable sources of demand to emerge. Moreover, a protracted period of low interest rates has pushed up asset prices, causing them to diverge from underlying economic performance. But while interest rates are likely to remain low, their impact on asset prices probably will not persist. As a result, returns on assets are likely to decline compared to the recent past; with prices already widely believed to be in bubble territory, a downward correction seems likely. Whatever positive impact wealth effects have had on consumption and deleveraging cannot be expected to continue. The world also faces a serious investment problem, which the low cost of capital has done virtually nothing to overcome. Public-sector investment is now below the level needed to sustain robust growth, owing to its insufficient contribution to aggregate demand and productivity gains. The most likely explanation for this public investment shortfall is fiscal constraints. And, indeed, debt and unfunded non-debt liabilities increasingly weigh down public-sector balance sheets and pension funds, eroding the foundations of resilient, sustainable growth.", "zh": "对全球软经济的硬审视 米兰—全球经济正在滑向低速增长轨道，这是拜决策者无能或不愿在全球水平上解决主要障碍所赐。 事实上，即使是当前低迷的增长速度，可能也是不可持续的。 问题在于对全球经济表现障碍的诚实评估是否能刺激决策者行动起来。 2008年以来，发达经济体真实（经通胀调整的）累计增长只有5—6 % 。 中国GDP增长了70%左右，是全球增长的最大贡献者，但在很大程度上受到债务助长的投资的推动。 而事实上，随着这一刺激因素的消失，发达国家需求不足对中国增长的影响已经越来越明显。 增长正在受到腹背夹击。 杠杆率正在上升，自全球金融危机爆发以来，全世界债务已高达57万亿美元。 这一杠杆 — — 大多是大部分发达经济体货币扩张的结果 — — 甚至连提振长期总需求这一目标都没有达到。 毕竟，有利的货币政策充其量只能为更加持久的需求源的出现赢得时间。 此外，长期保持低利率推高了资产价格，使它们背离基础经济表现。 但尽管利率可能继续保持低位，但它们对资产价格的影响可能已无法持久。 因此，资产回报相较于不久前可能出现下滑；资产价格已普遍认为存在泡沫，修正走势一触即发。 财富效应对消费和去杠杆化的积极作用也不太可能维持。 世界还面临严重的投资问题，降低资本成本对于这个问题几乎毫无用处。 目前，公共部门投资低于维持强劲增长所需要的水平，因为其规模不足以产生足够的总需求和生产率的提高。 这一公共投资短缺的最可靠的解释是财政约束。 的确，债务和存在资金缺口的非债务负债日益压迫着公共资产负债表和退休基金，破坏强力可持续增长的基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From my own experience as a former president of Tanzania, I know that persistent, firm, top-level leadership is necessary to move the complex machinery of government. That is why I joined with the health advocacy organization Access Challenge to launch the “One by One: Target 2030” campaign on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly this year. As part of the campaign, I will be meeting with leaders throughout Africa to encourage them to take tangible steps toward strengthening primary care. The goal is to protect the basic right to health of every child, adolescent, mother, and family. The second key to progress is improved data so that we can monitor what we have accomplished and what work remains to be done. Reliable data are needed to determine whether people are encountering financial or geographic obstacles to health care; whether care is being administered safely and effectively; and whether it is reaching the most marginalized groups in society. National leaders and public health officials need to know all of this and more in order to identify weaknesses in the primary-care system and target areas for improvement. Data are also an important tool for health-care advocates and average citizens who want to track progress over time, hold leaders accountable, and demand the care they need and deserve. Yet too often, and despite its potential to drive improvement and foster accountability, data collection is treated as an afterthought. The Primary Health Care Performance Initiative is working to address precisely this issue. At the Global Conference on Primary Health Care, the PHCPI joined with several countries from around the world to launch a new tool to help policymakers and providers improve care. With Vital Signs Profiles, they can quickly access information on primary care that is both useful and easy to understand. As I begin to reach out to African leaders one by one, I look forward to the day when we will have achieved universal health coverage for the world’s 7.7 billion people. With high-level political commitments and new tools for promoting access to care and fostering accountability, I am confident that we can make this ambitious vision a reality.", "zh": "从我作为坦桑尼亚前总统的个人经验看，深知持续、坚实的顶层领导对于驱动复杂的政府机制是必不可少的。 因此。 我加入了卫生支持组织普及挑战组织（Access Challenge ） ， 发起了今年联合国大会的非正式议程“一个接一个：目标2030 ” （ One by One: Target 2030）项目。 作为该项目的一部分，我将与全非洲的领导人会晤，鼓励他们为强化初级医疗制定具体的措施。 目标是保护每一位儿童、青少年、母亲和家庭的基本健康权。 取得进步的第二个关键是改善数据，以便监控我们完成了哪些工作、还有哪些工作需要完成。 确定人们在求医过程中是否遇到财务或地理方面的障碍、医疗服务是否安全有效、是否覆盖了社会中最边缘的群体，都需要可靠的数据。 国家领导人和公共卫生官员需要了解所有这些，才能发现初级医疗体系的弱点，并定位改善领域。 医疗支持者和普通公民想要跟踪一段时间以来的进展、问责领导人、要求他们需要和赢得的开户，也需要数据。 但经常发生的情况是，尽管数据能够带来进步、形成问责，但数据收集工作并没有被列为重点。 初级医疗表现计划（Primary Health Care Performance Initiative，PHCPI）致力于解决这个问题。 在全球初级医疗会议上，PHCPI与来自全球的多个国家一起推出了新的工具帮助决策者和供应商改善看护。 它们将利用生命体征情况（Vital Signs Profiles）迅速获得有用又容易理解的初级医疗信息。 在我与非洲领导人一对一会晤时，我在想象有朝一日我们能够实现覆盖全世界77亿人的全民健康。 促进医疗普及、提高可问责性有高层政治意愿和新工具支持，我 有信心我们能够让这一宏大愿景转化为现实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Last October, in a speech to the 19th Party Congress, President Xi Jinping made the same point from an ideological perspective, reframing the so-called Marxian principal contradiction around the pitfalls of “unbalanced and inadequate” development. Significantly, these two perspectives – analytical and ideological – take China to the same destination: a prosperous economy and society with a thriving middle class. To get there, China must go through a transformative rebalancing, from manufacturing to services, from export dependence to domestic consumption, from state-owned to private, and from rural to urban. By now, all of this is well understood. The current debate in China is less about strategy design and more about implementation. This, in fact, was Xi’s highest priority on assuming office in late 2012, and it formed the rationale behind an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign aimed at dislodging deeply entrenched power blocs that have stymied the transition. But now, five years later, the Chinese leadership is poised to tackle the next phase of the implementation challenge. There is a palpable sense of urgency to this task. Behind the public façade of a confident leader, Xi has owned up to the possibility of failure. From an analytical perspective, this has been expressed in terms of a Japanese-like stagnation if China mismanages its economy. From an ideological perspective, an endgame of chaos and revolution looms if the “principal contradiction” is not resolved. Given these mounting concerns, implementation risks are now being presented in a different light. At the World Economic Forum in Davos in January, Liu He, China’s new vice premier for economic policy, hinted that upcoming reforms would be carried out with surprising speed. In a recent signed commentary published in People’s Daily, he also noted that, “Strengthening the party’s overall leadership is the core issue.” These views do not come out of thin air. Liu, a master tactician, seems to be underscoring the link between leadership power and the pace of reforms. The perceived need for greater leadership power – reflected in the elimination of the presidential term limit – has become a key element of the authorities’ implementation efforts. Consistent with Xi’s early instincts, this may well be the only way for China to avoid the “blind alley” of which Deng warned in 1992.", "zh": "而去年10月习近平主席在第十九次党代会上的讲话中则转而从意识形态的角度来提出同样的观点，用所谓马克思的主要矛盾原理重新阐述了“不平衡不充分”的发展所产生的陷阱。 值得注意的是，这两个观点 — — 分析和意识形态的 — — 都是在将中国带往同一个目的地：一个有着蓬勃发展中产阶级的繁荣经济和社会。 要实现这一目标，中国必须实现从制造业到服务业，从出口依赖到国内消费，从国有到私营，从农村到城市的转型再平衡。 到目前为止，所有这些都是很明确的。 目前在中国内部的争论并不是关于战略设计，而是关于如何实施。 实际上，这是习近平2012年下半年就职时的首要任务，并成为了一场空前反腐运动背后的基本指导思想，旨在消灭那些根深蒂固而又阻碍转型的权力集团。 而如今五年过去了，中国领导层已准备好迎接实施问题挑战的下一阶段。 这项任务有一种明显的紧迫感。 在一个自信领导人的公共形象背后，习近平也承认存在失败的可能性。 从分析的角度来看，如果中国经济管理不善就会出现日本式的停滞。 从意识形态的角度看，如果“主要矛盾”无法得到解决，社会混乱和革命的恶果就将浮现。 在这些日益严重的忧虑之下，实施性风险现在正在以不同的方式呈现。 今年1月的达沃斯世界经济论坛上，中国新任中央财经领导小组办公室主任刘鹤暗示即将到来的改革将以惊人的速度推进。 在《人民日报》最近发表的一篇署名评论文章中，他也指出“加强党的全面领导是核心问题 。 ” 这些观点绝非凭空而来。 作为一位策略专家的刘鹤似乎在强调领导力与改革步伐之间的联系。 对更强大领导力的需求 — — 体现在解除国家领导任期限制上 — — 已经成为当局实施工作的关键要素。 与习近平的预见性才能相结合，这或许是中国避开邓小平在1992年警告的“死胡同”的唯一途径。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indians have long been resigned to defeat for their national side (though this is changing), but they have always managed to produce individual record-breakers – outstanding cricketers like the batsmen Sunil Gavaskar and Sachin Tendulkar, or the all-rounders Vinoo Mankad and Kapil Dev, who were considered to be among the world’s best players, even if the Indian teams to which they belonged lost more often than they won. What offers better consolation than the thrilling endeavors of a gifted batsman or the magical wiles of a talented bowler, each performing his dharma , the individual doing his duty in a team game, just as in life each Indian fulfils his destiny within the fate of the collectivity? In the old days, cricket was reproached as a sport played by Anglicized elites in the big cities. But now cricket is followed by the masses all over the country. New cricketing heroes have emerged from small towns, none more popular than India’s swashbuckling captain, M.S. Dhoni, the son of a peon in the dusty town of Ranchi, who now commands millions in endorsement fees to tout products that his family could never have aspired to own. Cricket, once the sport of the British upper classes, is in India a great leveler.", "zh": "虽然印度人长期以来听任他们的国家队失败（虽然现在正在改变 ） ， 但是他们总是设法产生打破纪录的个人－如像击球手森尼尔·加瓦斯卡（Sunil Gavaskar）和撒青·泰杜尔卡（Sachin Tendulkar ） ， 或者是万能选手维诺·马卡德（Vinoo Mankad）和卡皮尔·戴维（Kapil Dev）这样杰出的板球运动员，他们被认为是世界上最好的选手，即使他们所在的印度球队输的次数要比他们赢的次数都少。 在比赛中，天才的击球手通过激动人心的动作或者一个有才华的投球手通过不不可思议的计谋在履行着他们的职责，他们在一个团体比赛中像生活中的每一个印度人那样，将个人命运和集体命运联系起来，还有什么能比这提供这更好的安慰？ 在过去，有人责备板球是在大城市里英国化的精英从事的运动。 但是现在全国各地的普通民众都在从事这项运动。 已经从小城市里走出了新的板球英雄，其中没有谁比印度的时髦队长，来自灰尘仆仆的兰契市的苦工的儿子M.S. 多尼（M.S. Dhoni）更受欢迎的了，他现在获得了数百万代言费，为他家从前想都不敢想的产品作代言。 曾经是英国上流社会运动的板球运动，现在在印度成为一个消除不平等的运动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At least for large-scale introductory courses, why not let students everywhere watch highly produced recordings by the world’s best professors and lecturers, much as we do with music, sports, and entertainment? This does not mean a one-size-fits-all scenario: there could be a competitive market, as there already is for textbooks, with perhaps a dozen people dominating much of the market. And videos could be used in modules, so a school could choose to use, say, one package to teach the first part of a course, and a completely different package to teach the second part. Professors could still mix in live lectures on their favorite topics, but as a treat, not as a boring routine. A shift to recorded lectures is only one example. The potential for developing specialized software and apps to advance higher education is endless. There is already some experimentation with using software to help understand individual students’ challenges and deficiencies in ways that guide teachers on how to give the most constructive feedback. But so far, such initiatives are very limited. Perhaps change in tertiary education is so glacial because the learning is deeply interpersonal, making human teachers essential. But wouldn’t it make more sense for the bulk of faculty teaching time to be devoted to helping students engage in active learning through discussion and exercises, rather than to sometimes hundredth-best lecture performances? Yes, outside of traditional brick-and-mortar universities, there has been some remarkable innovation. The Khan Academy has produced a treasure trove of lectures on a variety of topics, and it is particularly strong in teaching basic mathematics. Although the main target audience is advanced high school students, there is a lot of material that college students (or anyone) would find useful. Moreover, there are some great websites, including Crash Course and Ted-Ed, that contain short general education videos on a huge variety of subjects, from philosophy to biology to history. But while a small number of innovative professors are using such methods to reinvent their courses, the tremendous resistance they face from other faculty holds down the size of the market and makes it hard to justify the investments needed to produce more rapid change. Let’s face it, college faculty are no keener to see technology cut into their jobs than any other group. And, unlike most factory workers, university faculty members have enormous power over the administration.", "zh": "至少对于概论性质的大课，为何不让学生自己去观看由全世界最好的教授和讲师录制的课程，就像我们在音乐、体育和娱乐等领域所做的那样？ 这并不意味着一刀切：完全可以形成一个竞争性市场，比如教科书便是如此，几十个人主导着大部分市场。 视频可以设计成模块，以便让学校使用（比如）一个课程包来教授课程的第一部分，而用完全不同的另一个课程包来教授第二部分。 教授仍然可以在他们最喜欢的课题上采用现场教学，但可以采用探讨的模式，而不是令人昏昏欲睡的照本宣科。 转向录像授课只是一个例子。 开发专门的软件和应用来提升高等教育的潜力是无穷的。 在用软件帮助理解个别学生的挑战和不足，以指导教师如何给予最有建设性的反馈方面，已经有了一些尝试。 但到目前为止，这类计划非常有限。 也许高等教育的改变之所以如此缓慢，是因为学习是一种深度人际互动，这让活生生的教师不可或缺。 但让教员将大部分教学时间用于帮助学生通过讨论和练习参与到活跃学习之中，而不是用于有时可以做到百里挑一的讲课，不是更有意义吗？ 是的，在传统的钢筋混凝土大学之外，已经有了令人瞩目的创新。 汗学院（Khan Academy）提供涵盖大量主题的优质课程，在基础数学课程方面尤其强大。 尽管其主要目标受众是优秀高中生，但有许多材料对于大学生（或者说任何人）都非常有用。 此外，有一些非常优秀的网站，包括Crash Course和Ted-Ed，涵盖了大量主题的简短的概论教育视频，如哲学、生物、历史等。 但是，尽管少数具有创新精神的教授正在用这些方法改进课程，但它们面临着其他教员的强烈抵制，这制约了市场的规模，同时也难以证实促进更快速变化所需要的投资的合理性。 让我们直面这一点，大学教员和其他所有群体一样，一点也不希望看到科技砍了他们的饭碗。 而和大部分工厂工人不同，大学教员对于管理者拥有巨大的影响力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Taming the China Bears BEIJING – The market is always in search of a story, and investors, it seems, think they have found a new one this year in China. The country’s growth slowdown and mounting financial risks have spurred a growing wave of pessimism, with economists worldwide warning of an impending crash. But dire predictions for China have abounded for the last 30 years, and not one has materialized. Are today’s really so different? The short answer is no. Like the predictions of the past, today’s warnings are based on historical precedents and universal indicators against which China, with its unique economic features, simply cannot be judged accurately. The bottom line is that the complexity and distinctiveness of China’s economy mean that assessing its current state and performance requires a detail-oriented analysis that accounts for as many offsetting factors as possible. Predictions are largely pointless, given that the assumptions underpinning them will invariably change. Consider China’s high leverage ratio, which many argue will be a key factor in causing a crisis. After all, they contend, developing countries that have experienced a large-scale credit boom have all ended up facing a credit crisis and a hard economic landing. But several specific factors must be accounted for in assessing whether this is China’s fate. While China’s debt/GDP ratio is very high, the same is true in many successful East Asian economies, such as Taiwan, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia. And China’s saving rate is much higher.", "zh": "驳中国崩溃论 北京—市场总是在寻找故事，而投资者似乎认为今年在中国找到了一个新故事。 中国增长减速和金融风险积累让越来越多的人感到悲观，全球经济学家警告可能马上发生崩溃。 但对中国的悲观预测在过去30年来早已见怪不怪，没有一个成为现实。 今天的预测真的会不同吗？ 简单的答案是否定的。 和过去的预测一样，今天的警告基于不利于中国的历史先例和普通指标，而中国的经济特征是独一无二的，因此这样的预测不可能准确。 说到底，中国经济的复杂性和特殊性意味着评估当前状况和表现需要以细节为导向的分析，尽可能多地考虑抵消性因素。 预测大部分毫无意义，因为基本假设总是在变化。 以中国的高杠杆率为例，许多人认为，这将成为引发危机的重大因素。 他们指出，毕竟曾经经历过大规模信用繁荣的发展中国家最终都出现了信用危机和经济硬着陆。 但在评估中国是否会蹈此覆辙时，必须考虑一些具体因素。 中国债务/GDP之比固然很高，但其他许多成功的东亚经济体也是如此，比如中国台湾、新加坡、韩国、泰国和马来西亚。 并且中国的储蓄率要高得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Working with Sustainable Energy for All, the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, and the Rockefeller Foundation, Nigeria has developed an Integrated Energy Planning Tool that will play a vital role in helping it achieve its energy-access goals by 2030, on the way to its net-zero goal for 2060. And Malawi launched a similar tool this week. Powered by extensive geospatial modeling and data, these interactive platforms provide actionable intelligence for government and private-sector stakeholders, so that they can deliver least-cost solutions for expanding access to electricity and clean cooking. For example, Nigeria’s IEP estimates that 3.5 million households can afford and are likely to adopt e-cooking solutions, which would result in annual incremental electricity demand of 1,100 megawatt hours. Seizing this opportunity would require an investment of just $83 million, mostly for cookstoves. For its part, the Malawi IEP shows that e-cooking has the potential to reach 4.1 million households when the country achieves universal electrification – and that figure includes only grid-connected homes. In addition to delivering better health outcomes, this level of adoption would also improve the economics of the grid expansion projects being carried out by the Electricity Supply Corporation of Malawi. IEPs are indispensable for illuminating a country’s potential market for e-cooking. They identify customers’ location based on their current and anticipated electrification status, which is essential business information for clean-cooking companies.", "zh": "尼日利亚与所有人的可持续能源（Sustainable Energy for All ） 、 人与地球全球能源联盟（Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet）和洛克菲勒基金会合作，开发了一套综合能源规划工具，可以在帮助实现 2030 年能源获取目标、到 2060 年实现净零目标方面发挥重要作用。 马拉维本周也推出了类似的工具。 这些交互式平台得益于广泛的地理空间建​​模和数据，为政府和私营部门利益相关者提供可操作的情报，以便他们能够拿出成本最低的解决方案，扩大电力供应和清洁烹饪。 例如，尼日利亚的 IEP 估计，有 350 万户家庭负担得起并且可能采用电子烹饪解决方案，这将带来每年增加 1,100 兆瓦时的电力需求。 抓住这个机会只需要 8300 万美元的投资，主要用于炉灶。 马拉维IEP 表明，当该国实现普遍电气化时，电子烹饪有可能触达 410 万户家庭 — — 这一数字仅包括并网家庭。 这一触达水平除了提供更好的健康结果，还将提高马拉维电力供应公司正在进行的电网扩建项目的经济性。 IEP 对于阐明一个国家的潜在电子烹饪市场至关重要。 它们根据客户当前和预期的电气化状态识别客户的位置，而这是清洁烹饪公司必不可少的业务信息。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To support this process, China is now implementing deposit insurance, for example. At the same time, China is reforming its inefficient approval-based system of initial public offerings to one based on registrations. A more active and efficient IPO market will allow companies to meet their financing needs without bank intermediation – a step that is vital to helping firms eliminate their debt overhangs. In fact, reducing the role of banks is essential to balancing China’s economy. Despite the recent rebound, China’s stock-market capitalization amounts to only 40% of GDP, while banking assets total 266% of GDP. Meanwhile, only 10% of total social funding comes from the equity market. But there is one important component missing from the government’s reform agenda for 2015: improved bankruptcy procedures for failed borrowers. Unless failed borrowers and projects exit the system quickly and smoothly, the market will be saddled with bad debt and incomplete projects, undermining its performance. China has repeatedly proved its durability and adaptability. Now, it must do so yet again, by ensuring that its “new normal” is as stable, sustainable, and inclusive as possible.", "zh": "为了支持这一结构调整过程，中国如今正在建立像存款保险这样的稳定市场制度。 与此同时，中国也正在改革其低效率的证券首次发行（IPO）体制，从审批制改成注册制。 更活跃及高效的IPO市场将让公司不只是靠银行中介来满足融资需要，而可以利用股权市场来帮助企业解决积累的债务及降低杠杆率，这对企业未来的创新及风险管理至关重要。 事实上，降低银行在各种融资渠道中的比重对于平衡中国经济来说是不可或缺的。 尽管股市最近大幅上扬，但市值仍只有GDP的40%左右，而银行资产总量高达GDP的266 % 。 与此同时，只有10%的社会融资总额来自股市。 但是，在政府的2015年改革日程中还缺失了一个重要元素：改善用于处理资不抵债借款人的破产程序。 除非破产人和失败的项目可以迅速而平稳地退出系统，否则市场将饱受坏账和烂尾工程的纠缠，耗费宝贵的信贷资源，拖累收入、增长及就业表现。 中国改革的历史一再证明其越来越市场化的经济体的耐久力和适应力。 如今，它必须再次证明这一点，靠的就是通过改革与开放来确保其“新常态”发展具有可持续、包容、创新及稳定的特征。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Escaping the Global Complexity Trap SAUSALITO, CALIFORNIA – Modern civilization has set a trap for itself, as ever more complex technologies are deployed at an accelerating rate. Every second, billions of devices, protocols, ideas, traditions, and people interact around the world. The resulting increase in complexity poses a huge and possibly unmanageable challenge. Experts understand parts of the system, but the whole is far beyond the comprehension of any scientist, citizen, or political leader. To address the big global challenges of the next decade, we need a paradigm shift in societal regulatory systems to break us out of the complexity trap. While humanity arrived at this point gradually, there have been foreshocks at earlier stages of technological development. Over the last several hundred years, science and technology, guided by reason and knowledge, have clearly improved daily life for most of humanity. But progress is not linear. Each advance produces some kind of disruption and side effects that society then struggles to address. For example, the Haber-Bosch process for artificial fixation of nitrogen increased agricultural yields but has led to waterways around the world being polluted with runoff from excessive use of some fertilizers. Chlorofluorocarbons, used as refrigerants, caused the ozone hole, but efforts to replace them gave rise to hydrofluorocarbons, which are dangerous greenhouse gases. And although antibiotics have saved hundreds of millions of lives, they are now used so widely that drug-resistant strains have become a new risk to human health. There are many more such examples across all areas of science and technology. Such problems arise because of system-level effects that are not obvious when new technologies are first introduced and deployed. Unanticipated consequences can occur at almost any level – chemical, biological, computational, economic/financial, or social/political. But emergent complexity (moving beyond any prospect of direct human comprehension) becomes an increasingly serious problem with the rise of computers, as individual components of the system become smarter, interact more rapidly, and connect on a global scale. All of these challenges are intertwined with broader issues concerning science and society.", "zh": "摆脱全球复杂性陷阱 加利福尼亚，索萨利托—由于愈加复杂的技术正以越来越快的速度投入实际运用，现代文明为自己设下了一个陷阱。 每一秒钟，数以十亿计的设备、协议、思想、传统以及人口在世界各地进行交互。 由此导致的复杂性增加构成了一个巨大的、可能无法控制的挑战。 对于这个体系，专家了解了一部分，但整个体系的复杂程度远远超出任何科学家、公民或政治领袖的理解范围。 为了应对未来十年的重大全球挑战，我们需要对社会监管体系进行范式转变，以使我们摆脱复杂性陷阱。 虽然人类是逐渐达到这一阶段的，但在早期的技术发展阶段，便已出现过前震。 在过去的几百年里，科学技术在理性和知识的指引下，明显地改善了大多数人的日常生活。 然而，进步一直都是非线性的。 每一项进步都会产生某种破坏和副作用，随后社会也会努力解决这些问题。 例如，基于哈柏法（Haber-Bosch process）的人工固氮工艺提高了农业生产产量，但也导致了世界各地的水道被过度使用化肥所产生的径流污染。 作为制冷剂的氟氯烃造成了臭氧层的空洞，但由于想要寻找其替代物导致了氢氟烃的产生，氢氟烃是一种危险的温室气体。 尽管抗生素挽救了数亿人的生命，但其当前则被广泛使用，耐药性菌株已成为威胁人类健康的新威胁。 在科学研究的各个领域，均存在诸多这样的例子。 这些问题的出现是因为在首次引入和部署新技术时，体系层面的影响并不明显。 意想不到的后果几乎可以发生在任何层面 — — 化学、生物、计算、经济/金融，以及社会/政治层面。 但是，随着计算机的兴起，涌现出的复杂性(超出人类直接理解的任何前景)成为一个日益严重的问题，因为体系的各个组件变得更智能，交互更迅速，并在全球范围内进行连接。 所有这些挑战，都与涉及科学和社会的更广泛的问题交织在一起。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When Chairman Mao still reigned supreme, one of his most vaunted principles was zili gengsheng, or “self-reliance.” Since China had been bullied, invaded, semi-colonized, and even occupied during most of his formative years, he was deeply suspicious that any foreign country – even a “fraternal” Communist ally – could ever be relied upon to leave China alone, much less actually help it. As a result, the Party leadership became steeped in suspicion and distrust toward the outside world, especially toward the so-called “great powers.” Even today, with Mao’s revolution long gone and globalization having knit a new fabric of inter-dependence around China, there remains, particularly among older leaders, a residual wariness about relying on collaboration with outsiders, especially when it comes to “core interests.” But it is not just world markets that have enmeshed China in a new commons. Issues such as nuclear proliferation and the global environment – and especially climate change – have also snuck up on China’s leaders (and everyone else). Like it or not, leaders everywhere are now enfolded in an inescapable web. So, despite China’s predilection for aloofness, cooperation is not merely an option, but a necessity. And that means that China also must reconsider its rigid notion of sovereignty.", "zh": "在中国前国家主席毛泽东还大权在握之时，最令他本人感到骄傲的一句名言就是“自力更生 ” ， 当旧中国遭受列强威胁恐吓，入侵，半殖民地化，乃至在他青年时期还遭受占领的年月里，毛泽东就开始深深怀疑外国政权 — — 甚至连共产主义“同志”也包括在内 — — 是否会愿意让中国独立自主，更别说帮助中国了。 中共领导层也因此逐渐变得多疑，对外界充满了不信任，尤其是对那些所谓的“超级大国 ” 。 时至今日，即便毛泽东的革命时代已成往事，全球化效应也已在中国周边编织了一张新的互相依存网之时，中国领导人（特别是老一代领导人）始终残留着对外部合作的警惕，尤其在涉及到“核心利益”的时候。 但导致中国融入全球共同利益的不仅是全球市场，还有类似核扩散以及世界环境问题 — — 尤其是气候变化 — — 也都影响了中国的领导人（以及世界其他地方的领导人 ） 。 不管是否愿意，全世界的领导人其实都被一张无法逃避的大网裹住了。 因此尽管中国喜欢独来独往，但合作已经不仅仅是一个选项，而是一种必需。 对此中国也必须重新检讨自身对于主权的旧观念。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obama’s Underachieving Foreign Policy PARIS – To evaluate an American president’s foreign-policy performance after one term is challenging, given the complex diplomatic and strategic environment and significant domestic constraints that confront every US president. Nevertheless, in advance of November’s presidential election, it is important to distinguish the forces that have shaped Barack Obama’s foreign policy, and to assess his handling of them. Obama kept his promise to withdraw American forces from Iraq during his first term. But the move proved to be a strategic defeat, given that it significantly diminished the United States’ political influence in Iraq. Indeed, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s government is becoming increasingly allied with Iran. Obama, who opposed the Iraq war, should not be blamed for current circumstances there. But he was unable to improve the situation or help Iraq’s Shias and Sunnis reach a political compromise. In contrast, Obama expanded the war in Afghanistan – which he considered to be a war of necessity – and put the Taliban on the defensive. But the US will begin to withdraw troops after 2014, without having defined a political solution in line with its interests. Meanwhile, America’s strategic partnership with Pakistan, where Obama won a significant symbolic victory by eliminating Osama bin Laden, is in tatters. US-Pakistan relations have regressed to their level before September 11, 2001, with mutual distrust minimizing cooperation. In fact, in all of the strategic challenges to US security that Obama inherited – Iran, North Korea, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – he has made virtually no significant political gains. Notwithstanding Obama’s skillful response to the Arab Spring – the only strategic surprise that he has faced as president – his credibility in the Muslim world has steadily declined. He has failed to deliver on the key promise of his Cairo speech in 2009: “to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world.”", "zh": "奥巴马外交政策差强人意 巴黎—在美国总统的一个任期之后评估其外交政策表现是一个挑战，因为每一位美国总统都面临着复杂多变的外交和战略环境以及严峻的国内约束。 尽管如此，在11月总统大选即将到来之际，认识一下什么驱动力决定了奥巴马的外交政策并评估他在处理外交问题上的表现仍然是非常重要的。 在其第一个任期中，奥巴马履行了从伊拉克撤军的承诺。 但这一行动是一场战略失败，因为这极大地削弱了美国在伊拉克的政治影响力。 事实上，总理马利基政府正在倒向与伊朗结盟。 反对伊拉克战争的奥巴马不应该成为伊拉克如此现状的替罪羊。 但他也没能改善这一状况或帮助伊拉克的什叶派和逊尼派达成政治妥协。 与之相对的是，奥巴马扩大了阿富汗战争（他认为这是一场必要之仗 ） ， 并迫使塔利班采取了守势。 但美国将在2014年后开始撤军，与此同时，与其利益一致的政治解决方案并没有产生。 与此同时，美国与巴基斯坦的战略合作关系（在这方面，奥巴马除掉了本·拉登，赢得了重要的象征性胜利）也是千疮百孔。 美巴关系已经退回了2001年9月11日之前的水平，相互不信任使得两国无法精诚合作。 事实上，在奥巴马接手的所有美国安全战略挑战中 — — 包括朝鲜、伊拉克、阿富汗、巴基斯坦和以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突 — — 他几乎没有取得任何重大政治成果。 尽管奥巴马对于阿拉伯之春的反应可谓灵巧 — — 这也是他作为总统所面临的唯一一次战略惊奇 — — 但其在穆斯林世界中的信誉在稳步下降。 他没能兑现2009年开罗演讲所作出的重要承诺 ： “ 寻求美国和全世界穆斯林的新关系 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "重点推进宽带网络优化和技术演进升级，宽带网络服务质量、应用水平和宽带产业支撑能力达到世界先进水平。到2020年，基本建成覆盖城乡、服务便捷、高速畅通、技术先进的宽带网络基础设施。固定宽带用户达到4亿户，家庭普及率达到70%，光纤网络覆盖城市家庭。3G/LTE用户超过12亿户，用户普及率达到85%。行政村通宽带比例超过98%，并采用多种技术方式向有条件的自然村延伸。城市和农村家庭宽带接入能力分别达到50Mbps和12Mbps，50%的城市家庭用户达到100Mbps，发达城市部分家庭用户可达1Gbps，LTE基本覆盖城乡。互联网网民规模达到11亿，宽带应用服务水平和应用能力大幅提升。全国有线电视网络互联互通平台覆盖有线电视网络用户比例超过95%。全面突破制约宽带产业发展的高端基础产业瓶颈，宽带技术研发达到国际先进水平，建成结构完善、具有国际竞争力的宽带产业链，形成一批世界领先的创新型企业。“宽带中国”发展目标与发展时间表。", "en": "Key efforts will be made to promote the optimization and technological advancement of broadband networks, aiming to achieve world-leading levels in terms of broadband network service quality, application level, and broadband industry support capabilities. By 2020, basic broadband network infrastructure will be established, covering both urban and rural areas, providing convenient and high-speed access, and featuring advanced technologies. The number of fixed broadband users will reach 400 million households, with a household penetration rate of 70%. Fiber optic networks will be available in urban households. The number of 3G/LTE users will exceed 1.2 billion, with a user penetration rate of 85%. Broadband coverage in administrative villages will exceed 98%, and various technological approaches will be adopted to extend coverage to eligible natural villages. Broadband access speeds for urban and rural households will reach 50Mbps and 12Mbps respectively, with 50% of urban households achieving 100Mbps. In developed cities, some households will have access speeds of up to 1Gbps, and LTE coverage will be available in both urban and rural areas. The number of internet users will reach 1.1 billion, with significant improvements in broadband application service levels and capabilities. The national interconnected platform for cable television networks will cover over 95% of cable television network users. Bottlenecks hindering the development of the broadband industry will be fully overcome, with broadband technology research and development reaching international advanced levels. A well-structured and internationally competitive broadband industry chain will be established, fostering a number of world-leading innovative enterprises. The development goals and timetable for Broadband China are outlined."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The ECB and Its Critics PARIS – In Northern Europe, especially Germany, the European Central Bank’s decision to embark on quantitative easing (QE) has triggered an avalanche of indictments. Many are unfounded or even baseless. Some are confusing. Others give greater weight to speculative dangers than to actual ones. And few point to real problems, while ignoring potential solutions. Judging by the criticism, one might consider zero inflation a blessing. But if that were true, central banks around the world would have set it as a target long ago. Instead, all of them define price stability as low, stable, but positive inflation. That is because zero inflation has three overwhelmingly negative consequences. First, it erodes the effectiveness of standard monetary policy (because if interest rates went much below zero, depositors would withdraw cash from banks and put it in safes). Second, it makes relative wages (of, say, manufacturing versus services employees) more rigid, because wage contracts are generally set in euro terms. And, third, it increases the burden of past debts and makes exiting from a private or public debt crisis even more painful. But, say the critics, there is no reason to worry, because the eurozone’s near-zero inflation is merely the result of the sharp drop in oil prices. Unfortunately, there is indeed plenty of reason to worry. Consumer price inflation in the eurozone has been below target for 22 consecutive months – long before the price of oil started collapsing. Cheaper oil is a boon for growth; but it also lowers long-term inflation expectations, which are the true target of monetary policy. Then there is the critics’ claim that below-target inflation is needed to restore competitiveness. This is just confusing. It is true that rebalancing competitiveness within the eurozone has not yet been completed, and that some countries thus need to record below-average inflation to cut above-average costs. But this is not true of the eurozone as a whole. Eurozone-wide competitiveness depends on product quality and the euro exchange rate, which is flexible. Inflation is irrelevant in this respect. Nonetheless, the ECB’s critics fear the sorcerer’s apprentice: monetary initiatives like QE will ultimately cause runaway inflation. This reasoning is strange, at best.", "zh": "欧洲央行和它的批评者 巴黎—在北欧，特别是德国，欧洲央行决定采取量化宽松引起了舆论大哗。 许多指责毫无根据甚至是无稽之谈。 一些人则弄混了情况。 也有人过于重视猜测的危险而忽视了实际危险。 几乎没有人谈论实际问题，也忽视了潜在解决方案。 从批评看，你也许会认为零通胀是一种幸福。 但若果真如此的话，全世界的央行早就将零利率作为它们的目标了。 相反，所有央行都将物价稳定定义为较低、稳定但为正的通胀。 这是因为零通胀存在三个巨大的消极作用。 首先，它破坏标准货币政策的效果（因为如果利率远低于零，存款人就会将现金从银行中抽出放入保险箱 ） 。 其次，它让相对工资（比如制造业相对服务业的工资）更加刚性，因为工资合同常常根据欧元确定。 第三，它增加了过去的债务的负担，让解决公私债务危机的过程变得更加痛苦。 但是，批评者说，没有理由需要担心，因为欧元区的近零通胀只不过是因为石油价格的暴跌。 不幸的是，确实存在许多理由需要担心。 欧元区消费物价通胀已经连续22个月低于目标值 — — 远远先于油价开始崩溃。 廉价石油是增长的助推剂；但它也降低了长期通胀预期，而长期通胀预期才是货币政策的真正目标。 批评者还说，低于目标的通胀是重塑竞争力的必要条件。 这纯属混淆视听。 诚然，实现欧元区内部竞争力的再平衡还远未完成，一些国家因此需要低于平均值的通胀以降低高于平均值的成本。 但对欧元区整体来说，这一点并不成立。 泛欧元区竞争力取决于产品质量和欧元汇率，这两者都是灵活变化的。 从这个角度讲，通胀是一个无关因素。 尽管如此，欧洲央行批评者担心魔法师的学徒（sorcerer’s apprentice ） ： 量化宽松这样的货币动作最终会导致通胀失控。 这其中的逻辑可谓怪异。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "一路走来，亚太经合组织致力于推动区域经济一体化，围绕落实茂物目标取得了长足进展，也在引领多边贸易体制演变上发挥了重要作用。 但是，实现自由开放的贸易和投资绝非可以一蹴而就。 亚太地区要继续领风气之先，坚决维护和平稳定，坚定捍卫多边主义，坚持构建开放型世界经济，毫不动摇支持以世界贸易组织为核心的多边贸易体制，促进自由开放的贸易和投资，引导经济全球化朝着更加开放、包容、普惠、平衡、共赢的方向发展。 我们要继续推进区域经济一体化，早日建成亚太自由贸易区。 中方欢迎区域全面经济伙伴关系协定完成签署，也将积极考虑加入全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定。 我们在推动自由开放贸易的同时，经济技术合作也不能放松。 我们要继续落实亚太经合组织高质量增长战略和包容行动议程，照顾发展中成员关切，特别关注妇女等群体面临的特殊困难，支持中小微企业发展，促进包容和可持续增长。", "en": "Throughout the years, APEC has committed itself to deepening regional economic integration and made significant progress in implementing the Bogor Goals. It has also played an important role in steering the evolution of the multilateral trading system. Yet it must be noted that free and open trade and investment cannot be achieved overnight. It is important that the Asia-Pacific should remain the bellwether in safeguarding peace and stability, upholding multilateralism, and fostering an open world economy. We must stay as determined as ever to support the multilateral trading system with the World Trade Organization at its core, promote free and open trade and investment, and make economic globalization more open, inclusive, balanced and beneficial to all. Continued efforts are needed to press ahead with regional economic integration for the early realization of a Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP). China welcomes the signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and will favorably consider joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). As we continue to work on free and open trade, we should pay no less attention to economic and technical cooperation. We need to further implement the APEC Strategy for Strengthening Quality Growth and the Action Agenda on Advancing Inclusion, and accommodate the concerns of developing members. We need to address in particular the special needs of women and some other communities, and support micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs). Such efforts will contribute to inclusive and sustainable growth."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But most importantly, I met some of my best friends in that community. In 2001, my mom, who had moved to San Francisco, called me and told me that my green card petition came through, that I could now move to the United States. I resisted it. I told my mom, \"Mom, I'm having fun. I'm here with my friends, I love traveling, being a beauty pageant queen.\" But then two weeks later she called me, she said, \"Did you know that if you move to the United States you could change your name and gender marker?\" That was all I needed to hear. My mom also told me to put two E's in the spelling of my name. She also came with me when I had my surgery in Thailand at 19 years old. It's interesting, in some of the most rural cities in Thailand, they perform some of the most prestigious, safe and sophisticated surgery. At that time in the United States, you needed to have surgery before you could change your name and gender marker. So in 2001, I moved to San Francisco, and I remember looking at my California driver's license with the name Geena and gender marker F. That was a powerful moment.", "zh": "但是最重要的是，我遇到了 那个社区中几个我最要好的朋友。 在2001年， 我移居旧金山的妈妈打电话通知我 我的绿卡申请通过了， 我可以移居美国了。 但我拒绝了。 我告诉我妈，\"妈妈，我现在很开心。 我和身边的朋友在一起， 我爱旅行，我爱作为一名选美皇后。\" 两周之后她又打电话给我，她说， \"你知道如果你移居到美国， 你个可以换一个名字，并且改变你的性别标识么？\" 那是我最希望听到的了。 我妈妈还告诉我在我名字的拼写中 放入两个字母\"E\" 在泰国我十九岁那年接受变性手术时， 她也在我身边。 这真是很有趣，在泰国最乡村的地方， 他们却可以做最先进， 安全，并且成熟的变性手术。 在那时，美国需要 你在换名和改变性别标识之前 现接受变性手术。 在2001年，我移居到旧金山， 我记得，当我看着 有着我名字吉娜 和性别标识为女的驾照时， 我深深地被触动了、"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A leader is only as good as the people who work for him, so organizations must make it a high priority to attract and retain good staff and rid themselves of those who lack professional integrity or competence. Many global agencies are introducing systematic surveys of their employees, but much remains to be improved. Crucially, international organizations must build up the capacity to resist governments’ efforts to protect their underperforming nationals. Performance evaluations should be made public, allowing outsiders to measure progress (or the lack thereof). Organizations also need to focus more on delivering results and tracking outcomes. For decades, countries borrowing from the World Bank and regional development banks have begged for the loan process to be expedited; most cannot afford to wait more than two years to find out whether a loan has been approved. Halving the time it takes to approve a loan is the kind of operational goal that a good leader can set, and for which he or she can subsequently be held to account. It is also important to ensure well-structured, systematic engagement with stakeholders and civil-society groups, which is necessary to ensure high-quality and innovative inputs. Adopting an ad hoc approach, as many organizations currently do, frequently yields poor results. Finally, it is crucial that organizations learn from their mistakes. Fortunately, almost all global agencies have instituted processes for independent evaluation. Less happily, most are still grappling with how to implement lessons learned. Evaluation is important, but it needs to be followed up with strong governance reforms that require leaders to shift incentives and behavior. Pressure for change is mounting.", "zh": "领导人不会比为他工作的人更加优秀，因此组织必须把吸引和留住优秀人才、避开缺乏职业操守或胜任能力者作为重中之重。 许多国际机构正在引入系统性员工调查，但还需要很大的改进。 关键是，国际组织必须有能力抵制国家政府庇护其表现不佳的国民。 绩效评估需要公开，让外部人士来衡量进步（或退步 ） 。 各组织还需要更加专注于结果并进行结果跟踪。 几十年来，从世界银行和地区开发银行贷款的国家苦求加快贷款过程；大部分国家无法忍受需要等待两年多时间才能获知贷款是否被批准。 将贷款批准时间减少一半是优秀的领导人能够制定的运营目标之一，并且随后可以以此问责领导人。 同样重要的是确保组织良好的相关利益方和公民社会团体的系统性参与，这是确保高质量和创新性投入的必要条件。 许多组织目前采取临时方针（ad hoc approach ） ， 常常导致糟糕的结果。 最后一个关键是组织需要从错误中汲取教训。 幸运的是，几乎所有全球性组织都设立了独立评估程序。 不幸的是，大部分组织仍没有学会如何实施学到的教训。 评估很重要，但必须继之以强势治理改革，而改革需要领导人改变激励和行为。 变革压力可谓山大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Systemically important supply chains would be severely disrupted by both the conflict itself and the ensuing economic and financial sanctions on China. Taiwan furnishes the world with a large share of the most sophisticated microchips, with TSMC alone accounting for nearly 50% of global production of chips smaller than ten nanometers. Again, this kind of negative aggregate supply shock would produce a spike in inflation in most of the world, and disruptions to trade would likely cause a recession in China that could spill over to its (former) trading partners. The resulting stagflationary episode could easily last two years. At horizons of two years and longer, above-target inflation becomes a policy choice. Monetary policy can affect underlying medium-term inflation by influencing aggregate demand and shaping inflation expectations. There is an effective lower bound on the policy rate when the central bank wishes to boost aggregate demand and inflation; but there is no similar binding interest-rate constraint when it comes to lowering the inflation rate. Yes, the speed at which rates are raised, and at which asset purchases are reversed, will reflect financial-stability considerations. But monetary authorities in most advanced economies and China can and will control average inflation in the long run, and tolerating secular stagflation is not a choice they will make.", "zh": "冲突本身和随之而来的对华经济和金融制裁都会严重扰乱那些具有系统重要性的供应链 — — 台湾是全球大量最先进微芯片的供应者，仅台积电一家就占了全球10纳米以下芯片产量的近50 % 。 同样，这种负面总供给冲击会使世界上大多数国家通胀飙升，而贸易的中断可能会导致中国经济衰退并可能蔓延到它的各个（前）贸易伙伴。 由此产生的滞胀事件很可能会持续两年。 在两年或更长时间范围内，高于目标的通胀成为一种政策选项。 货币政策可以通过影响总需求和塑造通胀预期来影响潜在中期通胀。 当中央银行希望促进总需求和通胀时，政策利率存在一个有效下限；但在尝试降低通胀率时却缺乏类似的约束性利率限制。 是的，利率的提升速度以及资产购买的逆转速度都将反映对金融稳定的一些考量。 但是大多数发达经济体和中国的货币当局能够且必将长期控制平均通胀，而容忍长期滞胀也不是他们会做出的选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obama and the Republicans agreed to continue those tax cuts for at least two years (they will now probably continue beyond that), thereby lowering tax revenue by $350 billion this year and again in 2012. Tax cuts for the richest Americans were part of the package. The truth of US politics today is simple. The key policy for the leaders of both political parties is tax cuts, especially for the rich. Both political parties, and the White House, would rather cut taxes than spend more on education, science and technology, and infrastructure. And the explanation is straightforward: the richest households fund political campaigns. Both parties therefore cater to their wishes. As a result, America’s total tax revenues as a share of national income are among the lowest of all high-income countries, roughly 30%, compared to around 40% in Europe. But 30% of GDP is not enough to cover the needs of health, education, science and technology, social security, infrastructure, and other vital government responsibilities. One budget area can and should be cut: military spending. But even if America’s wildly excessive military budget is cut sharply (and politicians in both parties are resisting that), there will still be a need for new taxes. The economic and social consequences of a generation of tax cutting are clear. America is losing its international competitiveness, neglecting its poor – one in five American children is trapped in poverty – and leaving a mountain of debt to its young. For all of the Obama administration’s lofty rhetoric, his fiscal-policy proposals make no serious attempt to address these problems. To do so would require calling for higher taxes, and that – as George H. W. Bush learned in 1992 – is no way to get re-elected.", "zh": "奥巴马和共和党人同意将上述减税政策延长至少两年（现在看来两年后继续延长的可能性极大 ） ， 也因此造成今年税收收入降低3500亿美元，且2012年还会进一步降低。 为最富裕的美国人减税也是方案的内容之一。 当今美国政治的现实情况再简单不过。 两党领袖在以减税（特别是为富人减税）为重要政策方面达成了共识。 无论民主共和两党还是白宫都宁愿减税而非在教育、科技和基础设施领域增加开支。 其中的原因简单明了： 最富裕的美国家庭为政治竞选提供资金。 因此两党无不以满足他们的愿望为第一要著。 正因如此，美国30%的税收收入占国民收入比例在所有高收入国家中排行末尾，而欧洲国家的一般占比在40%左右。 但国内生产总值的30%不够满足医疗、教育、科技、社保、基础设施和其他重要的政府责任需求。 有一个预算领域可以而且应当进行削减： 这就是军事开支。 不过即便美国极端过分的军事预算得到大幅削减（目前这项计划遭到两党的一致反对 ） ， 仍有必要增加新的税收。 长时间减税的经济和社会后果已经毋庸置疑。 美国的国际竞争力正在衰退，穷人则受到忽视 — — 五分之一的美国儿童陷于贫困 — — 而且给年轻人留下堆积如山的债务。 虽然奥巴马政府嘴上高谈阔论，但其财政政策提案并未认真努力解决上述问题。 解决问题需要呼吁增加税收，而乔治·W·布什1992年得到的教训是，这样做必将失去连任的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the time, there was already overwhelming evidence of a serious problem that needed to be addressed, and data since then ­­– concerning, for example, the rapid melting of the polar ice cap – have strongly reinforced this conclusion. About a quarter of all greenhouse gas emissions are from land-use change, mainly deforestation, an amount comparable to US emissions from burning fossil fuels (the US is the single largest contributor to greenhouse gas emissions.) By maintaining their rainforests, tropical countries provide an invaluable global service, one for which they have so far failed to be compensated. But, especially after the signing of the Kyoto protocol, we can value at least part of these environmental services: carbon sequestration (that is, if they did not maintain their forests, the level of carbon concentrations in the atmosphere would be enormously higher). The Kyoto Protocol has generated new markets for trading carbon emissions, such as the European Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). At current carbon prices, the value of carbon sequestration by tropical rainforests likely equals or exceeds the current level of international aid being provided to developing countries. Biodiversity and climatic stability are global public goods. The benefits of conservation to the world as a whole far exceed the value of exploitation to a country like Papua New Guinea (PNG). The PNG government would like to do the right thing, to maintain its natural capital for future generations. But officials there believe that that they have currently no choice. A huge mistake was made (for a variety of reasons) at Kyoto.", "zh": "那时，已经有不容忽视的证据表明一个急需解决的严重问题的存在，而自那以后的数据—如与两极的冰盖快速消融相关的数据—更是强化了这一结论。 约有近1/4的温室气体排放产生于土地使用的改变，其中又以采伐森林为主。 仅这一项所产生的温室气体量就和美国通过燃烧化石燃料所排放的相当。 （美国是全球温室气体的第一大排放国。 通过保全他们的雨林，热带国家提供了一项难以计价的全球服务，而这种服务却远没有得到应有的补偿。 但现在，特别是在《京都议定书》的签署之后，我们至少可以确定部分环境服务的价值：碳固定。 （也就是说，如果他们没有保全其热带雨林，大气中碳集中的水平会比现在高出许多。 《京都议定书》还催生了一个进行碳排放交易的新市场，如“欧洲排放交易机制 ” ( ETS ) 。 生物多样性和气候的稳定性都是全球性的公益。 环境保护为全世界带来的益处远远超过开发巴布亚新几内亚这样的国家所带来的价值。 巴布亚新几内亚政府想要做正确的事情，为子孙后代保全自然资本。 但该国的官员则认为他们目前别无选择。 在京都（由于种种原因）已经铸成大错。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The explanation he gives seems to entail a set of conditions that everybody knows: “Now,” Maury says, “if bits of cork or chaff, or any floating substance, be put into a basin, and a circular motion be given to the water, all the light substances will be found crowding together near the center of the pool, where there is the least motion. Just such a basin is the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf Stream, and the Sargasso Sea is the center of the whirl.” I share Maury’s view, and I was able to study the phenomenon in this exclusive setting where ships rarely go. Above us, huddled among the brown weeds, there floated objects originating from all over: tree trunks ripped from the Rocky Mountains or the Andes and sent floating down the Amazon or the Mississippi, numerous pieces of wreckage, remnants of keels or undersides, bulwarks staved in and so weighed down with seashells and barnacles, they couldn’t rise to the surface of the ocean. And the passing years will someday bear out Maury’s other view that by collecting in this way over the centuries, these substances will be turned to stone by the action of the waters and will then form inexhaustible coalfields. Valuable reserves prepared by farseeing nature for that time when man will have exhausted his mines on the continents. In the midst of this hopelessly tangled fabric of weeds and fucus plants, I noted some delightful pink-colored, star-shaped alcyon coral, sea anemone trailing the long tresses of their tentacles, some green, red, and blue jellyfish, and especially those big rhizostome jellyfish that Cuvier described, whose bluish parasols are trimmed with violet festoons.", "zh": "他说：“我们可以拿出来的说明，我以为就是从人人都知道的一种经验所得到的结果。把软木塞碎片或其他浮体的碎片放进一盆水中，使盆中的水作圆形的运动，我们就看见那些分散的碎片成群地聚在水面的中心，即最不受激动的部分。在现在我们留意的这个现象中时杜光庭伪托，精义简言，多有新义，后收入《道藏》，称，那盆是大西洋，暖流是圆形的水流，萨尔加斯海是浮体齐来团聚的中心。”我赞同莫利的意见，我又可以在这普通船只很难达到的特殊环境中，研究这种现象。在我们头上，浮着从各处漂来的物在这些紫黑色的草叶中间堆积着的，有从安第斯基山脉拔下来、由亚马逊河或密西西比河浮来的大树干，门。无数遇难船的残骸，龙骨或舱底的剩余，破损的船板，上面堆满蛤阶和荷茗儿贝，十分沉重，不可能再浮上洋面来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“老爷，明日就是皇室狩猎赛开始的日子了，玥儿也是要参加的，以她这般容貌可如何去面对太子殿下？” 赵雯蔷担忧不已，这些日子丞相府的确是将这个消息封锁住了，可明日终归是遮掩不住了。 李承乾的脸色十分难看，“明日皇室狩猎赛就要开始了，百里红妆他们也应该要回来了，难道他们不参加皇室狩猎赛不成？” “那有什么不可能的？” 赵雯蔷叹息。 “百里红妆本就是废物之躯，参加皇室狩猎赛没有任何意义，宸王又是双腿残疾，如何参加狩猎赛？” 听着赵雯蔷的话，李承乾的脸色更是难看。 “倘若真是如此，那么明日只能让玥儿装病了，不论如何都不能让皇上和太子知晓此事。” “我为了皇室狩猎赛可是准备了好久的。” 李钰玥郁闷不已，两年一度的皇室狩猎赛，为了在狩猎赛上大展光彩，她还服用了一颗培元丹，现在竟然要与这个机会失之交臂了。 “难道你想以这相貌去见太子不成！” 李承乾声音冰冷。 他等了多少年才等到李钰玥一朝变凤凰的机会，决不能在现在功亏一篑！ 正当李承乾为了此事而烦闷不已的时候，管家急急忙忙地赶了过来，“老爷，好消息！” “都到了这时候还能有什么好消息！” 赵雯蔷闷声道。 “老爷，宸王和宸王妃回来了，刚刚才回到宸王府！”", "en": "“Lord, the royal hunting feast begins tomorrow. Yue’er has to participate, but how can she go see His Highness, the Crown Prince with her appearance like this?” Zhao Wenqiang worried endlessly. Up until now, the Prime Minister’s mansion has completely sealed off all information from leaking out. But tomorrow, it was impossible to continue hiding it. Li Chengqian’s face was very unsightly, “Tomorrow, the royal family’s hunting feast will begin, so Baili Hongzhuang should’ve already been back. Could it be possible that Baili Hongzhuang doesn’t want to attend?” “How isn’t it possible?” Zhao Wenqiang sighed. “Baili Hongzhuang has a trash physique, so there’s no point in joining the hunting competition. Both of Prince Chen’s legs are crippled, so how could he even take part?” Listening to Zhao Wenqiang, Li Chengqian’s face turned very ugly. “If that’s truly right, then we can only say Yue’er isn’t feeling well. No matter what, we mustn’t let His Majesty, the Emperor or the Crown Prince know about this.” “I spent so long preparing for the hunting competition though.” Li Yuyue was unwilling. The royal family’s hunting feast and competition only occurs once every two years. To win glory at the hunting competition, she had even taken an immortality pill. But now, she was actually letting this long awaited for opportunity slip by. “Don’t tell me you actually want His Highness, the Crown Prince to see you like this!” Li Chengqian’s voice was as cold as ice. He has waited many years for an opportunity to turn Li Yuyue into a phoenix. He couldn’t fail through the lack of a final effort now! Just as Li Chengqian was worrying over this, the housekeeper hurriedly ran over to them, “Lord, good news!” “What kind of news can be considered good right now!” Li Chengqian’s voice was filled with melancholy. “Lord, Chen Wang and Chen Wangfei had just returned to the Prince’s mansion a few minutes ago!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Each has played a key role in pushing the reform agenda forward, working for salaries that are orders of magnitude smaller than what they earned before. Some have even employed staff using their own money. Meanwhile, the ambitious agendas of the government ministers and the presidential administration are closely monitored by an energized civil society. As Soros has noted, Ukraine probably has the most active civil society in Europe. One of the country’s most interesting new ventures is VoxUkraine, a blogging platform set up by two Ukrainian economics professors based in the United States, Yuriy Gorodnichenko and Timofiy Mylovanov. They have championed modern evidence-based decision-making and constantly come up with new, constructive ways of challenging the government and its assumptions. Despite all this progress, however, the odds remain stacked against the country. The government is fighting at least two wars simultaneously – taking on a deeply entrenched oligarchy, while trying to fend off its hostile eastern neighbor. Further trouble – in the form a steeply declining economy – is something it cannot afford. The stakes could not be higher. For the first time since the country gained its independence in 1992, Ukraine has a clear sense of direction and a government capable of supporting reform. There are signs that the oligarchs’ grip is beginning to loosen, owing partly to internal conflicts among them. The EU and the US are working to help resolve its conflict with Russia. Ukraine’s private creditors must now do their part, recognize the country’s economic and political situation, and accept a haircut on their bonds. Neither the Ukrainian economy – nor its political system – can afford that they do otherwise.", "zh": "他们每一位都为推动改革议程向前发展发挥了关键作用，也在为比从前少得多的工资在工作。 有些人甚至自己花钱来雇佣员工。 同时，政府部长和总统办公厅的宏伟议程由一个充满活力的民间社会来密切监察着。 正如索罗斯指出的那样，乌克兰可能有着全欧最活跃的公民社会。 该国其中一个最有趣的新企业是VoxUkraine，一个由尤里·哥罗尼申科（Yuriy Gorodnichenko）和蒂莫西·米洛万诺夫（Timofiy Mylovanov）两位在美乌克兰经济学教授建立的博客平台。 他们倡导实施现代循证型决策，不断提出新的、有建设性的方式来挑战政府及其政策设想。 尽管取得了这些进步，形势依然对乌克兰不利。 政府同时在参与至少两场战争 — — 在试图抵御敌对东部邻国的同时还要对抗根深蒂固的寡头政治。 更麻烦的问题 — — 以经济急剧下滑的形式呈现 — — 则是政府无法承受的。 但改革的红利也是极大的。 自1992年独立以来，乌克兰第一次有了一个明确的方向和一个能够支持改革的政府。 有迹象表明，在某种程度上由于寡头之间的内部冲突，他们对国家的钳制开始有放松迹象。 欧盟和美国正努力帮助乌克兰解决与俄罗斯的冲突。 因此乌克兰的私人债权人现在必须认识到国家的经济和政治形势，接受债券减值。 否则无论是乌克兰经济 — — 还是政治体制 — — 都无法承受其他的方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "鲁林荣 浙江大学求是特聘教授 1993年毕业于中国科学技术大学分子生物学系, 获得学士学位, 同年保送中国科学院上海生物化学研究所研究生，师从中国科学院院士刘新垣和郑仲承教授。 1998年7月毕业获得博士学位。 1998-2001年在麻省理工学院健康科学与技术中心从事博士后研究。 2001年开始在Dana-Farber肿瘤研究所跟随美国科学院院士Harvey Cantor从事免疫学研究工作。 先后任哈佛医学院病理系及Dana-Farber肿瘤研究所助理研究员（Research Associate，2001-2004年）,讲师 （Instructor，2005-2008）和研究员（Senior Research Scientist，2008.1-2008.9）。 2008年7月受聘于浙江大学医学院任免疫学研究所任教授，博士生导师。 2014年被聘为浙江大学”求是特聘教授“，2015年起担任浙江大学-爱丁堡大学联合学院（ZJU-UoE Institute)副院长。 在国际著名刊物如 Nature Immunology, Immunity, J. Exp. Med., PNAS和BLOOD 等杂志发表学术研究和综述论文六十余篇。 2010年入选教育部新世纪人才，2013年获国家杰出青年基金资助，2014年入选科技部中青年科技创新领军人才, 2016年入选中组部万人计划，2018年被聘为爱丁堡大学荣誉教授。 现任中国细胞生物学会理事、中国细胞生物学会免疫细胞分会副会长，Frontiers in Immunology杂志副主编，CMI (Cellular and Molecular Immunology), AJCEI (American Journal of Clinical and Experimental Immunology)和《中国免疫学杂志》等杂志编委。", "en": "Linrong Lu, Distinguished Professor of Qiushi at Zhejiang University. In 1993, he graduated from the Department of Molecular Biology, University of Science and Technology of China with a bachelor's degree. In the same year, he was recommended to study at the Shanghai Institute of Biochemistry, Chinese Academy of Sciences, under the tutelage of Academicians Liu Xinyuan and Professor Zheng Zhongcheng of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. He graduated with a doctorate in July 1998. From 1998 to 2001, he was engaged in postdoctoral research at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Health Science and Technology Center. Since 2001, he has been engaged in immunology research work with Harvey Cantor, an academician of the American Academy of Sciences, at the Dana-Farber Cancer Institute. He successively served as Assistant Researcher (2001 - 2004), Lecturer (2005 - 2008) and Senior Research Scientist (2008.1 - 2008.9) in the Department of Pathology and Dana-Farber Institute of Oncology, Harvard Medical School. In July 2008, he was employed by Zhejiang University School of Medicine as a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor in the Institute of Immunology. In 2014, he was hired as the \"Qushi Distinguished Professor\" of Zhejiang University. Since 2015, he has served as the Associate Dean of the Zhejiang University-Edinburgh University Joint College (ZJU-UoE Institute). He has published more than 60 academic research and review papers in internationally renowned journals such as Nature Immunology, Immunity, J. Exp. Med., PNAS and BLOOD. In 2010, he was selected as the New Century Talent of the Ministry of Education. In 2013, he was funded by the National Outstanding Youth Fund. In 2014, he was selected as a young and middle-aged science and technology innovation leader by the Ministry of Science and Technology. In 2016, he was selected for the Ten Thousand People Program of the Organization Department, and in 2018 he was hired as an honorary professor at the University of Edinburgh. Currently he serves as the Director of the Chinese Society for Cell Biology, the Vice President of the Chinese Society for Cell Biology Immune Cell Branch, Deputy Editor-in-Chief of Frontiers in Immunology, Editorial Board Member of Cellular and Molecular Immunology, American Journal of Clinical and Experimental Immunology and Chinese Journal of Immunology."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Disuniting Kingdom? Three hundred years after the first Scottish Parliament voluntarily voted itself out of existence in 1707, the Scottish National Party has won a plurality in the devolved Scottish parliament that is one of Tony Blair’s great legacies. Does an SNP-led government herald the break-up of the United Kingdom? More broadly, does nationalism, that product of nineteenth-century politics, still have a role to play in Europe? The answer to the first question is almost certainly no. Nationalist polled only 31.9% of the votes cast with parties supporting the union polling 59.6%. Proof positive that proportional representation can produce strange outcomes. Back in 1957, the motive for “laying the foundations of an ever closer union of the peoples of Europe” was to make war between European nations obsolete, and, in doing so, to bring internal stability to all European nations. For 50 years, the European Union was not much tested by this mission because nationalist impulses were crushed between the two great Cold War alliances. With those constraints gone, nationalism in both its Bismarckian state-making and ethnic state-breaking guises has gotten a second wind. When people nowadays speak of nationalism, sinister images from another era come to mind. But nationalism is, of course, not inevitably violent: it flares into conflict only in places with a flammable legacy. The break-up of the Soviet Union and its satellite empire shows that the way to address such a legacy is not to force unhappy peoples to live together in one country.", "zh": "联合王国在解体吗？ 在1707年第一个苏格兰议会自行投票解散的三百年后，苏格兰国民党在自治的苏格兰议会中赢得了多数席位。 而自治的苏格兰议会正是布莱尔的重大遗产之一。 由苏格兰国民党领导的政府是否预示着联合王国的解体呢？ 在更为广泛的意义上，民族主义作为十九世纪政治的产物是否依然可以在欧洲发挥作用呢？ 第一个问题的答案几乎肯定是不。 民族主义者只获得了31.9％的选票，而支持联盟政党的获得59.6％的选票。 证据表明，比例代表制可以产生奇怪的结果。 早在1957年 ， “ 为欧洲各国人民建立更为紧密联盟的基础”的动机让欧洲各国之间的战争变得过时，而在这一过程中，又给所有的欧洲国家带来内部稳定。 50年来，由于民族主义冲动在两次世界大战联盟之间遭到压制，欧盟并没有在这一使命上经受考验。 这些限制已经不复存在，以普鲁士建国和民族分裂国家为借口的民族主义又重现生机。 人们现在谈论民族主义的时候，头脑中都会显现出另一个时代邪恶的形象。 但是，民族主义当然不是不可避免地充满暴力的。 它只有在有暴力传统的地方才会形成暴力。 苏联及其卫星国的解体表明，处理这一传统的方式并不是强迫不高兴的人们生活在一个国家之内。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Facing the Fourth Industrial Revolution MEXICO CITY – The current era of innovation, in which cutting-edge technologies are disrupting entire economic sectors at a breathtaking rate, has been called the Fourth Industrial Revolution. It is also the theme of the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting this week in Davos, Switzerland – and rightly so. In the coming years, the scope and pace of innovation will transform how we produce, distribute, and consume. To maximize the benefits, we must take steps now to prepare our economies and societies, with a focus on three key areas: education, the business environment, and connectivity. Human capital is vital to an economy’s success, and Mexico is no exception. That is why my government is focusing so heavily on improving education at all levels. For example, we recently launched “Education Infrastructure Notes,” private investment vehicles that will allow us to channel roughly $3 billion to improve elementary-school facilities within the next three years. In addition, during the current school year, we have delivered tablet computers to almost half of Mexico’s 2.3 million fifth-graders. We are also working to ensure that current and future generations gain the skills they will need to thrive in an evolving labor market. Last year, more than 110,000 students in Mexico earned degrees in areas such as engineering, manufacturing, and construction – a higher figure than in some of the most developed countries, including France, Germany, and the United Kingdom.", "zh": "直面第四次工业革命 墨西哥城—眼下的创新时代，尖端科技正在以惊人的速度颠覆整个经济，我们称之为第四次工业革命。 这也是本周在瑞士达沃斯举行的世界经济论坛年会的主题 — — 理应如此。 在未来几年中，创新的规模和节奏将改变我们如何生产、分配和消费。 要实现收益最大化，我们必须现在就让经济和社会做好准备，注重于三大关键领域：教育、营商环境和连通性。 人力资本对于经济的成功至关重要。 墨西哥也不例外。 正因如此，我的政府非常注重改善各层次教育水平。 比如，我们最近启动了“教育基础设施记录 ” ， 这是一套私人投资载体，将在未来三年引导大约30亿美元用于改善小学设施。 此外，在本学年，我们将为墨西哥230万五年级学生的近一半配备平板电脑。 我们还在致力于确保当前和未来几代学生获得必要的技能适应不断变化的劳动力市场。 去年，110,000多墨西哥学生获得工程、制造和建筑类学位 — — 这一数字比法国、德国和英国等一些最发达国家还要多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, recent surveys show that the public is growing steadily less trusting of the scientific consensus on global warming. The biggest headlines about IPCC errors concern a claim about melting Himalayan glaciers that it made in its 2007 report on the likely impacts of climate change. “Glaciers in the Himalaya are receding faster than in any other part of the world,” the report noted, adding that “if the present rate continues, the likelihood of them disappearing by the year 2035 and perhaps sooner is very high.” As it happens, this prediction was not based on any peer-reviewed scientific research but was lifted from a report by the World Wildlife Fund, which was repeating an unproven speculation by a single researcher. This lack of scientific basis did not stop countless global-warming activists from citing the glacier prediction at every opportunity. When the Indian government suggested last year that the Himalayan glaciers were in better shape than the IPCC claimed, the IPCC’s chairman, Rajendra Pachauri, dismissed India’s objections as being based on “voodoo science.” Earlier this month, the Indian government reacted to the revelations about the baseless nature of the glacier claim by announcing plans to establish what amounts to its own “Indian IPCC” to assess the impact of global warming.", "zh": "事实胜于雄辩，最近就有调查显示，公众对全球变暖的科学共识越来越不信任了。 而在 IPCC 所犯错误中最大的一条，就是其在 2007 年编写的一份关于气候变化潜在影响的报告中对喜马拉雅冰川融化的观点。 报告中说“喜马拉雅冰川比世界其他地方的冰川要消失得更快 ” ， 接着补充说“如果保持现在这个消失速度不变，那么这些冰川很有可能在 2035 年或甚至更早的时间内完全消失 。 ” 但令人吃惊的是，这一预测并未基于任何经过了科学审查的研究结果，而只是摘自于世界自然基金会的一份报告，而这一份报告只是简单地复述了一位研究人员未经证实的猜测而已。 尽管如此，科学依据的缺乏却未能阻止无数的环保分子利用一切机会引用这一冰川融化的观点。 去年，当印度政府声明说喜马拉雅冰川的状况要比 IPCC 宣称的要好时， IPCC 主席拉津德·巴乔里竟反驳说印度政府的反对是基于“巫术科学 ” 。 而在这一冰川融化��点被揭露为毫无依据之后，印度政府的反应则是在本月初宣布计划建立本国自己的“政府间气候变化专门委员会”来评估全球变暖的影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "支持优势特色企业做大做强，成为具有较强国际竞争力的汽车领军企业，积极培育具有技术创新优势的零部件、连锁维修企业、汽车咨询服务企业成长为“小巨人”。支持以企业为主导开展国内外有序重组整合、企业并购和战略合作，鼓励企业国际化发展。鼓励汽车产业链内以及跨产业的资本、技术、产能、品牌等合作模式，支持优势企业以相互持股、战略联盟等方式强强联合，不断提升产业集中度。专栏7汽车质量品牌建设工程。建立和完善中国汽车质量品牌培育和发展机制，鼓励行业组织建立和推广中国汽车品牌评价标准体系，开展汽车品牌价值专业评价工作，引导行业企业加强品牌培育；鼓励优势企业通过收购国际知名汽车品牌和企业，实施品牌培育的跨越发展。到2020年，骨干汽车企业研发经费占营业收入4%左右，新车平均故障率比2015年下降30%，形成若干世界知名汽车品牌；到2025年，骨干汽车企业研发经费占营业收入6%左右，骨干企业新车平均故障率达到国际一线品牌同等水平，若干中国品牌汽车企业产销量进入世界前十。", "en": "Support the growth and strengthening of advantageous and distinctive enterprises, and become a leading automotive enterprise with strong international competitiveness. Actively cultivate component, chain repair, and automotive consulting service enterprises with technological innovation advantages to become hidden champions. Support orderly restructuring, mergers and acquisitions, and strategic cooperation led by enterprises, and encourage international development of enterprises. Encourage cooperation models such as capital, technology, production capacity, and brand within the automotive industry chain and across industries. Support advantageous enterprises to form strong alliances through mutual shareholding and strategic alliances, continuously improving industry concentration. Column 7: Automotive Quality Brand Construction Project. Establish and improve the mechanism for cultivating and developing Chinese automotive quality brands, encourage industry organizations to establish and promote Chinese automotive brand evaluation standards, conduct professional evaluations of automotive brand value, and guide industry enterprises to strengthen brand cultivation. Encourage advantageous enterprises to achieve leapfrog development in brand cultivation through the acquisition of internationally renowned automotive brands and enterprises. By 2020, R&D funds of backbone automotive enterprises will account for about 4% of operating income, the average failure rate of new vehicles will decrease by 30% compared to 2015, and several world-renowned automotive brands will be formed. By 2025, R&D funds of backbone automotive enterprises will account for about 6% of operating income, the average failure rate of new vehicles of backbone enterprises will reach the level of international first-tier brands, and several Chinese brand automotive enterprises will enter the top ten in the world in terms of production and sales volume."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "降低工商业电价5%政策延长到今年年底。 宽带和专线平均资费降低15%。 减免国有房产租金，鼓励各类业主减免或缓收房租，并予政策支持。 坚决整治涉企违规收费。 强化对稳企业的金融支持。 中小微企业贷款延期还本付息政策再延长至明年3月底，对普惠型小微企业贷款应延尽延，对其他困难企业贷款协商延期。 完善考核激励机制，鼓励银行敢贷、愿贷、能贷，大幅增加小微企业信用贷、首贷、无还本续贷，利用金融科技和大数据降低服务成本，提高服务精准性。 大幅拓展政府性融资担保覆盖面并明显降低费率。 大型商业银行普惠型小微企业贷款增速要高于40%。促进涉企信用信息共享。 支持企业扩大债券融资。 加强监管，防止资金“空转”套利，打击恶意逃废债。金融机构与贷款企业共生共荣，鼓励银行合理让利。 为保市场主体，一定要让中小微企业贷款可获得性明显提高，一定要让综合融资成本明显下降。 千方百计稳定和扩大就业。 加强对重点行业、重点群体就业支持。 今年高校毕业生达874万人，要促进市场化社会化就业，高校和属地政府都要提供不断线的就业服务，扩大基层服务项目招聘。 做好退役军人安置和就业保障。", "en": "The policy of reducing electricity prices for general industrial and commercial businesses by 5 percent will be extended to the end of the year. The rates for broadband and dedicated internet access services will be cut by 15 percent on average. Rents for state-owned premises will be lowered or exempted, and all other types of property owners are encouraged to also reduce, waive, or defer rent payments, and they will receive policy support from the government in doing so. We will take firm steps to stop the unauthorized levy of fees on enterprises. We will increase financial support to keep business operations stable. The policy allowing MSMEs to postpone principal and interest repayments on loans will be further extended till the end of March next year—payments on all inclusive loans of micro and small businesses eligible for this policy should also be deferred, and other businesses facing financial difficulties can discuss similar terms with their creditors. We will improve assessment and incentive mechanisms and give encouragement to banks to see that they are confident, willing and able to grant loans, make substantial increases to credit loans, first-time loans, and loan renewals without repayment of principal to micro and small businesses, and apply financial technology and big data to reduce service costs and make their services more targeted. The scope of the government financing guaranty will be expanded and guaranty fees will be reduced significantly. Large commercial banks should increase inclusive finance lending to micro and small businesses by more than 40 percent. We will encourage the sharing of enterprises’ credit information. We will support enterprises in increasing bond financing. We should tighten regulation, prevent funds from simply circulating in the financial sector for the sake of arbitrage, and crack down on debt evasion. As financial institutions and the businesses that borrow from them share a common stake, we encourage banks to make appropriate interest concessions. To support market entities, we must ensure that MSMEs have significantly better access to loans and that overall financing costs drop markedly. We will make every effort to stabilize and expand employment. We will increase employment support for key sectors and key groups. With 8.74 million college students graduating this year, we need to encourage market-based employment, ensure that colleges and the governments of localities where they are located provide employment services to these students on an ongoing basis, and expand recruitment to primary-level service projects. We will provide assistance and employment services for demobilized military personnel."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It severed relations with Afghanistan’s Taliban regime, which it had helped to install five years earlier, and allowed America to use its air space to launch strikes on Afghanistan. For more than a decade, Pakistan and the US were close allies. Pakistan let the US use its air bases to launch drone attacks on Taliban fighters in Afghanistan and northwestern Pakistan; allowed its territory to be used as a supply route for NATO forces in landlocked Afghanistan; and, less enthusiastically than the US wished, launched military operations against Taliban sanctuaries on the Pakistani side of the porous border with Afghanistan. In return for its help, Pakistan received large doses of economic and military assistance. According to the US Congress, Pakistan was provided $20 billion in aid between 2001 and 2011. In addition, Congress passed the Kerry-Lugar bill, which promised $7.5 billion in economic aid from 2009-2014. The US also encouraged the International Monetary Fund to give Pakistan emergency financial assistance equivalent to $11 billion, to be disbursed starting in late 2008. This cozy relationship created a “moral hazard” in Pakistan, as the generous flow of US aid insulated the government and military from any sense of urgency about economic reform: some foreign friend would always rescue the country from its perennial shortage of cash. So far, that friend has been America, but the US could well pull out of Pakistan for the fourth time in the countries’ turbulent relationship – a threat that several influential figures in the US Congress have already made. The dynamic that has brought Pakistan-US relations to this point arguably began on December 1, 2009, when President Barack Obama, announcing a surge in the number of US troops in Afghanistan, also indicated his intention to start pulling back American troops beginning in July 2011 – a pledge that he reiterated two months ago. This alerted Pakistan to the fact that, with the imminent departure of US troops, it would be left alone to fight the insurgency on both sides of its border with Afghanistan. To do that, Pakistan would need help from some of the Afghan Pashtun tribes with which it had developed strong relations during the war against the Soviet Union.", "zh": "穆沙拉夫政府切断了五年前建立的与阿富汗塔利班组织的联系，并允许美国使用其空军基地对阿富汗发起攻击。 10多年来，巴基斯坦和美国形成了亲密的盟友关系。 巴基斯坦允许美国用其空军基地对阿富汗及巴基斯坦西北部的塔利班战机发动无人机攻击，并允许本国领土被用作北约军队在内陆国家阿富汗的补给线，而且虽然没有表现出美国所希望的那种热情，巴基斯坦依然发动了针对漏洞百出的巴阿边境巴方一侧塔利班避难所的军事袭击。 作为这种帮助的回报，巴基斯坦得到了大量的经济和军事援助。 据美国国会统计，2001到2011年间巴基斯坦得到了200亿美元的援助。 此外，国会还通过一项克里－卢格法案，承诺从2009－2014年间提供75亿美元的经济援助。 美国还鼓励国际货币基金组织给予巴基斯坦合计110亿美元的紧急财政援助，从2008年下半年开始分批拨付。 这种亲密关系在巴基斯坦催生出“道德风险 ” ， 因为美国援助的慷慨流入使政府和军方不再着急推进经济改革：某些外国朋友总能解决巴基斯坦持续出现的现金短缺问题。 截至目前为止，美国一直扮演着那个朋友的角色，但美国很可能在目前的动荡关系中第四次撤出巴基斯坦 — — 美国国会几位颇有影响的人物已经威胁要这么做。 导致巴美关系发展到目前地步的事态始于2009年的12月1日，当天巴拉克·奥巴马总统宣布增加驻阿富汗的美军人数，并同时明确他从2011年7月开始撤出美军的意图 — — 他在两个月前又重申了这一承诺。 于是巴基斯坦意识到随着美军撤离迫在眉睫，它将不得不与巴阿边境两侧的叛乱分子独自战斗。 要想独自对抗这些叛乱分子，巴基斯坦需要得到某些阿富汗普什图族的帮助，巴方在对抗苏联的那场战争中与这些普什图部族的关系非常牢固。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why We Need Women in the Military ISLAMABAD – Saudi Arabia’s decision to allow women to serve in the military – part of its Vision 2030 economic-reform program – has been widely celebrated as a step forward for gender parity in the notoriously unequal kingdom. But, when women begin to enlist, the battle for real equality within the military will have just begun. Beyond the explicit constraints that are expected – women will probably have to secure approval from their legal male guardians, and may be limited to non-combat roles – there is the need to dismantle the military’s rigid patriarchal systems. This will be a difficult feat, requiring sustained government commitment, effective organizational planning, and deep personal fortitude from the women who enlist. I should know. In 2001, I was one of the first women to join the Pakistan Air Force (PAF). But the road was not easy. I was born to a feminist father who encouraged me to be whatever I wanted to be, and what I wanted to be was a PAF officer. That aspiration seemed impossible during my childhood, when women could join the military only as doctors, certainly not in combat roles. But everything changed in 1999: President Muhammad Rafiq Tarar introduced a quota for women in the PAF. I became one of just eight women who passed the entrance exam for commissioned officers.", "zh": "我们为什么需要女军人 伊斯兰堡 — — 沙特阿拉伯决定允许女性参军 — — 这是该国2030年远景经济改革计划的组成部分 — — 在这个因男女不平等而臭名昭著的王国里此举被视为向性别平等迈出的重要步骤而受到人们的广泛欢迎。 但女性开始入伍仅仅意味着军队内部争取真正平等的斗争才刚刚启动。 除预料之中的明确限制外 — — 女性入伍可能还需要得到其法定男性监护人的许可，而且可能限于充当非战斗性角色 — — 此外还必须废除军队僵化的男权体制。 这注定将是一项艰巨的任务，需要政府的持续努力、高效的组织规划以及入伍女性强大的个人勇气。 对此我理应有发言权。 2001年，我曾是首批加入巴基斯坦空军（PAF）的女性之一。 但这条路并不容易。 我的父亲是一位女权主义者，他鼓励我实现自己的理想，而我的理想是成为一名巴基斯坦空军军官。 在我童年时代这样的理想似乎根本不可能，当时女性只能以医生的身份进入军队，因此肯定与任何战斗角色无关。 但1999年这一切都发生了改变：穆罕默德·拉非克·塔拉尔总统在巴基斯坦空军中引入了女性配额。 我成为八名通过入伍考核的女性军官中的一个。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the construction industry, worried about its profits, has been harshly critical of the rules, as have ordinary people who have been denied credit, and thus must struggle to find suitable housing in a small rental market. Politicians, no surprise, have jumped on the bandwagon, to capitalize on the popular mood. As the pressure on Irish regulators to relax lending rules intensifies, so do concerns that they will succumb to it. One hopes that they will continue to resist. Would-be borrowers do indeed face genuine challenges as a result of these regulations; but that is nothing compared to the pain that a collapsing bubble would cause. In any case, Ireland’s experience with housing bubbles carries a deeper lesson – one that virtually everyone has missed. A housing system that can so easily produce such large and damaging bubbles is fundamentally flawed. While restrictions on lending may be useful, they are not enough to bring about an efficient and stable housing system. Many in Ireland might find that conclusion overly pessimistic. Maybe they are simply hoping that, this time, the luck of the Irish will hold. Perhaps it will, and this time really is different. But there isn’t much evidence of that.", "zh": "但担忧利润的建筑业对这些规则进行了激烈批评，贷款申请被拒、因此不得不在规模很小的租房市场寻找适合房子的普通人也是如此。 毫不奇怪，政客也加入战团，利用这一群众情绪。 随着要求爱尔兰监管者放松贷款规则的压力的增加，对它们最终将屈服的担忧也与日俱增。 但愿它们能继续坚持。 潜在贷款人确实因为这些监管措施而面临真正的挑战；但与泡沫崩溃所引起的痛苦相比，这根本不值一提。 无论如何，爱尔兰的房地产泡沫经验带来了一个更深的教训 — — 这个教训几乎所有人都没有认识到。 一个如此容易制造如此庞大和危险的泡沫的房地产体系必有其根本性缺陷。 尽管限制贷款可能有用，但不足以带来高效稳定的房地产体系。 许多爱尔兰人也许认为这一结论过于悲观。 也许他们只是希望，这一回爱尔兰能获得运气。 也许会吧，并且这一回果真不同了。 但并没有多少证据证明这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And I think mostly in images, and so for me that became a key metric -- how to get these mental images that I use as a way of rapid prototyping, if you will, my ideas, trying on different new ideas for size, playing out scenarios. This kind of thinking isn't new. Philiosophers like Hume and Descartes and Hobbes saw things similarly. They thought that mental images and ideas were actually the same thing. There are those today that dispute that, and lots of debates about how the mind works, but for me it's simple: Mental images, for most of us, are central in inventive and creative thinking. So after several years, I tuned myself up and I have lots of great, really vivid mental images with a lot of sophistication and the analytical backbone behind them. And so now I'm working on, how can I get these mental images in my mind out to my computer screen faster? Can you imagine, if you will, a movie director being able to use her imagination alone to direct the world in front of her? Or a musician to get the music out of his head? There are incredible possibilities with this as a way for creative people to share at light speed. So let me show you why I think we're pretty close to getting there by sharing with you two recent experiments from two top neuroscience groups. Both used fMRI technology -- functional magnetic resonance imaging technology -- to image the brain, and here is a brain scan set from Giorgio Ganis and his colleagues at Harvard. And the left-hand column shows a brain scan of a person looking at an image. The middle column shows the brainscan of that same individual imagining, seeing that same image. And the right column was created by subtracting the middle column from the left column, showing the difference to be nearly zero. This was repeated on lots of different individuals with lots of different images, always with a similar result.", "zh": "我主要是通过图像来思考的， 所以对我来说最关键的， 就是如何找回这些大脑中的图像， 因为我是用图像来快速地构建原型想法的。 只要我愿意，我的想法， 会尝试不同规模的新想法， 设想各种场景。 这种思维方式并不罕见。 哲学家们，像休谟、笛卡儿、霍布斯 也是这样看事情的。 他们认为脑中的图像和思想 是一回事。 现在有很多人质疑这一点， 也有很多关于大脑如何思考的争论， 但对我来说很简单： 对大多数人来说，大脑中的图像 是在创造性思考中处于核心地位。 在我试验了几年之后， 我找到了合适的药物剂量， 我脑中开始出现了很多栩栩如生 又非常复杂的图像， 还有图像中包含的思路。 现在我在做的， 就是如何把我脑子中的这些图像 更快地传到我的电脑屏幕上? 想像一下， 如果一个电影导演仅靠她的想象力 就可以导演她眼前的世界? 或者一个音乐家这样就能把他脑子里的音乐传出来? 这件事有不可思议的可能性， 它可以让有创造性的人们 以闪电般的速度来分享想法。 现在我要给大家看看， 为什么我觉得我们已经接近成功了， 我要展示两个近期的实验， 分别是在两个顶级的脑科学研究组做的。 他们都用了fMRI技术 也就是功能性核磁共振成像技术 来对大脑进行造影。 这套大脑扫描图是 哈佛的吉奥吉欧•加尼斯和他的同事们做的。 左边一列扫描的 是一个正看着一张图的人的大脑。 中间一列 是同一个人的大脑扫描图， 但他只是在想像看刚才那张图片， 右边一列是将 中间的图从左边的图减去后得到的 可以看出来差别几乎为零。 这个实验在很多不同的人身上重复过， 而且用了很多不同的图片， 结果几乎总是一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When Climate Activism and Nationalism Collide WASHINGTON, DC – There is an overwhelming consensus among scientists that this decade will be the last window for humanity to change the current global trajectory of carbon dioxide emissions so that the world can get close to zero net emissions by around 2050, and thus avoid potentially catastrophic climate risks. But although the massive technological and economic changes required to achieve this goal are well understood, their political implications are rarely discussed. While climate activists have built an impressive international movement, broadening their political support and crossing borders, the nationalist narrative has been gaining ground in domestic politics around the world. Its central message – that the world consists of nation-states in relentless competition with one another – stands in sharp contrast to the climate movement’s “one planet” emphasis on human solidarity. And these two trends are on a collision course. Although greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions do not respect political borders, and climate change affects all parts of the planet, the impact of global warming is decidedly not uniform. An average global temperature increase of 2°C will create extreme heat stress in India and Africa. Similarly, although rising sea levels will threaten lower-lying areas around the world, and more extreme weather events will affect almost everyone, already poor and vulnerable populations are especially at risk. Another inherently international aspect of the problem is carbon leakage as a result of trade. While GHGs are emitted in one country by the production of, say, steel, it is the use of that steel in importing countries that “causes” the emissions in the exporting country. The net benefits for all countries of controlling global warming are clear, because the various tipping points (and the possibility of cascading effects) present huge global risks, and not just for future generations. Moreover, the green economy offers big medium-term opportunities. But, because climate mitigation is a global public good, and given the geographically varied impact of global warming and the transmission of emissions through trade, it is extremely difficult to make progress through multilateral negotiations. Every government tries to maximize its gains and minimize its losses according to a narrowly nationalist perspective – and often within very short-term political timeframes. The failure of the recent COP25 climate negotiations in Madrid reflects these difficulties only too well.", "zh": "当气候活跃主义碰上民族主义 华盛顿—科学家直接有一个压倒性的共识，这个十年是人类改变当前全球二氧化碳排放趋势，进而让世界在2050年接近净零排放，进而避免可能是灾难性的其后风险的最后机会窗口。 但是，尽管我们已经十分了解实现这一目标所需要的大规模经济变革，但它们的政治影响很少有人讨论。 其后活动家掀起了令人印象深刻的国际运动，扩大了他们的政治支持并跨越了国界，而民族主义叙事则在全世界各国国内政坛得势。 其核心观点 — — 世界由民族国家构成，彼此之间无情竞争 — — 与气候运动所强调的“一个地球 ” 、 人类团结格格不入。 而这两个趋势正在走向碰撞。 尽管温室气体排放并不会尊重政治边界，气候变化会影响到全球各地，但全球变暖的影响绝不是均匀的。 全球平均气温升高2℃将给印度和非洲造成极端热浪。 类似地，尽管海平面上升会影响到全球地势较低地区，更极端的气候事件几乎影响到所有人，但已经陷入穷困或脆弱的群体尤其危险。 问题的另一个天然国际性角度是贸易所造成的碳泄漏。 温室气体在某国因为（比如）生产钢铁而被排放，而“造成”出口国排放的则是进口国对钢铁的使用。 控制全球变暖对全体国家的净收益是显而易见的，因为各种临界点（以及级联效应的可能性）意味着巨大的全球风险，不仅仅是对子孙后代而言。 此外，绿色经济能带来巨大的中期机会。 但是，由于气候缓和是一种全球公共品，而全球变暖和因贸易而发生的排放转移的影响因地而异，因此，通过多边谈判很难取得进展。 各国政府都试图实现狭隘的民族主义视角下的收益最大化，损失最小化 — — 并且常常只考虑极短期的政治时界。 最近在马德里召开的COP25气候谈判的失败很好地体现了这些困难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Captain Nemo gave me an odd look and gestured no. Which told me pretty clearly that nothing would ever force him to set foot on a land mass again. Then he said: “No, Professor Aronnax, the Nautilus isn’t consigned to perdition. It will still carry you through the midst of the ocean’s wonders. Our voyage is just beginning, and I’ve no desire to deprive myself so soon of the pleasure of your company.” “Even so, Captain Nemo,” I went on, ignoring his ironic turn of phrase, “the Nautilus has run aground at a moment when the sea is full. Now then, the tides aren’t strong in the Pacific, and if you can’t unballast the Nautilus, which seems impossible to me, I don’t see how it will float off.” “You’re right, professor, the Pacific tides aren’t strong,” Captain Nemo replied. “But in the Torres Strait, one still finds a meter-and-a-half difference in level between high and low seas. Today is January 4, and in five days the moon will be full. Now then, I’ll be quite astonished if that good-natured satellite doesn’t sufficiently raise these masses of water and do me a favor for which I’ll be forever grateful.”", "zh": "尼摩船长拿奇异的眼光注视我，做一个否定的手势。这就足够清楚地对我说明，没有什么东西能够再强迫他又回到陆地上去。一会儿他又对我说： “阿龙纳斯先生，诺第留斯号现在还没有损坏呢。”它仍然可以送您去看海洋的秘密。我们的海底旅行仅仅是一个开端呢，我很荣幸能够陪伴您，我不愿让旅行这样快就结束了。” “尼摩船长，”我并没有注意他这一句话的讽刺语气，我又说，“但诺第留斯号是在高潮来的时候搁浅了。一般说来，太平洋的潮水上涨时是不高的，如果您不能把诺第留斯号浮起来——在我看来这是不可能的——那我就看不到它有什么法子，能够离开暗礁，重回大海。” “太平洋的潮水涨得不高，教授，您说得对，”尼摩船长回答我，“但是托列斯海峡，高潮和低潮之间，仍然有一米半的差别。今天是1月4日，过五天月亮就圆了。如果这个讨人喜欢的月球，不掀起足够的水量，不给我出一把力做我只想由它来做的这件好事，我才十分奇怪呢！”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Perhaps the best analogy is with two runners engaged in a perpetual race around a track. The runner who finishes each lap in the lead earns a prize. And it is the present discounted value of these potential prizes that encourages the runners to improve their position. Now, suppose that sometime during the race, the interest rate used to discount future prizes falls. Both runners would then want to run faster because future prizes are worth more today. This is the traditional economic effect. But the incentive to run faster is greater for the runner in the lead, because she is closer to the prizes and hence more likely to get them. The lead runner therefore increases her pace by more than the follower, who becomes discouraged because she is now less likely to catch up. If the discouragement effect is large enough, then the follower simply gives up. Once that happens, the leader also slows down, as she no longer faces a competitive threat. And our research suggests that this strategic discouragement effect will dominate as the interest rate used to discount the value of the prizes approaches zero. In a real-world economy, the strategic effect is likely to be even stronger, because industry leaders and followers do not face the same interest rate in practice. Followers typically pay a spread over the interest rate paid by market leaders – and this spread tends to persist as interest rates fall. A cost-of-funding advantage like this for industry leaders would further strengthen the strategic contractionary impact of low interest rates. This contractionary effect helps to explain a number of important global economic patterns. First, the decline in interest rates that began in the early 1980s has been associated with growing market concentration, rising corporate profits, weaker business dynamism, and declining productivity growth. All are consistent with our model. Moreover, the timing of the aggregate trends also matches the model: the data show an increase in market concentration and profitability from the 1980s through 2000, followed by a slowdown in productivity growth starting in 2005.", "zh": "或许，以下这个比方最为恰当：即两名参赛者在一直在赛道上进行永无休止的竞争。 当每跑完成一圈时，领先的选手将会赢得奖金。 同时，正是因为此类潜在奖金的“贴现价值 ” ， 激励着选手们不断改变着自己在比赛中的位置。 现在，假设在比赛期间的时候，用于贴现未来奖金的利率下降。 然后，两位选手都希望跑得更快，因为今天贴现的奖品价值更高。 这是传统的经济效应。 但是领跑者有更大的动力去跑得更快，因为她更接近奖品，因此更有可能获得它。 因此，领跑者加快步伐，不断拉大与跟随者（步频较慢）间的距离，后者从而觉得追赶无望而变得气馁沮丧。 如果其沮丧感达到一定程度，那么追随者便会退出竞争。 一旦发生此类情况，领跑者便开始放慢速度，因为他们不再面临竞争的威胁。 我们的研究表明，这种策略性劝阻效应将占主导地位，因为用于贴现奖金价值的利率接近于零。 因此，我方的研究表明：随着充当“贴现奖金”价值的利率逐渐趋近于零，这种策略上的抑制效应将占据主导地位。 而在现实世界的经济中，策略效应的作用或许更为深远，因为事实上行业领先者与追随者并不会面临利率相同的情况。 后者所支付的利差，甚至高于前者所支付的利率 — — 同时，随着利率下调，这种息差往往会持续下去。 对行业领先者而言，这种融资成本优势将进一步增强低利率的策略性收缩的影响。 这种紧缩效应有助于解释一些重要的全球经济模式。 首先，始于上世纪80年代初的利率下降，与市场集中度不断上升、企业利润不断上升、商业活力减退，以及生产率增长的不断下降存在关联：这些均符合我们的模型。 此外，总体趋势出现的时间也与模型相符：数据显示，自上世纪80年代至2000年间，市场集中度与利润率均有所上升，随后从2005年开始，生产率的增长开始放缓。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s population has fallen to well below 10% of the global total, and it will fall much further as populations skyrocket elsewhere. Over the last 40 years, for example, Egypt’s population has increased from 39 million to 93 million. During a comparable period, Ethiopia’s population more than tripled, to 101 million. Nigeria, now home to more than 186 million people, has followed a similar trajectory; its population is predicted to rise to a half-billion by 2050. During the first half of the twenty-first century, the population of Africa as a whole is expected to grow from about one billion to 2.5 billion. Failing states, as we have learned, export their problems – and their people. The world’s poorest countries are experiencing the fastest population growth. They have the youngest populations, and, all too often, are among the most likely to see a breakdown in governance. The resulting flows of people will put developed countries under extreme pressure – nowhere more so than in Europe. Erecting more razor wire will not come close to being an adequate response. The Mediterranean has become, tragically, a cemetery for some – but a barrier only for a few. Not even island countries like the UK can meet the migration challenge acting on their own. What we require is a long-term program discussed and agreed upon by our neighbors and the United States. We need to coordinate our foreign, security, and development policies in order to prevent uncontrollable, unmanageable mass migration – a phenomenon that will lead to many migrant deaths and stoke xenophobia in the countries they try to reach. We need to agree on how we deal with failed states and help to put them back on their feet. We have to use our development assistance strategically, to help poor countries grow and provide their citizens a reason for staying at home. We also need more aggressive policies to tackle people smuggling, supported by United Nations Security Council resolutions where necessary. And we have to deploy more naval resources in the Mediterranean and spend more on Europe’s border security. Such an effort would be in the interest of everyone, not least the poor in Africa and West Asia.", "zh": "欧洲人口已下降到全球总人口的10%以下，而且随着别国人口的猛增，欧洲人口还将进一步下降。 例如，过去40年来，埃及人口已经从3900万上升到9300万。 在可比时期内，埃塞俄比亚人口增长超过3倍至1010万。 目前拥有超过1.86亿人口的尼日利亚也走上了类似的轨道；其人口预计将在2050年增长至5亿。 21世纪上半叶，非洲人口总数预计将从10亿上升到25亿之多。 失败国家，据我们了解，会出口他们的问题 — — 以及他们的人口。 世界最贫困国家正在经历最快速的人口增长。 他们的人口最为年轻，而且很多时候，出现执政崩溃的可能性也最大。 由此导致的人口流动会使发达国家承受极大的压力 — — 其中尤以欧洲承受的压力最大。 架设更多铁丝网根本谈不上是恰当的对策。 可悲的是，地中海已经成为某些人的坟墓 — — 但却很少有人将此视为畏途。 如果各国自行其是，就连英国这样的岛国也无法解决移民难题。 我们需要的是我们的邻国和美国探讨并达成一项长期计划。 我们需要协调外交、安全和发展政策，以实现防止无法控制的大规模移民的目标。 这种现象会导致众多移民死于非命，并在他们的目的地国掀起仇外的浪潮。 我们必须达成一致，帮助失败国家重新站起来。 我们必须从战略角度出发分配发展援助，协助贫困国家经济发展并为其民众提供留在国内的理由。 我们还需要针对人口走私制定更为积极的政策，并在必要的情况下寻求联合国安理会决议的支持。 我们必须在地中海部署更多的海军资源，并增加用于欧洲边境安全的经费。 这项工作符合所有人的利益，尤其是非洲和西亚的穷人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A vaccine is an estimated 12-18 months off; antiviral drugs could be available sooner, but they, too, will not come soon. As former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld put it, “You go to war with the army you have, not the army you might want or wish to have at a later time.” As a result, this is a war that must be fought for the foreseeable future in ways designed to frustrate the enemy rather than defeat it. The best tactic available now is dispersion, to offer the enemy fewer targets. Relatively weak militaries often employ this method by avoiding set-piece battles against stronger forces. Dispersion, in today’s parlance, means social distancing. The problem is that social distancing was postponed in many countries or is being applied unevenly. It is often said that speed kills; when it comes to heading off or limiting pandemics, it is delay that kills. The countries that have fared best against the coronavirus, like South Korea and Singapore, acted quickly and decisively. This war is also being waged with a lack of defensive equipment. One of the most important tasks is to identify those who have been infected and trace their contacts. Both groups need to be isolated quickly. This is the only way to understand the threat, to break through what the Prussian military strategist Carl von Clausewitz is credited with calling the “fog of war.” But the testing needed to identify those who are infected is simply not of sufficient quality or available in sufficient quantity in most countries. Closing borders can be helpful (particularly early on, before the virus becomes widespread in a society), but it is no panacea. Similarly, mass testing to reveal who has developed immunity to the virus, which is essential for people to be able to gather safely, whether for work or play, is not yet available. The strategy must be to play for time until we are equipped to attack COVID-19 with anti-viral drugs or, better yet, a vaccine. Dispersion and testing are needed to accomplish this. The last question is when to end the war.", "zh": "一种疫苗（的研制周期）估计需要12-18个月；抗病毒药物可能很快就能得到，但它们也不会很快出现。 正如前美国国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德（Donald Rumsfeld）所言 ： “ 你与你拥有的军队参战，而不是与你以后可能想要或希望拥有的军队一同参战 。 ” 因此，我们必须在可预见的未来以各种方式进行的“战争 ” ， 而这场“战争”的目的必须是挫败敌人，而不是打败敌人。 现在最好的战术是分散，给敌人提供更少的目标。 相对较弱的军队经常采用这种方法，避免与较强的部队进行定点战斗。 用今天的话说 ， “ 分散”意味着社会隔离措施。 问题在于，在许多国家社会隔离政策被缓办了，或者实施的不均衡。 人们常说极速绝杀；在阻止或限制流行病方面，拖延也是致命的。 在对抗新冠状病毒方面表现最好的国家，如韩国和新加坡则采取行动迅速而果断。 这场战争的起因还包括缺乏防御装备。 其中最重要的一项任务是确认那些已经感染的人以及追踪他们的接触者。 这两个群体都需要被迅速隔离。 这是了解威胁的唯一途径，打破了普鲁士军事战略家卡尔·冯·克劳塞维茨（Carl von Clausewitz）所谓的“战争迷雾 ” 。 但是在大多数国家识别感染者所需的检测质量不够高或检测数量不够。 关闭边境可能会有帮助(特别是在病毒在社会中广泛传播之前 ) ， 但它不是“万能药 ” 。 类似地，目前还没有大规模的测试用以显示谁已经对病毒产生了免疫力，这对于人们能够安全地聚集在一起，无论是工作还是娱乐，都是至关重要的。 我们的策略必须是争取（可以延缓病毒传播的）时间，直到我们有能力用抗病毒药物或更好的疫苗来抗击新冠状病毒（COVID-19 ） 。 这需要通过隔离和测试来完成。 最后一个问题是何时结束战争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The volume has this connecting shape that shades itself with three different types of apartments and also lets the light go on the ground floor in a very dense neighborhood And in the courtyards there are the different facilities, such as a gym and a kindergarten and close by, a series of commercial [spaces] that bring activity to the ground floor. The roof, which is my favorite space of the project is almost like giving back to the community the space taken by the construction. And it's where all the neighbors, they can go up and socialize, and do activities such as having a two-kilometer run in the morning, jumping from one building to another. These two examples, they have a common approach in the design process. And also, they are in emerging countries where you can see the cities literally growing. In these cities, the impact of architecture in people's lives of today and tomorrow changes the local communities and economies at the same speed as the buildings grow. For this reason, I see even more importance to look at architecture finding simple but affordable solutions that enhance the relationship between the community and the environment and that aim to connect nature and people. Thank you very much.", "zh": "这个建筑群的相互连接的形状, 通过三个不同类型的公寓建筑, 起到遮阳的作用. 同时, 让阳光能够透过密集的建筑穿透到地表. 在这些中庭之间, 包含了许多不同的设施, 像是健身馆, 幼儿园等, 以及一系列商业设备, 让公共区域充满活力. 屋顶是这个项目中我最得意的部分, 这就像是将被这些建筑物占用的空间重新还给了社区. 社区的人们可以爬上屋顶, 相互打打招呼聊聊天, 或者做一些运动, 像是在早晨的时候在屋顶上 跑个两公里, 或是在建筑之间来回跳跃. 这两个案例 有一些共同点, 在设计过程中采用了同样的方法. 同样, 他们都位于新兴城市, 你能直观的看到 建筑物一个个拔地而起. 在这些城市, 建筑对于人们的影响, 无论当下还是未来 对当地社区及经济的影响, 跟建筑物建造的速度一样快. 出于这个原因, 我觉得对于建筑设计而言, 这个权衡越来越重要, 即, 寻找简单并且足够便宜的方案, 能够增强和促进当地的人们与城市环境的关系, 并且能够让人很好的接近自然. 非常感谢."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Policy Disharmony NEW HAVEN – China was hardly lacking in policy pronouncements in the final months of 2013. From the 60-point reform program issued by the Central Committee’s Third Plenum in early November to the six core tasks endorsed by the Central Economic Work Conference a month later, China’s leaders proposed a raft of new measures to address the daunting challenges that their country faces in the years ahead. But, seen in their entirety, the risk of incoherence has become evident. The Third Plenum initiatives, for example, have a strategic focus: promoting the economy’s long-awaited pro-consumption structural rebalancing. While the Work Conference’s core tasks embody the spirit of these reforms, they also reflect a tactical focus: “keeping growth steady.” Given the likely tradeoffs between strategy and tactics – that is, between long-term reforms and short-term growth imperatives – can Chinese policymakers really accomplish all of their objectives? Of course, such tradeoffs have long been evident in most economies – developed and developing alike. What has separated China from the pack has been its strong inclination to place greater emphasis on strategic objectives in charting its economic-development path. Even so, new tensions between the Third Plenum’s policies and those of the latest Work Conference have raised the question of tradeoffs once again. The consumer- and services-led rebalancing initially proposed in the 12th Five-Year Plan and endorsed by the recently concluded Third Plenum implies slower GDP growth than the 10% average annual rate recorded from 1980 to 2010. Yet slower growth need not be a bad thing. Employment in Chinese services is about 30% higher per unit of output than in the manufacturing and construction sectors, which means that an increasingly services-led China can accomplish its critical labor-absorption objectives – namely, rapid job creation and poverty reduction – with 7-8% annual growth. For China, rebalancing and slower growth go hand in hand – and yield the additional benefits of less intensive resource demand, a more subdued rise in energy consumption, and related progress in addressing environmental pollution and income inequality.", "zh": "中国政策的不协调状态 发自纽黑文 — — 中国在2013年的最后几个月里发表了多项政策声明。 从11月初在十八届三中全会上提出60点改革方案，到一个月后在中央经济工作会议上提出的六个核心任务，中国领导人提出了一系列新措施来解决国家未来几年所面临的严峻挑战。 但从整体来看，政策不连贯的风险却越发明显。 例如三中全会的各项提案都有一个战略重点 — — 推进中国经济期待已久的消费结构调整。 而中央经济工作会议的核心任务上体现了这些改革精神的同时，也提出其战术重点 ： “ 维持稳步增长 。 ” 考虑战略与战术之间可能出现的取舍问题 — — 也就是长期改革和短期增长之间的权衡 — — 中国决策者能真正实现他们的所有目标吗？ 当然，这种取舍在大多数经济体中长期存在 — — 发达国家和发展中国家都一样。 而中国与它们的不同之处，在于该国一直极端倾向于把重点放在规划其经济发展道路的战略目标上。 尽管如此，三中全会与最近一次中央经济工作会议在政策上的新冲突又再次引发了取舍问题。 以消费者和服务主导的经济结构修正方案最早在十二五规划中提出，又得到最近闭幕的三中全会支持，这意味着GDP增长速度将比1980-2010年间平均达10%年增长率有所放缓。 然而，增长放缓并非是一件坏事。 中国服务业人员的单位产出比制造业和建筑业都要高30 % ， 这意味一个逐渐转向服务主导型的中国将可以在年增长7-8%的情况下完成关键的劳动力吸收目标 — — 即快速创造就业机会和减少贫困。 对中国来说，再平衡和经济增长放缓是并驾齐驱的 — — 并在资源需求更少，能源消耗增长更缓慢，以及解决环境污染和收入不平等方面获得额外好处。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By the time I turned 19, I had already moved 20 times in my life, and that instability during my childhood didn't really provide an opportunity to make many friends. Each time I would begin to feel comfortable around someone, it was time to pack up and move to the next town. Being the perpetual new face in class, I was frequently the target of bullies. So for the most part, I spent my time at home reading books and watching TV or playing video games. For those reasons, my social skills were lacking, to say the least, and growing up in a bigoted household, I wasn't prepared for the real world. I'd been raised to judge people based on arbitrary measurements, like a person's race or religion. So what opened my eyes? One of my first experiences that challenged this way of thinking was during the 2000 presidential elections. Through a college prep program, I was able to take part in the National Youth Convention in Philadelphia. My particular group's focus was on youth violence, and having been the victim of bullying for most of my life, this was a subject in which I felt particularly passionate. The members of our group came from many different walks of life. One day toward the end of the convention, I found out that one of the kids I had befriended was Jewish. Now, it had taken several days for this detail to come to light, and I realized that there was no natural animosity between the two of us.", "zh": "当我 19 岁的时候， 我已经搬超过 20 次家了， 童年所经历的不稳定 并未给我 结交朋友的机会。 每当我感到和附近人相熟时， 就是我要收拾行囊 去下一个地方的时候。 作为永远的班级新生， 我常是同学们欺负的对象。 所以更多的时候， 我待在家里 看书看电视 或者是打电动。 正因为这样，我的社交能力有所缺失， 简单地说， 成长在固执的家庭， 我没有准备好应对现实世界。 我被教育成用武断的方式， 依据人们的脸或宗教， 来评断他人。 什么让我开了眼界呢？ 某次经历 挑战了我思考的方式 发生于 2000 年美国总统竞选期间。 在预科期间， 我参与了 在费城举办的全国青年大会。 我这组的话题是关于青少年暴力， 作为倍受欺负的受害者， 这个话题我很感兴趣。 组员都有着不同的生活轨迹。 大会临近结束的某天， 我发现我的某个朋友 是犹太人。 我也是过了几天 才知晓这件事情， 我认识到，我们之间 并没有与生俱来的仇恨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why, then, has she made the decision to meet Macron halfway? The answer is that she now needs something from him and the southern eurozone countries that have become transit points for migrants and refugees. At home, Merkel has come under fire from Seehofer, who is demanding that the government send back all refugees who have already been registered in another EU country. Seehofer’s hardline position on refugees partly reflects the challenge his party faces from the AfD in Bavaria’s elections this fall. But Seehofer is not just playing domestic politics. He has also been undercutting Merkel’s foreign policy, by throwing his support behind other populist and nationalist leaders such as Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, and even Russian President Vladimir Putin. As a result, Bavaria is now part of an anti-refugee crescent that runs through the Visegrád Group, Austria, and Italy. Merkel has suggested that she would dismiss Seehofer were he to issue a ministerial directive for returning refugees. Her own approach is to push for a pan-European refugee agreement at an EU summit later this month. And last week, she met with the leaders of Italy, Greece, France, Austria, Bulgaria, and the Netherlands, whose help she needs to restrict the movement of asylum seekers within the EU. In exchange, Greece no doubt wants debt relief; Italy wants looser EU fiscal rules and a change to the European Central Bank’s mandate to include bond purchases; and Bulgaria wants a fast track to eurozone accession.", "zh": "那么，为何她还要决定与马克龙举行不彻底的会晤？ 答案是现在她需要他和欧元区南部成员国。 这些国家已成为移民和难民的中转站。 在国内，默克尔遭到了希霍夫的后院开火，后者要求政府遣返所有已在其他欧盟国家注册的难民。 希霍夫在难民问题上的强硬立场体现了其所在政党在今年秋天举行的巴伐利亚选举中所面临的AfD的挑战。 但希霍夫不仅仅是在打内政牌。 他也一直在削弱默克尔的外交政策，支持奥地利总理库尔茨和匈牙利总理欧尔班甚至俄罗斯总统普京等其他民粹主义和民族主义领导人。 结果，巴伐利亚现在已经成为贯穿维谢格拉德集团、奥地利和意大利的反移民之弧的一部分。 默克尔说，如果希霍夫发出遣返难民的部长令，她将解他的职。 她自己的方针是在本月晚些时候的欧盟峰会上推动泛欧洲移民协议。 上周，她和意大利、希腊、法国、奥地利、保加利亚以及荷兰领导人举行了会晤，她需要他们帮助限制欧盟内部寻求庇护者的转移。 作为交换，希腊肯定希望获得债务豁免，意大利想要欧盟财政规则放松以及包括购买债券在内的欧洲央行职能转变；而保加利亚想要走加入欧元区的快车道。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, without a broadly consistent approach, the authorities risk creating a legal patchwork that would make cross-border banking less efficient, more expensive, and more difficult to conduct. Apart from discouraging banks from investing abroad, outright restrictions on foreign banks’ market access cannot be ruled out, either. The rapid growth in intra-European banking relations in the past decade was made possible to a large extent by the abolition of formal and informal barriers to foreign service providers. Though this environment may not be fundamentally at risk, the current trend towards increasing capital requirements for international banks – reflected, for example, in calls for the establishment of independent subsidiaries with autonomous capital and liquidity pools – is clearly worrisome. Nonetheless, given the relatively favorable outlook for cross-border banking, Western banks’ presence in emerging markets could strengthen further, while banks domiciled in these regions might start looking beyond national borders. Traditional lending and deposit-taking still offers much growth potential – and may become more attractive relative to investment banking or asset management as a result of new regulation. In that case, banking will become more like other industries that have benefited themselves and their customers by evolving into truly global networks.", "zh": "但是，如果没有广泛的一致方法，可能会出现各国监管各自为政的局面，跨国银行业务将因此变得效率更低、价格更高、也更难以驾驭。 除了限制银行对外投资之外，对外国银行的市场准入实行完全限制也不是不可能。 过去十年来，欧洲内部银行业关系的发展十分迅速，之所以如此，很大程度上要归功于废除了针对外国服务供应商的正式和非正式壁垒。 从根本上说，这一环境暂时还安然无恙，但目前的趋势 — — 提高国际银行的资本要求 — — 反映出人们有意要求建立拥有自有资本和流动性池子的独立子公司，让人深感忧虑 尽管如此，跨国银行业的前景还是令人欣喜的，因此西方国家在新兴市场的形象或许会得到进一步巩固，而当地银行也许也可能会考虑走出国门。 传统贷款和存款业务仍然是增长的一大源泉，而且在新的监管制度下，存贷款业务或许比投资银行和资产管理更具吸引力。 果真如此的话，银行业将变得与其他产业更为相似 — — 通过打造真正意义上的全球网络实现自己和客户的双赢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "No country should get a pass on ending new exploration and development of fossil fuels. Third, governments must finance – at scale – zero-carbon infrastructure, such as national and regional renewable-energy power grids (for example, linking the European Union, North Africa, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East), as well as electrification of transport and buildings. Fourth, rich-country governments must help finance poorer countries’ efforts to make the needed investments. Rich countries have long promised to do this, but have failed to mobilize even the rather pitiful $100 billion a year – a mere 0.1% of world output – they first pledged in 2009. Fifth, developed countries should compensate the developing world for the climate damages they have already wrought and which will intensify in the future. The United States has emitted 25% of carbon-dioxide emissions dating back to 1751, despite having less than 5% of the global population. Countries all over the world are suffering massive climate disasters as a result of US energy malfeasance. Yet the US and other major historical emitters have offered nothing in compensation for the damages they are causing. Lastly, the world’s rich people, responsible for the preponderance of fossil-fuel use in their own countries and on a global scale, need to pay their fair share of the costs of climate adjustment. Yet, by and large, the richest people escape fair taxation, as shown once again in the Pandora Papers and a ProPublica report on tax avoidance. There is some good news. Many governments are taking some steps in the right direction.", "zh": "任何国家都不应被允许完成新的化石燃料勘探和开发。 第三，政府必须大规模资助零碳基础设施，如国家和区域级可再生能源电网（比如连接欧盟、北非、东地中海和中东 ） ， 以及交通和建筑的电气化。 第四，富国政府必须帮助穷国融资，以推行必要投资。 富裕国家长期以来一直承诺这样做，但它们连2009年所承诺的区区每年1000亿美元都没有动员到位 — — 这个数字之战全球产出的0.1 % 。 第五，发达国家应就它们已经造成、并将在未来加剧的气候伤害，补偿发展中国家。 追溯到1751年，美国排放了25%的二氧化碳，而其人口还不到全球的 5 % 。 由于美国的能源渎职，世界各国正在遭受大规模气候灾难。 然而，美国和其他历史上的主要排放国并没有为它们所造成的损失提供任何补偿。 最后，富人 — — 他们需要为本国和全球范围内大量使用化石燃料负责任 — — 需要付出公平份额的气候调整成本。 但总的来说，最富有的人逃脱了公平税收，潘多拉论文（Pandora Papers）和《人民 》 （ ProPublica）关于避税的报告再次证明了这一点。 有好消息。 许多政府正在朝着正确的方向采取一些步骤。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Age of Adaptation GENEVA – The world needs to stop looking backward. Since the 2008 financial crisis, we have wasted far too much energy trying to return to the days of rapid economic expansion. The flawed assumption that the post-crisis world's challenges were only temporary has underpinned policies that have yielded only lackluster recoveries, while failing to address key problems like high unemployment and rising inequality. The post-crisis era is over, and the “post-post-crisis world\" is upon us. It is time to adopt a new framework of realistic solutions that promote shared prosperity within the global economy of today and tomorrow. In this new era, economic growth will occur more slowly – but potentially more sustainably – than it did before the crisis. And technological change will be its driving force. Indeed, just as the Industrial Revolution transformed the productive potential of societies in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, a new wave of technological breakthroughs is reshaping economic and even social dynamics today. The difference is that this revolution's impact will be even greater. One outstanding feature of this revolution is the scope and scale of its disruptiveness. The Industrial Revolution occurred relatively slowly, like long waves in the ocean; though it began in the 1780s, its impact was not really felt until the 1830s and 1840s. The current technological revolution, by contrast, hits economies like a tsunami, with little warning and inexorable force. The pace of change has been accelerated by the interconnected nature of today's world.", "zh": "适应的时代 日内瓦—世界需要停止向后看。 自2008年金融危机以来，我们浪费了太多能量用于试图回到经济快速扩展的昨天。 危机后的世界挑战只是暂时的，这一错误假设导致了只带来平庸复苏的政策，同时也没有解决高失业和不平等性加剧等关键问题。 后危机时代已经结束 ， “ 后后危机世界”正在向我们走来。 如今，我们应该采取新的务实方案框架，促进今天和未来全球经济的共同繁荣。 在这个新时代中，经济增长将比危机前更加缓慢 — — 但也有望更加可持续。 技术变化将成为这一转变的驱动力量。 事实上，正如工业革命改变了十九和二十世纪社会的生产潜力，新一轮技术突破也在改变今天的经济乃至社会动态。 区别在于今天的革命影响更加深远。 这场革命的一个卓著特征是其具有大范围和规模的破坏力。 工业革命的发生相对较为缓慢，就像海洋中的长波；它始于18世纪80年代，但其影响直到19世纪三四十年代才被真正感到。 相反，当下的技术革命就像海啸一样冲击着经济，不可阻挡并且几乎毫无预警。 变革的速度因为当今世界的互联性质而加速。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I know from my own experience that Princess Leia did not provide the adequate context that I could have used in navigating the adult world that is co-ed. I think there was a first-kiss moment when I really expected the credits to start rolling because that's the end of the movie, right? I finished my quest, I got the girl. Why are you still standing there? I don't know what I'm supposed to do. The movies are very, very focused on defeating the villain and getting your reward, and there's not a lot of room for other relationships and other journeys. It's almost as though if you're a boy, you are a dopey animal, and if you are a girl, you should bring your warrior costume. There are plenty of exceptions, and I will defend the Disney princesses in front of any you. But they do send a message to boys, that they are not, the boys are not really the target audience. They are doing a phenomenal job of teaching girls how to defend against the patriarchy, but they are not necessarily showing boys how they're supposed to defend against the patriarchy. There's no models for them. And we also have some terrific women who are writing new stories for our kids, and as three-dimensional and delightful as Hermione and Katniss are, these are still war movies.", "zh": "就我自己的经验而言, 从莱娅公主所处环境中得到的经验 不足以指导我在现实生活中引导孩子进入成人世界 成人世界是＂男女混居的＂。 我认为荧幕上的初吻 应该发生在电影的最后，最好是演员表出现的时候, 因为这是电影的结局，对么？ 我完成了使命，赢得芳心。 为什么还要呆站在这里？ 我不知道应该做什么。 这些电影把重点放在打败坏人 获得奖励上，以至于没有多少时间 处理其他关系和经历。 基本上，如果你是男孩 你就是一个呆笨的动物， 如果你是女孩，你就应该穿上战袍。 当然反例也很多， 而且我会在你们面前为迪斯尼的公主们辩护。 但是这些电影给男孩子的感觉是 他们不是这些电影预期的观众 这些电影有很大的一个功劳 就是教会女孩子如何反抗父权社会, 但是这些电影并没有 向男孩子们展示如何反抗父权社会。 孩子们没有偶像可寻。 我们也有一些了不起的女性 开始为我们的孩子写新的故事 包括像赫敏和凯特里斯这样生动形象的角色， 但是还是属于战争电影。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Nigerian Kidnappers’ Ideology LONDON – The abduction of more than 240 Nigerian girls has shocked the world. But, unfortunately, their case is not an isolated one in Nigeria. Indeed, Nigeria’s torment is shared by many other African countries, and the motivation behind the kidnapping derives from an ideology that is global. That ideology is based on a warped and false view of religion. It is taught in formal and informal school settings worldwide. Of course, the hideous and crazed words of the leader of Boko Haram, the group that kidnapped the girls, are representative only of the most extreme fringe of this ideology. But, until we clean the soil in which this poisonous plant takes root, it will continue to blight the life chances of millions of young people around the world – and jeopardize our own security. Across Sub-Saharan Africa, this problem is now vast. Mali, Chad, Niger, the Central African Republic, Somalia, Kenya, and even Ethiopia have all suffered or face acute anxieties about the spread of extremism. Many other countries have now identified extremism as their single most important challenge. Governments are often confronting the challenge with courage and determination, and the use of African forces in many countries to try to keep peace is a tribute to that resolve. But the fact is that the problem is continuing to grow. This is not by accident. When I became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in 1997, Nigeria served as an example of productive cooperation between Christians and Muslims. The destructive ideology represented by Boko Haram is not part of the country’s traditions; it has been imported. As the population grows, so will the problem. Nigeria has approximately 168 million people today, with some estimates putting the population at 300 million by 2030, split roughly equally between Christian and Muslim. Without a climate of peaceful coexistence, the consequences for the country – and the world – will be enormous. Poverty and lack of development play a huge part in creating the circumstances in which extremism incubates. But poverty alone does not explain the problem. And a major factor now holding back development is terrorism. Who would invest in northern Nigeria under current conditions? How can local economies thrive in such an atmosphere? This challenge is not confined to Africa.", "zh": "尼日利亚绑架者的意识形态 伦敦—240多名尼日利亚女孩被绑架事件震惊了全球。 但不幸的是，这决非尼日利亚的个别案例。 事实上，尼日利亚的烦恼是许多非洲国家共同的烦恼，而绑架背后的动机则来自一种全球性的意识形态。 这一意识形态基于一种扭曲的错误宗教观。 它在全球正式和非正式学校中教授。 当然，绑架的实施者 — — 博科圣地（Boko Haram）领袖丧心病狂的话只是这一意识形态最极端的代表。 但是，除非我们能够正本清源，否则这一意识形态将继续威胁全世界数百万年轻人的生命机遇，破坏我们的安全。 在整个撒哈拉以南非洲，这一问题现在相当普遍。 马里、乍得、尼日尔、中非共和国、索马里、肯尼亚甚至埃塞俄比亚都饱受极端主义蔓延的困扰或面临尖锐的焦虑。 许多其他国家更是将极端主义视为唯一最重要的挑战。 政府通常凭借勇气和决心面对这一挑战，许多非洲国家动用军队来维持和平便是这一决心的写照。 但事实是这一问题还在继续恶化。 这不是巧合。 1997年，当我就任英国首相时，尼日利亚是基督教徒和穆斯林有效合作的典范。 博科圣地所代表的破坏性意识形态并非尼日利亚传统；而是舶来品。 随着人口增长，问题也在恶化。 如今尼日利亚拥有大约1.68亿人，一些估计认为到2030年将达到3亿，其中基督徒和穆斯林大概各占一半。 若无和平共处的氛围，该国 — — 以及全世界 — — 将面临严重后果。 贫困和欠发展是极端主义温床形成的重要原因。 但光是贫困不能解释问题。 如今，阻碍发展的一个主要因素是恐怖主义。 以尼日利亚北部目前的条件而言，谁会前来投资？ 在这样的条件下，当地经济如何能够繁荣？ 这一挑战并不限于非洲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hamas won the 2006 elections in the whole of occupied Palestine and formed a national unity government with Fatah. America, Israel, and much of the international community then torpedoed that arrangement. It was all very well having elections – until the wrong side won. With the changes in the import controls on Gaza – there is now a list of what cannot be taken in, rather than of what can – more goods should arrive. But the ability to buy the jams, muesli, balsamic vinegar, and pots of lemon curd that I saw in an up-market Gazan supermarket will not do much for ordinary people, 80% of whom depend on emergency food rations. Moreover, ordinary Gazans cannot rebuild their homes and schools, because building materials remain proscribed, or are dribbled in only for UN projects. No raw materials, which would allow the revival of Gaza’s commerce and industry, are permitted. This is a central part of Israel’s policy, in flat defiance of international law and customary norms of civilized behavior. With chocolate and cardamom now allowed into Gaza, Israel is applying a “smarter” siege, which will keep Palestinians here isolated, poor, and aid-dependent, but not starving. When I was in Gaza before the Second Intifada, there were many examples of entrepreneurial activity – factories and farms. Most of that has been stamped out. As the assault on Gaza ended in 2009, Israeli military bulldozers flattened factories. The imposition of a border zone has gobbled up 29% of the strip’s agricultural land.", "zh": "哈马斯在2006年巴勒斯坦被占领土全境选举中获胜，并与法塔赫共同成立了民族联合政府。 美国、以色列和国际社会的大多数国家而后猛烈攻击这一结果。 进行选举本来是件好事 — — 直到错误的一方在选举中获胜。 随着加沙进口管制的变化，不允许进口的商品清单取代了允许进口的商品清单，更多的商品会被运进加沙。 但购买我在一家加沙高档超市看到的果酱、健康麦片、香醋和罐装柠檬酱与普通百姓无关，80%的加沙民众依靠紧急粮食配给维持生计。 此外，普通的加沙百姓不能重建住房和学校，因为建材属于违禁物品，或只针对联合国项目实行少量配给。 任何能恢复加沙工商业的原材料都被禁止。 这就是以色列政策的核心，公然无视国际法和文明行为的惯例。 随着巧克力和小豆蔻现在被允许进入加沙，以色列正在实施一种“更加聪明的”封锁，让这里的巴勒斯坦人与世隔绝、穷困潦倒、靠救援为生，但却不会饿死。 二次起义之前我曾经到过加沙，当时那里有工厂和农场，它们都是创业活动的实例。 现在它们中的绝大多数已经被剔除。 2009年加沙袭击结束后，以色列的军用推土机将工厂夷为平地。 强行划定的边界地区吞噬了加沙地带29% 的农地。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With the support of former regime loyalists, Qaddafi has joined forces with Haftar. But the Russians do not trust Haftar, because they regard him as a US intelligence asset, owing to his previous life as an American citizen who lived in Langley, Virginia (incidentally, the site of CIA headquarters) for two decades. By making Qaddafi Libya’s next ruler, the Kremlin hopes to prove a point to the Americans and Europeans who helped to topple his father. Following his success in keeping Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in power despite overwhelming odds, Putin wants to show that it is he who will dictate Libya’s future and call the shots in the region. If the clock really is set back to Moscow time, it will be interesting to see what happens to Haftar. The complex situation in Libya is verging on the surreal. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the very real suffering of the Libyan people, who are caught between the competing factions. For its part, the United States has been negligent in its approach to the crisis, which it has largely ignored in the hope that other regional powers will restore order. In fact, those powers are the ones sowing chaos, and only the US has the diplomatic leverage to end the conflict. Should Libya’s civil war continue, its effects will undoubtedly spill over to other parts of the region. More refugees will flee to Europe, especially if the conflict turns out to be a harbinger of civil wars to come. Tunisia, Algeria, Sudan, or Lebanon could become the next theater for regional and international powers to fight proxy wars while fantasizing about becoming the Arab world’s next hegemon. As the rubble that is now Syria makes clear, to the victor will go spoils that no longer justify the effort.", "zh": "在前政权忠诚者的支持下，卡扎菲与哈夫塔尔联手。 但是俄罗斯人并不信任哈夫塔尔，因为他们把哈夫塔尔视为美国的情报源。 哈夫塔尔曾是美国公民，在弗吉尼亚州兰利（恰好是中央情报局总部所在地）居住了二十年。 俄罗斯希望藉由扶持小卡扎菲成为利比亚的下一任统治者，向那些颠覆他父亲政权的美国人和欧洲人证明一件事。 普京曾顶着重重困难保住了叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德，现在普京想表明，是他决定利比亚的未来，他才是这一地区的领袖。 如果俄罗斯真的重新控制了利比亚，那么哈夫塔尔的命运走向将引人注目。 利比亚的复杂局势正越发扑朔迷离。 但是，如今夹在各派冲突之间的利比亚人民，他们正切切实实遭受着苦难。 而美国在应对危机方面一直存在过失，在很大程度自己上却忽略了这一点，反倒希望其他地区大国能够帮助恢复该地区的秩序。 实际上，正是那些大国埋下混乱的祸根，只有美国拥有足够的外交力量来结束冲突。 如果利比亚的内战持续，该地区内的其他地方将受到影响。 更多的难民将逃往欧洲，特别在冲突最终成为内战的先兆的情况下，更是如此。 突尼斯、阿尔及利亚、苏丹或黎巴嫩可能成为地区和国际大国进行代理人战争的下一个战场，而这些国家同时幻想着成为阿拉伯世界的下一个霸权。 现在叙利亚的废墟已经证明，胜方若还想赢得其他利益，付出的代价将不成正比。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The prison of La Force was a gloomy prison, dark and filthy, and with a horrible smell of foul sleep in it. Extraordinary how soon the noisome flavour of imprisoned sleep, becomes manifest in all such places that are ill cared for! “In secret, too,” grumbled the gaoler, looking at the written paper. “As if I was not already full to bursting!” He stuck the paper on a file, in an ill-humour, and Charles Darnay awaited his further pleasure for half an hour: sometimes, pacing to and fro in the strong arched room: sometimes, resting on a stone seat: in either case detained to be imprinted on the memory of the chief and his subordinates. “Come!” said the chief, at length taking up his keys, “come with me, emigrant.” Through the dismal prison twilight, his new charge accompanied him by corridor and staircase, many doors clanging and locking behind them, until they came into a large, low, vaulted chamber, crowded with prisoners of both sexes. The women were seated at a long table, reading and writing, knitting, sewing, and embroidering; the men were for the most part standing behind their chairs, or lingering up and down the room.", "zh": "拉福斯监狱是个阴森森的地方。黑暗、肮脏，因为肮脏，到处散发着被窝难闻得可怕的臭气。由于管理不善竟会那么快就把全监狱都弄得那么臭，真是奇特。 “又是密号！”典狱长看看公文嘟哝，“好像我这儿还没有胀破似的！” 他把公文怒气冲冲往卷宗里—贴，查尔斯·达尔内只好等了半个钟头让他消气。达尔内有时在尽有拱门的十分牢固的屋子里踱踱步，有时在一个石头座位上休息休息，总之无法在长宫和他的部下的记忆里产生印象。 “来！”长官终于拿起了钥匙串，“跟我来，外逃分子。” 在牢狱凄清的微光中他的新负责人陪着他走过了走廊和台阶，几道门在他们身后哐哐地关上，最终走到了一个有着低矮的拱顶的屋子，屋里满是男男女女的囚犯，女囚犯坐在一张长桌边后书、写字、打毛线、缝纫和刺绣，大部分男囚犯则站在椅子后，或是在屋里闲踱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋盯着那条小黄鱼，警惕的看着沈凉川：“你想干什么？” 无事献殷勤，非奸即盗！ 沈凉川其实没打算为难她。 可是请她吃顿饭，她表现的这么诧异干什么？ 像是自己一定是有多图似得。 尤其是现在，一条小黄鱼，就跟匕首似得，让她这么紧张？ 他只好继续刚才的话题，“我等着忘川的好消息。” 这家伙，算是赖定自己了吗？ 她低下了头，看着那条鱼。 其实，沈凉川想要签约她，她真的很开心。 以前多少次幻想着，能够跟沈凉川共事，他就是自己的偶像。 可当这一天真的来时，她才发现，她竟然没有这个资格。 她绝对不能在公众面前露脸……所以，哪怕再缺钱，也从来没想过进入娱乐圈。 高佑明经常说她，身为女主播，热度都吵起来了，只要露个脸，他保证她月入几十万。", "en": "Qiao Lian stared at the piece of yellow croaker and looked at Shen Liangchuan cautiously. “What are you doing?” People who were unreasonably kind were probably also hiding dark intentions as well! Actually, Shen Liangchuan did not mean to cause trouble for her. However, why was she looking so bewildered, even though he was the one who was treating her to a meal? Especially at this moment… Why did a small piece of yellow croaker make her so nervous, as though it was the sharpened blade of a dagger? He could only continue their previous conversation, “I’ll continue to wait for the good news from Wang Chuan.” Why was this person so sure that Wang Chuan would choose him? Qiao Lian lowered her head and stared at the piece of fish. Actually, she was really happy that Shen Liangchuan wanted to sign her. She had fantasized countless times before about working alongside Shen Liangchuan. He was her idol, after all. However, when this day had finally come, she realized that she was not qualified to work alongside him. She could not reveal her identity to the public… Thus, regardless of how poor she was, she had never thought of entering the entertainment industry. Gao Youming had always told her that, as a female eSports caster whose popularity was already quite high, as long as she was willing to show her face to the public, he could guarantee that she would earn more than a hundred thousand yuan a month."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So far, nearly 50 countries have or may have reached their emissions peaks, and more may soon join their ranks. This is progress, but it is not enough. In fact, greenhouse gases in the atmosphere are still accumulating at a rate that will soon take us well above the 1.5°C threshold, beyond which some of the worst effects of climate change cannot be staved off. Extreme weather already is becoming more common, as exemplified by record-high temperatures worldwide this year. On current trends, average global temperatures could well rise by 3°C, imperiling vital natural systems like coral reefs, rainforests, and the polar regions. All relevant stakeholders need to strengthen their climate commitments. To kick-start that process, the Global Climate Action Summit and its partners have issued a wide array of new challenges, including zero-waste goals in cities, a target of 500 companies adopting science-based targets, and initiatives to accelerate uptake of zero-emission vehicles. Such efforts would not just protect our environment; they would also boost our economies. A recent report by the New Climate Economy suggests that, in transportation alone, a low-carbon transition would create 23 million jobs worldwide annually. Perhaps more important, a show of climate-action ambition from leaders across sectors would likely inspire national governments to increase their own NDCs ahead of this December’s United Nations Climate Change Conference in Poland, where governments will finalize the implementation guidelines of the Paris agreement. Acting alone can be difficult. Acting in concert can inspire and enable all participants to do more. And if we are to leave a healthy planet to future generations, more is what we need.", "zh": "目前，近50个国家已经或可能已经达到了排放顶峰，更多国家很快也会加入它们的行列。 这是进步，但还不够。 事实上，大气中的温室气体的累积速度仍然很快，1.5℃的阈值很快就会被突破，突破之后，气候变化的一些最糟糕的效应就很难遏止了。 极端天气正在变得越来越常见，比如今年遍及全球的创纪录高温。 按照当前趋势，全球平均气温升幅很可能超过3℃，珊瑚礁、热带雨林和极地等重要自然系统告急。 所有重要的相关利益方都需要加强气候承诺。 为了促成进步，全球气候行动峰会及其合作伙伴发布了广泛的新挑战清单，包括城市零废弃物目标、500家公司采纳基于科学证据的目标、加快推动零排放汽车项目等。 这些措施不但能够保护我们的环境，还能刺激我们的经济。 新气候经济（New Climate Economy）的新报告表明，光是在交通业，低碳转型就能为全世界带来每年2,300万个就业岗位。 也许更重要的是，各领域领导人齐声表明气候行动的雄心有望激发各国政府在12月的联合国波兰气候变化会前提高各自的NDC。 在波兰气候会议上，各国政府将完成巴黎协定的实施指南。 独自行动也许是困难的。 集体行动讷讷够激发和促使所有参与者做更多事。 如果我们想要为子孙后代留下健康的地球，就需要做更多事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now that COVID-19 is being treated as endemic in the US, policymakers have an opportunity to reverse some of this damage. But there is scandalously little political appetite to do so. Pandemic learning loss will echo through many children’s lives for decades to come. My rough calculations using Bureau of Labor Statistics data suggest that losing a year of schooling will reduce the typical high-school-educated worker’s earnings by at least $40,000 per decade. For some students, the effects could be even larger. A study published by the Brookings Institution this spring finds that the pandemic led to a 16% decline in high-school graduates attending two-year colleges and a 6% decline in four-year college enrollment. Prior to the pandemic, typical households headed by a college graduate earned roughly twice as much as those headed by earners who didn’t hold a four-year degree. That’s a lot of lost lifetime income. But those dollar figures represent more than just lost purchasing power or material consumption. For far too many children, they also represent diminished aspirations and a diminished ability to contribute to society; and for the country more broadly, they represent needlessly lost talent and future economic growth. Addressing pandemic learning loss should be a top priority at all levels of government. Politicians and policymakers need to get all students back in the classroom, and then increase the amount of time they spend there. It would not be unreasonable to operate schools on Saturdays, at least until math and reading scores return to their pre-pandemic trend. Moreover, the school day should be extended by an hour or two, especially for older students, and the school year should be lengthened as well. The US does not need to continue structuring children’s education based on the old agrarian calendar: let summer vacation start in July, not in June. In addition to building skills and making up for lost classroom time, longer school days, weeks, and years would potentially increase the country’s troublingly low workforce participation rate by making it easier for parents to work without having to worry about childcare. A longer school year would also ameliorate summer learning loss, which underpinned the achievement gaps between students from higher- and lower-income families long before the pandemic. These measures will cost money.", "zh": "既然现在新冠疫情在美国被划为地方病，决策者们就有机会扭转某些损害。 但这样做的政治意愿却令人愤慨地微乎其微。 疫情所造成的学习损失将在未来数十年影响许多儿童的生活。 我采用劳工统计局数据所做的粗略计算表明，每失去一年的学校教育将导致受过高中教育工人的典型收入每10年至少出现4万美元的降低。 对某些学生而言，影响可能不止于此。 布鲁金斯学会今年春天所发布的一项研究结果显示，此次疫情导致进入两年制专科学院的高中毕业生下降了16 % ， 而进入4年制本科大学的学生则下降6 % 。 疫情前，以大学毕业生为户主的典型家庭其收入大约是那些没有四年制学位家庭的两倍。 这是不小的终身收入损失。 但这些美元数字所代表的不仅仅是购买力或物质消费的损失。 对太多孩子而言，它们也代表着希望的减弱和对社会贡献能力的损失；而对更大范围的国家而言，它们则代表着不必要的人才和未来经济增长流失。 各级政府的首要任务理应是解决疫情所造成的学习损失。 政治家和决策者理应让所有学生 重返课堂，而后逐步增加课堂教学时间。 至少在数学和阅读成绩恢复到疫情前趋势之前，周六上学也没有什么不合理。 此外，上学时间应当延长一两个小时，对年龄较大的学生尤其如此，而且学年的时长也应当延长一些。 美国不必继续按照旧有的农历来安排儿童教育：让暑假由7月而不是6月开始。 除培养技能和弥补损失的课堂时间外，延长上学天数、周数和年数还有可能提升国内令人担忧的低劳动参与率，允许父母可以在不必担心育儿问题的情况下参与工作。 延长学年 还可以缓解暑期学习损失，这在疫情前就造成了高低收入家庭学生之间的成绩差距。 这些举措需要资金支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "(Since the start of the year, more than 40 Britons have been arrested on suspicion of engaging in military activities in Syria.) The House of Commons passed the legislation in January, but in April the House of Lords voted to send it to a joint parliamentary committee for additional scrutiny. In the United States, citizenship can be revoked only on limited grounds, such as fraud committed in the citizenship application or service in another country’s military. Arguably, joining a terrorist organization hostile to the US is even worse than joining a foreign army, because terrorist organizations are more likely to target civilians. But one important difference is that if people who join other countries’ military forces lose their US citizenship, they can presumably become citizens of the country for which they are fighting. Terrorist organizations usually have no such ties to a particular government. The 1961 United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, to which Britain is a signatory, does allow countries to declare their citizens stateless if it is proved that they have done something “prejudicial to the vital interests of the country.” The legislation currently before the UK Parliament does not require any judicial or public proof even of the weaker claim that someone’s presence in the country is not conducive to the public good. Should the person whose citizenship is revoked mount an appeal, the government is not required to disclose to the appellant the evidence on which it has based its decision.", "zh": "（今年以来，40多位英国人因为被疑参与了叙利亚军事活动而被捕。 ）下议院在1月通过了该立法，但4月的上议院投票结果是将该立法送交联合议会委员会进行进一步审议。 在美国，只有有限情形才能被剥夺公民权，如在申请公民资格时弄虚作假或在别国服兵役。 可以指出的是，参加与美国敌对的恐怖组织比加入外国军队还要糟糕，因为恐怖组织更有可能针对平民。 但一个重要的区别在于，如果参加别国军队的人被迫放弃美国公民权，他们就很有可能加入他们为之战斗的国家的国籍。 而恐怖组织通常不会与具体国家的政府有联系。 1961年联合国减少无国籍状态公约（Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness）确实允许国家在证实公民做了“不利于国家关键利益”的事后宣布公民为无国籍。 英国也是该公约的签约国。 目前正在接受英国国会审议的立法不要求任何司法或公开证据，哪怕是某人出现在该国不利于公共利益的弱指控。 如果被剥夺公民权的人提起上诉，政府不需要向上诉人披露剥夺决定所基于的证据。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Beyond Revolutionary Disillusion PRAGUE - All revolutions, in the end, turn from euphoria to disillusion. In a revolutionary atmosphere of solidarity and self-sacrifice, people tend to think that when their victory is complete, paradise on Earth is inevitable. Of course, paradise never comes, and – naturally - disappointment follows. That seems to be the case in Ukraine today, as its people prepare to vote for a new parliament little more than a year after their successful Orange Revolution. Post-revolutionary disillusion, especially after the revolutions against communism - and in Ukraine's case revolution against post-communism - is rooted in psychology. New circumstances imposed new challenges for most people. Formerly, the state decided everything, and many people, particularly in the middle and older generation, began to see freedom as a burden, because it entailed continuous decision-making. I have sometimes compared this psychological ennui to my own post-prison situation: for years I yearned for freedom, but, when finally released, I had to make decisions all the time. Confronted suddenly with many options every day, one starts to feel a headache, and sometimes unconsciously wants to return to prison. This depression is probably inevitable. But, on a societal scale, it is eventually overcome, as new generations grow up. Indeed, 15 years after the disintegration of Soviet Union, a new catharsis seems underway, and Ukraine’s Orange Revolution was part of that. As Ukraine so clearly shows, the process of self-liberation from communism was, by definition, associated with a gigantic privatization. Naturally, members of the old establishment, with their inside knowledge and connections, gained much of the privatized property. This \"inevitable\" process poisoned political life and the media, which led to a strange state of limited freedom and a mafia-like environment. The shadings differed from country to country in the post-communist world, but the new generations rising in these societies now seem to be fed up with it. Ukraine’s Orange Revolution, as well as Georgia’s Rose Revolution, seems to confirm this.", "zh": "超越革命理想的破灭 所有的革命最终都会从民众的兴奋转入理想的破灭。 在团结和自我牺牲的革命气氛中，人们趋向于认为当他们取得胜利的时候，人间天堂就指日可待了。 当然，从来就没有过天堂，而且，失望很自然地随之而来。 在当今的乌克兰，橙色革命成功一年多一点以后，乌克兰人民准备选举新一届议会的时候，就会发生这种情况。 后革命的理想破灭，特别是在反对共产主义的革命之后的理想破灭（乌克兰的情况则是反对后共产主义革命）扎根于人们的心理。 新的形势给大多数人带来了新的挑战。 以前，国家决定一切。 许多人，特别是中年和老年人，开始把自由视为负担，因为自由带来的是持续不停的自我决定。 我有时候把这种心理上的厌倦和我自己的狱后生活作比较。 多年来我渴望自由。 但是，当我最终被释放的时候，我不得不总是来为自己作决定。 当一个人突然间每天面对许多选择的时候就会开始感觉头疼，而且有时候会无意识地想要回到监狱。 这一种忧郁症可能是无法避免的。 但是在社会层面来讲，随着新一代的成长，它最终被克服。 实际上，在苏联解体15年后，一种新的宣泄看起来正在进行，而乌克兰的橙色革命就是其中的一部分。 正如乌克兰如此清楚地所表明的那样，从共产主义中自我解放的进程从定义上来讲是同大规模的私有化联系在一起的。 很自然地，旧权贵的成员们凭借他们的内线消息和关系取得了私有化了的财产的大部分。 这一“不可避免”的进程毒化了政治生活和媒体，进而导致一种奇怪的有限自由局面以及类似黑手党那样的环境。 后共产主义世界的情况各国均不相同，但是成长在这些社会中的新的一代人现在看起来对此不耐烦了。 乌克兰的橙色革命以及格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命看起来都验证了这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ukraine’s New President Joins the Resistance NEW YORK – Beset with its own very large problems, the last thing Ukraine needs is to be sucked, yet again, into US President Donald Trump’s scandals. Fortunately, for all his deficiencies, Ukraine’s new president, Volodymyr Zelensky, seems to understand this. Zelensky had not even been sworn in yet when Trump’s consigliere, former New York City mayor and mafia prosecutor Rudolph Giuliani, announced plans to visit Kyiv. His goal was to lure Zelensky into pursuing a spurious investigation into former Vice President Joe Biden’s son Hunter, who had served on the board of Burisma Holdings, one of Ukraine’s largest energy companies. With Biden now leading the pack of Democratic candidates seeking to oppose Trump in the 2020 presidential election, Zelensky was being offered a poisoned chalice. Giuliani was trying to turn the tables on the Democrats, who, in the run-up to the 2016 US presidential election, received compromising material on Trump’s then-campaign manager, Paul Manafort, through the administration of Ukraine’s then-president, Petro Poroshenko. Exposing Manafort’s activities in Ukraine (where he worked as a consultant for Poroshenko’s Kremlin-backed predecessor, Viktor Yanukovych) turned out to be a major feature of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s recently concluded investigation into Russia’s interference in the 2016 election. In attempting to engineer a “reverse Manafort,” Giuliani had plenty of willing accomplices in Ukraine.", "zh": "乌克兰新总统加入抵抗阵营 纽约—乌克兰自己问题缠身，绝不可再度陷入美国总统特朗普的丑闻之中。 幸运的是，乌克兰新总统泽伦斯基尽管存在各种缺陷，对于这个问题似乎颇有意识。 当特朗普的顾纽约市前市长、流氓检察官鲁道夫·朱利安尼（Rudolph Giuliani）宣布计划访问基辅时，泽伦斯基甚至尚未宣誓就职。 朱利安尼的目标是要诱导泽伦斯基对美国前副总统拜登之子亨特（Hunter）进行假调查。 亨特曾供职于乌克兰最大的能源公司之一布里斯马控股（Burisma Holdings）董事会。 眼下，拜登在民主党总统候选人竞争中处于领先，有可能在2020年大选中挑战特朗普，泽伦斯基面临的堪称毒丸。 朱利安尼试图要扭转民主党的优势，在2016年美国总统竞选期间，民主党曾经通过乌克兰时任总统波罗申科政府获得过特朗普的竞选经理保罗·玛纳福特（Paul Manafort）的勾结材料。 曝光玛纳福特在乌克兰的活动（他担任受克里姆林宫支持的波罗申科的前任亚努科维奇的顾问）也是特别检察官罗伯特·穆勒（Robert Mueller）最近所完成的针对俄罗斯干预2016年大选的调查的主要内容。 在培养“反向玛纳福特”的过程中，朱利安尼在乌克兰有的是心甘情愿的共犯。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“对弥月和法鲁多而言，最大的敌人还是三大秘境和其他诸多大势力。” “而且这个世界并不是你想的那么简单。” 林盛想到之前调查过，得到的资料。 “大星池，还有那些持有天命圣器的家伙，都不是简单的角色。” “只要他别来招惹我们，我们也懒得管他们怎么发展。” “我明白你的意思了。” “不过最好还是早作准备。”天工霞提醒道。 “我曾经有过那个级别的毁灭性力量。就是在我被魔剑操纵的那段时期。” “所以我很清楚，那种级别的力量会导致什么样的结果。” 林盛默然。 他所有的统领中，天工霞是最特殊的一个。因为天工霞曾经被某种特异的强大存在所影响控制过。 那时候的她，甚至在记忆回溯里，还发觉了林盛的窥视。 仅仅只是一道记忆里的影像印记，居然还能发现窥视记忆的林盛。 这样的强大，已经超出了林盛的理解范围。 “我知道了。”林盛再度回答。 “我会做好准备。” “放心吧。” 大不了开启最强的那种特殊状态，召唤所有统领力量，融为自身。 断开和天工霞的联系，林盛静静凝视着刚刚构建好的全新邪灵门。心思重新回到原来的思路。", "en": "“The three mysterious realms and other forces are still Mi Yue and Faldt’s biggest enemies.” “There is more to this world than meets the eye.” The thought of his previous investigation came to mind. “The Astral Mere and those having the Sacred Vessel of Destiny are no slouch. ” “We will not interfere with what they do so long as they don’t interfere with ours.” “I got what you meant.” “But we had better be prepared,” Tenko Kasumi said. “I used to possess that destructive power when I was controlled by the Demonblade.” “That’s why I know what that kind of power could do.” Lin Sheng was keeping silent. Tenko Kasumi was his most special commander because some power was used to control her. At that time, when she traced back her memories, she discovered that Lin Sheng had been peeping at her. Just through an image imprint in the memories, she knew that Lin Sheng was observing her. Such a powerful ability was beyond the apprehension of Lin Sheng. “I got it,” Lin Sheng said. “I will be prepared.” “Don’t worry.” If worse comes to worst, he could activate his special state of being by summoning all the commanders to become one with him. He cut off the telepathic communication with Tenko Kasumi, quietly staring at the newly constructed Darkspirit Gate as his thoughts came back to the matter at hand."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"Oh, don't,\" she wailed every time Fred asked Harry loudly who he was planning to attack next, or when George pretended to ward Harry off with a large clove of garlic when they met.Harry didn't mind; it made him feel better that Fred and George, at least, thought the idea of his being Slytherin's heir was quite ludicrous. But their antics seemed to be aggravate\"It's because he's bursting to say it's really him,\" said Ron knowingly. \"You know how he hates anyone beating him at anything, and you're getting all the credit for his dirty work.\"\"Not for long,\" said Hermione in a satisfied tone. \"The Polyjuice Potion's nearly ready. We'll be getting the truth out of him any day now.\"At last the term ended, and a silence deep as the snow on the grounds descended on the castle. Harry found it peaceful, rather than gloomy, and enjoyed the fact that he, Hermione, and the Weasleys had the run of Gryffindor Tower, which meant they could play Exploding Snap loudly without bothering anyone, and practice dueling in private.", "zh": "“哦，别这样。”每次弗雷德大声问哈利接下来打算对谁下手，或者乔洽见到哈利，假装用一个大蒜头挡住他的进攻时，金妮总是悲哀地喊道。哈利倒并不在意，弗雷德和乔治至少认为他是斯莱特林继承人的想法是荒唐可笑的，这使他感到欣慰。“这是因为他巴不得声明这实际上是他干的。”罗恩很有见识地说，“你知道他多么讨厌别人在任何方面超过他。他干了卑鄙的勾当，现在你却得到了所有的荣誉。”“不会太久了。”赫敏用满意的口吻说，“复方汤剂很快就熬好了，我们随时可以从他嘴里套出话来。”终于，学期结束了，像地上的积雪一般厚重的寂静，笼罩了整个城堡。哈利不觉得沉闷，反而觉得很宁静，一想到他、赫敏和韦斯莱兄妹可以在格兰芬多城堡里随意进出，他就感到很开心。这意味着他们可以大声玩噼啪爆炸而不妨碍任何人，还可以秘密地演习决斗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We all have an active role to play in shaping the economy. But to do so requires that we first shake off the constraints that neoliberal thinking has placed on the public imagination. Since 1980, the dominant view in Washington, DC, has been that the government should play a minimal role in the economy. As the anti-tax lobbyist Grover Norquist famously quipped, “I don’t want to abolish government. I simply want to reduce it to the size where I can drag it into the bathroom and drown it in the bathtub.” The policies that have resulted from this mindset – defunding or otherwise curtailing public investment, deregulating the economy, and decentralizing democracy – have prevented the US from weaning itself off fossil fuels. Policymakers from both parties have refused to advocate, or even countenance, public investments in carbon-free alternative energy sources and infrastructure. The belief that government can only ever impede economic dynamism represents a sharp departure from the Keynesian worldview that dominated policymaking from the 1940s to the 1960s. Policies based on the belief that government spending on public goods complements the private sector, rather than crowding it out, helped the US achieve unprecedented growth in the postwar era. In a Keynesian economic regime, government interventions are regarded as necessary to solve coordination problems, which is precisely what climate change is. Sadly, a brief revival of Keynesian thinking after the 2008 financial crisis was quickly stifled by the politics of austerity across the West, foreclosing efforts to reduce GHG emissions through large public investments in transportation, green public housing, and research and development. The second pillar of neoliberalism, deregulation, has also contributed to climate change. When seeking to roll back energy-efficiency standards and rules governing fossil-fuel extraction, politicians love to say they are merely “cutting red tape.” But more often than not, these same politicians have been the recipients of the hydrocarbon industry’s largesse. Unfortunately, as the climate crisis has grown, so, too, has the pressure to deregulate fossil fuels. For example, in January, a large group of eminent economists published an open letter calling for a modest carbon price (tax) to replace “cumbersome regulations.” Never mind that those same regulations have yielded significant reductions in GHG emissions in states like California.", "zh": "我们都在塑造经济方面发挥着积极作用。 但要做到这一点，我们首先必须摆脱新自由主义思想对公众想象力的限制。 自1980年以来，华府的主流观点一直是政府应当在经济中发挥最小的作用。 正如反征税游说者格罗弗·诺奎斯特（Grover Norquist）说过的一句名言 ： “ 我不想废除政府。 我只是想把它缩到足够小，好把它拖进浴室再淹没在浴缸里。 “ 在这种思维下所产生的政策 — — 压缩或以其他方式限制公共投资，放松经济管制和民主去中心化 — — 使美国无法摆脱化石燃料。 民主共和两党的决策者都拒绝提倡（或甚至赞同）对无碳替代能源和基础设施的公共投资。 这种认为政府只会阻碍经济活力的观点与在1940~1960年代主导了政策制定的凯恩斯主义世界观背道而驰。 后者认为政府的公共产品支出是在补全而非挤压私营部门，也正是这一理念所产生的政策帮助美国在战后实现了前所未有的增长。 在凯恩斯主义经济体制中，政府干预被认为是解决诸多协调型问题的必要条件，而这这恰恰是气候变化的成因。 但可悲之处在于2008年金融危机后凯恩斯主义思想的短暂复兴很快被席卷西方各国的紧缩政治所扼杀，也抵消了借助交通，绿色公共住房和研发等大量公共投资来减少温室气体排放的努力。 而新自由主义的第二个支柱 — — 放松管制 — — 也推动了气候变化。 在试图推翻能源效率标准和管理化石燃料开采规则时，政客们喜欢说这些规定都是些“繁文缛节 ” ， 但这些人口袋里往往都塞满了碳氢化合物行业的政治献金。 不幸的是，随着气候危机日益恶化，解除化石燃料管制的压力也与日俱增。 例如，1月份，一大批知名经济学家发表了一封公开信，呼吁采用适度的碳价（税）来取代“繁琐的法规 ” 。 更不别提正是这些法规令加利福尼亚等州的温室气体排放量大幅减少。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He would go back to Manderley, of course, in a few weeks; I felt certain of that. There would be a great pile of letters waiting for him in the hall, and mine amongst them, scribbled on the boat. A forced letter, trying to amuse, describing my fellow passengers. It would lie about inside his blotter, and he would answer it weeks later, one Sunday morning in a hurry, before lunch, having come across it when he paid some bills. And then no more. Nothing until the final degradation of the Christmas card. Manderley itself perhaps, against a frosted background. The message printed, saying 'A happy Christmas and a prosperous New Year from Maximilian de Winter.' Gold lettering. But to be kind he would have run his pen through the printed name and written in ink underneath 'from Maxim', as a sort of sop, and if there was space, a message, 'I hope you are enjoying New York'. A lick of the envelope, a stamp, and tossed in a pile of a hundred others. 'It's too bad you are leaving tomorrow,' said the reception clerk, telephone in hand; 'the Ballet starts next week, you know. Does Mrs Van Hopper know?' I dragged myself back from Christmas at Manderley to the realities of the waggon-lit.", "zh": "几星期后他将返回曼德利，对此我确信无疑。曼德利的大厅里会有一大堆信件在等待他，其中有一封是我在船上仓促提笔写下的。那是一封言不由衷的信，净讲些同船旅客的情况，以博得他一笑。信很随便地扔在他的信箱里。直至若干星期后的一个星期六的中午吃饭之前，他付清了一些账单，这才无意中看到了它，于是便慌慌忙忙写回信。以后便音讯全无，末了过圣诞节时才寄来一张贺卡。也许，贺卡上印的是满地白霜的曼德利庄园，点缀的贺词为：“祝圣诞快乐、新年愉快——迈克西米廉·德温特。”那是烫金的印刷体。但为了表示友好，他会划掉自己的名字，在底下亲笔写上：“迈克西姆赠。”如果还有空地方，他将再缀一句话：“希望你在纽约玩得愉快。”最后，他舔舔信封上的胶水贴上邮票，把它朝信件堆里一扔，和成百封信混在一起。 “可惜你们明天就要走了，”前台服务员手里拿着电话听筒，对我说道，“下星期上演芭蕾舞剧，范·霍珀夫人知道吗？”我蓦然清醒过来，把思路从曼德利的圣诞节转向了现实中的火车卧铺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Grappling With Globalization 4.0 GENEVA – After World War II, the international community came together to build a shared future. Now, it must do so again. Owing to the slow and uneven recovery in the decade since the global financial crisis, a substantial part of society has become disaffected and embittered, not only with politics and politicians, but also with globalization and the entire economic system it underpins. In an era of widespread insecurity and frustration, populism has become increasingly attractive as an alternative to the status quo. But populist discourse elides – and often confounds – the substantive distinctions between two concepts: globalization and globalism. Globalization is a phenomenon driven by technology and the movement of ideas, people, and goods. Globalism is an ideology that prioritizes the neoliberal global order over national interests. Nobody can deny that we are living in a globalized world. But whether all of our policies should be “globalist” is highly debatable. After all, this moment of crisis has raised important questions about our global-governance architecture. With more and more voters demanding to “take back control” from “global forces,” the challenge is to restore sovereignty in a world that requires cooperation. Rather than closing off economies through protectionism and nationalist politics, we must forge a new social compact between citizens and their leaders, so that everyone feels secure enough at home to remain open to the world at large. Failing that, the ongoing disintegration of our social fabric could ultimately lead to the collapse of democracy. Moreover, the challenges associated with the Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) are coinciding with the rapid emergence of ecological constraints, the advent of an increasingly multipolar international order, and rising inequality. These integrated developments are ushering in a new era of globalization. Whether it will improve the human condition will depend on whether corporate, local, national, and international governance can adapt in time. Meanwhile, a new framework for global public-private cooperation has been taking shape. Public-private cooperation is about harnessing the private sector and open markets to drive economic growth for the public good, with environmental sustainability and social inclusiveness always in mind. But to determine the public good, we first must identify the root causes of inequality.", "zh": "应对全球4.0 日内瓦—二战后，国际社会开始一起构建共同未来。 现在，国际社会必须再做一次。 全球金融危机以来，全球复苏缓慢而不均，全球社会有很大一部分感到不满和愤怒，不但针对政治和政客，也针对全球化和它所制成的整个经济体系。 在不安全和沮丧遍布的时代，民粹主义吸引力日盛，成为取代现状的替代方案。 但民粹主义的叙事会省略 — — 甚至混淆 — — 两个概念之间的重大差异：全球化（globalization）和全球注意（globalism ） 。 全球化是一种由科技和思想、人和商品流动带来的现象。 全球注意是一种强调新自由全球秩序高于国家利益的意识形态。 没有人能够否认我们生活在一个全球化的世界中。 但是否我们的所有政策都应该是“全球主义的 ” ， 则颇可商榷。 毕竟，这场危机引发了对我们的全球治理结构的重要质疑。 越来越多的选民要求从“全球势力”手中“夺回控制权 ” ， 在需要合作的世界中恢复主权成为一项挑战。 我们决不因为保护主义和民族主义政治而降经济分比起来，而必须构建公民与领导人之间的新的社会契约，让所有人在国内获得足够的安全感，保持经济基本对世界开放。 如果失败的话，社会结构的不断分崩离析可能最终导致民主的崩溃。 此外，与第四次工业革命（4IR）有关的挑战正逢生态环境迅速成为制约因素、全球秩序变得日益多极化，以及不平等性日益加剧。 这些综合性的发展趋势正在引导我们进入全球化的新时代。 人类环境是否会得到改善，将取决于公司、地方、国家和国际治理能否适应时代。 与此同时，全球公私合作也一直在形成新框架。 公私合作是为了治理私营部门和开放市场，以推动有利于公共利益的经济增长，同时时刻关注环境可持续和社会包容。 但要确定公共利益，我们首先必须辨别不平等性的根源。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Liberal Totalitarianism LISBON – It used to be an axiom of liberalism that freedom meant inalienable self-ownership. You were your own property. You could lease yourself to an employer for a limited period, and for a mutually agreed price, but your property rights over yourself could not be bought or sold. Over the past two centuries, this liberal individualist perspective legitimized capitalism as a “natural” system populated by free agents. A capacity to fence off a part of one’s life, and to remain sovereign and self-driven within those boundaries, was paramount to the liberal conception of the free agent and his or her relationship with the public sphere. To exercise freedom, individuals needed a safe haven within which to develop as genuine persons before relating – and transacting – with others. Once constituted, our personhood was to be enhanced by commerce and industry – networks of collaboration across our personal havens, constructed and revised to satisfy our material and spiritual needs. But the dividing line between personhood and the external world upon which liberal individualism based its concepts of autonomy, self-ownership, and, ultimately, freedom could not be maintained. The first breach appeared as industrial products became passé and were replaced by brands that captured the public’s attention, admiration, and desire. Before long, branding took a radical new turn, imparting “personality” to objects. Once brands acquired personalities (boosting consumer loyalty immensely and profits accordingly), individuals felt compelled to re-imagine themselves as brands. And today, with colleagues, employers, clients, detractors, and “friends” constantly surveying our online life, we are under incessant pressure to evolve into a bundle of activities, images, and dispositions that amounts to an attractive, sellable brand. The personal space essential to the autonomous development of an authentic self – the condition that makes inalienable self-ownership possible – is now almost gone. The habitat of liberalism is disappearing. That habitat’s clear demarcation of private and public spheres also divided leisure from work.", "zh": "自由极权主义 里斯本—自由意味着自我所有权（self-ownership）神圣不可侵犯，这曾经是自由主义的一条公理。 你是你自己的财产。 你可以在一段时期内把你自己租给雇主，得到双方都同意的价格，但你对你自己的产权不可买卖。 在过去两个世纪中，这一自有个体主义角度让资本主义获得了由自由人（free agents）组成的“天然”制度的合法性。 将一个人生活的一部分隔离开，并在这些界限之内保持主权和自我驱动，这种能力是自由人及其与公共领域关系的自由概念的核心。 要行使自由，个体需要有一个在他与其他人发生关系和交易之前发展为真正的人的安全空间。 一旦形成，我们的人格可以通过商业和工业强化 — — 通过构建和改建不同的个人安全空间的合作网络，满足你的物质和精神需要。 但人格与外部世界之间的分界线 — — 自有个体主义的自主、自我所有权以及最终的自由概念都建立在这一基础上 — — 可能无法维持。 这一分界线第一次打破发生在个人产品已经过时、被受到公众关注、仰慕和渴望的品牌所取代的时候。 用不了多久，品牌就发生了彻底的新变化，将“个性”注入到商品之中。 一旦品牌获得了个性（并因此大大刺激了消费忠诚度和利润 ） ， 个体就会被迫将自我重新想象为品牌。 如今，同事、员工、客户、批评者和“朋友”不断地影响我们的在线生活，我们不断地受到压力要演变为各种活动、形象和性格的组合，形成有吸引力的热门品牌。 对真实本我（authentic self）的自主发展至关重要的个体空间 — — 形成不可剥夺的自我所有权的必要条件 — — 现在几乎不复存在。 自由主义的栖息地正在消失。 这栖息地对私人和公共空间的明确划分也将闲暇和工作区分开来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Save Brazil SÃO PAULO – Brazil’s political crisis appears to be coming to a head. Now that the lower house of the National Congress has voted in favor of President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment for violating fiscal rules, the Senate’s 81 members will vote in the coming days on whether to try her. If 42 agree, she will be suspended for up to 180 days, during which time Vice President Michel Temer will assume the presidency. If the Senate does not produce a two-thirds vote for conviction during that period, Rousseff will return to the presidency. But the most likely outcome, it seems, will be for Temer to carry out the final two years of Rousseff’s term. Whatever happens next, Brazil is not out of the woods. Its economic situation is dire – a direct result of populist policies initiated by Rousseff’s predecessor, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and which she maintained. In the early 2000s, flush with cash thanks to a commodity boom, Lula’s government began to distribute subsidized credit to consumers and businesses, hold down energy prices artificially, and expand government spending at more than double the rate of GDP growth. The result was mounting public debt, which has now reached 70% of GDP, and a widening deficit, which has now reached nearly 11% of GDP. Rather than acknowledge the problem and revise policies accordingly, Rousseff allegedly resorted to dodgy accounting tricks to enable her government ostensibly to meet its primary-surplus target without cutting social transfers, even as commodity prices collapsed. This enabled her to win reelection in 2014 – and it is propelling her toward impeachment today. (The massive corruption scandal engulfing Petrobras, the state-owned oil company, which Rousseff used to head, has not helped her case.) But Rousseff is of course far from the only one suffering the consequences of this approach. Brazil is now facing its worst economic recession in 80 years; unemployment stands at almost 10%; annual inflation exceeds 10%; and living standards have collapsed. Though Brazilians pay 37% of GDP in taxes each year – about the same rate as Europeans – the quality of their public services remains very low.", "zh": "如何拯救巴西 圣保罗—巴西政治危机似乎正在走向终结。 目前国会众议院投票结果是赞成因违反财政规则弹劾总统罗塞夫，几天后，参议院81名成员将投票决定是否弹劾罗塞夫。 如果42人赞成，罗塞夫将被停职最多180天，在此期间由副总统特梅尔（Michel Temer）代行总统职责。 如果参议院在此期间没有以三分之二多数确认弹劾，罗塞夫将重新担任总统。 但可能性最大的结果是特梅尔将代替罗塞夫履行剩余两年总统任期。 不管接下来发生什么，巴西都没有摆脱困境。 其经济状态十分糟糕 — — 这是罗塞夫前任卢拉实施、罗塞夫萧规曹随的民粹主义政策的直接结果。 本世纪初，大宗商品繁荣带来了大量现金，卢拉政府开始向消费者和企业提供补贴信用，人为降低能源价格，并以两倍于GDP增长的速度扩大政府支出。 结果是公共债务高企，现已高达GDP的70 % ， 赤字也愈演愈烈，目前为接近GDP的11 % 。 罗塞夫并未承认问题并采取相应的政策，而是据称采用了会计欺诈手段让她的政府在表面上能够满足初级盈余目标，而不必削减社会转移支付，即使大宗商品价格出现了大跌。 这让她在2014年获得连任 — — 也把她推向了今天面临弹劾的局面。 （罗塞夫曾经领导过的国有石油公司巴西石油身涉大规模腐败丑闻，令她的处境更加窘迫。 ） 但罗塞夫显然不是唯一一个面临这一方针苦果的人。 如今，巴西正面临80年来最糟糕的经济衰退；失业率接近10 % ； 年通货膨胀超过10 % ； 生活水平大幅下降。 尽管巴西人每年缴纳的税收高达GDP的37 % — —与欧洲人相当 — — 但巴西公共服务水平十分低下。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Although the US is less dependent on China, the trauma to financial markets and politically sensitive exports would make a Chinese slowdown much more painful than US leaders seem to realize. A less likely but even more traumatic outside risk would materialize if, after many years of trend decline, global long-term real interest rates reversed course and rose significantly. I am not speaking merely of a significant over-tightening by the US Federal Reserve in 2019. This would be problematic, but it would mainly affect short-term real interest rates, and in principle could be reversed in time. The far more serious risk is a shock to very long-term real interest rates, which are lower than at any point during the modern era (except for the period of financial repression after World War II, when markets were much less developed than today). While a sustained rise in the long-term real interest rate is a low-probability event, it is far from impossible. Although there are many explanations of the long-term trend decline, some factors could be temporary, and it is difficult to establish the magnitude of different possible effects empirically. One factor that could cause global rates to rise, on the benign side, would be a spurt in productivity, for example if the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution starts to affect growth much faster than is currently anticipated. This would of course be good overall for the global economy, but it might greatly strain lagging regions and groups.", "zh": "尽管美国对中国的依赖程度较低，但在金融市场的和政治敏感型出口产品方面的损失将令中国经济放缓的冲击要比美国领导人似乎意识到的更加痛苦。 而如果多年来一直走在下行通道的全球长期实际利率出现逆转并大幅上升，那么另一个可能性较小但风险更大的外部风险将会现身。 我说的可不仅仅是美国联邦储备委员会在2019年会出现的大规模过度紧缩状况。 这一状况导致一些问题，但它主要影响的是短期实际利率，原则上也可以及时扭转。 更为严重的风险其实在于对长期实际利率的冲击，这种利率当前低于当代所有时段的位置（二战后的金融抑制期除外，当时市场发展也远不及今日 ） 。 虽然长期实际利率持续上升是一个低概率事件，但这绝非不可能。 尽管对长期趋势性下降存在很多解释，但有些因素可能是暂时的，很难凭经验去确定不同可能性作用的影响程度。 而有一个可能令全球利率出现良性上升的因素是生产率的突飞猛进，比如所谓的第四次工业革命开始以较当前预期更快的速度影响增长。 这对全球经济来说当然是好的，但它可能会对落后地区和群体造成很大的压力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, American consumers, whose real (inflation-adjusted) wages are finally increasing after decades of stagnation, are seeing all sorts of bargains. When I visited an Apple store a few days ago, an employee at the repair counter told me that I could finance a new iPhone at 0% interest. Car dealers are offering zero-interest financing, too. Moreover, the US stock market has soared because yields on bank certificates of deposit (CDs) look so puny. When I was a kid in the 1970s, my mother placed our family savings in a bank and received not only a 6% return, but also a blender. Today, a six-month bank CD might pay only one-third of a percentage point. And my mother can no longer expect a blender or even a lollipop from the bank in return for parking her money there. Finally, low interest rates mean that US businesses can obtain nearly free financing when they purchase equipment. As a result of low borrowing costs and new tax write-offs, the US economy added 215,000 new machine manufacturing jobs in 2018. And foreign investors realize that new equipment will make US companies more competitive. But surely, the textbooks insist, a hobbled global economy will squeeze US exports. That is true – especially when combined with China’s new tariffs on American goods and a strong dollar, which makes US exports more expensive internationally. Still, exports make up only 12% of the US economy, and nearly one-third of them go to Canada and Mexico, whose economies have been doing okay. Moreover, many of the most valuable US exports are “must-have” items (or oligopolistic goods made by only a few companies), such as Boeing jets, Qualcomm chips, or Apple iPhones. It is hard even for dejected Frenchmen or angst-ridden Germans to do without these. The buoyancy of the US economy worries policymakers in other countries. They would prefer if the US stumbled along beside them and was forced to concoct cooperative ways of boosting global growth. Instead, Trump needles rather than wheedles for trade deals, and happily pockets the benefits to the US economy that result from doldrums abroad. No one knows when Trump’s trade needling will stop, of course. But as long as inflation remains a distant specter, America’s economy will continue to enjoy this unusual type of growth.", "zh": "首先，美国消费者的实际（排除通胀因素后）工资在经历了数十年的停滞之后终于开始提升，而且还享有各种各样的讨价还价机会。 比如我在几天前逛一家苹果电子商店时，维修柜台的一名员工就表示可以以零利率分期购买一台新iPhone。 汽车经销商也提供零利率购车优惠。 此外由于银行储蓄收益率不值一提，令到美国股市飙升。 1970年代当我还是个孩子的时候，我母亲将家里的钱存银行不仅有6％的回报，还附送一台搅拌机。 如今六个月的银行存单可能只有0.33%的利息，别说送一台搅拌机了，连一根棒棒糖都不要指望。 最后，低利率意味着美国企业在采购设备时可以获得近乎免费的融资。 由于低借贷成本和新的税收冲销，美国经济在2018年新增了21.5万个机器制造业岗位。 外国投资者纷纷意识到新设备将使美国企业变得更具竞争力。 但那些遵循教科书的人会认定全球经济陷入困境将挤压美国的出口。 这也是事实—尤其是在中国对美国商品施加新关税且美元走强的时候，这会使美国的出口产品在国际上变得更加昂贵。 不过出口仅占美国整体经济的12 ％ ， 其中还有近1/3是流向加拿大和墨西哥—这两国的经济状况一直都还不错。 此外许多最有价值的美国出口产品都是“刚需品 ” （ 或只有少数公司能生产的垄断产品 ） ， 如波音飞机，高通芯片或苹果iPhone。 即使对于沮丧的法国人或焦虑不安的德国人来说，如果没有这些东西也很难过日子。 美国经济的活跃使其他国家的政策制定者忧虑不已。 他们会更愿意看到美国经济跟自己一样艰难并被迫以合作的方式推动全球经济增长。 但特朗普对贸易协议不屑一顾，并愉快地将美国经济因国外低迷所获取的利益收入囊中。 当然，没人知道特朗普发起的贸易争端何时会停止。 但只要通胀仍然遥不可及，美国经济就将继续享受这种不同寻常的增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since 2004, Rwanda has been developing and implementing its Strategic Plan for the Transformation of Agriculture (PSTA). The International Food Policy Research Institute estimates that every dollar that the government spends on agriculture corresponds to a $2.05 gain in GDP, implying that the program delivered $730 million in economic gains between 2018 and 2021, helping to lift 1.1 million people out of poverty. Rwanda’s Strategic Plan has also improved watershed management and soil conservation. What these three countries have in common is a deep understanding of the challenges ahead, a clear vision for meeting them, and a strong commitment to developing the effective governance mechanisms needed to implement solutions. Building on these examples, we have identified four key principles that could help other African countries successfully transform their own agriculture sectors. For starters, consistent planning is critical. Governments must establish clear mandates, spell out their priorities, align policies, and mobilize resources. In Rwanda, the PSTA’s mandate was to use market-led growth to overhaul the country’s largely subsistence-based agriculture. In preparing the latest version of its plan, known as PSTA 4, the government worked with development partners to devise a forward-looking strategy that aligned with Rwanda’s commitments under the African Union’s Malabo Declaration and the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. PSTA 4 focuses on encouraging private-sector investment and shifting to higher-value agricultural commodities to increase profits and capture productivity gains, in line with the vision that the Rwandan government set out nearly 20 years ago. Second, to ensure that projects are sustainable over the longer term, policymakers must secure the backing of top political leaders, relevant local governments, and other stakeholders such as development partners and civil-society groups. In Ethiopia, then-Prime Minister Meles Zenawi publicly backed the establishment of the ATA. Subsequent governments have continued to support the plan, even giving the ATA priority access to scarce hard currency to fund imports. Third, by structuring agricultural plans around a fit-for-purpose organization, governments could create a governance structure that enables skilled staff to work with all stakeholders in leading the transformation effort. The ATA, for example, combines local and international expertise and coordinates with ministries responsible for land, water, agriculture, and industry to develop and implement policy. Lastly, a results-oriented implementation process could lead to better outcomes.", "zh": "自 2004 年以来，卢旺达一直在制定和实施农业转型战略计划 (PSTA ) 。 国际粮食政策研究所（International Food Policy Research Institute）估计，政府在农业上花费的每一美元会带来 GDP 增加 2.05 美元，这意味着该计划在 2018 年至 2021 年期间带来了 7.3 亿美元的经济收益，帮助 110 万人摆脱贫困。 卢旺达的战略计划还改善了流域管理和土壤保护。 这三个国家的共同点是对未来挑战有深刻理解、应对挑战有清晰愿景，以及对制定实施解决方案所需的有效治理机制有强烈承诺。 基于这些例子，我们确定了四项关键原则，可以帮助其他非洲国家成功实现农业部门转型。 首先，一致规划至关重要。 各国政府必须制定明确的任务授权，明确优先事项，调整政策，调动资源。 在卢旺达，PSTA 的任务是利用市场主导的增长来彻底改革该国主要基于自给自足的农业。 在准备其最新版计划（称为 PSTA 4）时，政府与发展伙伴合作制定了一项前瞻性战略，符合卢旺达对非洲联盟马拉博宣言和联合国可持续发展目标的承诺。 PSTA 4 侧重于鼓励私营部门投资以及向价值更高的农产品的转型，以增加利润和提高生产率，这与卢旺达政府近 20 年前制定的愿景一致。 其次，为确保项目的长期可持续性，政策制定者必须获得高层政治领导人、相关地方政府，以及发展伙伴和民间社会团体等其他利益相关者的支持。 在埃塞俄比亚，时任总理泽纳维公开支持成立ATA。 随后的政府继续支持该计划，甚至让 ATA 优先获得稀缺的硬通货来为进口提供资金。 第三，通过围绕定制组织构建农业计划，政府可以创建一个治理结构，让熟练的员工能够与所有利益相关者一起领导转型工作。 例如，ATA 结合本地和国际专业知识，并与负责土地、水利、农业和工业的部委协调，以制定和实施政策。 最后，以结果为导向的实施过程可能会带来更好的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Path to Disunity MUNICH – The motto of the United States of America is: “E pluribus unum” (Out of many, one). The European Union’s motto is “In varietate concordia,” which is officially translated as “United in diversity.” It is difficult to express the differences between the US and the European model any more clearly than this. The US is a melting pot, whereas Europe is a mosaic of different peoples and cultures that has developed over the course of its long history. That difference raises the question of whether it is worth striving for a United States of Europe – a concept that many refuse to accept, because they do not believe in the possibility of a unified European identity. A single political system like that of the US, they insist, presupposes a common language and a single nationality. Perhaps the idea of a United States of Europe, the dream of post-war children like me, can never be realized. But I am not so sure. After all, deeper European integration and the creation of a single political system offer solid, practical advantages that do not require a common identity or language. These advantages include the right to move freely across borders, the free movement of goods and services, legal certainty for cross-border economic activities, Europe-wide transportation infrastructure, and, not least, common security arrangements. Banking regulation is the most topical area in which collective action makes sense.", "zh": "欧洲的分裂之路 慕尼黑—美国的座右铭：合众为一。 欧盟的座右铭：多样统一。 用来解释美国和欧洲模式的区别，没有比这两句话更清楚的了。 美国是一个熔炉，而欧洲是一张历史悠久的由不同民族和文化组成的马赛克。 这一不同引出了一个问题：是否值得为欧罗巴合众国而奋斗。 许多人拒绝欧罗巴合众国这一概念，因为他们不相信欧洲有可能会产生同一的身份。 他们坚持认为，像美国那样的单一政治体系需以共同语言和单一民族成分为条件。 或许欧罗巴合众国这一我等战后一代欧洲人的梦想永远都不可能实现。 但我也不能把话说死。 毕竟，更深层次的欧洲一体化和单一政治体系的建立能够提供必须要共同身份和语言的坚实而实际的进步。 这些进步包括自由跨国迁徙、自由商品和服务流、跨国经济活动的法律环境的确定性、泛欧洲交通基础设施以及共同防务安排。 银行监管是有意义集体行动的最热门领域。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In November 2014, Avaaz, the United Nations Association, and other NGOs launched a campaign to reform the selection process by which the UN secretary-general is chosen, replacing an opaque process dominated by the permanent members of the Security Council with a transparent one, in which all countries have a say. Among their demands are a clear job description for the role, public scrutiny of candidates, and a shortlist with more than one candidate. Progress is being made in some agencies. The UN High Commission for Refugees now describes its objectives in its Global Strategic Priorities and evaluates progress toward them annually. And all senior UN officials must file an annual financial-disclosure statement with the organization’s ethics office. One notably successful agency in this regard is the African Development Bank (AfDB), which has introduced an organization-wide whistle-blowing policy, an anti-corruption and fraud framework, and an office to investigate disclosures. The AfDB will choose a new president in May, and it has not only defined the job clearly; it has also identified eight candidates and asked each to set out their strategy in advance of the election. The world relies on international organizations to coordinate the global response to a host of critical threats, from pandemics to financial crises. An effective UN leader needs to be able to persuade member states to cooperate, manage the organization well, and deliver results. Without good leadership, any organization – even the UN – is destined to fail.", "zh": "2014年11月，Avaaz、联合国协会（United Nations Association）和其他非政府组织发起了一项改革联合国秘书长遴选过程的运动，用让所有国家都拥有发言权的透明过程代替由联合国常任理事国主宰的不透明过程。 它们的要求包括对秘书长一职做出明确的职位描述、公开监督候选人以及多于一人的最终候选人名单。 一些机构正在出现进步。 如今，联合国难民署（UN High Commission for Refugees）在其全球战略重点（Global Strategic Priorities）中描述了它的目标，并每年评估目标进展情况。 此外，所有联合国高级官员都必须向组织的风纪办公室披露年度财务报表。 在这方面，一个取得显著成功的机构时非洲开发银行（非开行 ） ， 它引入了一项全组织适用的揭发政策、一套反腐败和欺诈框架，以及一个调查披露办公室。 非开行将在5月遴选新行长，它不但明确定义了这个岗位；还确定了八名候选人并要求每人在选举之前提出他们的战略。 世界需要依靠国际组织协调应对从传染病到金融危机的一系列关键威胁的全球响应。 高效的联合国领导人需要能够说服成员国进行合作、良好地管理该组织，并取得结果。 没有优秀的领导，任何组织 — — 哪怕是联合国 — — 都注定要失败。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump followed through on his threat in January to withdraw the United States from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal – formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – if Congress didn’t “fix” it. Specifically, he wanted the ability to reimpose sanctions on Iran, which he did earlier this month. Sanctions, Trump has long maintained, would force Iran to negotiate. That has not happened and is unlikely to happen. To push Iran toward the negotiating table, and, more importantly, assert his authority and save face, Trump might be tempted to heighten tensions, if not provoke Iran into a confrontation. And here, Engel might be forced to play along. Engel has said that Iran is the “most dangerous player” in the Middle East, and he was a vocal opponent of the JCPOA. Though he supported the deal after it was signed and opposed withdrawing from it, Trump could use Engel’s own position on Iran to push him to adopt a more aggressive posture or risk appearing “weak” on national security. But the payoff is likely to be a foreign-policy crisis that produces no meaningful progress toward a new nuclear deal and plenty of blame to go around. The Democrats also provide Trump an out on North Korea. Back in June, Engel introduced the North Korea Nuclear Baseline Act, which would require the White House to report on the status of North Korea’s nuclear program and provide a “baseline” of progress for continued talks.", "zh": "特朗普会继续推动他在今年1月提出将美国从2015年伊朗核协议（正式称为《联合全面行动计划 》 ） 的威胁，除非国会能“修补”该协议。 具体而言，他希望重新获得伊制裁的能力，正如他本月早些时候所做的那样。 特朗普一直以来都坚称制裁将迫使伊朗进行谈判，但这种情况从发生也不太可能发生。 为了推动伊朗走向谈判桌，更重要的是维护自身权威并挽回面子，特朗普可能会试图加剧紧张局势，只要不会激发伊朗的对抗。 到那时候恩格尔可能会被迫入局。 恩格尔曾表示伊朗是中东地区“最危险的参与者 ” ， 他本人也是伊朗核协议的反对者。 虽然恩格尔在协议签署后转而表示支持并反对退出协议，但特朗普可以利用前者自身在伊朗问题上的立场去推动他采取更激进的态度或冒险在国家安全方面表现“软弱 ” 。 但这最终可能会导向一场外交政策危机，不但在新的核协议上没有取得任何有意义的进展，还会留下诸多口实供各方互相指责。 民主党人也在朝鲜问题向特朗普露出了破绽。 早在今年6月恩格尔就推出了《朝鲜核基线法案 》 ， 该法案将要求白宫报告朝鲜核计划的进展状况，并为继续谈判提供一条进展“基线 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thatcher was referring specifically to the dangers of fixed exchange rates, and can certainly not be counted as one of the principal architects of the so-called “efficient markets hypothesis.” But she was a strong believer in the expansion of private markets, and was instinctively suspicious of government intervention. As the late economist and European central banker Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa once put it, Thatcher “shifted the line dividing markets from government, enlarging the territory of the former at the expense of the latter.” Padoa-Schioppa regarded this as a factor contributing to the US and UK authorities’ reluctance to step in at the right time before the 2007-2008 crisis. Thatcher was certainly no friend of central bankers. She remained, to the end, hostile to central-bank independence, regularly rejecting the advice of her chancellors to allow the Bank of England to control interest rates. She feared that independent central banks would serve the interests of their banking “clients,” rather than those of the economy as a whole. She was especially hostile to what she saw as the excessive independence of the European Central Bank. In her last speech in Parliament as Prime Minister, she attacked the ECB as an institution “accountable to no one,” and drew attention to the political implications of centralizing monetary policy, accurately forecasting the dangers of a “democratic deficit,” which now worries many in Europe, and not just in Cyprus or Portugal. So, in the financial arena, as elsewhere, there is light and shade in the Thatcher inheritance. Her Alan Greenspan-like belief in the self-correcting features of financial markets, and her reverence for the integrity of the price mechanism, do not look as well-founded today as they did in the 1980’s. So, in that sense, she can be seen as an enabler of the market hubris that prevailed until 2007. On the other hand, it is difficult to imagine that a Thatcher government would have run a loose fiscal policy in the 2000’s. And it is equally unlikely that, had she had her way, the eurozone would be the camel – a horse designed by committee – that it is today.", "zh": "撒切尔还特别提到了固定汇率的危险，她显然不能被指为所谓的“有效市场假说”的主要缔造者之一。 但她坚定地相信私人市场的扩张，从本能上怀疑政府干预。 已故经济学家、欧洲央行行长夏欧帕（Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa）曾说，撒切尔“移走了分割市场和政府的界线，扩大了前者的地盘，缩小了后者的地盘 。 ” 夏欧帕认为这是美国和英国当局不愿在2007—2008年危机之前的正确时点出手干预的因素之一。 撒切尔决不是央行行长之友。 她到最后都反对央行的独立，拒绝手下大臣关于让英格兰银行控制利率的建议。 她担心独立央行会屈从其银行“客户”的利益，而不顾及整个经济的利益。 她特别反对她眼中的欧洲央行的过度独立性。 在最后一次作为首相在议院发表的演讲中，她抨击欧洲央行是一个“不对任何人负责”的机构，她将人们的吸引力吸引到集中货币政策的政治含义上，正确地预见了“民主赤字”的危险 — — 如今，不仅塞浦路斯和葡萄牙，很多欧洲人都在担心这一点。 因此，在金融竞技场和其他领域，撒切尔身后留下的既有明珠，也有泥沙。 对于金融市场的自我纠正功能，她和格林斯潘观点相似，而她对价格机制的诚实性的信念在今天已不像20世纪80年代那样坚定。 因此，从这个角度讲，她可以视为延续至2007年的市场自大的促成者之一。 另一方面，很难想象撒切尔政府会在21世纪的第一个十年里实行宽松的财政政策。 同样难以想象的是，如果撒切尔的愿望达成，欧元区会成为今天那样的骆驼 — — 由委员会设计出来的马。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China-Africa trade alone increased from $10 billion in 2000 to $107 billion in 2008, and billions of dollars are being invested in oil production, mining, transportation, electricity generation and transmission, telecommunications, and other infrastructure. These developments have combined to improve African countries’ macroeconomic performance dramatically. Inflation has been halved since the 1990’s, and foreign-exchange reserves have increased 30%. Public finances showed a 2.8%-of-GDP surplus in 2008, compared to a 1.4%-of-GDP deficit in 2000-2005. Savings rates are between 10% and 20%, and external debt has decreased from 110% of GDP in 2005 to 21% in 2008. Since 2000, sub-Saharan African countries have achieved economic growth of 5-7%. Many factors have contributed to this upturn. Emerging-market demand has pushed up commodity prices. Urbanization has given rise to a dynamic informal sector. Improved governance, higher food production, increased inter-regional trade, debt cancellation, better use of official development assistance (ODA), and thriving telecommunications and housing markets have helped as well. But transfers from the African diaspora stand out as the most significant contributing factor. A study commissioned by the Rome-based International Fund for Agricultural Development indicates that more than 30 million individuals living outside their countries of origin contribute more than $40 billion annually in remittances to their families and communities back home. For sub-Saharan African countries, remittances increased from $3.1 billion in 1995 to $18.5 billion in 2007, according to the World Bank, representing between 9% and 24% of GDP and 80-750% of ODA. Migrants’ remittance behavior is essentially dictated by the regulatory environment and the quality – in terms of speed, cost, security, and accessibility – of products and services offered by banks, money-transfer companies, micro-finance institutions, and informal operators. In this respect, there are three different strategies in place in Africa. The Anglophone strategy focuses on freeing up the remittance market by encouraging competition, relaxing regulatory constraints for non-bank operators, offering financial incentives, encouraging technical and financial innovation, and stimulating collaboration among market players. This approach, also adopted by Italy, contributes to reducing costs and increasing the overall volume of funds for beneficiaries.", "zh": "仅中非贸易额就从2000年的100亿美元增长到2008年的1070亿美元，此外还有数十亿美元投向石油开采、采矿、交通运输、发电、电力传输、无线通信和其他基础设施建设。 这些成就共同改善了非洲国家的宏观经济状况。 20世纪90年代通胀降低了一半，而外汇储备则呈现30%的增长。 公共财政在2008年出现了占GDP2.8%的盈余，2000－2005年公共财政赤字在GDP中的占比曾为1.4 % 。 储蓄率徘徊在10－20%之间，而外债则从2005年占GDP的110%下降到2008年占GDP的21 % 。 从2000年以来，撒哈拉南部非洲国家已经实现了5-7%的经济增长。 多重因素共同促成了这次经济回暖的现状。 新兴市场需求推高了商品价格。 城市化造就了一个活跃的非正规部门。 施政改善、扩大粮食产量、区域内贸易增长、债务取消、更合理利用官方发展援助（ODA）和蓬勃发展的电信和住房市场也有助于实现经济增长。 但经济恢复最重要的贡献因素是世界各地非洲人的汇款。 一项由总部设在罗马的国际农业发展基金会发起的研究显示生活在原籍以外的3000多万非洲人每年为国内的家人和社团贡献超过400亿美元的汇款。 根据世界银行的统计，撒哈拉以南非洲国家的汇款数额从1995年的31亿美元增长到2007年的185亿美元，这一数字的GDP占比在9%到24%之间，官方发展援助占比则为80－750 % 。 整体监管环境以及银行、汇款公司、小额信贷机构和非���规经营机构的产品和服务质量（包括速度、成本、安全性和易用性）能够对移民的汇款行为造成本质性的影响。 在这方面，非洲目前存在三种不同的对策。 英语国家主要通过鼓励竞争、放松对非银行经营者管制、提供财政奖励、鼓励技术及金融创新以及促成市场参与者之间进行合作等方式来放开汇款市场。 这种方式也被意大利所采用。 它有助于降低成本，增加受益人收到的汇款总额。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While other countries will eventually pick up the slack, there will be a transition period of unknown duration, during which the supply of such goods may decline, potentially undermining stability. For example, the terms of engagement in NATO are likely to be renegotiated. Multilateralism – long enabled by the same sort of asymmetric contribution, though typically proportionate to countries’ income and wealth – will also lose steam, as the trend toward bilateral and regional trade and investment agreements accelerates. Trump is likely to be a leading proponent of this tack; in fact, even regional trade deals may be ruled out, as his opposition to ratifying the 12-country Trans-Pacific Partnership suggests. This creates an opportunity for China to lead the establishment of a trade pact for Asia – an opportunity that Chinese leaders are already set to seize. In conjunction with its “one belt, one road” strategy and its creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, China’s influence in the region will expand significantly as a result. Meanwhile, for developing countries that lack China’s economic might, the trend away from multilateralism could hurt. Whereas poor and less-developed countries found opportunities to grow and prosper under the old order, they will struggle to negotiate effectively on a bilateral basis. The hope is that the world will recognize its collective interest in keeping development pathways open for poorer countries, both for these countries’ benefit and for the sake of international peace and security. Beyond trade, technology is another powerful global force that is likely to be treated differently in the new order, becoming subject to more national-level regulations. Cyber threats will all but require some regulations and will demand evolving policy interventions. But other threats – for example, the fake news that has proliferated in the West (and, in particular, in the US during the presidential campaign) – may also call for a more hands-on approach. And the adoption of work-displacing digital technologies may need to be paced, so that the economy’s structural adjustment can keep up. The new emphasis on national interests clearly has costs and risks. But it may also bring important benefits. A global economic order sitting atop a crumbling foundation – in terms of democratic support and national political and social cohesion – is not stable.", "zh": "虽然其他国家最终将填补这一空缺，但中间总会有一个长短不明的过渡期，在此期间这种产品的供应可能减少，并因此威胁局势的稳定。 比如说加入北约的条件可能会被重新制定。 多边主义 — — 尽管通常与国家的收入和财富相对应，但也同样算是不对称的贡献 — — 也将失去动力，而双边和区域性贸易和投资协议的趋势加速。 特朗普很可能是这一进程的首要支持者；事实上，甚至连区域贸易协议都会被排除在外，因为他反对批准12个国家的跨太平洋伙伴关系。 这为中国牵头在亚洲建立贸易协定创造了机会 — — 而中国领导人也已经抓住了这个机会。 随着“一带一路”战略以及其附属亚洲基础设施投资银行的建立，中国在该地区的影响力将大为扩大。 同时，对于那些缺乏类似中国般经济实力的发展中国家，摆脱多边主义的趋势可能会带来负面影响。 虽然贫穷和欠发达国家在旧秩序下得到了繁荣发展的机会，但它们会在双边基础上进行有效谈判时面临很大压力。 唯有希望世界能认识到，为了较贫穷国家的利益和为了国际和平与安全，为这些国家留一条畅通的发展道路是符合集体利益的。 在贸易之外，技术是另一个可能会在新秩序中受到不同待遇的强大全球性力量，也更多地受到国家级法规的制约。 网络威胁需要一些法规监管并要求不断变化的政策干预。 但其他威胁 — — 例如，在西方（特别是在美国总统竞选期间）滋生的假新闻 — — 也可能需要更切实际的应对手段。 而那些替代工作人员的数字技术的采用步伐可能需要进行规划，以便实现与经济结构调整同步。 对国家利益的新强调显然存在成本和风险。 但它也可带来重要的好处。 坐落在摇摇欲坠的基础上的全球经济秩序 — — 在民主支持和国家政治及社会凝聚力方面 — — 不稳定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Treason in the Air COPENHAGEN – Discussions about global warming are marked by an increasing desire to stamp out “impure” thinking, to the point of questioning the value of democratic debate. But shutting down discussion simply means the disappearance of reason from public policy. In March, Al Gore’s science adviser and prominent climate researcher, Jim Hansen, proclaimed that when it comes to dealing with global warming, the “democratic process isn’t working.” Although science has demonstrated that CO2 from fossil fuels is heating the planet, politicians are unwilling to follow his advice and stop building coal-fired power plants. Hansen argues that, “the first action that people should take is to use the democratic process. What is frustrating people, me included, is that democratic action affects elections, but what we get then from political leaders is greenwash.” Although he doesn’t tell us what the second or third action is, he has turned up in a British court to defend six activists who damaged a coal power station. He argues that we need “more people chaining themselves to coal plants,” a point repeated by Gore. The Nobel laureate in economics Paul Krugman goes further. After the narrow passage of the Waxman-Markey climate-change bill in the United States House of Representatives, Krugman said that there was no justification for a vote against it. He called virtually all of the members who voted against it, “climate deniers” who were committing “treason against the planet.” Krugman said that the “irresponsibility and immorality” of the representatives’ democratic viewpoints were “unforgivable” and a “betrayal.” He thus accused almost half of the democratically elected members of the House, from both parties, of treason for holding the views that they do – thereby essentially negating democracy. Less well-known pundits make similar points, suggesting that people with “incorrect” views on global warming should face Nuremburg-style trials or be tried for crimes against humanity.", "zh": "大气层中的背叛 发自哥本哈根 — — 针对全球变暖问题的讨论正越来越被某种思维所占据：它试图消灭那些“动机不纯”的想法，甚至还质疑民主辩论本身的价值。 而这种关闭辩论之门的思维方式只能意味着理性在公共政策中的消亡。 在3月份时，美国前副总统阿尔·戈尔的科学顾问，著名气候研究专家吉姆·汉森公开宣称，当面对全球变暖问题时“民主程序不管用 ” 。 因为虽然科学业已证明由矿石燃料燃烧所产生的二氧化碳正令地球不断升温，政治家们却不愿听从汉森的建议并停建火电厂。 汉森认为“人们所要采取的第一步行动就是利用民主程序。 但最困扰所有人，包括他本人的，则是民主行动虽然影响了选举，但从政治领导人那得到的却只不过是假惺惺的表态 。 ” 尽管汉森没有告诉我们第二步或者第三步行动是什么，但他最近却出现在一个英国法庭上为6个破坏火电厂的环保分子出庭辩护，并宣称需要“更多人把自己捆绑在火电厂（来阻止其正常运行 ） ， ”而这个观点也是戈尔所反复强调的。 而诺贝尔经济学奖得主保罗·克鲁格曼在这方面则走得更远。 在华克斯曼-马基气候变化法案在美国众议院以微弱优势通过之后，克鲁格曼说那些反对票都是无理取闹，还把那些投了反对票的议员都认定为触犯了“背叛地球罪”的“气候否定者 ” 。 克鲁格曼说那些议员民主观点中的“不负责任和不道德”是“不可原谅的”和“背叛 ” 。 他因此指责来自民主共和两党的近半数众议员，认为他们坚持自己观点的做法就是背叛 — — 这种看法显然是从本质上否定了民主制度。 更多不那么有名的学者也持相似的观点，建议对那些对全球变暖问题持有“不正确”想法的人来一场二战后纽伦堡式的审判或者被控以反人类罪。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And history shows that damaging economic developments can fuel social and political unrest, even under a harsh authoritarian regime. The 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, which were triggered by rising wheat prices in Tunisia, are a case in point. If Hun Sen cannot grasp the threat posed by the loss of Cambodia’s major export markets to the economy – and, indeed, to his own regime – he should make way for someone who does. He must not allow Cambodia, scarred by past violence, to descend once again into bloodshed. Cambodia is undoubtedly capable of nonviolent conflict resolution. Unlike many other former European colonies, we achieved independence peacefully, through a negotiated agreement. With genuine political will on all sides, that success can be repeated today. This requires, first and foremost, the release of Kem Sokha, the reinstatement of the CNRP, and a (relatively short) timetable for a free and fair national election. But, far from supporting a peaceful resolution to Cambodia’s political and economic crisis, Hun Sen has promised to sever the fingers of anyone who flashes the “nine fingers” sign in support of our return, and to arrest anyone who comes to greet us. In that case, he will probably need a jail with space for at least a million people – and perhaps many more. But Cambodians should not be left to resist Hun Sen’s regime on their own. All friends of Cambodia, especially the 18 signatory countries of the Paris Peace Agreements, must do everything in their power to dissuade Cambodia’s dictator from using violence against his own people, simply for claiming rights and freedoms that are guaranteed by international treaty. When we arrive home this month, we will stand up for Cambodian democracy. We hope that the international community will stand with us.", "zh": "历史表明，破坏性的经济发展可能会加剧社会和政治动荡，即使在严酷的威权政权下也莫不如此。 在2011年，因突尼斯小麦价格上涨所引发的阿拉伯之春就是很好的例子。 对于柬埔寨主要出口市场对经济损失所带来的威胁（实际上，是对洪森自身政权的威胁 ） ， 如果洪森无法掌控局势，那么他应该隐退，让贤于能为此事之人。 他绝不允许过去的暴力给柬埔寨留下创伤，让其再次陷入流血和冲突。 毋庸置疑，柬埔寨有能力以非暴力的方式解决冲突。 与诸多前欧洲殖民地不同，我们（柬埔寨）是通过谈判取得和平独立的。 只要各方都本着诚恳的政治意愿，我们今天便能够再次取得同样的成功。 首先，这需要释放根索卡，并恢复柬埔寨救国党的合法地位，还需要为建立在自由与公正上的全国选举制定一个(相对较短的)时间表。 但是，洪森非但没有支持以和平的方式解决柬埔寨的政治与经济危机，还承诺切断任何向我派伸出橄榄枝，并邀请我们回国的人事，同时逮捕任何前来迎接我们的人。 在这种情况下，洪森或许需要一个至少能容纳上百万人的监狱，或许更多。 但是，柬埔寨人民不应独自抵抗洪森政权。 柬埔寨的所有朋友们，特别是《巴黎和平协定》的18个签署国，仅为争取国际条约所保障的权利与自由，都必须尽一切努力劝阻这位柬埔寨的独裁者。 当本月重归故土时，我们将捍卫柬埔寨的民主。 因此，我们希望国际社会与我们并肩作战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fiscal rectitude in the right place and the right time is to be commended; but this is the wrong place and the wrong time – and Germany’s recovery prospects will be dampened. The main risk in 2006 is that America’s long-brewing problems come to a head globally: investors, finally taking heed of the large structural fiscal deficit, the yawning trade gap, and the high level of household indebtedness, may pull money out of the US in a panic. Alternatively, rising interest rates and a downturn in the real estate market could so weaken consumer demand that the economy slips into recession, squeezing exporters in other countries that depend on the US market. In either case, the US government, hamstrung by already-wide deficits, may feel powerless to respond with countercyclical fiscal policy. With confidence in Bush’s economic management almost as low as confidence in his management of the Iraq war, there is every reason to worry that should one of these crises emerge, it will not be well managed. But it is more likely that 2006 will just be another year of malaise: China’s significance within the global economy is still not large enough to offset weaknesses in the rest of the world. America, too, will manage to muddle through again – leaving even higher levels of debt for the future. In short, 2006 will be marked by mounting uncertainty about prospects for global economic growth, even as the distribution of the fruits of that growth remain dismally predictable.", "zh": "财务方面刚正不阿，如果用在正确的地方，正确的时间，值得赞扬，但是现在是错误的地方，错误的时间，而德国复苏的前景将因此而黯淡。 2006 年的主要风险是美国长期酝酿的问题在全球达到了顶峰：投资者在最终注意到巨额结构性财务赤字、巨大的贸易���口、 高水平的家庭负债后，可能会在恐慌中将资金从美国抽出。 另一种情况是：利率上涨、房地产市场衰落可能会严重减弱消费需求，使经济滑坡，直至萧条，给依赖于美国市场的其它国家的出口商造成巨大压力。 不管是哪种情况，已经为巨额赤字所累的美国政府都可能会感到无力拿出反周期性财政政策加以应对。 人们对布什管理经济的信心，几乎和对他管理伊拉格战争的信心一样低，所以，我们有充足的理由担心，如果这些危机出现，将得不到良好管理。 但 2006 年更可能不过是隐忧重重的又一年而已：中国在全球经济中的重要性还没有大到足以抵消世界上其余地方的种种不足。 美国也会设法再次应付过去，但会给未来留下更高的债务。 总而言之，在 2006 年，即使全球经济增长果实的分配还能如以前一样可以预测，增长前景的不确定性也会不断增加。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, Egypt’s foreign ministry called upon both sides “to carefully consider” the peace plan, and even claimed that creating an independent and sovereign state in the occupied territories would restore all the “legitimate rights” of Palestinians. And though Tunisia’s president condemned the peace plan as “the injustice of the century,” the country’s ambassador to the UN was soon sacked for leading the challenge against it in the Security Council. But it is not only the Arab world that is letting down the Palestinians. The European Union’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, Josep Borrell, strongly condemned the plan. But his unilateral statement was needed precisely because some EU countries – including the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Italy – blocked a shared resolution. France, for its part, gave the plan a cautious welcome. Beyond the EU, the United Kingdom’s government hailed the Trump peace plan as “a serious proposal” and “a positive step forward.” And despite officially condemning the plan for “contradicting UN resolutions,” Russia stands to gain from what a Moscow Times editorial called the “unilaterally imposed humiliating terms” of the deal. This “provides a precedent for major powers dictating terms to weaker ones” and vindicates Russia’s occupation of Crimea, “Russia’s West Bank.” In fact, “limited sovereignty” was exactly what the Kremlin wanted to give the former Soviet republics.", "zh": "同样，埃及外交部呼吁双方“认真考虑”和平计划，甚至称在被占领土上建立独立主权国家将恢复巴勒斯坦民众的所有“合法权益 。 ” 尽管突尼斯总统将和平计划谴责为“世纪不公正 ， ” 但该国驻联合国大使很快就因为领导挑战该计划而被解职。 但让巴勒斯坦人失望的不仅仅是阿拉伯世界。 欧盟外交及安全政策高级代表约瑟夫·博雷尔对该计划表示强烈谴责。 但其单方面声明之所以有必要，是因为某些欧盟国家 — — 包括捷克共和国、匈牙利和意大利 — — 阻止了一项共同决议。 法国则对该计划持谨慎欢迎态度。 除欧盟以外，英国政府还称赞特朗普和平计划是“一项严肃的提议”和“向前迈出的积极一步 。 ” 且尽管官方谴责该计划违反联合国决议，但莫斯科时报一篇评论文章称该协议“单方面强加的羞辱性条款”将使俄罗斯从中获益。 这为“大国面对弱国发号施令提供了先例 ， ” 同时维护了俄罗斯对克里米亚的占领，克里米亚是“俄罗斯的西岸地区 。 ” 事实上，克里姆林希望给予前苏联共和国的恰恰是“有限主权”协议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Voter turnout in the European Parliament elections in June was embarrassingly low in the new accession countries, ranging from just 17% in Slovakia to 38.5% in Hungary. Participating in their first-ever EU election, citizens in these countries turned out at a rate not only well below the European average (about 45%), but even below the UK average. The reasons are twofold. Accession countries felt that they were asked to make major fiscal adjustments in order to be accepted into the EU. Regardless of whether such policies were in the long-term interest of these countries, in the short run they were politically costly. This \"adjustment fatigue,\" a term coined to describe the experience of Latin American countries to economic liberalization in the 1990's, is now coupled with the feeling that the EU is not such a great bargain after all. Perhaps most visible has been Western European countries' eagerness to protect their labor markets against migration from Central and Eastern Europe - a sticking point that always comes up in every meeting between politicians from the West and the East. Little wonder, then, that voters in Central and Eastern Europe now feel that they got a poor bargain from the governments that brought them in: belt tightening, labor market restrictions, and the notorious barrage of EU regulation. The result has been a reaction against these governments and a lack of public interest in EU affairs.", "zh": "在6月份的欧洲议会选举中，欧盟新成员国的选民投票率低得令人尴尬-从斯洛伐克的17%到匈牙利的38.5 % 。 在他们的第一次欧盟大选中，这些国家公民的投票率不仅远低于欧洲平均水平（45 % ） ，甚至还低于英国的平均水平。 究其原因，主要有两层。 新成员国们觉得为了被欧盟接受它们被迫进行重大的财政调整。 不论这些政策是否符合这些国家的长期利益，在短期内它们为之付出了高昂的政治成本。 这种\"调整疲惫\"是一个为了形容拉美各国在20世纪90年代经济自由化中的经历而生造的词。 而今欧洲对它的体会更添加了一种感觉，认为加入欧盟并不如想象的划算。 或许最明显的就是西欧各国针对来自中、东欧的移民潮而对劳务市场的积极保护-一个令西欧和东欧的政治家们在每一次会面时都相持不下的问题。 如此一来，中、东欧各国的选民们现在觉得政府让他们做了亏本生意也在情理之中：勒紧裤带、劳务市场限制和欧盟规章的狂轰滥炸。 其结果就是公众与这些政府的对抗情绪和对欧盟事务的兴趣缺乏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Elsewhere in the text of the bill, the authors have presumed, dubiously, that the government is good at identifying and funding specific applications of basic research. For example, they focus heavily on semiconductors, allocating $52 billion for a new “Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors for America Fund” at the Department of the Treasury ($24 billion of which would be appropriated for 2022 alone). These funds are to be used to encourage the construction of domestic facilities “for the fabrication, testing, or advanced packaging of semiconductors at mature technology nodes.” But as Scott Lincicome of the Cato Institute has documented, the US semiconductor industry is already healthy and profitable, accounting for nearly 50% of global semiconductor sales. Recounting the history of failed efforts in the 1980s and 1990s to support domestic semiconductor production, he points out that most of America’s imported semiconductors come from its allies, further reducing the need for a strategic intervention in the sector. Governments have a poor track record of identifying “winners” – be it a company or a category of technology – whereas private companies have proved better at transforming new discoveries into new products or cost savings. That is why the US state traditionally has stuck to funding basic research. The USICA’s aim of strengthening America’s research capabilities is uncontroversial and praiseworthy, in principle. But while the NSF’s funding certainly should be increased, that doesn’t mean it needs a new directorate.", "zh": "在法案文本的其他地方，作者假设（尽管没有把握）政府擅长发现和资助基础研究的具体应用。 例如，他们高度关注半导体，财政部为新的《美国半导体法案》拨款520亿美元（其中240亿美元将仅用于2022年 ） 。 这些资金将用于鼓励国内设施的建设 ， “ 用于成熟技术节点上半导体的制造、测试或先进的封装 ” 。 但正如卡托研究所的斯科特•林西科姆所记录的那样，美国半导体行业已经是发达且盈利的，占全球半导体销售额的近50 % 。 他回顾了20世纪80年代和90年代支持国内半导体生产的失败史，指出美国进口的大多数半导体来自其盟友，进一步减少了对该行业进行战略干预的必要性。 在确定“赢家 ” ， 政府一向不太靠谱 - - 无论是一家公司还是一个技术类别 - - 而私营公司在将新发现转化为新产品或更低的成本方面表现得更好。 这就是为什么美国政府传统上坚持资助基础研究。 从原则上讲 ， 《 美国创新与竞争法》加强美国研究能力的目标是无可争议的，也是值得称赞的。 虽然国家科学基金会的资金肯定应该增加，但这并不意味着它需要一个新的部门。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Iran’s lavish support for Hezbollah has enabled the Shia political party and militia to become what is probably the world’s most powerful non-state actor, with military capabilities that dwarf those of Lebanon’s army. It is telling that, when Macron visited Beirut after the port explosion, crowds chanted, “free us from Hezbollah.” But Hezbollah enjoys broad-based support among Lebanon’s Shia, who comprise almost one-third of the country’s population and form the most powerful sect, politically and militarily. Perhaps more important, Lebanon’s sovereignty continues to be subverted by Iran, which is committed to using Hezbollah to advance its own strategic priorities. When the Beirut blast occurred, a United Nations-backed special tribunal was days away from issuing its verdict in the trial of four alleged members of Hezbollah for the 2005 murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister (and Saudi Arabia’s man in Beirut) Rafik Hariri. Of course, Iran’s regional designs have spurred resistance: the specter of an Israel-Hezbollah war has lately been growing. The Beirut blast’s silver lining may be that it averts – or at least forestalls – such a conflict, in which Israel would destroy Lebanon’s infrastructure to neutralize the 150,000 missiles that Hezbollah has concealed among the civilian population before they devastate Israel’s vulnerable home front. Lebanon’s distress makes it more difficult for Israel to conduct such a preemptive attack on Hezbollah’s military capabilities, and discourages Hezbollah from antagonizing Israel. But whatever mutual deterrent exists is fragile, at best.", "zh": "伊朗对真主党的慷慨支持让什叶派政党和军阀成为（也许是）全世界最强大的非国家行动方，其军事实力可以让黎巴嫩军队相形见绌。 很能说明问题的一幕是，当马克龙在港口爆炸发生后访问贝鲁特时，群众高喊 “把我们从真主党手中解放出来 ” 。 但真主党在黎巴嫩什叶派中间拥有广泛的支持，他们构成了黎巴嫩人口的近三分之一，也是最强大的派系，不管在政治上还是在军事上都是如此。 也许更重要的是，黎巴嫩的主权一直在受到伊朗的颠覆，伊朗致力于利用真主党推动其自身的战略目标。 当贝鲁特爆炸案发生时，联合国支持的特别法庭将在几天后发布四名真主党成员被告的裁决，他们被控谋杀黎巴嫩前总理（兼沙特阿拉伯的黎巴嫩代理人）哈里里。 当然，伊朗的地区设计也激发的抵抗：以色列-真主党之间的战争可能性最近一直在增加。 贝鲁特爆炸案中的一线光明之处也许是它避免了 — — 或至少阻止了 — — 这一冲突，否则以色列可能会摧毁黎巴嫩基础设施，消灭真主党藏在民间的150,000枚导弹，以防它们毁灭以色列脆弱的后方。 黎巴嫩的不幸让以色列更加难以发动此类针对真主党军事实力的先发制人的打击，也让真主党不再那么对抗以色列。 但互相威慑始终是脆弱的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Are Equities Overvalued? MILAN – Since the global economic crisis, sharp divergences in economic performance have contributed to considerable stock-market volatility. Now, equity prices are reaching relatively high levels by conventional measures – and investors are starting to get nervous. The question is whether stock valuations are excessive relative to future earnings potential. The answer depends on two key variables: the discount rate and future earnings growth. A lower discount rate and/or a higher rate of expected earnings growth would justify higher equity valuations. The S&P’s price-to-earnings (P/E) ratio for the trailing 12 months is close to 20, compared to a long-run mean of 15.53 and a median of 14.57. The Shiller P/E ratio – based on average real (inflation-adjusted) earnings from the last ten years – is at 27.08, with a mean and median of 16.59 and 15.96, respectively. And, in February, the forward 12-month earnings P/E ratio, which uses managers’ future earnings guidance, reached an 11-year high of 17.1, with the five- and ten-year averages standing at about 14 and the 15-year average at 16. The stock market’s recent performance often is attributed to the unconventional monetary policies that many central banks have been pursuing. These policies, by design, lowered the return on sovereign bonds, forcing investors to seek yield in markets for higher-risk assets like equities, lower-rated bonds, and foreign securities. According to the standard formulation, stock prices tend to revert toward the present value of estimated future earnings (including growth in those earnings), discounted at the so-called “risk-free rate,” augmented by an equity risk premium. More precisely, the forward earnings yield – that is, the inverse of the P/E ratio – is equal to the risk-free rate plus the equity premium, minus the growth rate of earnings. (Of course, markets take detours along the way, driven by, say, irrational exuberance, temporary declines in the impact of value investors, or mistimed contrarian trades.) Monetary policy may have bolstered stock prices in two ways, either lowering the discount rate by compressing the equity risk premium, or simply reducing risk-free rates for long enough to raise the present value of stocks. In either case, equity prices should level off at some point, allowing earnings to catch up, or even correct downward.", "zh": "股票高估了吗？ 米兰—自全球经济危机以来，经济表现的巨大差异导致了股票市场的剧烈波动。 如今，从常规指标看，股价已经到达了相对较高的位置 — — 投资者也开始紧张起来。 问题在于，相对于未来盈利潜力，股票估值是否过高。 答案取决于两大关键变量：贴现率和未来盈利增长。 较低贴现率和/或较高预期盈利增长意味着股票估值也可以更高。 标准普尔12个月前瞻市盈率接近20，而长期平均值和中位值分别为15.53和14.57。 希勒市盈率 — — 取决于过去十年的平均实际（经通胀调整的）盈利 — — 为27.08，平均值和中位值分别为16.59和15.96。 此外，2月份12个月前瞻市盈率 — — 根据经理人未来盈利指引算出 — — 达到了11年来的高点17.1，五年和十年平均水平为14左右，15年平均水平为16。 股市的近期表现常常被归因于央行所采取的非常规货币政策。 这些政策刻意降低了主权债券回报，迫使投资者进入股票、低评级债券和外国证券等高风险资产市场寻求高收益率。 根据标准公式，股价总是趋向于估算未来盈利（包括这些盈利的增长）根据贴现而得的现值。 贴现率为所谓的“无风险利率”加上一个股票风险溢价。 更准确地说，前瞻盈利收益率 — — 即市盈率的倒数 — — 等于无风险利率加上股票风险溢价再减去盈利增长率。 （当然，拜（比如）非理性繁荣、价值投资者所带来的暂时性下跌或时机不当的逆向投资交易所赐，市场路径是波折的。 ） 货币政策可能通过两种方式支撑股价，或者抑制股票风险溢价进而降低贴现率，或者长时间降低无风险利率以至于股票现值升高。 无论哪种方式，股价都会在某个点上趋稳以等待盈利水平赶上来，或者出现向下修正。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fatal Thaws MOSCOW – During the Cold War, the Soviet Union and, in a milder way, the United States imposed external limits on the activities of states and societies, causing longstanding conflicts among smaller countries to be “frozen.” Following the Soviet Union’s collapse in the 1990’s, those conflicts began to “unfreeze.” With interethnic tensions already on the rise, Yugoslavia was the first country to dissolve into conflict. Soon after, war broke out between Armenia and Azerbaijan, followed by fighting in Transdniestria and Chechnya. While some conflicts were addressed – the West finally intervened militarily in the former Yugoslavia; and Russia fought in Chechnya for almost a decade, and imposed peace in Transdniestria – others, such as that between Armenia and Azerbaijan, were simply frozen again. Fortunately, not all potential conflicts erupted. The Soviet Union did not dissolve into violence, as most other empires have – an outcome for which no explanation short of divine intervention or sheer luck seems to suffice. Despite rising nationalist sentiments and mutual suspicions, Central and Eastern European countries also managed to avoid conflict, thanks to their rapid acceptance into NATO and the European Union. At that point, the world breathed a collective sigh of relief. But, in the early 2000’s, globalization triggered the “second unfreezing” by facilitating rapid economic growth in Asian countries that, for two centuries, had been constrained by Western dominance, Cold War rules and institutions, and rampant poverty.", "zh": "致命的解冻 莫斯科—冷战期间，苏联和美国（手段相对较温和）为国家和社会的活动设定了外部限制，这让小国之间的长期冲突都“冻结”起来了。 随着20世纪90年代苏联的解体，这些冲突开始“解冻 ” 。 内部对峙不断升级的南斯拉夫成为第一个因冲突而消亡的国家。 不久后，亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆之间爆发战争，随后，特涅斯特沿岸（Transdniestria）和车臣之间也燃起了战火。 一些冲突得到了解决 — — 最终，西方以武力干预前南斯拉夫；而俄罗斯对车臣动武已逾十年，也给特涅斯特沿岸带来了和平 — — 但其他冲突，如亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆之间的冲突，仅仅被再次冻结了。 幸运的是，并非所有的潜在冲突都爆发了。 苏联的解体并没有像大部分帝国那样带来乱战 — — 对于这样的结果，似乎也只有命运之神眷顾可以解释。 尽管民族主义情绪渐浓、互相怀疑之风日盛，中东欧国家也设法避免了冲突，这主要是因为它们很快地被北约和欧盟接受了。 这让全世界都大舒一口气。 但是，在21世纪初，全球化通过刺激亚洲国家的快速增长触发了“第二次解冻 ” 。 200年来，亚洲国家一直受着西方国家主导、冷战规则和制度以及肆虐的贫困的约束。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The British may turn their nose up at the euro – to which even the supposedly independent Swiss franc is pegged – but it will almost certainly remain the currency of nearly 300 million Europeans. Isolationism, whether in Japan or the UK, is not only a short-sighted choice; especially for Japan, it may also be a perilous one, given the rise of China next door. Both Japan and the UK, much as they may not wish to admit it, depend on the global market. Isolationism would leave their citizens ill prepared to confront competition and their governments excluded from decisions that impact the global economy and trade. Nor can isolationism guarantee national security at a time of rising threats from terrorist groups and rising ambitions on the part of China and Russia. The Edo nostalgia in Japan and the Norway model’s appeal in the UK are not rational choices. They merely channel national wariness at a time of global competition between cultures, economies, and emerging strategic ambitions. Sometimes nations, like individuals, grow tired and long for their idealized youth – a recurrent phenomenon that historians call “declinism.” Whether one calls it that or a desire for a holiday from history, Japan and the UK today seem to be choosing a path that will only accelerate decline.", "zh": "英国人也许会对欧元 — — 即使被认为是独立货币的瑞士法郎也是盯住欧元的 — — 嗤之以鼻，但欧元几乎肯定仍将作为近3以欧洲人所使用的共同货币。 日本也好，英国也罢，孤立主义不但是目光短浅的选择，而且可能非常危险（特别是日本，隔壁的中国正在快速崛起 ） 。 日本和英国都依赖着全球市场，尽管它们自己可能不愿意承认。 孤立主义将导致日本和英国人民无法做好面对竞争的准备，也将导致两国政府被排除在影响全球经济和贸易的决策之外。 此外，在恐怖集团威胁与日俱增、中国和俄罗斯雄心与日见长的当下，孤立主义也不能保证国家安全。 日本的江户怀旧热和挪威模式对英国的诱惑绝非理性选择。 这只是全球文化、经济和新兴战略雄心竞争背景下国民忧虑的体现。 有时候，国家和个人一样会产生疲倦感，对理想的年轻时代艳羡不已，这就是历史学家所谓的周期性“衰落论”现象。 叫它衰落论也好，想在历史长河中休会儿假也罢，日本和英国如今的选择只能让它们衰落得更快。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "提升行业清洁生产水平。严格强制性清洁生产审核，鼓励自愿性清洁生产审核。引导企业转变以污染物末端治理为主的管理理念，制定整体污染控制策略，研发和应用全过程控污减排技术，采用循环型生产方式，淘汰落后工艺，规范生产和精细操作，减少污染物生成，提高资源综合利用水平。建设绿色工厂和绿色园区。以厂房集约化、生产洁净化、废物资源化、能源。低碳化为目标，打造一批低排放绿色工厂。积极试点医药工业园区清洁生产，建设高标准园区，实现上下游配套、公用系统共享、资源综合利用和污染物集中治理，在控制挥发性有机物（VOCs）排放和治理废水等方面持续稳定达到国家、地方标准或控制要求。提升全行业“环境、职业健康和安全”（EHS）管理水平。制订制药行业EHS标准和指南，指导企业建立EHS管理体系，改进和提升EHS相关硬件和软件，最大限度减少环境污染、安全事故和职业病发生，培育履行社会责任、以人为本、可持续发展的企业文化。引导企业开展供应商EHS审计，打造绿色供应链。专栏4医药绿色发展工程。", "en": "Improve the level of clean production in the industry. Strictly enforce mandatory clean production audits and encourage voluntary clean production audits. Guide enterprises to transform their management concepts from end-of-pipe treatment of pollutants to overall pollution control strategies. Develop and apply technology for comprehensive pollution control throughout the production process, adopt a circular production mode, eliminate outdated processes, standardize production and fine operations, reduce the generation of pollutants, and improve the level of comprehensive resource utilization. Construct green factories and green industrial parks. Aim for intensive factory buildings, clean production, waste resource utilization, and low-carbon energy, and create a batch of low-emission green factories. Actively pilot clean production in pharmaceutical industrial parks, construct high-standard parks, achieve upstream-downstream coordination, shared public systems, comprehensive resource utilization, and centralized treatment of pollutants, and continuously and stably meet national and local standards or control requirements in controlling the emissions of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) and treating wastewater. Improve the overall industry's Environmental, Health, and Safety (EHS) management level. Develop EHS standards and guidelines for the pharmaceutical industry, guide enterprises to establish EHS management systems, improve and enhance EHS-related hardware and software, minimize environmental pollution, safety accidents, and occupational diseases, and cultivate a corporate culture that fulfills social responsibilities, prioritizes people, and promotes sustainable development. Guide enterprises to conduct supplier EHS audits and build a green supply chain. Column 4: Pharmaceutical Green Development Project."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The authorities scrambled to stanch the bleeding. On June 27, the People’s Bank of China lowered the reserve requirement ratio and the benchmark interest rate. But the Shanghai Composite Index kept falling, reaching 4,200 on July 1. At that point, the CSRC launched a succession of desperate measures: it suspended initial public offerings, allowed companies to stop trading, and limited short selling. It even organized a “national team” of 21 large securities companies, led by a government-controlled financial corporation, to purchase shares to buttress the Shanghai Composite Index. In doing so, China’s regulatory authority changed many well-established rules of the game virtually overnight. And, while massive official intervention may have halted the rout, it could have permanently damaged regulators’ credibility. And it was not even merited; the banks were not overly exposed, so there were no systemic risks. But the policy failures fueling this stock-market fiasco go back further, to the massive government-fueled surge in credit since the global financial crisis. Without that, brokerages would not have had all of that liquidity to lend for margin trading. After the crisis struck, instead of recognizing the decline in potential growth and adjusting accordingly, the government remained implicitly wedded to an unrealistic target of 10% annual GDP growth. But, while the CN¥4 trillion stimulus package propped up growth temporarily, return on investment was deteriorating, because potential growth was already lower than actual growth. As a result, credit demand was relatively weak; in many cases, commercial banks had to persuade enterprises to accept loans, with a large proportion of the credit ultimately devoted to chasing assets in the capital market. At first, the excess liquidity fueled real-estate bubbles. After the government clamped down on lending for residential and commercial projects, risky shadow banking activity surged. After the government clamped down on that too, the liquidity was channeled toward stock exchanges; once those crashed, it sloshed into the bond market. But the bond market is not large enough to absorb it all, so some has now returned to the stock exchanges, leading to a partial recovery in share prices, with the Shanghai index reaching 3,500. Declining economic growth strengthens the temptation to loosen monetary policy.", "zh": "当局急忙试图止血。 6月27日，中国人民银行下调存款准备金率和基准利率。 但上证综指继续下跌，7月1日已跌至4.200点。 此时，中国证监会出台了一系列紧急措施：停止首次公开发行（IPO ） 、 允许上市公司停牌、限制卖空。 它甚至组织了一支由21家大券商组成的“国家队 ” ， 在政府控制的证金公司的领导下买入股票支持上证综指。 为此，中国监管当局几乎在一夜之间打破了许多早已完善的规则。 此外，尽管大规模官方干预或许阻止了崩盘，但也过早透支了监管者的信誉。 而这完全是没有必要的；银行并未过度暴露在风险中，也不存在任何系统性风险。 但导致股市溃败的这一政策失灵的后果并不仅限于此，而是导致了全球金融危机以来政府助推的信用飙升。 若非如此，经纪商拿不出足够的流动性为保证金交易提供全部贷款。 危机爆发后，政府没有认识到潜在增长的下降并据此调整，而是继续间接坚持不现实的10%的年GDP增长目标。 但是，尽管4万亿元刺激计划暂时提振了增长，投资回报却出现了恶化，因为潜在增长已经低于实际增长。 因此，信用需求相对疲软；在许多情况下，商业银行必须说服企业接受贷款，很大一部分信用最终被用于在资本市场中竞逐资产。 一开始，过剩流动性助长了房地产泡沫。 政府打压住宅和商用项目贷款后，高风险影子银行活动激增。 政府打压影子银行后，流动性来到了股市；股市崩盘后，流动性又融入了债市。 但债券市场不够大，吸收不了那么多流动性，因此其中一些流动性又回到了股市，股价出现了局部反弹，上证综指达到了3,500点。 经济增长势头的减弱增加了放松货币政策的诱惑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "99、格杀勿论第1更 他虽然防御值极高，可子弹打中他，还是会受伤会死人的！ 现在，还是热武器的统治时代，C级之下，没有任何一个觉醒者可以绕过这个存在。 所以吕树觉得这仨人虽然刚才在大桥上配合默契打出过一次绝杀，可依旧很蠢。 就算你多么想要无法无天的肆意妄为，也得等C级之后啊！ 洛城面对这三位觉醒者的准备之充分，足以让吕树心惊，两名D级地网战斗人员带队，还有14名E级负责守住南部交通要道排查，然后这边又有如此多的武警在此待命，不得不说他们对于这件事情是非常重视的。 两名修行者在大桥上遭遇不测这件事情吕树是这样想的：虽然天罗地网准备很充分，很早以前就开始布局，但关键是，他们也没有觉醒者供他们频繁练手啊。 就看梁澈的待遇，也就是打了麻醉针带走，后期指不定是要吸纳进天罗地网的，这已经算是非常人道了啊。 反过来说，局面控制的很好就意味着，天罗地网的一些战斗人员恐怕也没有经历过什么真正的战斗，他们令行禁止配合默契，可他们也会有失误的时候。 这都是很正常的事情。", "en": "Chapter 99: Kill no matter what! (Part 1) Although he had high resistance, he would die from being hit by a bullet! And now, with the existence of modern weapons, no metahuman below Class C could take on such weapons. Which was why Lu Shu felt that these three criminals were dumb for continuing to fight even though they did cause much damage previously. Even if you want to be unruly, at least wait till you are Class C! Luo Cheng was adequately prepared towards dealing with these three metahumans, adequate enough to surprise Lu Shu. Two class D men from the heavenly network leading their own teams, and 14 Class Es responsible for the traffic to and fro the South. Additionally, there were numerous policemen supporting the entire operation, they must have classified this issue as one of extremely high priority. As for the two black coats on the bridge, Lu Shu thought of an explanation as well. Even though the Heavenly Network was adequately prepared, deploying their men early on, they did not have awakened metahumans to train with them for battle experience. Take Liang Che’s treatment as an example. After giving him a tranquilizer, they brought him back and did not have to put up much of a fight. With such good control of situations, the people of the Heavenly Network never had much experience with battle, which meant they would make mistakes when they really had to fight. This was extremely normal."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Listening to Africa’s Future Farmers NAIROBI – Africa is in the midst of a youth employment crisis. By 2035, some 350 million new jobs will be needed, and agriculture, the continent’s biggest industry, could provide the bulk of them. But at the moment, young Africans are shunning life on the farm for work in the city. If Africa’s employment gap is to be closed, agribusinesses must find ways to recruit younger hands. This challenge was the focus of my research as part of the Youth Think Tank, a youth-led research initiative in partnership with Restless Development Uganda and the Mastercard Foundation. In a recent report, we examined the experiences of young African agriculturalists in seven countries. And what we discovered is that the best way to entice young people back to the farm is by improving access to and engagement with emerging technologies. Many of the young people with whom we spoke said that their biggest obstacle to a career in farming is learning the digital and technical skills necessary to succeed in today’s agricultural market. With technologies like cloud computing, soil sensors, and weather drones changing how food is produced, packaged, and distributed, digital literacy is as important as arable land and high-quality seeds. It stands to reason, then, that if more young people could master digital skills, more would find work in the field. To understand how important technology is to the young African farmer, consider competition for land.", "zh": "聆听非洲未来农民 内罗毕—非洲陷入了一场青年就业危机。 到2035年，非洲需要大约3.5亿个新工作岗位，其最大产业农业能够提供其中的大部分。 但目前，非洲年轻人正在离开田间地头，来到城市中工作。 要想填补非洲就业缺口，农业企业必须设法招募更年轻的人手。 这一挑战是我的研究重点。 这项研究是由年轻人领衔、研究计划青年智库（Youth Think Tank）与不懈开发乌干达（Restless Development Uganda）和万事达卡基金会（Mastercard Foundation）合作开展的计划的一部分。 在最新报告中，我们考察了非洲多国年轻农业专家的经验。 我们发现，吸引年轻人重回农场的最佳办法是让他们能够获得和利用新兴技术。 与我们交流的许多年轻人说，他们务农的最大障碍是学习在当今农业市场中获得成功所必须的数字和科技技能。 云计算、土地传感器、天气无人机等技术正在改变粮食的生产、包装和分销方式，数字素质（digital literacy）与适耕土地和高质量种子一样重要。 因此，如果更多年轻人能够驾驭数字技能，就自然会有更多人在田间地头找到用武之地。 要理解技术对非洲年轻农民的重要性，可以考察以下土地竞争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Uniting for an Asian Century SEOUL – There is no question that Asia’s standing in the global economy is stronger than ever. The region now produces about 40% of the world’s GDP, measured according to purchasing power parity. During the recent economic crisis, Asia accounted for more than half of global GDP growth. Add to that a massive population and growing political influence, and Asia finally appears ready to lead on a world stage long dominated by the West. But it is too early to open the champagne. The United States and Europe maintain an advantage, in terms of global strategic influence, while Asian countries are facing major political, economic, and security challenges. In fact, Asia’s growth momentum is declining. China is working overtime to achieve an economic soft landing, following decades of breakneck expansion. Japan is preoccupied with escaping slow growth and coping with population aging. Asia’s other economic powerhouses – India, Indonesia, and South Korea – each face their own set of economic and political problems. Across the region, rising income inequality, financial instability, and environmental degradation are hampering development. More problematic, despite being deeply interdependent, the region’s countries struggle to act collectively. The persistence of power rivalries, historical resentments, and territorial disputes, together with pronounced disparities in economic and military might, create substantial obstacles to unity. A recent surge in coercive behavior by China, a nationalist revival in India, and a shift toward conservatism in Japan have exacerbated these challenges. But, at a time when Western countries are moving toward isolationism – exemplified by the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom and the election of Donald Trump as US president – intra-regional trade and investment are more important than ever. Beyond the economic benefits, integration would yield important political benefits, with an integrated Asia enjoying more influence on the international stage. To reap those benefits, Asia must mitigate regional military and political conflicts and develop a long-term vision for regional integration. Asia is home to some of the world’s most dangerous flashpoints. There is a risk of armed clashes in the East and South China Seas, and North Korea continues to develop nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, despite tougher sanctions pushed by the United States and the United Nations.", "zh": "为实现亚洲世纪而联合起来 发自首尔 — — 毫无疑问，如今亚洲在全球经济中的地位要比以往任何时候都更重要。 根据购买力平价计算，该地区目前生产了全球GDP中的约40 % 。 而在最近一次经济危机中，亚洲又贡献了全球GDP增长的一半以上。 再加上庞大的人口以及不断扩大的政治影响力，亚洲似乎终于在长期由西方主导的世界舞台上显露出了领头羊的气象。 但现在庆祝还为时过早。 美国和欧洲在全球战略影响力方面依然保持着优势，而亚洲各国则面临着重大的政治，经济和安全挑战。 事实上，亚洲的增长势头正在放缓。 经过几十年的突破性扩张之后，中国正在奋力实现经济软着陆。 日本急于脱离缓慢增长的泥潭并应对人口老龄化。 其他亚洲经济引擎 — — 印度，印尼和韩国 — — 都面临着各自的经济和政治问题。 整个地区不断扩大的收入不平等，金融不稳定和环境退化都在阻碍着发展。 但问题在于，尽管该地区各国互相依存程度极深，但仍然难以实现集体行动。 势力对抗，历史不满和领土争端的持续存在，以及经济和军事力量上的显着差异都对区域一体化造成了实质性障碍。 近期中国强硬行动的激增，印度民族主义复兴，以及日本向保守主义的转变都加剧了这些挑战。 但在这个西方国家走向孤立主义的时代 — — 以英国的脱欧公投和美国人选举特朗普为美国总统为标志 — — 区域内的贸易和投资会比以往任何时候都更重要。 除了经济效益之外一体化将产生重要的政治效益，令亚洲在国际舞台上更具影响力。 为了获得这些好处，亚洲必须减少区域内军事和政治冲突，并制定一套实现区域一体化的长期愿景。 亚洲是世界上其中一些最危险的火药桶的所在地。 在东中国海和南中国海存在着武装冲突的危险，而朝鲜不顾美国和联合国的更严厉制裁持续研发核武器和弹道导弹。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“快看，又有一个潜龙榜的人来到信河府了！” “你是说康兴平吧？虽然康兴平也入了潜龙榜第八十名，但是，与现在的信河府中那几位比，可是要差得太远了啊！” “确实啊，没想到不过是一个府试而已，居然引得这么多的人不远千里赶来信河府！唐玉成，潜龙榜第三十五名，观印境巅峰的实力！还有章和通，潜龙榜二十八名，两年前便已经达到观印境巅峰的实力，听说都已经摸到了聚星境的门槛了。” “特别是那个花康安！潜龙榜第二十名，聚星境实力，同时还位列升龙榜！没想到居然也跑到了信河府！” 几名才子们一边议论，一边发出一阵阵感叹。 “看来这次信河府的府试不好过啊，我都想换到别的府城去了，在这信河府参试，真是一种折磨啊！”", "en": "\"Quick look, another person from the Hidden Dragon Roll arrived at the River of Trust Capital!\" \"Are you talking about Kang Xingping? Even though Kang Xingping is number eighty in the Hidden Dragon Roll, but, compared to those few at the River of Trust Capital now, the difference is still huge!\" \"Indeed, I never thought that just a capital examination would attract so many people from faraway lands to participate! Tang Yucheng, number thirty-five in the Hidden Dragon Roll, with the enlightenment state of Divine Seal Peak State. And Zhang Hetong, number twenty-eight with the enlightenment state of Divine Seal Peak State two years ago. I heard that he had already touched the threshold of the Star Conglomerate State.\" \"Especially that Hua Kangan! Number twenty on the Hidden Dragon Roll, with the enlightenment state of the Star Conglomerate State. At the same time, his name is also on the Rising Dragon Roll! Who would have thought that he would actually come to the River of Trust!\" The few scholars sighed heavily as they discussed. \"Looks like this time’s River of Trust Capital examinations wouldn’t be easy to pass. Even I wish to change to some other capital. Taking the examination in this River of Trust capital is really a form of torture!\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加强计量科技基础及前沿技术研究，特别是物理常数等精密测量和量子计量基准研究，应对国际单位制中以量子物理为基础的自然基准取代实物基准的重大技术革命，建立新一代高准确度、高稳定性量子计量基准。突破关键技术，建立一批经济社会发展急需的国家计量基标准、社会公用计量标准。加快改造和提升国家计量基标准能力和水平。专栏2计量科技基础研究重点项目1.基本物理常数精密测量技术研究；2.量子基准核心量子器件研究；3.基于铯钟、光钟的新一代时间频率基准研究；4.新一代量子计量基准研究；5.生物计量基准研究；6.超快光学、太赫兹精密测量技术以及单光子测量技术研究；7.新一代基于原子尺度的纳米计量技术研究；8.新材料计量测试技术及复杂环境下材料微纳结构测量技术研究；9.经济安全、生物安全、医疗安全、能源资源、生态建设、环境保护、应对。气候变化、防灾减灾等领域计量溯源技术研究；10.高频天线计量关键技术研究；11.智能和互联式测量、嵌入式和普及式测量技术研究等。", "en": "Strengthen the research on the foundation and cutting-edge technology of metrology, especially the precise measurement of physical constants and the research on quantum metrology benchmarks, in response to the major technological revolution of replacing physical benchmarks with natural benchmarks based on quantum physics in the international system of units, and establish a new generation of high-accuracy and high-stability quantum metrology benchmarks. Breakthrough key technologies, establish a batch of national metrological standards urgently needed for economic and social development, and social public metrological standards. Accelerate the transformation and improvement of the national metrological standard capability and level. Column 2 Key projects in the research of metrology foundation technology: 1. Research on precise measurement technology of fundamental physical constants; 2. Research on core quantum devices for quantum benchmarks; 3. Research on new generation time-frequency benchmarks based on cesium clocks and optical clocks; 4. Research on new generation quantum metrology benchmarks; 5. Research on biological metrology benchmarks; 6. Research on ultrafast optical, terahertz precise measurement technology, and single-photon measurement technology; 7. Research on new generation nanometer metrology technology based on atomic scale; 8. Research on measurement technology of new materials and measurement technology of micro-nano structures of materials under complex environments; 9. Research on metrological traceability technology in the fields of economic security, biological security, medical security, energy resources, ecological construction, environmental protection, climate change response, disaster prevention and reduction, etc.; 10. Research on key technologies for high-frequency antenna metrology; 11. Research on intelligent and interconnected measurement, embedded and popularized measurement technology, etc."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, “‘Alaqima,” the plural form of the Arabic name “‘Alqami,” is now applied to the Shia as short-hand for treachery. Social media forums are replete with polemics about the Shia role in assisting both Mongol and US invaders. Many even claim that Iraq’s Shia are al-‘Alqami’s descendants, and that Nouri al-Maliki, Iraq’s Prime Minister, is his modern incarnation. These diatribes reflect Iraqi’s polarized historical memory. Despite ample historical evidence of peaceful inter-communal relations, many people – whether through simple ignorance of history or the need to assert the supremacy of one version of the truth – prefer to consecrate narratives of treachery and betrayal that perpetuate hatred. More important, the current situation reflects a lack of wisdom, responsibility, and basic decency on the part of political and religious leaders, who prefer to fuel, rather than dampen, inter-communal strife. Sadly, intolerance has now become a generalized condition. There is too little knowledge about other communities’ beliefs and history, and what little exists has been overwhelmed by sectarian anger and its poisonous rhetoric. As long as Sunnis and Shia refuse to think about their past together, it is difficult to foresee a tranquil future together. And if political and religious leaders are unable or unwilling to seek accommodation, it will be up to like-minded individuals, groups, and civil-society institutions to rebuild mutual respect and find ways to cooperate. Doing so will require knowledge, patience, and, above all, open minds and hearts.", "zh": "事实上 ， “ 阿尔恰米分子”即来源于阿拉伯名字“阿尔恰米 ” ， 现在被用来代称什叶派，意指他们是变节者。 社交媒体论坛充斥着关于什叶派勾结蒙古和美国侵略者的辩论。 许多人甚至将伊拉克什叶派称为阿尔恰米的后代，把伊拉克总理马利基说成是当代阿尔恰米。 这些诽谤之词反映了伊拉克人历史记忆的两极分化。 尽管充分的历史证据表明两派之间曾经和平共处，但许多人 — — 不管是出于对历史的无知，还是出于维护某种版本的真相的至高无上性的需要 — — 更愿意相信延续仇恨的关于变节和背叛的圣谕。 更重要的是，当前的局面反映了政治和宗教领袖缺乏智慧、责任和基本尊重，他们更喜欢助推而不是消弭宗派冲突。 令人悲伤的是，偏隘已成为一般现象。 对其他派别的信仰和历史了解太少，仅存的一些理解也被宗派愤怒和恶意中伤所压倒。 只要逊尼派和什叶派拒绝共同思索他们的过去，就很难预见和平共处的未来。 而如果政治和宗教领袖无力或不愿寻求妥协，就必须依靠观念相近的个人、组织和公民社会机构来重建互相尊重、寻找合作之路。 而这需要知识、耐心，以及最重要的，开放的思维和心态。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Making Open Data a Reality NEW YORK – The idea of open data has gone mainstream. Yet despite the far-reaching benefits of freely sharing data, there is still a long way to go before it becomes common practice. In the last five years, major private and public research funders – including the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the Wellcome Trust, the National Institutes of Health (NIH), and NASA – have instituted data-sharing policies, and municipal, state, and country governments in the United States have been promoting open data portals. Academic publishers, too, have embraced open data, and individual scholarly journals have established policies that encourage, expect, or even require sharing data. But the actual practice of sharing data has stagnated. In Figshare’s 2017 open data report, 60% of 2,300 surveyed researchers declared that they shared their data “either frequently or sometimes,” but only 20-30% shared “frequently.” Another recent study of 1,200 researchers found that “less than 15% of researchers share data in a data repository.” Data openness is certainly not the default in my field, the social sciences. Clearly, the prevailing policy approach to promoting open data – if you mandate it, they will share, to paraphrase Field of Dreams – is not working. To bring about change, researchers themselves must embrace data sharing.", "zh": "让开放数据成为现实 纽约 — — 开放数据的理念已经成为主流。 尽管自由分享数据能够带来意义深远的好处，但要成为普遍做法还有很长的路要走。 过去五年中，主要私人及公共研究出资机构 — — 包括比尔和梅琳达盖茨基金、威康信托基金、美国国立卫生研究院（NIH）以及美国国家航空航天局 — — 均不约而同的制定了数据共享政策，同时美国市、 州和国家级政府一直在推动开放数据门户。 学术出版商也接受了开放数据，而某些学术期刊 甚至制定了鼓励、期望乃至要求分享数据的政策。 但共享数据的实际操作却已陷入停滞。 Figshares2017年的开放数据报告显示，2，300名接受调查的研究人员有60%宣称自己“经常或有时”分享数据，但选择“经常”分享的仅占20~30 % 。 不久前，另一项针对1，200名研究人员的研究 发现，只有“不到15%的研究人员在数据库中共享数据 。 ” 在我所研究的社会科学领域，数据开放显然还没有普及。 显而易见，促进开放数据的主流政策其实行不通，该政策的理念模仿梦想之地，该政策想当然地认为如果你强制分享，人们就会遵守规定。 要想真的实现变革，研究人员自己必须接受共享数据。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Secret of Dubai’s Success DUBAI – As governments across the Middle East try to wean themselves off natural resources and build diversified, resilient economies, they should take some lessons from Dubai. It’s a remarkable story. In less than a generation, Dubai has transformed itself into a major center for investment, commerce, and high-end culture. Although the 2008 global financial crisis hit the city-state hard (owing to its exposure to inflated real-estate assets), it recovered quickly, as evidenced by its bids for events such as the World Expo 2020. How Dubai managed not only to survive, but to thrive, in the wake of the crisis warrants closer scrutiny. So, this past summer, I began investigating the so-called Dubai model of resilient growth, and the challenges that may lie ahead for it. As part of my research, I conducted more than 40 in-depth interviews with government officials and business elites, and fleshed out my findings with secondary data sources. Dubai’s growth and resilience is attributable to its “ABS model” of attraction, branding, and state-led development. Just as a car’s anti-lock braking system prevents it from skidding out of control in dangerous situations, Dubai’s three-prong strategy keeps its development agenda on track, even during economic crises. With respect to state-led development, Dubai’s approach is typical of Gulf states. Its society adheres to tribal traditions that afford its ruling elite, headed by the royal family, a paternal and omnipotent role in determining the direction and form of economic development.", "zh": "迪拜成功的秘密 迪拜 — — 随着中东各国政府试图摆脱对自然资源的依赖并建立多样化、适应性强的经济，他们应当学习迪拜的经验。 迪拜的故事令人叹为观止。 迪拜只用了不到一代人的时间就实现了向投资商业和高端文化重要中心的转型。 虽然2008年全球金融危机沉重打击了这个城市国家（因为其不动产资产风险高涨 ） ， 但迪拜经济迅速得到了恢复，这一点由于迪拜申请主办2020年世博会而得到了证实。 我们应当仔细思考迪拜是怎样不仅在面对危机时生存下来，而且还实现了发展和繁荣。 因此，今年夏天，我开始调研所谓的迪拜弹性增长模式，以及这种模式可能面临的挑战。 在研究中，我与政府官员和商界精英进行了40多次深度访谈，并以辅助数据资源来充实我的研究成果。 迪拜的经济增长和适应性应归功于其吸引力、品牌和国家主导发展的“ABS模式 ” 。 就像汽车的防抱死制动系统防止其在危险环境下侧滑失控，迪拜的三管齐下战略保证其发展计划不偏离轨道，即使是在经济危机之中。 在国家主导的经济发展方面，迪拜模式代表了海湾国家的典型。 迪拜社会坚持部落传统，支持由王室家族领导的精英统治者在决定经济发展方向及形式方面发挥无所不能的家长式作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Chen’s case, like so many others in China, reminds us how incomplete Chinese legal reform has been. Despite the many laws enacted, lawyers trained, courtrooms built, and millions of technical-assistance dollars spent, China’s legal institutions remain weak, especially when the cases brought before them have – or acquire – political implications. Legal activism in China is not unprecedented. In 1923, more than 100 Chinese judges, prosecutors, and clerks resigned en masse to protest trumped-up corruption charges against the then-finance minister. Their primary concern was the government’s interference in the legal process in its pursuit of the case. “We have labored diligently and carefully.…[to see] that a strong foundation of our judicial system should be laid,” they wrote in their resignation letter. As a result of the government’s threat to the independence of the judiciary, they concluded, “the bone and sinew of the results of our long and hard labors thus become as running water.” Lawyers argue unpopular positions. They challenge the establishment. Chen has paid a terrible price for living up to the ideals of the profession. At a time when the legal academy and the profession are under attack in the US, Chen’s case is a reminder of what strong lawyers and legal institutions provide to a society.", "zh": "陈光诚的案子与中国很多其他人的情况如出一辙，这告诉我们中国的法制改革还非常不健全。 尽管中国制定了许多法律，培养了很多律师，建造了许多审判室，给予了数百万美元的技术援助，但是中国的法律制度仍然很薄弱，尤其是当摆在其面前的案件会产生政治影响的时候。 中国的法制行动主义并非没有先例。 1923年，中国的100多名法官，检察官和书记员集体辞职，抗议时任财政部长莫须有的贪污罪名。 在其审理案件的法律过程中，他们最担心的是政府的干预。 “我们辛勤努力，兢兢业业，是为了看到我们的司法制度奠定坚实的基础 ” ， 他们在辞职信中写道。 由于政府给司法独立带来威胁，他们得出结论 ， “ 我们长期辛勤劳动的结果全都付之东流了 ” 。 律师站在不受欢迎的立场上。 他们挑战建立的法制体系。 陈光诚为了实现行业理想而付出了惨痛的代价。 当法学院和法律行业遭到美国攻击的时候，陈光诚的案件让我们深刻反思强大的律师和法律机构应该向社​​会提供什么。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Well, I would not care, I would forget her and her barbed words. A new confidence had been born in me when I burnt that page and scattered the fragments. The past would not exist for either of us; we were starting afresh, he and I. The past had blown away like the ashes in the waste-paper basket. I was going to be Mrs de Winter. I was going to live at Manderley. Soon she would be gone, rattling alone in the waggon-lit without me, and he and I would be together in the dining-room of the hotel, lunching at the same table, planning the future. The brink of a big adventure. Perhaps, once she had gone, he would talk to me at last, about loving me, about being happy. Up to now there had been no time, and anyway those things are not easily said, they must wait their moment. I looked up, and caught her reflection in the looking- glass. She was watching me, a little tolerant smile on her lips. I thought she was going to be generous after all, hold out her hand and wish me luck, give me encouragement and tell me that everything was going to be all right. But she went on smiling, twisting a stray hair into place beneath her hat. 'Of course,' she said, 'you know why he is marrying you, don't you? You haven't flattered yourself he's in love with you? The fact is that empty house got on his nerves to such an extent he nearly went off his head. He admitted as much before you came into the room. He just can't go on living there alone…'", "zh": "哼，我才不管她那一套。我将忘掉她，忘掉她带刺的话语。就在刚才焚烧扉页的时候，我心里产生了新的信念。过去已一笔勾销，我和他要开始新的生活。犹如废纸篓里的纸灰，如烟的往事已被风吹散。我即将成为德温特夫人，即将到曼德利安居乐业。 她马上就会离去，独自一人坐上咣当响的火车。而我和他将到旅馆的餐厅里，坐在同一张桌旁吃饭和规划未来。我正处于一个伟大历程的起点。也许待她走后，他最终会向我倾心吐胆，说他爱我，说他感到幸福。直到现在他都抽不出一点时间，在这，这种话不是轻易说的，必须等到时机成熟。我一抬头，看见了她在镜子里的映像。她在观察我的表情，嘴角挂着一丝宽容的微笑。我心想，她终于要表现出大度的姿态了，伸出手祝我走运，说些鼓励的话，告诉我事事都将一帆风顺。可是，她仍在那里冷笑，把一绺散开的头发卷起塞进帽子下。 “当然，”她说道，“你知道他为什么要娶你，对不对？你不至于自作多情，认为他爱你吧？其实全因为他家的空房子使他神经紧张，简直要让他发疯。你进来之前，他对我交了底。他不能孤身一人在那儿生活……”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Better rules regarding trade and markets can help improve food security by supporting efforts to create jobs, raise incomes, and boost agricultural productivity sustainably. Better-functioning markets would also bolster the food system’s resilience to global warming, as temperature and precipitation patterns change, and extreme weather events such as droughts, floods, and storms become more frequent and intense. At the same time, the recent uptick in hunger and malnutrition must be seen in the context of the significant progress achieved in the last quarter-century. During this period, tens of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty and food insecurity as average incomes have risen and markets have become more integrated. According to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, trade in food and agriculture has more than doubled in real terms since 1995, with the share of trade between developing countries also growing rapidly. Recently, new digital technologies have contributed to a transformation in food and agricultural markets by increasing productivity and easing cross-border trade in goods and services. Furthermore, countries have negotiated and signed a growing number of new bilateral and regional trade agreements as they seek to improve their market access and deepen integration with trading partners – both in neighboring regions and farther afield. But, efforts to update global trade rules for food and agriculture have advanced only slowly. At a 2015 meeting in Nairobi, trade ministers struck a deal to end agricultural export subsidies, thereby fulfilling one clear commitment under the SDGs. And in Bali two years earlier, countries reached an agreement under WTO auspices on other food and agriculture issues as part of a broader trade package. But much more needs to be done in order to address longstanding problems in food and agricultural markets, and ensure that global rules are also fit for purpose in the future. In the run-up to the WTO’s ministerial conference, I am chairing talks among negotiators on a slate of seven farm-trade topics, including subsidies for goods such as cotton, restrictions on food exports, and the challenge of improving farmers’ access to markets. Also on the agenda are rules governing the procurement of food for public stocks, safeguards for farm goods, and rules on measures that resemble export subsidies. In all areas, improving transparency by making more information easily available is a critical concern for many countries.", "zh": "更好的贸易和市场规则可以支持创造就业机会、增加收入和可持续地提高农业生产力的措施，从而有助于改善粮食安全。 随着温度和降水模式发生变化，以及干旱、洪水和风暴等极端天气事件变得更加频繁和剧烈，运转良好的市场还可以增强粮食体系面对全球变暖的韧性。 与此同时，最近饥饿和营养不良的上升必须置于过去四分之一世纪取得重大进展的背景下看待。 在此期间，随着平均收入的提高和市场更加一体化，数以千万计的人摆脱了贫困和粮食不安全。 根据联合国粮食及农业组织的数据，自 1995 年以来，粮食和农业贸易实际增长了一倍以上，发展中国家之间的贸易份额也在快速增长。 最近，新的数字技术通过提高生产力和放宽跨境商品和服务贸易，促进了粮食和农业市场的转型。 此外，各国在寻求改善市场准入、深化与邻近和更远地区的贸易伙伴的一体化的过程中，谈判和签署了越来越多的新双边和区域贸易协定。 但是，更新全球粮食和农业贸易规则的措施进展缓慢。 2015 年在内罗毕举行的一次会议上，贸易部长们达成了一项终止农业补贴的协议，从而实现了SDG下的一项明确承诺。 两年前在巴厘岛，各国在世贸组织的主持下就其他粮食和农业问题达成协议，作为更广泛的贸易方案的一部分。 但要解决粮食和农业市场长期存在的问题，并确保全球规则适用于未来的目的，还需要做更多的工作。 在世贸组织部长级会议即将召开之际，我正在主持谈判代表之间的对华，讨论七个农业贸易问题，包括对棉花等商品的补贴、对粮食出口的限制以及改善农民市场准入的挑战。 议程还包括公共库存粮食采购规则、农产品保障措施以及类似出口补贴的措施的规则。 在所有领域，通过让更多信息更容易获取来提高透明度是许多国家的一个关键问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We went to great lengths to stress that this diet is flexible and can be adapted to different cultures and different produce, whether Asian, European, African, or those of the Americas. The common Mediterranean diet of a generation ago, with plenty of fresh vegetables and fruit, has much in common with our planetary health diet. Similarly, those of us in Nordic countries used to consume less meat and fewer dairy products, in line with the Commission’s recommendation. It is important to recognize that shifting to the planetary health diet will not in itself lead to sustainable production. We also need to improve how we produce what we eat. There is no single path to sustainable production. Whether food producers operate large businesses, intensive farms, smallholdings, or organic farms, all can support the dietary and sustainability transition. Since the report was launched, the Commission has been overwhelmed by the support shown for its conclusions. At the same time, several industry groups and other commentators have argued that meat and dairy are an important part of a nutritious diet. While I agree that they can be part of a healthy diet, that part should be much smaller than it is today. Some argue that it simply is not feasible for large populations to adopt healthy, sustainable diets. Globally, however, we can trace how diets have changed dramatically in recent decades. Now, we want the report to start a discussion among all stakeholders – from farmers to consumers – about what we will be eating, and how we produce it, ten, 20, and 30 years from now. If we can do that, our food system can benefit, rather than harm, our own health and that of the planet.", "zh": "我们还着力强调这套饮食计划是灵活的，可以根据不同文化和不同产品调整，不管是亚洲人、欧洲人、非洲人还是美国人。 一代人之前的常见地中海饮食包括足量新鲜蔬菜和水果，与我们的地球健康饮食有很多重叠之处。 类似地，我们北欧国家的人们过去消费肉食和奶制品较少，与委员会的建议相符。 一个要点是认识到向地球健康饮食的转变本身无法带来可持续生产。 我们还必须改善我们生产粮食的方式。 可持续生产没有捷径。 不管是经营大企业、密集农场、小块农田还是有机农场，都可以支持饮食和可持续性大转型。 自报告发布以来，委员会的结论得到了一边倒的支持。 与此同时，一些产业集团和其他评论者指出，肉食和奶制品是营养饮食的重要组成部分。 我同意它们能够成为健康饮食的一部分，但这一部分应该比今天的比重小得多。 有人指出，让庞大的人口接受健康可持续的饮食根本不可行。 但放眼全球，我们能够跟踪到近几十年来饮食的巨大改变。 如今，我们希望这份报告能够开启所有相关利益者之间 — — 从农民到消费者 — — 关于我们未来十年、20年、30年吃什么、怎么生产这些粮食的讨论。 如果我们能够做到这一点，我们的粮食体系就将有利而非有害于我们的健康和地球的健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Strange Case of American Inequality BERKELEY – Unless something goes unexpectedly wrong in 2014, the level of real per capita GDP in the United States will match and exceed its 2007 level. That is not good news. To see why, consider that, during the two business cycles that preceded the 2007 downturn, the US economy’s real per capita GDP grew at a 2% average annual pace; indeed, for a century or so, the US economy’s real per capita GDP grew at that rate. So US output is now seven years – 14% – below the level that was reasonably expected back in 2007. And there is nothing on the horizon that would return the US economy to – or even near – its growth path before the 2008 financial crisis erupted. The only consolation – and it is a bleak consolation indeed – is that Europe and Japan are doing considerably worse relative to the 2007 benchmark. The US economy’s annual per capita underperformance in 2014 will thus amount to $9,000. That means $9,000 per person per year in consumer durables not purchased, vacations not taken, investments not made, and so forth. By the end of 2014, the cumulative per capita waste from the crisis and its aftermath will total roughly $60,000. If we project that forward – with nothing visible to restore the US to its pre-2008 growth path – at the annual real discount rate of 6% that we apply to equity earnings, the future costs are $150,000 per capita. If we use the 1.6% annual real discount rate at which the US Treasury can borrow via 30-year inflation-protected Treasuries, the future per capita costs are $550,000. And if we combine the costs of idle workers and capital during the downturn and the harm done to the US economy’s future growth path, the losses reach 3.5-10 years of total output. That is a higher share of America’s productive capabilities than the Great Depression subtracted – and the US economy is 16 times larger than it was in 1928 (5.5 times larger in per capita terms).", "zh": "美国不平等性的怪异之处 伯克利—除非2014年出现意料之外的重大不利事件，否则美国实际人均GDP水平将达到或超过2007年水平。 这并不是好消息。 想知道为什么，可以考察一下2007年衰退之前的两个商业周期。 在这两个周期中，美国经济实际人均GDP平均每年增长2 % ； 事实上，在大约一个世纪的时间里，美国经济的实际人均GDP都在以这个速度增长。 因此，目前美国产出应该比2007年的产出水平高14 % ， 也就是说，目前的美国产出落后了七年。 此外，也找不到任何迹象表明美国经济能回到2008年金融危机爆发前的增长路径，即使接近也难以办到。 唯一值得安慰的是 — — 事实上只能说是不幸中的大幸 — — 欧洲和日本的情况也比2007年基准糟糕得多。 因此，2014年，美国经济的年人均GDP表现将比正常水平低9,000美元。 这意味着每个美国人每年在耐用消费品、度假、投资等方面少花了9,000美元。 到2014年年底，危机以来人均累计浪费总额将达到约60,000美元。 如果我们把这一预测外推 — — 没有迹象表明美国会回到2008年之前的增长路径上去 — — 股票收益实际年折现率按6%计算，那么未来成本将是人均150,000美元。 如果我们用1.6%的实际年折现率 — — 即30年期美国通胀保护国债利率 — — 那么未来人均成本是550,000美元。 如果我们把衰退期间的闲置工人和资本的成本以及对美国经济未来增长路径的伤害计算在内，则损失将达到3.5—10年的总产出。 这比大萧条对美国生产力的侵蚀比例还要大 — — 而��国经济规模比1928年大了16倍（以人均衡量则大了5.5倍 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Problem with “China Bashing” Pressure on China today to push up the value of the yuan against the dollar is eerily similar to the pressure on Japan 30 years ago to make the yen appreciate. Back then, “Japan bashing” came to mean the threat of US trade sanctions unless Japan softened competitive pressure on American industries. By 1995, the Japanese economy had become so depressed by the overvalued yen ( endaka fukyo ) that the Americans relented and an­nounced a new “strong dollar” policy. Now “China bashing” has taken over, and the result could be just as bad, if not worse. By 2000, China’s bilateral trade surplus was as large as Japan’s; by 2004, it was twice as large. Whereas Japan bashing included “vol­untary” restraints on exports that threatened US heavy industries, where lobbies were concentrated and politically potent, recent Chinese exports have mainly been low- to middle-tech products of light industry. Thus, China bashing primarily means pressure to revalue the yuan. However, this demand is as unwarranted now as was pressure on Japan to make the yen appreciate. The financial press and many influential economists argue that a major de­preciation of the dollar is needed to correct America’s external deficit.", "zh": "“排华风潮”的问题所在 当前人民币相对美元升值的压力和30年前日本在日元升值上所承受的压力极其相似。 当年“排日风潮”的意思是除非日本软化其对于美国产业的竞争压力，否则美国将以贸易制裁相威胁。 到了1995年，日本经济在过度升值的日元影响下变得如此低迷，以至于美国也变得温和，并宣布实施新的“强势美元”政策。 现在又轮到“排华风潮”了，而其结果的严重程度可能比日本所遭遇的有过之而无不及。 2000年，中国对美国的贸易顺差和日本相当；而到了2004年则是日本的两倍。 排日风潮包括（日本 ） “ 主动”对威胁美国重工业的商品出口进行限制。 （美国国内）在这方面游说的政治势力非常强大和集中。 而近期中国的出口商品主要是中、低档的轻工业品，因此，排华风潮首先意味着为人民币重新估价的压力。 然而，这种需求就如同当初迫使日元升值的压力一样，是毫无根据的。 财经媒体和许多有影响的经济学家都认为需要对美元来一次重大贬值，以扭转美国国内赤字的状况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Harder to assess, but potentially far more insidious, is the erosion of public trust in core institutions in the advanced economies. Although economists have endless debates about whether culture or institutions lie at the root of economic performance, there is every reason to be concerned that the recent wave of populism is a threat to both. Nowhere is this truer than in the US, where Trump has engaged in unrelenting attacks on institutions ranging from the mainstream media to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, not to mention adopting a rather cavalier attitude toward basic economic facts. At the same time, the left seems eager to portray anyone who substantively disagrees with its proposals as an enemy of the people, helping fuel both economic illiteracy and a hollowing out of the center. Beyond existential risks, there are near-term risks. One, of course, is a potential sharp growth slowdown in China, which more than any other major economy in the world today seems vulnerable to a significant financial crisis. Perhaps the number one risk to the global economy in 2018, however, is anything that leads to a significant rise in real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates. Low interest rates and easy monetary policy have papered over a multitude of financial vulnerabilities around the world, from Italian and Japanese government debt to high corporate dollar debt in many emerging markets, and perhaps account for political support for trillion-dollar deficits in the US. Admittedly, markets see little chance of any significant rise in global interest rates in 2018.", "zh": "而更为难以评估但潜在风险更大的则是先进经济体中公众对核心机制信任度的逐渐流失。 虽然经济学家针对文化或制度是否决定经济表现的问题一直未有定论，但有理由担心最近的民粹主义浪潮对两者来说都是一种威胁。 这个情况最严峻的莫过于美国了，特朗普持续不断地对美国主流媒体和联邦调查局等机构口诛笔伐，更别说对基本的经济事实都嗤之以鼻。 与此同时左派似乎一心要将任何对其政策建议持不同意见的人描绘为人民的敌人，一方面推动经济无知化，另一方面又在分化中间派。 除了上述存续性风险之外还存在一些近期的风险。 当然，其中之一是中国经济增长速度的放缓 — — 这个国家比当今世界其他任何主要经济体都更容易受到严重金融危机的冲击。 但2018年全球经济所面临的头号风险或许是那些可能导致实际（去除通胀因素后）利率大幅上涨的因素。 低利率和宽松的货币政策掩盖了全球各地的严重金融脆弱性 — — 从意大利和日本的政府债务到许多新兴市场极高的企业美元债务 — — 也许也可以解释美国数十亿美元赤字背后的政治支撑需求。 不可否认的是，2018年全球利率大幅上涨的可能性不大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another post, published in July, explicitly challenged the BoE’s “official” view that as the economy recovers, we can expect non-financial companies to begin to run down their cash balances to fund investment. The authors, Katie Farrant and Magda Rutkowska, suggest that corporate behavior may have changed as a result of the financial crisis, as difficulties in accessing bank financing led them to increase their cash buffers permanently. If true, this has important implications for the financial system, and especially for banks. In its short life, Bank Underground has already proved its worth. The BoE’s governor, Mark Carney, deserves great credit for allowing us to peer through a small crack in the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street’s façade (assuming, of course, that the blog is not a wholly unlicensed initiative!). Perhaps we will eventually see the emergence of a rival Fed Subway blog, though I am not optimistic about the prospects for an ECB U-Bahn blog anytime soon. In the meantime, I plan to spend more time underground. The light seems to be better there.", "zh": "7月份发布的另一篇帖子矛头直指英格兰银行的“官方”观点 — — 随着经济的复苏，我们可以预期非金融公司开始削减现金余额，出资投资。 该帖子的作者凯迪·法兰特（Katie Farrant）和玛格达·鲁特科夫斯卡（Magda Rutkowska）认为，公司行为可能因为金融危机而已经发生了改变，难以获得银行融资导致他们永久性增加想现金缓冲。 果真如此的话，这将对金融体系特别是银行形成重大影响。 建立时间不长的地下银行已经证明了它的价值。 英格兰银行行长马克·卡尼（Mark Carney）让我们得以通过地下银行一窥针线大街老妪（Old Lady of Threadneedle Street ） ， 应该受到赞扬（当然，假设该博客并非完全是未经许可的自说自话！ ） 。 也许我们最终会看到与之对立的地铁美联储（Fed Subway）博客，尽管我对于很快出现地铁欧洲央行（ECB U-Bahn）并不乐观。 与此同时，我打算在地下花更多的时间。 看起来那里的光线更好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ochlocracy results from politicians using cheap gifts and seductive talk to attract voters who don’t appreciate their freedom, because they have never experienced the abuses or repression of non-democratic governance. As Polybius explains in The Histories: “As long as some of those survive who experienced the evils of oligarchical dominion, they are well pleased with the present form of government, and set a high value on equality and freedom of speech. But when a new generation arises and the democracy falls into the hands of the grandchildren (…), they have become so accustomed to freedom and equality that they no longer value them. (…) So when they begin to lust for power and cannot attain it through themselves or their own good qualities, they ruin their estates, tempting and corrupting the people in every possible way. And (…) democracy in its turn is abolished and changes into a rule of force and violence.” Before Polybius, both Plato and Aristotle also agreed that democracy is potentially vulnerable to ever-changing and easily manipulated public moods. In our time, we call this populism, a label that allows us to shift all the blame for democratic backsliding onto individual populist figures like Trump, Le Pen, and Salvini. But while these politicians have fomented fear of immigrants and polarized public opinion, they are not operating in a vacuum. They owe their political successes to voters (and, in Trump’s case, to many American conservative elites).", "zh": "暴民政治的根源是政客利用廉价的礼物和诱导性言论来吸引那些不在意自由的选民，因为他们从未真正经历过非民主执政的暴行和镇压问题。 波利比乌斯在历史这部著作中这样解释： “只要某些幸存者曾经历过寡头统治的邪恶，他们就会对目前的政府形式感到满意，并对平等和言论自由给予高度的重视。 但当新的一代崛起，从而导致民主落入到孙辈们的手中 （ … ） ， 他们已完全习惯了自由和平等，以至于他们对此不再重视。 （ … ）因此，当他们开始渴望权力却无法通过自身力量或自身的优良品质获得这些权力时，他们就会毁掉自己的财产，并以各种可能的方式对民众进行诱惑和腐蚀。 而 （ … ）民主反过来又被废除，并演变为武力和暴力执政 。 ” 在波利比乌斯之前，柏拉图和亚里士多德一致认为不断变化且容易操纵的公众情绪可能影响到民主。 我们这个时代称之为民粹主义，这个标签让我们可以将民主倒退的所有责任转嫁给特朗普、勒庞和萨尔维尼等民粹主义人物。 但尽管上述政客煽动对移民的恐惧并分化公众舆论，他们并不是在真空中操作。 他们的政治成功应归功于选民（就特朗普的情况而言，应归功于许多美国保守派精英人士 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turning the Page on Ebola WASHINGTON, DC – The Ebola outbreak that began last year in Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia, three of the four countries of the Mano River Union, is the most severe on record since the disease was first diagnosed in Central Africa in 1976. The impact of the epidemic has been devastating, calling into question our three countries’ significant socioeconomic progress in the aftermath of decades of conflict and instability. The region has so far registered a total of 25,791 cases and 10,689 deaths – almost ten times the number of deaths from all other Ebola epidemics combined. For 2014, the projected growth rates for our three countries were 4.5%-11.3%. These projections have now been reduced to 2.2% at best. In the absence of mitigation measures, a recession cannot be ruled out. The uncontrolled spread of the disease exposed the shortcomings of our national health care systems, as well as regional and global institutions’ weak capacity for coordination and effective response. Simply put, we were ill prepared to cope with, much less prevent, an outbreak on this scale. We bear a collective responsibility for the thousands of lives lost to Ebola and the tens of thousands affected by the disease. And, today, thanks to institutional improvement and adaptation, we are closer to winning the fight against Ebola. Although the disease has not been contained and eradicated throughout the region, its spread has slowed; now we have to start planning our recovery, which must include strengthening the national, regional, and international systems that protect our people’s lives and futures. We, the presidents of the three affected countries, met in Conakry, Guinea, in February, joined by Côte d’Ivoire, to adopt a common strategy to end the epidemic and guide post-Ebola socioeconomic recovery. This meeting was followed by a donors meeting in Brussels at the beginning of March, and a meeting in Freetown, Sierra Leone, two weeks later to coordinate our technical committees. We will continue to build on these efforts in Washington, DC, at the spring meetings of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.", "zh": "翻过埃博拉这一页 华盛顿—去年始于马诺河联盟（Mano River Union）四国之三的几内亚、塞拉利昂和利比里亚的埃博拉是该疾病自1976年在中非首次确诊以来最严重的一次。 埃博拉的影响是灾难性的，我们三国的在数十年冲突和动荡后所取得的重大社会经济进步岌岌可危。 到目前为止，该地区报告25,791起病例，其中死亡病例10,689起 — — 几乎是此前各次埃博拉爆发死亡人数的总和。 2014年，我们三国预计增长率为4.5 % — 11.3 % 。 如今，预测值以下调到2.2%或以下。 如果没有遏制措施，衰退将是难以避免的。 埃博拉的不受控蔓延暴露出我们的国民医疗体系的缺陷，也暴露出地区和全球机构协作和有效响应能力不足。 简言之，我们对于这种规模的大爆发应对准备不足，更不用说预防了。 我们对于埃博拉影响地区因此丧生的数千条生命有着集体责任。 如今，感谢机构改善和适应，我们距离战胜埃博拉又近了一步。 尽管埃博拉在该地区尚未得到遏制和根除，但其传播已经放慢；现在，我们必须开始恢复计划，而这必须包括强化保护我们的人民的生命和未来的国家、地区和国际体系。 作为三个受影响国的总统，2月份我们三人在几内亚科纳克里（Conakry）举行了会晤。 我们与科特迪瓦一道采取了一项共同战略消灭埃博拉和疫后经济社会恢复。 这次会晤后，3月初布鲁塞尔举行了出资人会议，两周后，塞拉利昂弗里敦（Freetown）又举行了协调我们的技术委员会的会议。 我们将在华盛顿国际货币基金组织（IMF）和世界银行春季会议上继续这方面的努力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Eternal Return of the Plague NORMAN, OKLAHOMA – “Fearsome Plague Epidemic Strikes Madagascar.” That recent New York Times headline might sound like the synopsis of a horror movie. The epidemic gripping Madagascar is not just any plague, and it certainly isn’t some Hollywood apocalypse. It’s the plague, caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, agent of the notorious bubonic plague. For most people, “the plague” conjures up images of the medieval Black Death, and perhaps a vaguely reassuring sense that, in the developed world, such ancient dangers are long past. But in recent years, thanks to the work of geneticists, archaeologists, and historians, we now know that human civilization and the plague have a much deeper and more intimate association than previously assumed. Lessons learned from studying this historic interaction could reshape how we think about global public health today. All infectious diseases are caused by pathogens – bacteria, viruses, protozoa, and parasites – that are capable of subverting our immune systems long enough to make us sick. These organisms are the product of their own biological evolution, and the history of the plague’s development is perhaps (along with maybe HIV) the most detailed biography of any pathogen known to science. The plague bacterium, in its most destructive form, is about 3,000 years old. It evolved in Central Asia as a rodent disease; humans were accidental victims.", "zh": "瘟疫的永恒回归 诺曼，俄克拉荷马 — — “可怕的瘟疫疾病袭击马达加斯加 。 ” 最近纽约时报的头版头条可能听上去像一部恐怖电影的剧情梗概。 肆虐马达加斯加的传染病不仅仅是瘟疫，当然也不是某种由好莱坞杜撰的世界末日。 这是一种由鼠疫杆菌引起的细菌性瘟疫，臭名昭著的黑死病就是由鼠疫杆菌造成的。 对多数人来说 ， “ 瘟疫”使人联想起中世纪黑死病的形象，或许无形中还有一种模模糊糊但放心感，那就是在发达国家，如此古老的危险早已过去了。 但近年来，由于遗传学家、考古学家和历史学家的努力，我们现在知道人类文明和瘟疫之间的关系比以前所想象的要紧密得多。 研究这一历史性事件所获得的经验教训或许可以完全改变我们如何认识今天的全球公共健康。 所有传染病均由病原体引起 — — 包括细菌、病毒、原生动物和寄生虫 — — 它们能长时间颠覆我们的免疫系统，使我们患病。 这些有机体是我们自身生物进化的产物，而瘟疫发展史（再加上艾滋病毒）或许是科学上已知的任何病原体最详细的进化记录。 鼠疫病菌最具破坏力的形式出现已经有大约3000年的历史。 它在中亚地区演变为一种啮齿动物疾病；人类不过是偶然的牺牲品。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s New Democracy Movement BERKELEY – In last November’s US midterm elections, voters sent a clear message about the concerns weighing on their minds and the values they hold most dear. Not only was this midterm cycle the most expensive on record – owing to unprecedented fundraising gains by Democratic candidates – but voter turnout was the highest in at least 50 years, rivaling the turnout for presidential elections. Propelled by fundraising and turnout, Democrats won 40 seats and reclaimed control of the House of Representatives, hitting Republicans with the biggest midterm losses since 1974, three months after President Richard Nixon resigned. Notably, Latino turnout was up significantly, and there will now be a record-high 42 Latino members of Congress. It was also an historic year for female candidates; the next Congress will include 126 female lawmakers – the largest cohort ever. Clearly, President Donald Trump’s behavior in office helped energize female and Latino Democratic candidacies last year. But Trump also amplified voter turnout on the Republican side, by actively campaigning for the party’s candidates. The Republicans’ losses in the House have thus been widely interpreted as a repudiation of Trump and his policies. Since the election, the media’s attention has largely been focused on what the outcome means for the 2020 presidential election cycle, which is already underway.", "zh": "美国的新民主运动 发自伯克利 — — 在去年11月的美国中期选举中，选民发出了一个与他们内心忧虑以及最为珍视的价值观有关的明确信号。 这不仅造就了史上花费最为巨大的中期选举 — — 民主党候选人的竞选筹款额创下历史新高 — — 而选民投票率也是过去至少50年来最高的，几乎媲美总统大选的投票率。 在筹款和投票率推动下，民主党赢得了40个席位并重新控制了众议院，也让共和党人遭受了自1974年以来最大的中期选举惨败 — — 当时总统理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixon）刚辞职三个月。 值得注意的是，拉丁裔投票率显著提高，也将拉丁裔国会议员的人数提升到了创纪录的42位。 这对女性候选人来说也是历史性的一年；下一届国会将拥有126位女性立法者 — — 也是破纪录的数量。 显然，特朗普总统在任期间的行为激励了2018年的女性和拉丁裔民主党候选人。 但特朗普也通过积极争取共和党候选人助选来扩大了本党选民投票率。 因此共和党人在众议院的落败被普遍解释为对特朗普及其政策的否定。 而媒体则在选举结束后将注意力集中到了其结果对（目前已经展开的）2020年总统选举周期的影响上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Several countries in the periphery (Greece, Spain, and Portugal) were responsible for the circumstances that led to and precipitated the crisis, and there may be fundamental solvency issues that need to be addressed even if the liquidity shortfall is addressed. Finally, a less well-recognized insight from the euro-crisis concerns the role and impact of a currency union’s dominant members. It is often argued that the United States, as the major reserve-currency issuer, enjoys what then French Finance Minister Valéry Giscard d’Estaing famously called in the 1960’s an “exorbitant privilege,” in the form of lower borrowing costs (a benefit estimated to be worth as much as 80 basis points). There was always a downside – previously ignored but now highly salient in our mercantilist era – to this supposed privilege. If investors flock to “safe” US financial assets, these capital flows must keep the dollar significantly stronger that it would be otherwise, which is an unambiguous cost, especially at a time of idle resources and unutilized capacity. But, in the case of Germany, exorbitant privilege has come without this cost, owing solely to the currency union. Weakness in the periphery has led to capital flowing back to Germany as a regional safe haven, lowering German borrowing costs. But, yoked to weak economies such as Greece, Spain, and Portugal, the euro has also been much weaker than the Deutschemark would have been. In effect, Germany has had the double exorbitant privilege of lower borrowing costs and a weaker currency – a feat that a non-monetary-union currency like the US dollar cannot accomplish. The future of the eurozone will be determined, above all, by politics. But its development so far has forever changed and improved our understanding of currency unions. And that will be true regardless of whether the eurozone achieves the closer fiscal and banking arrangements that remain necessary to sustain it.", "zh": "一些外围国（希腊、西班牙和葡萄牙）对于导致和恶化危机的环境负有责任，即使流动性短缺问题得到了纠正，也有根本性的偿债能力问题需要解决。 最后还有一个不被人重视的欧元危机教训，即货币联盟主导成员的角色和影响。 人们常说，美国作为主要储备货币发行者享受着时���法国财政部长德斯坦20世纪60年代的名言 — — “过分特权 ” ， 即更低的借贷成本（据估计，这一好处大约相当于80个基点 ） 。 想象的特权总有衰败的一天 — — 此前一直被忽视，而在如今的重商主义时代显露无疑。 如果投资者涌向“安全”的美国金融资产，这些资本流必然会让美元大幅升值，这毫无疑问是一种成本，特别是在满是闲置资源和闲置产能的时期。 但是，对德国来说，过分特权是无成本的，这完全是因为货币联盟。 外围国的疲软导致资本流回作为安全港的德国，降低了德国的借贷成本。 但是，由于希腊、西班牙和葡萄牙等疲软经济体的存在，欧元比德国马克（如果存在）弱势得多。 事实上，德国享有着低借贷成本和弱势货币的双重过分特权 — — 这是美元等非货币联盟货币无法享受的。 说到底，欧元区的未来将由政治决定。 但其到目前为止的发展态势永久地改变和改善了我们对货币联盟的理解。 不管欧元区实现更紧密的财政和银行安排与否 — — 这仍是维系欧元区的必要条件 — — 这一点都是正确的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第五十一章 铁饭碗 虽说公务员和事业单位都是逢进必考，但是某些特殊的岗位，招收有特殊技能的人才，也并不是必须要考试的。比如公立大学、公立医院、科研机构这种地方，招收高水平的人才、学术性的人才或者是学科带头人，不仅会帮助他们解决编制，还会赠送住房、帮助配偶安排工作、帮助子女转学等等。 体育教练也是一种有特殊技能的人才，省体工大队每年都会有那种不需要考试的编制，用来引进优秀的人才。而且省体工大队隶属于省体育局，省体工大队的教练也算是省级事业单位的编制，比起县市级的显然要高一层次。 徐忠义说他有能力运作体工大队的编制，倒也不是无的放矢。可能有很多人觉得当一个体育教练，无权无势，是一个很没有前途的工作，但实际上并非如此，特别是到了主教练这一级别，可以独当一面，亲自决策时很多事情的时候，手中握有的权力远比表面看起来多得多。这一点想想国家队的那些教练住豪宅开名车，大体就能知道。", "en": "Chapter 51: An Iron Bowl To apply for \"civil servant\" positions in public institutions, individuals had to take recruitment tests. There were some companies and positions that didn't require test scores for people with special skills, however. When public universities, public hospitals, or scientific research institutions were seeking high-level workers, academic-based manpower, or academic leaders, they would help organize personnel, while also offering housing, arrange job for the workers' spouses, transferring children to another school, etc. Coaching also required special talent. Every year the provincial sport team would offer test-free recruitment to new talent. Moreover, the sports team belonged to the Provincial Sport Bureau, which was a provincial institution. Working as a coach for the team was obviously superior to county-level sport teams. When Coach Xu had said that he was capable of interfering with the sports team's recruitment procedures, he was not bragging. Maybe to some people being a sports coach held no value in the real world. In actuality, however, it was the opposite. Especially when one became a chief coach, he or she could take charge of a lot of things alone, and have much more power than the average person thought. Think about coaches from national teams—they lived in big houses, drove expensive cars, and enjoyed a lot of benefits."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, even though he was running to be president of the global hegemon, he had virtually nothing to say about international politics. First and foremost, the left needs to think seriously about the use of force, which is the central issue in foreign-policy debates. It is right to use force in self-defense or in defense of others. It is wrong when we are fighting for regime change, in support of authoritarian governments, or against national movements that have already won the battle for “hearts and minds.” Another fundamental question concerns how force should be used. But that one is easy: it should be used with restraints designed to minimize civilian casualties. These aren’t hard questions, but when we take them seriously, they can lead to complex policy positions. For example, the US was wrong to invade Iraq in 2003, but it was right to join the fight against ISIS, and to rescue the Yazidis from a massacre. It was right to attack the occupied city of Mosul, but it was wrong to reduce the city to dust. It was also wrong to call for the overthrow of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, because the forces opposed to Assad lacked the necessary popular support, and the US was not prepared to help them win that support. On the other hand, helping the Syrian Kurds was a good idea, because they were effective fighters with strong support from their own people; and they probably would not have survived under an ISIS caliphate. Elsewhere, it is right to strengthen South Korean and Japanese defenses, but obviously wrong to threaten a nuclear war. Nuclear weapons can serve no conceivable human purpose. But that is not true of all weapons, and the left needs to come to terms with that. We cannot be pacifists when people around the world live in fear of mass murder because they belong to a particular ethnic or religious minority, believe in the “wrong” ideology, or live in vulnerable countries alongside revanchist powers. At the height of the Cold War, many leftists opposed NATO. And in recent years, politicians like Jeremy Corbyn, before he became leader of the UK Labour Party, have supported withdrawing their countries from the alliance, precisely because it is committed to using force as a means of mutual defense.", "zh": "但即使他正在竞选全球霸主国的总统职位，他在国际政治领域几乎也无话可说。 首先，左翼力量需要认真思考作为外交政策辩论核心的武力使用。 用武力自卫或保护他人是正确的。 而用武力争取政权更替、支持独裁政府或反对已经赢得“民心”之战的民族运动却无疑是错误的选择。 另外一个基本问题是如何使用武力。 但这个问题相对简单：武力使用应当遵循最大限度减少平民伤亡的限制。 这些并不是什么难题，但如果我们认真讨论，它们可能导致复杂的政治立场。 例如，美国在2003年入侵伊拉克是错的，但参与打击伊斯兰国和挽救雅兹迪人免遭屠杀却是对的。 对被占城市摩苏尔发起进攻是对的，但却不应将这座城市化为一片废墟。 呼吁推翻叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德政权也是错的，因为反对阿萨德的部队缺少必要的群众支持，而美国也没有做好准备帮助他们赢得这种支持。 另一方面，协助叙利亚库尔德人是对的，因为他们是英勇的战士，并且受到本族民众的大力支持；而库尔德人很可能无法在伊斯兰国哈里发治下生存。 此外，应当强化韩国和日本的防务，但显然不应威胁发动核战争。 核武器不可能达到人类的任何目的。 但这并不适用于所有武器，左翼在这方面需要加强认识。 当世界各地的民众因为来自特定的种族或宗教少数族裔、相信“错误”意识形态或生活在毗邻列强的弱小国家而无法摆脱对大屠杀的恐惧时，我们不能甘于扮演和平主义者。 在冷战高峰期，许多左翼分子反对北约。 而近年来，像杰里米·科尔宾这样的政界人士在成为英国工党领袖之前，支持自己的国家退出北约，而退出的理由恰恰是因为北约致力于以武力为手段展开共同防御。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第40章 配音 深夜。 乔修婉拒了白荆花爵士所提供的超豪华住所，跟赫尔兰和希里一起返回了炼金工房。 这个不算太大的炼金工房说实话根本住不下三个人，乔修身为一个男人当然不能让赫尔兰和希里打地铺。 所以婉拒了赫尔兰把唯一一个房间让给他的提议，选择自己找了一个单独的工作间开始了编程熬夜的日常生活。 创业一开始永远都是艰苦的，地球上有多少IT行业的大神的创业之旅是从一个小小的车库里面开始的？ 无论是乔布斯还是比尔盖茨，亦或者是佩奇与布林，一开始都是在一个车库中白手起家。 硅谷中叫得上名的百万亿级别的大公司基本都源自于一个小小的车库。 赫尔兰的炼金工房的作用虽然不是停车，可大小比一间车库就大上那么一点。 乔修在桌面上摊开了一张白纸，一个光球在乔修身侧缓缓漂浮着，替驱散了周围的黑暗。 这是所有魔法中最低等级的‘光照术’，几乎所有会魔法的魔法师们都会的魔法之一，封存了光照术的原晶石在诺兰中取代了蜡烛，变成了诺兰最常见的照明工具。 借着光照术所带来的光亮，乔修刚刚完成《美女与恶魔》的海报制作。", "en": "Chapter 40 - Dubbing late at night. Qiao Xiu refused the luxury residence provided by Sir Bai Jinghua and returned to the alchemy workshop with Herlan and Hili. This is not too big alchemy workshop to tell the truth, there are no more than three people, and Qiao Xiu as a man certainly can not let Herlan and Shiri hit the ground. So I refused Herlan’s proposal to give him the only room, and chose to find a separate workshop to start the daily life of programming day and night. Entrepreneurship is always hard at the beginning. How many IT industry’s entrepreneurial journeys on the planet started from a small garage? Whether it was Jobs or Bill Gates, or Page and Brin, they started out in a garage from scratch. The big billion-dollar companies in Silicon Valley are basically derived from a small garage. Although the role of the Alchemy workshop in Herlan is not parking, it can be a little bigger than a garage. On the desktop, Qiao Xiu spread a piece of white paper, a light ball slowly floating on the side of Joe’s body, which dispelled the darkness around him. This is the lowest level of all the magic ‘lighting’, one of the magic of almost all magical magicians, the original spar that sealed the light has replaced the candle in Nolan, becoming the most common in Nolan. Lighting tools. Then with the light brought by the light, Qiao Xiu just finished the poster production of “Beauty and Devil”."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Argentina’s Fresh Start BUENOS AIRES – For the last 99 years, the presidency of Argentina has rotated between Peronists – Juan Domingo Perón and his populist followers – and reactionary generals. Every so often, centrists from the Radical Civic Union were voted into office, but their terms ended quickly, in resignations or coups. In Sunday’s election, Argentina’s voters broke the pattern: for the first time in almost a century, the president will not be a Peronist, a Radical, or an army general. It is difficult to overstate the significance of the occasion. According to Héctor Schamis, a political scientist at Georgetown University, if a similar political change had occurred in France or Brazil, the country’s citizens would be celebrating the birth of a new republic. Argentina’s new president-elect, Mauricio Macri, an engineer by training, is often described in the international press as “center-right.” But that label is not quite correct. In Argentina, the left-right divide has been blurred by the policies of the hydra-headed Perónist Justicialist Party, which privatized state companies in the 1990s, only to re-nationalize them later. Moreover, “center-right” often means “conservative,” and Macri’s victory will not “conserve” the status quo. Macri is best described as a “liberal” – in the European sense of the word. That means, first of all, respect for Argentina’s democratic institutions, badly damaged after a decade of rough handling by Presidents Néstor and Cristina Kirchner. It also means more market-friendly economic policy. One of Macri’s early post-election proclamations was that he wants a “developmentalist” as finance minister. In Latin America, that means an economist who worries about growth, employment, and exports, as well as about balancing the budget and paying debts. Macri will phase out, albeit gradually, the stringent price and capital controls favored by the Peronists. And his trade and industry minister is unlikely to repeat the antics of a recent predecessor, who placed a gun on the table while negotiating import and export quotas with local producers. And yet, the world should not expect free-market zealotry from Macri. He heads a broad coalition that includes his own liberal-minded Republican Proposal Party, the center-left Radical Civic Union, and other centrist groupings.", "zh": "阿根廷的新开始 布宜诺斯艾利斯 — — 过去99年来，庇隆主义者 — — 胡安·多明戈·庇隆及其民粹主义追随者 — — 还有反动将领轮流把持着阿根廷的总统宝座。 激进公民联盟的中间派偶尔会在竞选中获胜，但其执政任期无一例外都因为辞职或是政变而很快结束。 周日大选中，阿根廷选民打破了这一模式：近一个世纪以来第一次，总统不是庇隆主义者、不是激进份子，也不是将军。 此次选举的意义怎么强调都不为过。 按照乔治城大学政治学家赫克托·斯卡米斯的说法，如果类似的政治变化发生在法国或巴西，那里的民众将会庆祝一个全新共和国的诞生。 阿根廷当选新总统，工程师出身的毛里西奥·马克里，常常被国际媒体称之为“中间偏右 ” 。 但这一标签并不确切。 在阿根廷，拥有顽强生命力的庇隆正义党政策已经模糊了左右翼之间的鸿沟，该党于20世纪90年代推行了国企私有化，但后来又将企业重新收归国有。 此外 ， “ 中间偏右”往往是“保守”的代名词，而马克里的胜利无疑不会“保持”现状。 形容马克里最贴切的词莫过于“自由 ” — —而且是欧洲意义上的自由。 这首先意味着在内斯托尔和克里斯蒂娜·基什内尔总统十年暴政所造成的严重损害后，对阿根廷的民主制度表示尊重。 此外它还意味着推行有利于市场的经济政策。 马克里在当选后很快宣布要找一位“发展主义者”担任财政部长。 在拉丁美洲，这意味着关心增长、就业和出口的经济学家，而且注重平衡预算和偿付债务。 马克里将逐步淘汰庇隆主义者所青睐的严格的价格和资本管制制度。 而他的贸易和工业部部长不太可能重犯近期前任犯下的的荒唐错误，这位前任在与地方生产商谈判进出口份额时掏出一把抢放在桌上。 但世界不应指望在马克里身上看到自由市场狂热。 他所领导的广泛政治联盟包括他自己所在的开明的共和提案党、中左翼激进公民联盟和其他中间派机构。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And the European Central Bank would have fewer excuses to refuse Greek bonds as collateral. The question is whether the change in coupons – possibly coupled with an extension of maturities – would be enough to stabilize the Greek economy and restore growth. Even with German-level interest rates, Greece would have to run a primary surplus of at least 2% of GDP – still quite large, and far from today’s deficit. And, with the face value of the debt unchanged, the psychological drag on expectations and investment might linger. The alternative is to cut the face value of Greece’s debt. European leaders seem to be moving in this direction. The required cut is large: eliminating half of Greece’s public debt obligation would leave it at nearly 80% of GDP, a ratio higher than Spain’s. Talk of “haircuts” for private investors immediately triggers concerns about contagion. But markets are already assigning a high probability to a Greek default. The rating agencies have long placed Greek debt deep in junk territory, and are now giving Portuguese and Irish debt the same status. Rising spreads in Spain and Italy show that contagion is already occurring, even in the absence of an official decision to write down Greek debt. The EU is pinning its hopes on one mechanism to reduce Greek debt: loans from the European Financial Stability Facility that would allow Greece to buy its own debt at a discount in the secondary market.", "zh": "而欧洲央行没有那么多理由去回绝以希腊债务作为抵押品的贷款行为。 而问题是这项对债券条款的修改 — — 或许还会同时延长债券到期日 — — 足以稳定希腊经济并恢复增长。 即便采用了德国的利率，希腊也必须实现想当于GDP2%的年均财政盈余 — — 该要求依旧想当严苛，与该国目前的赤字水平也有相当距离。 同时由于债务的票面价值未变，对经济增长预期以及投资的心理激励作用也会逐渐消散。 对此的另一个手段则是削减希腊债务的票面价值。 欧洲领导人似乎都在向这方面运作。 但要削减的面额也相当庞大：就算减免了希腊一半的公共债务，剩下的债务依然想当于GDP的80 % ， 比西班牙的水平还要高。 这种对私人投资者“减半”的论点很快引发了关于危机蔓延的担忧。 但其实市场早已认定希腊有极大可能出现债务违约。 各大评级机构也一早就将希腊国债归入垃圾债券一档，最近也将葡萄牙和爱尔兰放入这一行列。 即便目前还没有正式决定取消希腊债务，但在西班牙和意大利不断爆发的事件说明危机早已开始蔓延了。 对此欧盟将削减希腊债务的希望倾注在一个机制之上：来自欧洲金融稳定基金的贷款令希腊可以在二级市场折价购买本国债券。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Everyone asks about the smell. It's there, but it's not as prevalent as you think, and on days when it is really bad, you get used to it rather quickly. The weight takes a long time to get used to. I knew people who were several years on the job whose bodies were still adjusting to the burden of bearing on your body tons of trash every week. Then there's the danger. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, sanitation work is one of the 10 most dangerous occupations in the country, and I learned why. You're in and out of traffic all day, and it's zooming around you. It just wants to get past you, so it's often the motorist is not paying attention. That's really bad for the worker. And then the garbage itself is full of hazards that often fly back out of the truck and do terrible harm. I also learned about the relentlessness of trash. When you step off the curb and you see a city from behind a truck, you come to understand that trash is like a force of nature unto itself. It never stops coming. It's also like a form of respiration or circulation. It must always be in motion. And then there's the stigma. You put on the uniform, and you become invisible until someone is upset with you for whatever reason like you've blocked traffic with your truck, or you're taking a break too close to their home, or you're drinking coffee in their diner, and they will come and scorn you, and tell you that they don't want you anywhere near them. I find the stigma especially ironic, because I strongly believe that sanitation workers are the most important labor force on the streets of the city, for three reasons. They are the first guardians of public health. If they're not taking away trash efficiently and effectively every day, it starts to spill out of its containments, and the dangers inherent to it threaten us in very real ways. Diseases we've had in check for decades and centuries burst forth again and start to harm us. The economy needs them.", "zh": "每个人都会问到垃圾臭味。 是有臭味，但它不是你想的那样糟糕。 有的时候气味确实很臭。 但你很快就会适应了。 垃圾的重量却需要很长时间来适应。 我就知道即使有几年工作经验的熟练工， 他们的身体还试着在 适应每周 成吨的垃圾。 那么这里面就存在着风险。 跟据劳动统计局的报告， 环卫工作是美国 十大最危险工种之一。 我后来慢慢明白了为什么。 你整天都在路上， 就身处车流之中。 来往的车辆只想着超过你， 开车的人往往不够小心。 对环卫工人来说，这实在太糟糕了。 还有呢，垃圾本身就充满了毒害， 这些毒物经常会从垃圾车里飘出， 造成可怕的伤害。 我还了解到垃圾的残酷和可怕。 当你走下路沿， 在环卫车旁观察一个城市， 你会慢慢认识到垃圾 真的就像大自然本身的力量。 它从来都是源源而来的。 它也像呼吸或循环的一种形式。 它总是在动态中。 最后一点，环卫工人被污名化。 当你穿上环卫制服，你被视而不见了。 直到有人找到什么理由难为你， 嫌你的环卫车阻碍交通呀， 嫌你在离他们家很近的地方休息呀， 嫌你在他们的小餐馆喝咖啡呀。 他们会走过来嘲笑你， 告诉你离他们远点。 我觉得这样的污名化非常地可笑， 因为我坚信环卫工人们 是城市街道上的 最重要的劳动力。 原因有三点。 他们是公共卫生的第一道屏障。 如果他们每天不 高效迅速地清理垃圾的话， 垃圾会从容器中泄露， 它本身的毒害会以一种非常真实的方式 威胁到我们的生活。 我们经过数个世纪和数十年攻克的疾病 会再次爆发，开始威胁我们的健康。 国民经济需要环卫工人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Li’s Balancing Act SHANGHAI – Three years of persistent economic slowdown have rattled Chinese economists and policymakers. Financial analysts are in a tizzy over whether GDP growth will fall below 7%, parsing official statements for clues as to whether and when the government will act. The government’s financial viziers seem none too alarmed. Beneath this cool exterior, however, China’s leaders are very worried indeed. As Liu Shijin, Vice Minister of the Development Research Center of the State Council, recently explained, the dilemma facing the authorities is that another massive stimulus plan to boost growth would mean more outstanding credit – a problematic approach, given the enormous debt and financial risks that local governments have accumulated. But an excessively sluggish economy poses its own risks. To be sure, China’s government was in a similar situation ten years ago. But the economy today is not performing as it was a decade ago. China needs new solutions. To varying degrees, China’s economy has long swung from short-term growth spurts, fueled by the over-issuance of currency and conventional credit expansion, to contraction, triggered by government action to prevent overheating. Once the risks are under control, the government gradually restores growth-oriented policies. This “prosperity cycle” – sustained by the abundance of new investment opportunities that were available to neutralize mounting debt and financial risks – has long enabled China to avoid a hard landing. A decade ago, when China was fighting deflation, the World Trade Organization came to its rescue, opening up massive new export markets.", "zh": "李克强的平衡手法 上海—三年的持续经济减速让中国经济学家和决策者有些乱了方寸。 金融分析师对于GDP增长是否会降到7%以下十分紧张，试图在官方陈述中挖掘政府是否会采取行动的蛛丝马迹。 政府财政部门似乎并没有感到多少警觉。 但是，在平静的表面下，中国领导人实际上是相当忧虑的。 国务院发展研究中心副主任刘世锦最近解释说，当局面临的困难是再次实施大规模刺激计划提振增长将导致更多的未偿还信用 — — 考虑到地方政府已经积累了巨大的债务和金融风险，这一方法是有问题的。 但经济过度停滞不前也会带来风险。 平心而论，中国政府的处境与十年前有些相似。 但如今的经济表现不如十年前。 中国需要新办法。 从某种程度上说，中国经济早已从受货币超发和常规信用扩张刺激的短期增长井喷转变为由政府抑制过热的措施引发的收缩。 一旦风险得到控制，政府会逐渐恢复增长导向政策。 长期以来，这一“繁荣周期 ” — —通过充足易得的新投资机会将日益积累的债务和金融风险中性化 — — 让中国得以避免硬着陆。 十年前，中国的主要问题是通缩，世界贸易组织打开了巨大的新出口市场,成了中国的救星。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Opponents of debt mutualization, especially in northern Europe, often argue that, in the absence of political unification, it amounts to putting the cart before the horse. But what other measures could be taken to bring the eurozone closer to a political union? Military force – so often used in the past to unite diverse nations under a single political umbrella – is out of the question. And simply waiting will have no effect. The only practical approach is to take small, sequential steps, starting with debt pooling. In fact, Alexander Hamilton adopted this approach more than 200 years ago, when he decided to mutualize the debts that individual US states had incurred during the Revolutionary War – a decisive move toward further political integration. Rather than wait for political union to happen, Hamilton took action that eventually helped the US to become a full-fledged monetary, fiscal, and political union. The eurozone is gripped by an existential crisis that is slowly, but inexorably, destroying the monetary union’s very foundations. The only way to stem the erosion is to take determined action that convinces financial markets that the eurozone is here to stay. A debt-pooling scheme that satisfies the requirements outlined here would signal that the eurozone member countries are serious about sticking together. Without this gesture, further market turmoil is inevitable – and the eurozone’s collapse will become only a matter of time.", "zh": "债务共同化的反对者，特别北欧的反对者，往往会指出，在没有政治统一的情况下，这意味着本末倒置。 但还有什么措施能够让欧元区更接近于政治联盟？ 军事力量自不待言 — — 过去往往靠它把多元化的诸国统一在一个政治框架下。 而消极等待不会有任何效果。 唯一现实的办法是迈出微小、连续的步伐，债务集中就是起点。 事实上，200多年前亚历山大·汉密尔顿采用的就是这一办法，他决定将美国各州在独立战争期间发生的债务共同化 — — 这是迈向日后政治一体化的决定性动作。 汉密尔顿没有坐等政治联盟发生，而是采取了最终帮助美国成为成熟的货币、财政和政治联盟的行动。 欧元区陷入了生存危机，这场危机发展缓慢，但冷酷无情，将摧毁货币联盟的基石。 唯一抵抗侵蚀的办法是采取果断行动，让金融市场相信欧元区就在这里。 这里所提出的的满足要求的债务集中机制将释放一个信号 — — 欧元区成员国对于团结一致坚持到底是认真的。 如果不摆出这样的姿态，市场就免不了要发生进一步崩溃，而欧元区的解体也变成时间问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Mogadishu, the biggest barrier to getting from point A to point B are the roads. Twenty-three years of civil war have completely destroyed the road system, and a motorbike can be the easiest way to get around. Aden saw an opportunity and seized it. He started a motorbike company. He began renting out motorbikes to local residents who couldn't normally afford them. He bought 10 bikes, with the help of family and friends, and his dream is to eventually expand to several hundred within the next three years. How is this story different? What makes his story different? I believe it is his ability to identify and seize a new opportunity. It's entrepreneurship, and I believe entrepreneurship can be the most powerful tool against waithood. It empowers young people to be the creators of the very economic opportunities they are so desperately seeking. And you can train young people to be entrepreneurs. I want to talk to you about a young man who attended one of my meetings, Mohamed Mohamoud, a florist. He was helping me train some of the young people at the summit in entrepreneurship and how to be innovative and how to create a culture of entrepreneurship. He's actually the first florist Mogadishu has seen in over 22 years, and until recently, until Mohamed came along, if you wanted flowers at your wedding, you used plastic bouquets shipped from abroad. If you asked someone, \"When was the last time you saw fresh flowers?\" for many who grew up under civil war, the answer would be, \"Never.\" So Mohamed saw an opportunity. He started a landscaping and design floral company. He created a farm right outside of Mogadishu, and started growing tulips and lilies, which he said could survive the harsh Mogadishu climate. And he began delivering flowers to weddings, creating gardens at homes and businesses around the city, and he's now working on creating Mogadishu's first public park in 22 years. There's no public park in Mogadishu. He wants to create a space where families, young people, can come together, and, as he says, smell the proverbial roses.", "zh": "在摩加迪休，从A地到B地 最大的障碍就是马路 23年的内战 已经完全把道路系统给摧毁了 而此时，摩托车则成了 最便捷的工具 Aden发现了机遇并牢牢抓住它 他开了一家摩托车公司 开始出租摩托车 租给当地那些买不起摩托车的人 在亲朋好友的帮助下 他买了10辆 他最终的梦想 是在接下来的三年内扩展到数百辆 他的故事是如何不同的呢？ 是什么使之不同？ 我相信是他的发现机遇 并善于把握机遇的能力 这就是企业家精神 并且我相信企业家精神 是对付等待成年期最有效的工具 他激励着年轻人 成为他们一直拼命在寻找的 经济机遇的创造者 你也能把年轻人训练成企业家 我想跟大家介绍一个年轻人 他曾参加我我举办的一个会议 他叫Mohamed Mohamoud，是一名花商 他在帮我培训在创业峰会上 的一部分年轻人 培养他们如何创新 如何营造创业文化 他其实是摩加迪休在过去22年里 的第一位花商 直到Mohamed来了，他是直到最近才有的花商 在过去如果你想在你的婚礼上摆上鲜花 你得用塑料花束 而且还得从海外进口 如果你问别人 \"你上次见到鲜花是什么时候？\" 对于很多出生在内战时期的人 他们的答案将会是，\"从没见过。\" 所以Mohamed从中发现了机遇 他创立了一个园林绿化和花卉设计的公司 他在摩加迪休外开辟了一片农田 他开始种植郁金香和百合花 据他说这些花 能熬过摩加迪休恶劣的气候 然后他开始往婚礼上送花 建立家庭式花园 在城里的生意也忙碌起来 现在他正忙于建立 摩加迪休22年来的首个市民公园 目前在摩加迪休是没有市民公园的 他想创立一个空间给家庭 年轻人，能一起到这儿来 就像他说的，来感受玫瑰的花香和启迪"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Candor on Cancer Screening BOSTON – One of today’s most contentious medical debates centers on cancer screening, the benefits of which seem anything but debatable. Indeed, earlier detection, many believe, logically must give patients an advantage in fighting the disease. In fact, the evidence does not always support this assumption. Prostate cancer is a case in point. Screening entails the mass testing of individuals of a certain age and gender, regardless of family history or personal health, to identify a potential disease state. For screening to be useful, the test or procedure must readily identify the disease in question, and the subsequent treatment must result in some measurable benefit. In other words, the screened population must be better off than the non-screened population. For some health issues – such as elevated cholesterol – screening yields positive results: a simple blood test measures the amounts of good and bad cholesterol in the blood, making it easier to detect related cardiovascular disease, which could lead to heart attacks or strokes. Those who are screened, diagnosed, and treated experience a lower rate of cardiovascular events. Screening for prostate cancer, too, requires a blood test – the prostate-specific antigen (PSA) test. Elevated PSA levels would suggest the presence of prostate cancer, even if no physical abnormalities were detected, so a tissue biopsy would be conducted. At this point, a diagnosis can be made. If positive, cancer treatment, such as surgery or radiation, will follow. And, one hopes, the individual will be cured.", "zh": "癌症筛查辩 波士顿— 当今最具争议的医学议题集中于癌症筛查，而癌症筛查好处似乎是毫无争议的。 事实上，许多人认为，从逻辑上讲，早期诊断必然能增加患者战胜疾病的机会。 但现实证据表明并不总是如此。 前列腺癌就是一例。 筛查包括对特定年龄和性别个体（不管家族史和个人健康状况）的大量试验，以识别潜在病情。 为了让筛查起作用，试验或程序必须能够识别可以病症，后续的治疗也必须产生可测量的效果。 换句话说，被筛查人群的境况必须较未被筛查人群更好。 对于某些健康问题 — — 比如高胆固醇 — — 筛查能产生积极效果：做一下简单的血液测试，测量一下血液中好胆固醇和坏胆固醇的数量就能让诊断相关心血管疾病更加容易，心血管疾病可能导致心脏病发或中风。 接受筛查、诊断和治疗的人发生心血管状况的比率会降低。 筛查前列腺癌也需要血液测试，即前列腺抗原（PSA）测试。 PSA水平高代表前列腺癌症状，即使没有检查出其他身体异样，接着，病人将接受组织活体检查。 至此已可以下诊断了。 如果结果呈阳性，则会跟进癌症治疗手段，比如手术或放疗。 当然，我们希望病人能被治愈。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The CPC’s worldview is also colored by a cynical belief in the power of greed. Even before China became the world’s second-largest economy, the party was convinced that Western governments were mere lackeys of capitalist interests. Although these countries might profess fealty to human rights and democracy, the CPC believed that they could not afford to lose access to the Chinese market – especially if their capitalist rivals stood to profit as a result. Such cynicism now permeates China’s strategy of asserting full control over Hong Kong. Chinese leaders expect the West’s anger at their actions to fade quickly, calculating that Western firms are too heavily vested in the city to let the perils of China’s police state be a deal breaker. Even when the CPC knows that it will incur serious penalties for its actions, it has seldom flinched from taking measures – such as the crackdown on Hong Kong – deemed essential to maintaining its hold on power. Western governments had expected that credible threats of sanctions against China would be a powerful deterrent to CPC aggression toward the city. But judging by how China has thumbed its nose at the West, and especially at the US and President Donald Trump, this has obviously not been the case. These Western threats do not lack credibility or substance: comprehensive sanctions encompassing travel, trade, technology transfers, and financial transactions could seriously undermine Hong Kong’s economic wellbeing and Chinese prestige. But sanctions imposed on a dictatorship typically hurt the regime’s victims more than its leaders, thus reducing their deterrent value.", "zh": "中国的世界观还包括一种对贪婪的力量的犬儒主义信念。 在中国尚未成为世界第二大经济体时，中共便认定西方政府只是资本主义利益的马前卒。 尽管这些国家言必称人权和民主，但中共相信它们不可能放弃进入中国市场 — — 特别是在它们的资本主义对手会因此而得利的情况下。 这种犬儒主义现在盛行于中国主张全面控制香港的战略中。 中国领导人认为西方对于他们的所作所为的愤怒很快就会消退，西方企业在香港根基太深，不会让中国警察国家的罪恶影响生意。 即使中共知道它的行为会遭到严重的惩罚，它也很少会在其认为对于保持权力掌控至关重要的措施上畏首畏尾 — — 比如镇压香港。 西方政府期望可信的对华制裁威胁能够成为对中共侵害香港的有力震慑。 但从现在判断，中国对西方根本不屑一顾，特别是对美国及其总统特朗普，因此西方政府的期望绝可能成真。 西方的威胁并不缺少可信度和实质：全面制裁包括了旅行、贸易、科技转移和金融交易，可能严重危害到香港的经济福利和中国的声望。 但对独裁体制所施加的制裁常常有害于体制的受害者更甚于体制的领导者，从而降低威慑的价值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Protecting Civil Society and Democracy SANTIAGO/NEW YORK – When global leaders gather virtually on December 9-10 for US President Joe Biden’s Summit for Democracy, they ought to be asking themselves a simple question: What can we do to help democracy’s bravest advocates, like the protesters who are risking their lives in Sudan? For months, hundreds of thousands of people have flooded Sudan’s streets, demanding an accountable government and the end of military rule, even though Sudanese security forces have met them with bullets. Dozens of protesters have died. Their courage is not unique. From Belarus to Bolivia, and even in the United Kingdom and the United States, civil-society leaders and organizations are heading bold movements to resist structural oppression, authoritarianism, and injustice. Sadly, their work could not be more urgent. Threats to civil-society leaders and democratic institutions are increasing around the world. Nationalism, inequality, and political polarization are on the rise worldwide, and pandemic-related restrictions on public gatherings and increasingly advanced surveillance technology have empowered authoritarian regimes. In Colombia, 65 environmental activists were killed in 2020. The Nigerian government’s ban on domestic use of Twitter, imposed in June this year, remains in force. And in August, the Ugandan government suspended the operations of 54 human-rights organizations. These crackdowns, in democracies and authoritarian states alike, have lasting consequences. By restricting civil liberties – including freedom of the press, assembly, and expression – and attacking the organizations that defend them, states are leaving our rights and institutions defenseless against future attacks. This is why our civil-society grantees and partners are sounding the alarm bells. Organizations across causes and countries are being targeted by similar strategies, including accusations of “foreign interference” whenever they work with established international organizations and philanthropic institutions like the ones we lead. These attacks must not continue. They threaten not only the lives and livelihoods of thousands of civil-society organizers and activists around the world, but also democracy itself. As authoritarian regimes go about disempowering these essential groups and disrupting their vital work, their cynical representatives call democracy “idealistic” and “naive.” We fundamentally reject this view.", "zh": "保护公民社会和民主体制 圣地亚哥/纽约—值此全球领导人于12月9~10日参与美国总统乔·拜登举行的民主峰会之际，他们应当问自己一个简单的问题：我们应当做些什么来帮助民主最勇敢的倡导者，比如冒着生命危险的苏丹抗议群体？ 几个月来，尽管苏丹安全部队不惜开枪阻止，但仍有数十万人涌上苏丹街头，要求建立负责任的政府和结束军事统治。 他们的勇气并非独一无二。 从白俄罗斯到玻利维亚，乃至英国和美国，公民社会领袖和机构都在领导抵制结构性压迫、威权主义和不公平现状的大胆运动。 可悲的是，他们的工作紧迫至极。 世界各地对公民社会领袖和民主机构的威胁均呈上升之势。 民族主义、不平等和政治两极分化在世界各地均愈演愈烈，而与疫情相关的限制公共集会及日趋先进的监控技术已经赋予了专制政权权力。 在哥伦比亚，仅2020年就有65名环保活动人士遇害。 尼日利亚政府于今年6月发布的国内推特禁令目前仍有效力。 而在今年8月，乌干达政府则停止运营了54家人权组织。 上述镇压，无论是在民主亦或专制国家，均会产生持久的效力。 通过限制公民自由 — — 包括新闻、集会和言论自由在内 — — 同时攻击捍卫这些自由权利的机构，国家正在令我们的权利和机构面对未来的袭击毫无防御能力。 这解释了为什么我们的公民社会受助者及合作伙伴正在敲响警钟的原因。 跨事业及国家机构正在被类似的战略所瞄准，其中包括每当他们与我们所领导的知名国际组织和慈善机构合作，就会背上遭受“外国干涉”的骂名。 这样的攻击绝不能再继续下去。 它们所威胁的不仅是世界各地数以千计的公民社会组织者和活动家，而且还威胁到民主本身。 随着威权政体着力剥夺上述关键团体的权力并破坏其关键工作，那些愤世嫉俗的代表就会用“理想化”和“幼稚”来形容民主政体。 我们从本质上拒绝接受这样的观点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since the US assassination of Iranian Quds Force commander Qassem Suleimani, financial markets have been worrying about a spiral toward war and a spike in oil prices. Every global recession in the past 50 years been preceded by a doubling of the oil price (although not every doubling of the oil price has been followed by a recession). To double year on year, oil prices would have to soar above $110. This is unlikely, but possible if a US-Iran war stopped shipping in the Persian Gulf. An oil-induced recession is therefore a moderate risk. There is also a moderate risk of increased protectionism. The US-China trade war has been a market obsession long enough for the bad news to be largely priced in, and the “phase one” agreement suggests no further escalation this year. That still leaves several trade risks on the horizon, especially for Europe, which is vulnerable to a breakdown in the Brexit talks or to a diversion of Trump’s protectionist instincts from Chinese electronics to German cars. But Trump will probably be too busy this year with the Iran confrontation and the election in November to start a US-EU trade war. Meanwhile, UK-EU trading relations will remain completely unchanged until December 31. As a result, greater global protectionism is a smaller risk this year than it was in 2018 and 2019. There are two other moderate risks to growth this year. One is that debt ratios in US corporations have risen to unprecedented levels, far exceeding the levels that preceded the financial crisis. But this is hardly surprising, given that interest rates have never been so low for so long. While a leverage bubble will probably be a risk sometime in the future, there is no reason why it should burst, or even deflate, until interest rates significantly rise. This is why corporate leverage seems only a modest threat in 2020. The last moderate risk is of an auto industry collapse. Sales collapsed worldwide last year, devastating the German economy, which is by far the biggest exporter of cars and machinery for making them. Production in Germany is now below its trough in the 2009 recession, and the industry’s decline is not just a cyclical problem.", "zh": "自从美国暗杀伊朗圣城旅指挥官卡西姆·苏莱马尼后，金融市场一直担心油价飙升和战争升级。 过去50年来，每一次全球衰退都伴随着油价翻番（尽管并非每一次油价翻番都伴随着经济衰退 ） 。 要想同比翻番，油价必须飙升至110美元以上。 这种可能性虽然不大，但如果美伊战争终止波斯湾航运也不是不可能。 因此，石油引发经济衰退的风险中等。 另外一种中等风险是强化保护主义。 美中贸易战困扰市场已经有一段时间，坏消息已经被市场消化，而“第一阶段”协议表明今年不会进一步升级。 这仍会留下若干贸易风险，尤其是对欧洲，欧洲有可能在英国脱欧谈判中陷入崩溃，或者被迫面对特朗普将保护主义本能从中国的电子产品转向德国汽车。 但特朗普今年可能忙于与伊朗对峙以及11月大选，腾不出手来发动美欧贸易战争。 与此同时，英欧贸易关系将在12月31日前保持不变。 因此，相比2018及2019年，全球保护主义强化的风险更小。 此外，今年还存在两种中度增长风险。 一是美国企业负债率已经远超前金融危机时代，飙升至前所未有的水平。 但这并不出人意料，因为利率从未在这么长的时间内维持这么低的水平。 虽然杠杆泡沫可能在未来某个时点成为一种风险，但在利率显著攀升前，泡沫没有理由破灭，甚至都没有理由收缩。 这也解释了为什么2020年企业杠杆似乎只是一种中等威胁。 最后一种中等危险是汽车行业崩溃。 去年全球汽车销量暴跌，对德国经济造成了毁灭性的打击，德国是迄今为止最大的汽车和汽车制造机械出口国。 德国生产目前已经低于2009年经济衰退时的低谷，而行业经济衰退不仅仅是一个周期问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Having thus provided ourselves with robust answers to the CPC’s “useful idiots” who define the UK’s national interest on China’s terms, we should seek to coordinate our approach to Xi with other liberal democracies – including India, Japan, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, our European Union allies, and the United States. Forming a wide compact of this sort will be easier when there is once again a US president who believes in alliances. And in due course, the US will hopefully return to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact and broaden it to include countries like the UK. The aim is not to start another cold war, but to practice what the late Gerald Segal called “constrainment” vis-à-vis China. Liberal democracies must defend their belief in a global order based on credible international agreements and the rule of law. So, although we should be prepared to offer China incentives for good behavior, we must be prepared to deter bad behavior vigorously. Above all, we must not allow China the opportunity to divide and rule. The world’s democracies must unite and openly show Xi’s regime exactly what we stand for.", "zh": "借此我们可以向那些用中国的条款来定义英国国家利益的中共“有用的白痴”做出了强有力的回应，我们还应寻求与其他自由民主国家（包括印度、日本、澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰，欧盟盟友和美国）协调实施针对习近平的手段。 一旦某位信奉联盟的美国总统上台，形成这类国家的广泛契约将变得更加容易。 而且在适当的时候，美国将有望重拾《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》贸易协定并将其扩大到包括英国在内的多个国家。 我们的目的不是要发动另一场冷战，而是要实践已故学者杰拉德·西格尔（Gerald Segal）所谓的对华“压制 ” 。 自由民主国家必须捍卫其对基于可靠国际协议和法治的全球秩序的信念。 因此尽管我们应该准备对中国的良好行为予以奖励，但也必须随时去大力遏制其不良行径。 最重要的是，我们决不能让中国有机会去将这个世界分而治之。 世界的民主国家必须团结一致，并明确向习近平政权展示我们的立场。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Untapped Growth Potential SHANGHAI – China’s economic slowdown, from a nearly 10% annual output gain in 2007 to below 8% today, has fueled widespread speculation about the economy’s growth potential. While it is impossible to predict China’s future growth trajectory, understanding the economy’s underlying trends is the best way to derive a meaningful estimate. Whereas short-term demand largely dictates an economy’s real growth rate, its potential growth rate is determined on the supply side. Some economists – citing indicators like investment ratios, industrial value-added, and employment – compare China to Japan in the early 1970’s. After more than two decades of sustained rapid growth, Japan’s economy slackened considerably in 1971, leading to four decades of annual growth rates averaging less than 4%. This correlation is reinforced by the convergence hypothesis – the benchmark theory for estimating an economy’s potential growth rate – which states that a rapidly growing developing economy’s real growth rate will slow when it reaches a certain share of the per capita capital stock and income of an advanced economy. According to the economists Barry Eichengreen, Donghyun Park, and Kwanho Shin, that share is about 60% of America’s per capita income (at 2005 international prices). At first glance, the experiences of Asia’s most advanced economies – Japan and the four “Asian Tigers” (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan) – seem to be consistent with this theory.", "zh": "中国增长潜力未竟 上海—中国年产出增长率从2007年的近10%下降到如今的8 % ， 经济的减速让关于中国经济增长潜力的猜测四起。 预测中国未来增长轨迹是不可能的，但理解中国经济的基本趋势是进行有意义的估计的最佳方法。 短期需求大致上表明了一个经济体的实际增长率，但其潜在增长率由供给面决定。 一些经济学家引用投资比率、工业增加值和就业等指标比较中国和20世纪70年代初的日本。 1971年，在经历了二十多年的持续快速增长后，日本经济显著地放缓了脚步，此后四十年，年均增长率不到4 % 。 趋同假说 — — 估算一国经济潜在增长率的基本理论 — — 认为快速增长的发展中经济体的实际增长率会在其人均资本存量和收入达到发达经济体的一定比例时出现放缓。 这一假说加强了这一相关性。 根据经济学家巴里·艾肯格林（Barry Eichengreen ） 、 朴东炫（Donghyun Park）和康镐炫（Kwanho Shin）的研究，这一比例大约是美国人均收入的60 % （ 以2005年国际价格计算 ） 。 乍一看，亚洲最发达经济体 — — 日本和“亚洲四小龙 ” （ 香港、新加坡、韩国和台湾 ） — —都符合这一理论。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, energy planners will move from coal to lower-carbon natural gas; but they will tend to underinvest in the much more decisive shift to renewable energy. Similarly, they may opt to raise fuel standards for internal-combustion automobiles rather than to push the needed shift to electric vehicles. In this sense, planning 30-50 years ahead is vital not only to make the correct long-run choices, but also to inform the correct short-term choices. The UN’s Deep Decarbonization Pathways Project has shown how long-term plans can be designed and evaluated. None of these challenges sits easily with elected politicians. The decarbonization challenge requires consistent policies over 30-50 years, while politicians’ time horizon is perhaps a tenth of that. Nor are politicians very comfortable with a problem that requires large-scale public and private financing, highly coordinated action across many parts of the economy, and decision-making in the face of ongoing technological uncertainties. Small wonder, then, that most politicians have shied away from this challenge, and that far too little practical progress has been made since the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change was signed in 1992. One key step, I believe, is to remove these issues from short-term electoral politics. Countries should consider establishing politically independent energy agencies with high technical expertise. Of course, key energy decisions (such as whether to deploy nuclear energy or to build a new transmission grid) will require deep public participation, but planning and implementation should be free of excessive partisan politics and lobbying. Just as governments have successfully given their central banks some political independence, they should give their energy agencies enough leeway to enable them think and act for the long term. At the next global climate meeting (COP22 in Marrakesh in November), Morocco’s government and my team at the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network will join with other partners to co-host a “Low-Emissions Solutions Conference.” This conference will bring together energy experts from UN member countries, businesses, and cities to work on highly practical approaches to deep decarbonization. With the Paris climate agreement now in force, we must move urgently to effective implementation.", "zh": "例如，能源规划者会从煤转向低碳天然气；而对起决定作用的可再生能源投资却可能仍显不足。 同样，他们可能会选择提高内燃汽车的燃油标准，而不是推动朝电动车的必要过渡。 在这个意义上，提前30到50年制定计划不仅对作出正确的长期选择至关重要，而且也能促成正确的短期选择。 联合国的深度脱碳途径计划表明了怎样对长期计划进行设计和评估。 上述挑战对当选政治家而言都绝非易事。 脱碳计划需要在30到50年内执行一以贯之的政策，而政治家可能却仅能把握其中1/10的时间跨度。 政治家在涉及大规模公共和私人融资、跨经济部门高度协调合作和面对持续不断的技术不确定性做出决策等一系列问题上都面临很大的难度。 因此，难怪多数政治家都选择回避这一挑战，而且从1992年联合国气候变化框架公约签订后所取得的实际进展就一直甚微。 我认为关键步骤是将上述问题从短期选举政治中移除。 各国应考虑设立掌握专业技术且政治独立的能源机构。 当然，重要的能源决策（如是否部署核能或建设新的输电网）将需要公众深度参与，但计划的制定和执行却不应受到党派政治和游说的过度干预。 就像政府成功给予央行某种独立性一样，他们应当给予能源机构本着长期思考和行动做出决策的更大的回旋余地。 在下届全球气候会议上（第22届联合国气候变化会议将于11月在马拉喀什召开 ） ， 摩洛哥政府和我所领导的联合国可持续发展方案网络团队将与其他合作伙伴一道共同举办一届“低排放方案大会 ” 。 此次会议将汇聚来自联合国成员国、商界和城市的能源专家制定非常实用的深度脱碳方案。 因为巴黎气候协议已经生效，我们的当务之急是必须确保有效的实施。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要全面贯彻党的教育方针，落实立德树人根本任务，发展素质教育，推进教育公平，培养德智体美全面发展的社会主义建设者和接班人。 推动城乡义务教育一体化发展，高度重视农村义务教育， 办好学前教育、特殊教育和网络教育，普及高中阶段教育，努力让每个孩子都能享有公平而有质量的教育。完善职业教育和培训体系，深化产教融合、校企合作。 加快一流大学和一流学科建设，实现高等教育内涵式发展。 健全学生资助制度，使绝大多数城乡新增劳动力接受高中阶段教育、更多接受高等教育。 支持和规范社会力量兴办教育。 加强师德师风建设，培养高素质教师队伍，倡导全社会尊师重教。办好继续教育，加快建设学习型社会，大力提高国民素质。 （二）提高就业质量和人民收入水平。就业是最大的民生。", "en": "We should fully implement the Party’s education policy, foster virtue through education, enhance our students’ well-rounded development, promote fairness in education, and nurture a new generation of capable young people who have a good and all-round moral, intellectual, physical, and aesthetical grounding and are well-prepared to join the socialist cause. We will promote the coordinated development of compulsory education in urban and rural areas, while giving particular attention to rural areas. We will improve preschool education, special needs education, and online education, make senior secondary education universally available, and strive to see that each and every child has fair access to good education. We will improve the system of vocational education and training, and promote integration between industry and education and cooperation between enterprises and colleges. We will move faster to build Chinese universities into world-class universities and develop world-class disciplines as we work to bring out the full potential of higher education. We will improve the system of financial aid to students, and work to see that the vast majority of the new members of the urban and rural labor force have received senior secondary education, and that more and more of them receive higher education. We will support the well-regulated development of private schools. We will strengthen the professional ethics and competence of teachers, and encourage public respect for educators and public support for education. We will improve continuing education, step up efforts to build a learning society, and promote the well-rounded development of all our people. 2. Improving the quality of employment and raising incomes"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US established military bases throughout the region, and repeated failed operations by the CIA have left massive supplies of armaments in the hands of violent foes of the US and Europe. So, when Western leaders ask Arabs and others in the region why they can’t govern themselves, they should be prepared for the answer: “For a full century, your interventions have undermined democratic institutions (by rejecting the results of the ballot box in Algeria, Palestine, Egypt, and elsewhere); stoked repeated and now chronic wars; armed the most violent jihadists for your cynical bidding; and created a killing field that today stretches from Bamako to Kabul.” What, then, should be done to bring about a new Middle East? I would propose five principles. First, and most important, the US should end covert CIA operations aimed at toppling or destabilizing governments anywhere in the world. The CIA was created in 1947 with two mandates, one valid (intelligence gathering) and the other disastrous (covert operations to overthrow regimes deemed “hostile” to US interests). The US president can and should, by executive order, terminate CIA covert operations – and thereby end the legacy of blowback and mayhem that they have sustained, most notably in the Middle East. Second, the US should pursue its sometimes-valid foreign-policy objectives in the region through the United Nations Security Council. The current approach of building US-led “coalitions of the willing” has not only failed; it has also meant that even valid US objectives such as stopping the Islamic State are blocked by geopolitical rivalries. The US would gain much by putting its foreign-policy initiatives to the test of Security Council votes. When the Security Council rejected war in Iraq in 2003, the US would have been wise to abstain from invading. When Russia, a veto-wielding permanent member of the Council, opposed the US-backed overthrow of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, the US would have been wise to abstain from covert operations to topple him. And now, the entire Security Council would coalesce around a global (but not a US) plan to fight the Islamic State. Third, the US and Europe should accept the reality that democracy in the Middle East will produce many Islamist victories at the ballot box. Many of the elected Islamist regimes will fail, as many poorly performing governments do.", "zh": "美国在整个地区设立军事基地，一再失败的中��局行动已经将大量武器遗留在欧美暴力仇敌的手中。 因此当西方质问该地区阿拉伯人和其他势力为什么无法实现有效自治时，他们应该准备听到这样的回答 ： “ 整整一个世纪，你们的干涉已经破坏了民主制度（拒绝承认阿尔及利亚、巴勒斯坦、埃及和其他地方的投票结果 ） ； 反复挑起冲突并演化为长期战争；武装最崇尚暴力的圣战者完成邪恶的任务；并一手开创了今天从巴马科一直延伸到喀布尔的杀戮场 。 ” 那么，究竟怎样才能建设一个新的中东？ 我认为必须坚持五点原则。 首先，也是最重要的，美国应停止其在世界各地旨在颠覆或破坏当地政府的中情局秘密行动。 成立于1947年的中情局有两项任务，其一是有效的（搜集情报 ） ， 再有就是灾难性的（颠覆“敌视”美国利益政权的秘密行动 ） 。 美国总统可以并且应该通过行政命令终止中情局的秘密行动 — — 进而终止因这些行动所引发的报复和破坏，其中最明显的例子是在中东。 其次，美国应通过联合国安理会在中东地区推行合理目标的外交政策。 目前建立以美国为首的“自愿联盟”的做法不仅陷入失败；而且意味着就连阻止伊斯兰国等合理的美国目标也同样遭到地缘政治对手的封锁。 将外交政策计划在安理会诉诸表决能够令美国受益良多。 当安理会2003年否决伊拉克战争时，放弃入侵本应是美国明智的选择。 当俄罗斯这个在安理会拥有否决权的常任理事国反对在美国支持下推翻叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德时，美国本来应该放弃秘密推翻阿萨德的行动。 而现在，整个安理会应齐心协力制定对抗伊斯兰国的全球（而非美国）计划。 第三，美欧应当接受中东民主将带来众多伊斯兰势力在投票中获胜的现实情况。 不少当选的伊斯兰政权终将宣告失败，就像很多业绩不佳的政府一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In return, Russia would stop its proxy war, and Ukraine would regain control of Donbas. Despite the best efforts of France and Germany, which helped to broker the Minsk deal, implementation has gone nowhere, as both Ukraine and Russia have dragged their feet. Washington should now team up with Paris and Berlin to push the Minsk process forward. While the West and Russia will probably have to agree to disagree about Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, the Minsk framework holds the promise of ending the conflict in eastern Ukraine, which has claimed well over 10,000 lives. Should the Kremlin fulfill its Minsk obligations, the Western allies would scale back the economic sanctions imposed since 2014. And as they lean on Ukraine to uphold its Minsk commitments, they should also press the government in Kyiv to implement anti-corruption measures. Ukraine’s long-run welfare depends not just on ending Russian aggression, but also on reining in its oligarchs and cleaning up its politics. Finally, NATO allies should capitalize on Russia’s offer to discuss broader issues of European security. Russia’s widening rift with the West has pushed it much closer to China, creating a coupling that emboldens both Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping. But Russia is the junior partner and must be silently uncomfortable with China’s growing power and ambition, which provides the US and Europe with an opportunity to pull Russia westward. The Kremlin needs to know that improving its relations with the West is an option – provided it stops its predatory behavior toward Ukraine and its troublemaking farther afield.", "zh": "作为回报，俄罗斯将停止代理人战争，而乌克兰则将重新控制顿巴斯。 尽管协助促成明斯克协议的法德两国尽了最大的努力，但因为乌克兰和俄罗斯都在拖后腿，上述协议的落实却走进了死胡同。 华盛顿现在应与巴黎和柏林合作推动明斯克进程。 尽管西方和俄罗斯或许不得不就俄罗斯非法吞并克里米亚一事保留不同意见，但明斯克框架却有望结束已经夺去超过1万人生命的乌东冲突。 如果克里姆林宫履行其明斯克义务，那么西方盟国将缩减其自2014年以来实施的经济制裁规模。 而且，在依赖乌克兰履行其明斯克义务的同时，他们还应敦促基辅政府落实反腐败举措。 乌克兰的长远利益不仅取决于结束俄罗斯的侵略，还取决于其寡头控制和政治清理能否成功。 最后，北约盟国还应利用俄罗斯的提议，来探讨更大范围的欧洲安全事务。 俄罗斯与西方裂痕不断扩大导致其与中国关系越来越密切，从而形成了一种令普京和中国主席习近平都感到鼓舞的耦合。 但俄罗斯仅仅是初级伙伴，因此，私下里肯定会对中国日益增长的实力和雄心感到不适应。 而这又为美国和欧洲提供了机会，将俄罗斯拉向西方。 克林姆林宫需要知道，与西方改善关系也是一种选择 — — 前提是它停止在更远的地方制造麻烦，以及停止对乌克兰的掠夺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "海水听了我们的话，不知道为什么，脸刷的一下，就白了，身体晃了晃，好象要晕倒的样子，我赶忙扶住她，说道：“海水，你怎么了，身体不舒服吗？ 海水坐下后，勉强笑了笑，说道：“没什么不舒服，长弓，恭喜你呀，追到木子姐姐。” 我骄傲的说道：“谢谢，这可是我不断努力的结果哦，你都不知道她原来对我多冷淡。” 海水的脸好象更白了，我担心的说道：“海水，你的脸色非常不好，我扶你回去休息吧。” 海水站了起来，说道：“不用了，我先回去休息，今天可能有点热到了，你们慢慢吃吧。 我先走了。” 我疑惑的问道：“你自己真的可以吗？” 海水凄然一笑，说道：“没关系，我可以的，再见。” 我看着海水离去的背影，对木子说道：“这海水，怎么回事，象咱们这种强度的魔法师很不容易生病的呀。”", "en": "While listening to our conversation Hai Shui’s face paled drastically. Her body swayed and she looked as if she was going to faint. I hurriedly went to support her. “Hai Shui, are you unwell?” I helped her sit in the chair beside me. After she sat down she forced a smile and said, “I’m fine. Zhang Gong, congratulations on getting Mu Zi.” I proudly said, “Thank you, this is the result of my persistence. You have no idea how cold she was before.” Hai Shui’s expression became even paler. I worriedly asked, “Hai Shui, your complexion doesn’t seem to be good. Do you want me to bring you back to the dormitory?” Hai Shui stood up and said, “You don’t need to. I’ll head back on my own. It might just be because today was hot. You guys just continue to eat. I’ll head back first.” I asked curiously, “You’re sure you’ll be alright?” Hai Shui smiled, distressed. “I’ll be alright. See you.” As I watched Hai Shui leave, I asked Mu Zi, “What’s going on with Hai Shui? Strong magicians rarely fall ill.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Financial Repression Revisited? WASHINGTON, DC – The US federal debt-to-GDP ratio rose sharply during the 2008-09 Great Recession and continued rising thereafter, going from 62% in 2007 to 90% in 2010. By 2019, it had reached 106%, and the Congressional Budget Office was warning that the trust funds for Social Security and Medicare would be exhausted by 2028. Many economists argued that a debt-to-GDP ratio of 100% was already worryingly high, and that the future tax increases needed to reduce it would be massive. Then came COVID-19. Faced with lockdowns and collapsing economic activity, governments around the world approved vast additional expenditures even though revenues were expected to decline. After projecting an annual fiscal deficit of $1 trillion before the pandemic, the CBO has raised its estimate of the deficit for fiscal year 2020 (which ends in September) by an additional $2.2 trillion, followed by an additional $0.6 trillion in 2021. According to the Committee for a Responsible Budget, this amounts to 17.9% of GDP in 2020, and to 9.9% in 2021. As things stand, the federal debt is expected to reach 108% of GDP by next year. This means that in the space of just seven months, the US debt ratio has already exceeded the level accumulated during the two years of the Great Recession, and that doesn’t even account for additional spending bills that Congress has yet to pass. The consensus view is that these expenditures are justified, given the unprecedented, horrific circumstances of the pandemic. Nonetheless, policymakers must recognize that measures to reduce the deficit-to-GDP ratio will be urgently needed after the virus has been brought under control. To be sure, some economists have argued that in this low-inflation, low-interest-rate environment, one shouldn’t worry about the size of the federal debt, the implication being that deficits should expand even more to finance infrastructure and other spending while borrowing costs are so low. But there is no guarantee that today’s financial conditions will continue indefinitely. On the contrary, if investors come to believe that the prospective increases in debt will require higher interest rates to induce people to hold it, they will not willingly purchase new debt (or even roll over existing debt) at the prevailing low rate.", "zh": "金融抑制现象卷土重来？ 发自华盛顿特区—美国联邦债务相对GDP的比率在2008~2009年大衰退期间急剧上涨，并在此后一路攀升，从2007年的62％上升到2010年的90 ％ 。 截至2019年该数字已达到106 ％ ， 而国会预算办公室则警告说用于社会保障和老年医疗保健的信托基金将在2028年耗尽。 许多经济学家认为债务相对GDP比率已经高到了令人忧虑的程度，而且未来需要增加很大一笔税收才能有所降低。 随后新型冠状病毒席卷了全球。 面对封锁措施和崩溃式下行的经济活动，即便预计财政收入会有所下降，世界各国政府还是批准了巨额的额外支出。 在将大流行之前的年度财政赤字预估为1万亿美元之后，美国国会预算办公室将2020财年（截至9月）赤字的估算数字额外增加了2.2万亿美元，然后在2021年再增添0.6万亿美元。 根据负责任联邦预算委员会（Committee for a Responsible Budget）发布的数字，这分别相当于2020年和2021年GDP的17.9％和9.9 ％ 。 而就目前情况而言，预计到明年联邦债务将相当于GDP的108 ％ 。 这意味着在短短七个月内美国的债务比率增加值就超过了大衰退两年所积累的水平，这甚至还不包括国会尚未通过的其他支出法案。 虽然各界都认为这些支出在当前这种史无前例的恐怖疫情状况下是合理的，但即便如此，政策制定者也必须认识到应当在病毒受控后当即采取措施降低这一比率。 当然也有一些经济学家认为人们不应在这种低通胀低利率环境下担心联邦债务的规模，甚至应当在借贷成本极低的情况下进一步扩大赤字来为基础设施和其他支出融资。 但是谁也没法保证当前的金融状况会无限期地持续下去。 相反，如果投资者相信债务的预期增长意味着发债者需要更高的利率来诱使人们持有债务，那么他们也不会愿意以现行低利率购买新债务（甚至结转现有债务 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Cooperation Crisis PARIS – The rise of emerging economies worldwide has generated much optimism, in terms not only of economic development, but also of global cooperation. But the shift to a multipolar world order has not bolstered multilateralism. In fact, the opposite is true: the logic of national sovereignty has staged a comeback, with major economies consistently undermining cooperation on issues ranging from security to trade to climate change. Consider the muddle in the United Nations Security Council over Syria’s civil war. Just two years ago, the Council approved a resolution authorizing a military intervention in Libya – the first resolution to implement the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) principle, which the general assembly adopted unanimously in 2005. But the emerging powers soon came to believe that the West had used the protection of Libya’s civilian population as a pretext for regime change (though, realistically, it would have been impossible to protect the population without toppling Muammar el-Qaddafi’s government). Now, these countries are largely rejecting R2P, viewing it as a device employed by Western governments to legitimize their attempts to infringe upon national sovereignty. Brazil has attempted to address the issue by crafting a resolution that would decouple the R2P mandate from the use of force – effectively eliminating the possibility that the doctrine could be applied. For their part, Russia and China have blocked three resolutions condemning the Syrian regime, and Russia has worked hard – with evident success – to derail any military intervention in Syria.", "zh": "合作危机 巴黎 — — 新兴经济体在全球崛起让人们对经济发展和全球合作充满了乐观情绪。 但是朝多极世界秩序的转变并没有带动多边主义。 现实恰恰相反：国家主权逻辑卷土重来，各主要经济体在从安全、贸易到气候变化等问题上一贯破坏合作机制。 想想联合国安理会在叙利亚内战问题上的混乱态度。 两年前，安理会通过决议授权在利比亚实施军事干预 — — 这是执行联大2005年一致通过的“保护责任 ” （ R2P）原则的首项决议。 不过新兴大国很快认定西方将保护利比亚平民作为政权更迭的借口（尽管从现实角度讲，不可能在不推翻卡扎菲政府的情况下保护利比亚平民 ） 。 现在，这些国家大都拒绝接受保护责任，将其视为西方政府企图令侵犯国家主权行为合法化的一种工具。 巴西曾尝试为解决问题起草一项将保护责任授权与武力脱钩的决议 — — 从而有效排除了西方利用这项原则的机率。 而俄罗斯和中国都曾否决过谴责叙利亚政权的三项决议，同时俄国一直竭尽全力并成功延缓了对叙利亚的军事干预。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "习近平指出，要构筑高水平对外开放新高地。推动贸易创新发展，更高质量利用外资。 沿江省市要在国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局中找准各自定位，主动向全球开放市场。 要推动长江经济带发展和共建“一带一路”的融合。 习近平强调，要加快产业基础高级化、产业链现代化。 要勇于创新，坚持把经济发展的着力点放在实体经济上，加快突破一批关键核心技术。 要强化企业创新主体地位，打造有国际竞争力的先进制造业集群，打造自主可控、安全高效并为全国服务的产业链供应链。 习近平指出，长江是中华民族的代表性符号和中华文明的标志性象征，要把长江文化保护好、传承好、弘扬好，保护好长江文物和文化遗产。 习近平强调，要围绕当前制约长江经济带发展的热点、难点、痛点问题开展深入研究。 中共中央政治局常委、国务院副总理、推动长江经济带发展领导小组组长韩正出席座谈会并讲话。", "en": "To create a new height for high-level opening-up, Xi urged efforts to promote innovative development of trade and make better use of foreign capital. Provinces and municipalities along the Yangtze River should find their respective positions in the new development pattern of \"dual circulation\" and take the initiative to open up their markets to the world, Xi said. Efforts should also be made to better integrate the development of the Yangtze River Economic Belt and the Belt and Road Initiative, he added. Xi stressed the need to accelerate the upgrading of the industrial base and the modernization of the industrial chain. \"We should take bold steps in innovation and focus on the real economy to boost economic development,\" he said, adding that the country should speed up breakthroughs in key and core technologies. He also urged efforts to strengthen the dominant position of enterprises in innovation, foster advanced manufacturing clusters with international competitiveness, and build independent, controllable, safe and efficient industrial and supply chains that serve the whole country. Noting that Yangtze River is the icon of the Chinese nation and the symbol of Chinese civilization, Xi called for protecting, inheriting and carrying forward the Yangtze River culture, as well as protecting its cultural relics and heritage. He also stressed the need to conduct in-depth research on the key issues that currently constrain the development of the Yangtze River Economic Belt. Vice Premier Han Zheng, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and head of the leading group for promoting the development of the Yangtze River Economic Belt, attended the symposium."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "在疫情防控中，我们按照坚定信心、同舟共济、科学防治、精准施策的总要求，抓紧抓实抓细各项工作。 及时采取应急举措，对新冠肺炎实行甲类传染病管理，各地启动重大突发公共卫生事件一级响应。 坚决打赢武汉和湖北保卫战并取得决定性成果，通过果断实施严格管控措施，举全国之力予以支援，调派4万多名医护人员驰援，建设火神山、雷神山医院和方舱医院，快速扩充收治床位，优先保障医用物资，不断优化诊疗方案，坚持中西医结合，坚持“四集中”，全力救治患者，最大程度提高治愈率、降低病亡率。 延长全国春节假期，推迟开学、灵活复工、错峰出行，坚持群防群控，坚持“四早”，坚决控制传染源，有效遏制疫情蔓延。 加强药物、疫苗和检测试剂研发。", "en": "Responding to the central Party leadership’s call to stay confident, come together in solidarity, adopt a science-based approach, and take targeted measures, we have carried out all our work in a solid and meticulous manner. We adopted containment measures promptly, treating covid-19 as a Class A infectious disease and activating a Level One public health emergency response in all localities. We have achieved a decisive victory in the battle to defend Hubei Province and its capital city Wuhan by firmly implementing strict control measures, rallying the support of the entire country, and dispatching over 40,000 doctors and nurses. We built Huoshenshan and Leishenshan hospitals as well as cabin hospitals to increase the number of hospital beds within a short time, and ensured the availability of medical supplies. We continuously refined diagnostic and treatment plans, incorporated traditional Chinese medicine into treatment, and concentrated patients, experts and resources in designated facilities to provide treatment, thus doing everything we could to maximize the cure rate and minimize the mortality rate. We extended the Spring Festival holiday nationwide, postponed the spring semester, facilitated flexible resumption of work, and staggered commute times. We have carried out a society-wide prevention and control effort, ensured early detection, reporting, quarantine, and treatment of cases, firmly controlled sources of infection, and effectively curbed the spread of the virus. Intensive efforts have been made to develop drugs, vaccines, and testing reagents."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Afghan Muddle NEW DELHI – Despite some last-minute brinkmanship by Afghan President Hamid Karzai, the United States and Afghanistan seem to have worked out a bilateral security agreement to govern the 8,000-10,000 (mostly American) troops that will remain in Afghanistan from next year. But Afghanistan remains a source of significant uncertainty – and high anxiety – in an already unstable region. Although the Afghan army has performed surprisingly well this year as it has prepared to assume full responsibility for the country’s security, governments in the region remain deeply skeptical of its ability to resist a resurgent Taliban without the strong support that the US has provided. But the Americans are intent on withdrawal, and no other country is willing to assume the responsibilities that they are relinquishing. In this context, the fear that Afghanistan will unravel once again risks becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. In fact, a closer look at various key governments’ approaches to Afghanistan reveals that only the US is maintaining a coherent stance. Pakistani policy is practically at war with itself. Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, Pakistan has viewed the country as a source of “strategic depth” in its decades-old enmity with India. As a result, it has been playing both sides of the US-Taliban conflict, permitting US drone strikes against Afghan Taliban leaders hiding in its western provinces but making little effort to confront the Taliban on the ground.", "zh": "阿富汗迷局 发自新德里 — — 尽管阿富汗总统哈米德·卡尔扎伊（Hamid Karzai）在谈判的最后时刻依然在耍手段，但美国和阿富汗双方似乎终于拿出了一份双边安全协议，以规管明年继续驻扎在阿富汗的8000~10000人武装部队（大部分是美军 ） 。 但阿富汗仍然是这个本来就不稳定的区域中一个重大不确定性 — — 以及高度忧虑因素 — — 的来源。 虽然阿富汗军队已经做好准备承担国家安全的全部责任，今年表现也出乎意料地好，但该地区的各国政府依然深切怀疑如果没有美国提供的强大支持，该国是否有足够的能力去抵抗死灰复燃的塔利班。 如今美国人有意撤出，却没有国家愿意去接替它承担这一职责。 在这种情况下，恐怕阿富汗再次解体的预言将可能成为事实。 实际上，只要仔细研究一下各国政府跟阿富汗打交道的手段，就会发现只有美国保持了一致的立场。 巴基斯坦的对阿政策实际上是自己在跟自己过不去。 自1979年苏联入侵阿富汗以来，巴基斯坦就将阿富汗视为本国与宿敌印度之间的“战略纵深 ” 。 因此它在美国-塔利班冲突中两面下注，一方面允许美国无人机空袭躲藏在其西部省份的阿富汗塔利班领导人，另一方面却很少抵抗塔利班的地面进攻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At that rate, the world economy would double in size in 14 years. This is possible, however, only if the key growth inputs remain in ample supply, and if human-made climate change is counteracted. If the supply of vital inputs is constrained or the climate destabilized, prices will rise sharply, industrial production and consumer spending will fall, and world economic growth will slow, perhaps sharply. Many free-market ideologues ridicule the idea that natural resource constraints will now cause a significant slowdown in global growth. They say that fears of “running out of resources,” notably food and energy, have been with us for 200 years, and we never succumbed. Indeed, output has continued to rise much faster than population. This view has some truth. Better technologies have allowed the world economy to continue to grow despite tough resource constraints in the past. But simplistic free-market optimism is misplaced for at least four reasons. First, history has already shown how resource constraints can hinder global economic growth. After the upward jump in energy prices in 1973, annual global growth fell from roughly 5% between 1960 and 1973 to around 3% between 1973 and 1989. Second, the world economy is vastly larger than in the past, so that demand for key commodities and energy inputs is also vastly larger. Third, we have already used up many of the low-cost options that were once available. Low-cost oil is rapidly being depleted. The same is true for ground water. Land is also increasingly scarce.", "zh": "如果这一势头持续，全球经济规模将在14年内翻番。 但是，这只有在关键的增长要素供应充足并且人类活动造成的气候变化得到抵消的情况下才有可能。 如果 关键要素的供应受到限制或者气候不稳定，价格会大副急剧上升，工业生产和消费者开支将会下降，全球经济增长将会放缓，或许会急剧放缓。 许多自由市场理论家嘲笑现在自然资源限制导致全球经济增长显著放缓的观点。 他们说对“资源枯竭”的担心，特别是对食品和能源的担心，已经伴随我们200年了，而我们从来没有屈服。 确实，产出的增长持续比人口的增长快得多。 这个观点在某些方面是对的。 在过去，尽管有严峻的资源限制，技术的进步却使全球经济持续增长。 但是至少由于四方面的原因，过于单纯化的自由市场乐观主义被放错了位置。 首先，历史已经显示资源限制怎样阻碍了全球经济增长。 在1973年能源价格跳涨以后，年度全球增长从1960年到1973年的大约5%下降到1973年到1989年的约3 % 。 第二，全球经济比过去大很多，因此对关键商品和能源要素的需求也比过去大很多。 第三，我们已经用完了曾经拥有的低成本的资源。 低成本的石油很快被用尽。 对地下水也是如此。 土地也日益不足。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An alternative set of well-discussed policies could work. Europe needs greater fiscal federalism, not just centralized oversight of national budgets. To be sure, Europe may not need the two-to-one ratio of federal to state spending found in the United States; but it clearly needs far more European-level expenditure, unlike the current miniscule EU budget (whittled down further by austerity advocates). A banking union, too, is needed. But it needs to be a real union, with common deposit insurance and common resolution procedures, as well as common supervision. There will also have to be Eurobonds, or an equivalent instrument. European leaders recognize that, without growth, debt burdens will continue to grow, and that austerity by itself is an anti-growth strategy. Yet years have gone by, and no growth strategy is on the table, though its components are well known: policies that address Europe’s internal imbalances and Germany’s huge external surplus, which now is on par with China’s (and more than twice as high relative to GDP). Concretely, that means wage increases in Germany and industrial policies that promote exports and productivity in Europe’s peripheral economies. What will not work, at least for most eurozone countries, is internal devaluation – that is, forcing down wages and prices – as this would increase the debt burden for households, firms, and governments (which overwhelmingly hold euro-denominated debts). And, with adjustments in different sectors occurring at different speeds, deflation would fuel massive distortions in the economy. If internal devaluation were the solution, the gold standard would not have been a problem in the Great Depression. Internal devaluation, combined with austerity and the single-market principle (which facilitates capital flight and the hemorrhaging of banking systems) is a toxic combination. The European project was, and is, a great political idea. It has the potential to promote both prosperity and peace. But, rather than enhancing solidarity within Europe, it is sowing seeds of discord within and between countries. Europe’s leaders repeatedly vow to do everything necessary to save the euro. European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s promise to do “whatever it takes” has succeeded in providing a temporary calm.", "zh": "另一种经过仔细讨论的政策可能会起作用。 欧洲需要更强大的财政联邦制，而不只是对国家预算进行集中监管。 诚然，欧洲也许不需要美国那样联邦与州之间2对1的支出比率；但显然它需要更多全欧层面上的支出，而不是目前这样微乎其微的欧盟预算（而且还被紧缩主张进一步削弱了 ） 。 同时还需要建立一个银行联盟。 但必须是真正的联盟，要有共同存款保险、共同决议过程以及共同监管。 还必须发行欧元债券或者与之类似的金融工具。 欧洲领导人意识到，没有增长，债务负担将会继续加重，而紧缩政策本身就是反增长的策略。 然而几年过去了，至今还没有制定出任何的增长策略，尽管其组成部分是众所周知的：解决欧洲内部失衡及德国巨大的外部盈余 — — 现在的水平与中国一样（相对GDP而言是其两倍有余 ） — —的相关政策。 具体来说，这意味着德国的工资增长以及欧洲周边国家出台促进出口和生产力的产业政策。 至少对大部分欧元区国家来说不会起作用的是内部贬值 — — 也就是压低工资和物价 — — 因为这会增加家庭、公司和政府（它们持有绝大部分以欧元计价的债务）的债务负担。 由于不同领域以不同的速度进行调整，通货紧缩会加剧经济体内部的大规模扭曲失衡。 如果内部贬值是解决问题的办法，大萧条时的金本位就不会成为一个问题。 内部贬值与紧缩政策、单一市场原则（它促进了资本外流和银行系统大出血）一起构成了一个有害的组合。 欧洲一体化曾经是，如今也是一个伟大的政治理念。 它有促进繁荣与和平的潜能。 但它并没有提高欧洲内部的团结，却播下了国家内部以及国家之间不和的种子。 欧洲领导人再三发誓要尽一切努力来挽救欧元。 欧洲央行行长马里奥·德拉吉（Mario Draghi ） “ 不计一切代价”去努力的承诺成功让欧洲获得了暂时的平静。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many of these things are incompatible, and as research is just starting to show, simply harder and more stressful to do all at once in our 30s. The post-millennial midlife crisis isn't buying a red sports car. It's realizing you can't have that career you now want. It's realizing you can't have that child you now want, or you can't give your child a sibling. Too many thirtysomethings and fortysomethings look at themselves, and at me, sitting across the room, and say about their 20s, \"What was I doing? What was I thinking?\" I want to change what twentysomethings are doing and thinking. Here's a story about how that can go. It's a story about a woman named Emma. At 25, Emma came to my office because she was, in her words, having an identity crisis. She said she thought she might like to work in art or entertainment, but she hadn't decided yet, so she'd spent the last few years waiting tables instead. Because it was cheaper, she lived with a boyfriend who displayed his temper more than his ambition. And as hard as her 20s were, her early life had been even harder. She often cried in our sessions, but then would collect herself by saying, \"You can't pick your family, but you can pick your friends.\"", "zh": "这些事情中有很多是不兼容的， 而且就如研究开始表明， 在三十几岁这个阶段同时完成这么多事 的压力以及难度实在是太大了。 上个千年之后的中年危机 不在于能否买一辆红色的敞篷车。 是在于发现自己的职业不是自己想要的。 是在于发现你无法生你想要的孩子， 或者无法给自己的孩子一个同胞。 有太多太多的三十几岁的人和四十几岁的人 先看看自己，然后看看坐在房间另一边的我， 然后讨论他们的二十几岁这个时间段。 \"我当时在做什么？我当时在想什么？\" 我想改变二十几岁的人 的所做与所思。 我来讲一个关于如何这么做的故事。 这是一个关于一位叫Emma的女性的故事。 25岁时，Emma来到我的办公室 因为她，用她的话来讲，正在经历一个身份危机。 她说她认为她想从事艺术 或者娱乐，但她还没决定， 所以前几年她花在做服务员上了。 因为比较便宜，她和她那 展现脾气比志向更频繁的男朋友住在一起。 而无论她的二十几岁有多么困难， 她以前的生活更困难。 她在会面时经常哭， 但会说\"你无法选择你的家庭，但是你能选择你的朋友。\" 然后平定下来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "American banks have incurred more than half of these massive penalties. The European bill amounts to just over $100 billion – roughly half of which was paid by the top seven British banks. But the numbers tell only part of the story. In the US, the penalties have been dominated by fines for sales of misleadingly marketed mortgage-backed securities, often to the two government supported entities Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The banks, it would be fair to say, do not wholly accept regulators’ arguments about that, but they have bitten their tongues and paid up. (US regulators have also imposed high penalties on foreign banks for breaches of American sanctions policies in relation to Iran.) In the UK, by contrast, the biggest penalties have come in the form of compensation payments made to individual mortgage borrowers who were sold Payment Protection Insurance. The regulators maintain that much of this insurance was worthless to borrowers and was mis-sold. The banks believe that some of the claimants whom they are being forced to pay are unworthy, but they have nonetheless coughed up the money. That unhappy episode has cost British banks $37 billion so far, with more to come – most likely another $5 billion or so. The Morgan Stanley analysis suggests that we can expect another $70 billion in fines and litigation costs over the next two years from already identified errors and omissions. And new episodes could emerge; two years ago, no one anticipated the fallout from the manipulation of the foreign-exchange markets.", "zh": "美资银行占了这些巨额罚金的大头。 欧洲的罚单只有1,000亿美元出头 — — 其中大约有一半是由七家英国大银行支付的。 但数字只是故事的一部分。 在美国，罚金主要是因为销售误导性营销的按揭支持证券，销售对象通常是两家政府支持机构 — — 房利美（Fannie Mae）和房地美（Freddie Mac ） 。 平心而论，银行并不完全接受监管者的这一观点，但它们还是忍气吞声付了罚金。 （美国监管机构还向外国银行美国分支开出了巨额罚单，理由是它们违反了美国与伊朗有关的制裁政策。 ） 相反，在英国，最大额罚金以补偿金的形式付给了买有支付保护保险（Payment Protection Insurance）的个人按揭借款人。 监管机构主张这一保险大多对借款人毫无价值，属于错误销售。 银行认为一些它们被迫偿付的索偿是没有价值的，但它们被迫出钱。 到目前为止，这出不愉快的闹剧让英国银行付出了370亿美元，未来还会有更多 — — 有可能还有50亿美元。 摩根士丹利的分析表明，在未来两年中，已发现错误和遗漏还将造成700亿美元的罚金和诉讼成本。 此外，有可能还有新案件出现；两年前就没人预见到这一外汇市场操纵案的发生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Warming’s Paper Trail STANFORD – One day in 1961, an American economist named Daniel Ellsberg stumbled across a piece of paper with apocalyptic implications. Ellsberg, who was advising the US government on its secret nuclear-war plans, had discovered a document that contained an official estimate of the death toll in a preemptive “first strike” on China and the Soviet Union: approximately 300 million in those countries, and double that globally. Ellsberg was troubled that such a plan existed; years later, he tried to leak the details of nuclear annihilation to the public. Although this attempt failed, Ellsberg would become famous instead for leaking what came to be known as the Pentagon Papers – the US government’s secret history of its military intervention in Vietnam. America’s amoral military planning during the Cold War echoes the hubris exhibited by another cast of characters gambling with the fate of humanity. Recently, secret documents have been unearthed detailing what the energy industry knew about the links between their products and global warming. But, unlike the government’s nuclear plans, what the industry detailed was put into action. In the 1980s, oil companies like Exxon and Shell carried out internal assessments of the carbon dioxide released by fossil fuels, and forecast the planetary consequences of these emissions. In 1982, for example, Exxon predicted that by about 2060, CO2 levels would double relative to the 1800s, and that this, according to the best science at the time, would push the planet’s average temperatures up by about 3°C. Later that decade, in 1988, an internal report by Shell projected similar effects, but also found that CO2 could double even earlier, by 2030. Privately, these companies did not dispute the links between their products, global warming, and ecological calamity. On the contrary, their research confirmed the connections. Shell’s assessment foresaw a 60-70 cm rise in sea level, and noted that warming could also fuel the disintegration of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet, resulting in a worldwide rise in sea level of “five to six meters.” That would be enough to inundate entire low-lying countries.", "zh": "全球变暖的书面记录 斯坦福 — — 1961年的一天，一位名叫丹尼尔·埃尔斯伯格的美国经济学家偶然发现了一篇与世界末日有关的论文。 埃尔斯伯格当时正就秘密核计划向美国政府提供咨询，他所发现的这份文件包含对中国和苏联发动先发制人的“首次打击”将会造成死亡人数的官方预估：仅上述两国的死亡人数就将达到3亿，而全球范围内的死亡人数还要翻番。 上述计划的存在令埃尔斯伯格倍感不安；几年后，他试图将核毁灭的详细情况泄露给公众。 尽管这一企图最终失败，但埃尔斯伯格后来还是因为泄露所谓的五角大楼文件 — — 也就是美国政府军事干预越南的秘密记录而闻名。 美国在冷战期间不道德的军事计划与另一群人以人类命运为赌注的行为相呼应。 最近，刚刚传出的秘密文件显示能源业对其产品和全球变暖之间的关系了如指掌。 但与政府核计划不同的是，能源行业报告的具体内容已经付诸实施了。 20世纪80年代，埃克森和壳牌等石油公司对化石燃料排放的二氧化碳进行了内部评估，并预测了上述排放对地球所产生的后果。 例如在1982年，埃克森公司预测到2090年左右，二氧化碳水平相对于19世纪将实现翻番，而当时的科技水平显示，这将导致地球的平均温度上升约三摄氏度。 20世纪80年代后期的1988年，壳牌的一份内部报告预测了类似的后果，该报告还发现二氧化碳可能到2030年就实现翻番，这大大早于埃克森公司的预测。 私底下，这些公司并没有质疑其产品与全球变暖和生态灾难之间的联系。 恰恰相反，他们的研究结果证实上述联系是切实存在的。 壳牌的评估预测海平面会上升60到70厘米，并指出全球变暖可能加剧西南极冰盖的融化，导致全球海平面出现“5到6米”的上升。 这足以淹没所有低洼国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Closing of the Academic Mind LONDON – I would wager that I have been Chancellor of more universities than anyone alive today. This is partly because when I was Governor of Hong Kong, I was made Chancellor of every university in the city. I protested that it would surely be better for the universities to choose their own constitutional heads. But the universities would not allow me to resign gracefully. So for five years I enjoyed the experience of giving tens of thousands of students their degrees and watching what this rite of passage meant for them and their families. When I came back to Britain in 1997, I was asked to become Chancellor of Newcastle University. Then, in 2003, I was elected Chancellor by the graduates of Oxford University, one of the world’s greatest institutions of learning. So it should not be surprising that I have strong views about what it means to be a university and to teach, do research, or study at one. Universities should be bastions of freedom in any society. They should be free from government interference in their primary purposes of research and teaching; and they should control their own academic governance. I do not believe it is possible for a university to become or remain a world-class institution if these conditions do not exist. The role of a university is to promote the clash of ideas, to test the results of research with other scholars, and to impart new knowledge to students. Freedom of speech is thus fundamental to what universities are, enabling them to sustain a sense of common humanity and uphold the mutual tolerance and understanding that underpin any free society. That, of course, makes universities dangerous to authoritarian governments, which seek to stifle the ability to raise and attempt to answer difficult questions. But if any denial of academic liberty is a blow struck against the meaning of a university, the irony today is that some of the most worrying attacks on these values have been coming from inside universities. In the United States and the United Kingdom, some students and teachers now seek to constrain argument and debate. They contend that people should not be exposed to ideas with which they strongly disagree. Moreover, they argue that history should be rewritten to expunge the names (though not the endowments) of those who fail to pass today’s tests of political correctness.", "zh": "学术精神的落幕 伦敦 — — 我敢打赌我比现在活着的人当过更多所大学的校长。 这部分因为在担任香港总督期间，我被任命为这座城市所有大学的校长。 我抗议说应当让大学自主选择行政领导。 但大学却不允许我轻易辞职。 因此有5年时间，我享受着为数以万计学子授予学位的体验，并亲眼目睹了这样的仪式对学子和他们的家庭意味着什么。 1997年回到英国时，我被任命为纽卡斯尔大学的校长。 之后在2003年，我再次被毕业生推选为世界最伟大的学府之一，牛津大学的校长。 因此我对大学意味着什么、以及对校内教学、研究或学习有着强烈的观点也就不足为奇了。 大学应当是一切社会的自由堡垒。 它们主要的研究和教学功能不应受到政府的干涉；它们应当能够控制自身的学术治理举措。 如果上述条件得不到满足，我不相信一所学校能够成为一所世界级的学府。 大学的功能是制造思想碰撞，与其他学者一道检验研究成果，以及对学生传授新的知识。 言论自由因此对大学而言至关重要，它能让学者保持人类共同情感，并捍卫支撑任何自由社会的共同的理解和宽容。 这当然导致独裁政府将大学视为危险，并试图遏制大学对疑难问题的提出和解答。 但如果任何否定学术自由的行为都是对大学意义的打击，那么今天最具有讽刺意义的却是某些对这些价值最令人担忧的攻击来源于大学内部。 在美国和英国，某些学生和老师现在试图限制争鸣和辩论。 他们争辩说人们根本不应该听到他们强烈反对的想法。 此外，他们还提出应当将未能通过今天政治正确性测试者的名字（虽非才能）从历史上抹去。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Closing Africa’s Financing Gap PARIS – Toward the end of 2018, the United States merged existing development agencies into the new US International Development Finance Corporation (IDFC). With a financing capacity of $60 billion in equity and debt – more than twice that of its predecessors – the new agency, which is scheduled to become operational by the end of this year, represents a major step in US development policy, particularly regarding Africa. It may also reflect rising global awareness that a huge investment-financing gap poses an existential threat to Africa’s future. The continent’s potential is beyond doubt. Over the past two decades, Africa has entered a phase of structural change that is about to accelerate. Progressive – if uneven – political stabilization has allowed a number of African countries to rely less on raw-material exports and start becoming consumer economies. McKinsey, for example, forecasts that African consumer spending will increase by $645 billion between 2015 and 2025. Yet massive challenges remain. The IMF recently forecast that Africa must create 20 million new jobs per year until 2035 – twice the current rate – just to absorb new labor-force entrants. This will require huge investment. But the three main existing sources of non-state financing in Africa are unable to meet these needs. Official development assistance (ODA) to Africa declined between 2014 and 2016 and has since remained relatively flat. The local financial sector, including large African banks, suffered from the commodity-price downturn and is still constrained. And international banks retreated significantly from the continent after new regulatory standards increased the costs and capital consumption of operations in non-investment-grade countries. Surprisingly, this aspect of the collateral damage caused by the global financial crisis has not sparked much debate. As a result, the African financing gap continues to widen alarmingly. Whereas Africa’s annual financing needs have been conservatively estimated at $130 billion for infrastructure alone, available resources cover less than half of this amount. According to McKinsey, actual capital expenditure in Africa amounted to $415 billion in 2015. With average annual GDP growth on the continent forecast to exceed 3%, Africa would need to finance a further $750 billion of capital spending over ten years. None of the major existing sources of financing can rise to the challenge by themselves.", "zh": "填补非洲融资缺口 巴黎—2018年行将结束之际，美国将现有发展机构合并为美国国际发展融资公司（IDFC ） 。 这家新机构拥有600亿美元股本和债务融资能力 — — 比它的各家前身高出一倍有余 — — 按日程将在今年年底投入运营，这是美国发展政策的一个大动作，特别是针对非洲的大动作。 它还反映出世界日益认识到，巨大的投融资缺口是非洲未来的一大生存威胁。 非洲的潜力毋庸置疑。 在过去二十年中，非洲进入了结构性变化时期，目前正在加速的起点。 进步的 — — 虽然并不平均 — — 政治稳定让众多非洲国家不再那么依赖原材料出口，开始成为消费经济。 比如，麦肯锡（McKinsey）预测，2015—2015年非洲消费者支出将增加6,450亿美元。 但仍然存在艰巨的挑战。 IMF最近预测，到2035年，非洲每年必须创造2,000万个新工作岗位 — — 是当前速度的两倍 — — 才能吸收新晋劳动力大军。 这需要巨量投资。 但现有的三大主要非国家融资来源无法满足这些需要。 流向非洲的官方发展援助（ODA）在2014—2016年间有所下降，随后基本不变。 本地金融部门，包括非洲大银行，都受到了大宗商品价格下降的影响，大受掣肘。 国际银行也因为新监管标准提高了非投资级国家的成本和资本消费量，而从非洲大量撤退。 令人惊讶的是，这一全球金融危机的附带伤害并没有引起热议。 因此，非洲融资缺口令人担忧地不断扩大。 光是基础设施保守估计，非洲年融资需求就高达1,300亿美元，而可用资源只能覆盖不到一半。 据麦肯锡研究，2015年实际资本支出为4,150亿美元。 非洲平均年GDP增长预计将超3 % ， 未来十年需要额外的7,500亿美元资本支出融资。 现有主要融资资源都无法克服这些挑战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "鼓励可再生能源场站合理配置储能系统。研究确定不同特性储能系统接入方式、并网适应性、运行控制、涉网保护、信息交换及安全防护等方面的要求，对于满足要求的储能系统，电网应准予接入并将其纳入电网调度管理。推动储能系统与可再生能源协调运行。鼓励储能与可再生能源场站作为联合体参与电网运行优化，接受电网运行调度，实现平滑出力波动、提升消纳能力、为电网提供辅助服务等功能。电网企业应将联合体作为特殊的“电厂”对待，在政府指导下签订并网调度协议和购售电合同，联合体享有相应的权利并承担应有的义务。研究建立可再生能源场站侧储能补偿机制。研究和定量评估可再生能源场站侧配置储能设施的价值，探索合理补偿方式。支持应用多种储能促进可再生能源消纳。支持在可再生能源消纳问题突出的地区开展可再生能源储电、储热、制氢等多种形式能源存储与输出利用；推进风电储热、风电制氢等试点示范工程的建设。", "en": "Encourage the reasonable configuration of energy storage systems in renewable energy power stations. Research and determine the requirements for different types of energy storage systems, including connection methods, grid adaptability, operation control, network protection, information exchange, and security measures. For energy storage systems that meet the requirements, the power grid should allow their connection and incorporate them into grid dispatch management. Promote the coordinated operation of energy storage systems and renewable energy. Encourage energy storage systems and renewable energy power stations to participate in grid operation optimization as a collective entity, accept grid operation dispatch, achieve smooth power output fluctuations, enhance power absorption capacity, and provide ancillary services to the grid. Grid companies should treat the collective entity as a special power plant, sign grid dispatch agreements and power purchase contracts under government guidance, and grant the collective entity corresponding rights and responsibilities. Research and establish compensation mechanisms for energy storage on the side of renewable energy power stations. Study and quantitatively evaluate the value of energy storage facilities in renewable energy power stations and explore reasonable compensation methods. Support the application of various energy storage technologies to promote the integration of renewable energy. Support the development of various forms of energy storage and utilization, such as energy storage, heat storage, and hydrogen production, in areas with prominent issues in renewable energy integration. Promote the construction of pilot demonstration projects for wind power heat storage, wind power hydrogen production, and other technologies."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们把那些海鸟浸泡在洗涤液中，想把它们身上的油污洗掉，但十分困难，油浆和羽毛死死地粘在一起，稍用力羽毛就和油污一起一片片掉下来……傍晚，那些海鸟大部分还是死了。当时我浑身油污地瘫坐在黑色的海滩上，看着夕阳在黑色的大海上落下，感觉这就是世界末日了。“父亲不知什么时候来到我身后，他问我是否记得那副小恐龙骨架。我当然记得，那是在石油勘探中发现的，很完整，父亲花大价钱把它买了下来，安放到外公的庄园里。父亲接着说：麦克，我给你讲过恐龙是怎样灭绝的，一颗小行星撞击了地球，世界先是一片火海，然后陷人漫长的黑暗与寒冷……那天夜里你被噩梦吓醒了，你说梦中自己回到了那个可怕的时代。现在我要告诉你当时想说但没说出来的一件事：如果真的生活在白垩纪晚期，那是你的幸运，因为我们的时代更恐怖，现在，地球生命物种的灭绝速度，比白垩纪晚期要快得多，现在才是真正的大灭绝时代！", "en": "We soaked those birds in detergent, trying to get rid of the oil stuck to their bodies. But it was extremely difficult: crude oil was infused into their feathers, and if you brushed a little too hard, the feathers would come off with the oil.... By that evening, most of the birds had died. As I sat on the black beach, exhausted and covered in oil, I stared at the sun setting over a black sea and felt like it was the end of the world.\"My father came up behind me without my noticing. He asked me if I still remembered the small dinosaur skeleton. Of course I remembered. The nearly complete skeleton had been discovered during oil exploration. My father spent a large sum to buy it, and installed it on the grounds of my grandfathers mansion.\"My father then said, 'Mike, I've told you how dinosaurs went extinct. An asteroid crashed into the Earth. The world first became a sea of fire, and then sank into a prolonged period of darkness and coldness... One night, you woke from a nightmare, saying that you had dreamt that you were back in that terrifying age. Let me tell you now what I wanted to tell you that night: If you really lived during the Cretaceous Period, you'd be fortunate. The period we live in now is far more frightening. Right now,  species on Earth are going extinct far faster than during the late Cretaceous. Now is truly the age of mass extinctions!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Rising Price of Trump’s Border Wall WASHINGTON, DC – As a candidate, Donald Trump insisted on one signature issue above all: the United States will build a wall along its border with Mexico, and Mexico will pay for it. Seven months after taking office, however, Trump has made no progress on either front: political support for a new wall is diminishing, and the chance that Mexico will pay anything for it is essentially zero and seems to be off the agenda. Now, Trump is doubling down – and threatening to shut down the government, or even default on the federal debt, unless Congress provides funding for a wall that he promised would cost US taxpayers nothing. If Trump escalates this confrontation, the costs for Americans – in terms of economic uncertainty and slower growth – are likely to pile up. The amounts of money involved are not large relative to the overall size of the US government. In Trump’s first full-year budget, initial spending on the wall was put at $1.6 billion, with the president estimating that the total cost will be $12 billion (although other estimates are considerably higher). Compared to total US government spending of $3.9 trillion in 2016, that is a drop in the bucket. The argument here is about principles: what would a border wall really achieve from a practical standpoint, and what would it symbolize? But the precise rules about purse strings determine how this argument will play out.", "zh": "日益高涨的特朗普边境墙代价 华盛顿—作为总统候选人时，特朗普坚持的最标志性问题是：美国将沿着美墨边境建造一道墙，建墙的钱由墨西哥出。 但是，上台七个月后，特朗普在任何一方面都没有取得进展：建造新墙的政治支持越来越弱，墨西哥出钱的可能基本为零，并且似乎已经不在特朗普的日程之中。 目前，特朗普正在加倍下注 — — 还威胁要关闭政府，甚至赖掉联邦债务，除非国会为他承诺不会给美国纳税人造成任何成本的高墙拨款。 如果特朗普让这一冲突继续升级，那么美国人民所遭受的成本 — — 用经济不确定性和增长放缓衡量 — — 也可能节节攀升。 所涉资金量相对美国政府的总规模而言并不大。 在特朗普的第一个全年预算中，筑墙的首批支出定在16亿美元，而总统估算的总成本为120亿美元（尽管其他估算要高得多 ） 。 与美国政府2016年的总支出3.9万亿美元相比，这只是九牛一毛。 这里的关键问题在于原则：从实际角度看，一道边境墙到底能够实现什么，又象征着什么？ 但具体的钱袋子规则决定了这一关键问题会如何演变。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In many patriarchal societies and tribal societies, fathers are usually known by their sons, but I'm one of the few fathers who is known by his daughter, and I am proud of it. Before that, she was my daughter, but now I am her father. Ladies and gentlemen, if we glance to human history, the story of women is the story of injustice, inequality, violence and exploitation. She is not welcomed, neither by father nor by mother. The neighborhood comes and commiserates with the mother, and nobody congratulates the father. And a mother is very uncomfortable for having a girl child. When she gives birth to the first girl child, first daughter, she is sad. When she gives birth to the second daughter, she is shocked, and in the expectation of a son, when she gives birth to a third daughter, she feels guilty like a criminal. Not only the mother suffers, but the daughter, the newly born daughter, when she grows old, she suffers too. At the age of five, while she should be going to school, she stays at home and her brothers are admitted in a school. Until the age of 12, somehow, she has a good life. She can have fun. She can play with her friends in the streets, and she can move around in the streets like a butterfly. But when she enters her teens, when she becomes 13 years old, she is forbidden to go out of her home without a male escort. She is confined under the four walls of her home. She is no more a free individual. She becomes the so-called honor of her father and of her brothers and of her family, and if she transgresses the code of that so-called honor, she could even be killed. And it is also interesting that this so-called code of honor, it does not only affect the life of a girl, it also affects the life of the male members of the family.", "zh": "在许多族长制社会和部落制社会中， 父亲通常是因为他的儿子而出名， 但我属于少数的父亲， 我因自己的女儿而出名的， 我对此感到特别骄傲。 在这之前，她是我的女儿， 但现在我是她的父亲。 女士们先生们， 如果我们回顾一下人类历史， 会发现女性的历史 其实是关于不公正， 不平等， 暴力和被剥削的故事。 她不受欢迎， 无论是父亲还是母亲， 邻居会过来 对母亲表示同情， 没有人会去恭喜父亲。 母亲也会因为拥有了一名女儿 而感到不适。 当她产下第一名女婴时， 她是难过的。 当她产下第二名女婴时， 她是震惊的， 由于一心想要儿子， 当她产下第三名女婴的时候， 她感觉羞愧极了，像罪犯一样。 受苦的不仅仅只有母亲， 也有女儿，刚刚来到世界的女婴， 当她长大， 她也会受许多苦。 五岁， 本来是应该去上学的年龄， 她只能呆在家 眼睁睁地望着自己的哥哥或者弟弟去上学， 在十二岁的时候， 她似乎拥有了快乐的生活。 她可以出去玩。 她可以在街道上和朋友一起游戏， 她也可以像蝴蝶一样， 在街道间穿梭。 但当她进入了青少年时期， 当她十三岁的时候， 她禁止在没有男性的陪同下 离开家。 她被家里的四面墙困住了。 她也不再是自由的个体了。 她成为了所谓的 父亲，兄弟和家庭的 \"荣耀\"， 如果她违反了那所谓荣耀的 准则， 她有可能会被处死。 但是让人惊讶的是， 这个所谓的荣耀准则， 不仅仅影响女孩的生活， 也与家庭里的男性成员 息息相关。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was a library. Tall, black-rosewood bookcases, inlaid with copperwork, held on their wide shelves a large number of uniformly bound books. These furnishings followed the contours of the room, their lower parts leading to huge couches upholstered in maroon leather and curved for maximum comfort. Light, movable reading stands, which could be pushed away or pulled near as desired, allowed books to be positioned on them for easy study. In the center stood a huge table covered with pamphlets, among which some newspapers, long out of date, were visible. Electric light flooded this whole harmonious totality, falling from four frosted half globes set in the scrollwork of the ceiling. I stared in genuine wonderment at this room so ingeniously laid out, and I couldn’t believe my eyes. “Captain Nemo,” I told my host, who had just stretched out on a couch, “this is a library that would do credit to more than one continental palace, and I truly marvel to think it can go with you into the deepest seas.” “Where could one find greater silence or solitude, professor?” Captain Nemo replied. “Did your study at the museum afford you such a perfect retreat?” “No, sir, and I might add that it’s quite a humble one next to yours. You own 6,000 or 7,000 volumes here . . .” “12,000, Professor Aronnax. They’re my sole remaining ties with dry land. But I was done with the shore the day my Nautilus submerged for the first time under the waters. That day I purchased my last volumes, my last pamphlets, my last newspapers, and ever since I’ve chosen to believe that humanity no longer thinks or writes. In any event, professor, these books are at your disposal, and you may use them freely.”", "zh": "这是图书室。图书室的四壁摆着高大的紫檀木嵌铜丝的书架，架上一层一层的隔板上放满了装潢统一的书籍。架子下面摆着一排蒙着栗色兽皮的长沙发；沙发的曲度正合适，坐上去很舒服。沙发旁边有可以随意移来移去的轻巧的活动书案，人们可以把书放在上面看。图书室中央放一张大桌子，上面摆满了许多小册子，其中有些是过时的报纸。半嵌在拱形天花板上的四个磨沙玻璃球发出柔和的电光，浸浴着这和谐的整体。我看了这所布置十分精致的图书室，心中十分赞美，我几乎都不敢信任我自己的眼睛。 “尼摩船长，”我对刚在沙发上躺下的主人说，“这样一个图书室，就是放在大陆上的宫廷中也足以自豪，我一想到它可以跟着您到海底的最深处，真不禁要眉飞色舞，十分高兴起来。” “教授，试问哪里还可以找出比这里更隐僻更静溢的地方来？”尼摩船长答，“您的自然博物馆的工作室能供给您这样一个安静舒适的环境吗？” “没有，先生，我还得说，我的工作室跟这比较起来，显然是太寒酸了。您这室中有六七千本书呢……” “阿龙纳斯先生，共有一万二千本。这是我跟陆地上的唯一联系。但从我的诺第留斯号第一次潜入水底的那一天起，对我来说，人世就完结了。这一天，我买了我最后一批书，最后一批小册子，最后几份日报，从那时候起，我就认为，人类没有什么思想，也没有什么著作了.教授，这些书随您的便，您可以自由使用。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putting America’s Recovery to Work BERKELEY – America’s economy grew much more rapidly than expected in 2013 and appears poised to strengthen further this year. But there is still considerable slack in the labor market, and, as long as it persists, the gains from faster growth will continue to be concentrated at the top of the income distribution, as they have been throughout the recovery. According to recent BEA estimates, real (inflation-adjusted) GDP grew at a 2.7% average annual rate in 2013, compared to only 2% in 2012. Most forecasters – including the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, the so-called Blue Chip consensus, and the Federal Reserve – predict that annual real growth will reach at least 2.8% in 2014. Despite two recent lackluster employment reports, there are many reasons to expect that growth will accelerate in 2014. The headwinds buffeting the US recovery – impaired household balance sheets, a depressed housing market, and government spending and employment cuts – are dissipating. Household debt has fallen to levels last seen in the early 1990’s, real household net worth has returned to its pre-recession peak, and residential investment as a share of GDP is rising. Meanwhile, state and local-government budgets are improving, and the federal budget is on track to subtract only about 0.5% from GDP in 2014, compared to 1.75% in 2013.", "zh": "让美国的复苏走进就业 伯克利—2013年美国经济增长比预期快很多，今年似乎会进一步走强。 但劳动力市场仍然颓势尽显，而只要这一状况得不到改善，增长加速的好处就会继续向收入分布顶层集中 — — 在整个复苏过程中一直都是这样。 根据最新的BEA统计，实际（经通胀调整的）GDP在2013年的平均年增长率为2.7 % ， 2012年为2 % 。 许多预测机构 — — 包括无党派色彩的国会预算办公室、所谓的蓝筹（Blue Chip）共识和美联储 — — 都认为2014年年实际增长率至少可以达到2.8 % 。 尽管最近两期的就业报告都没有亮点可寻，但仍有许多理由可以期待2014年会有增长加速。 影响美国复苏的阻力 — — 被破坏的家庭资产负债表、萧条的住房市场以及政府支出和就业的下降 — — 正在消失。 家庭债务已经降到20世纪90年代初的水平，实际家庭净值已经回到了衰退前的峰值水平，住房投资占GDP的比例也在上升。 与此同时，州和地方政府预算正在改善，预计2014年联邦预算将只占GDP的0.5 % ， 而2013年为1.75 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "夜深。 装修奢华的卧室中，昏黄的灯光，烘托着夜的安静与神秘。 乔恋坐在复古大床上，不安的揪着身上的性感睡衣。 想到等会儿要发生的事儿，饶是她一向天不怕地不怕，此刻也紧张的咬住下嘴唇，乌黑明亮的大眼睛，若有似无的滑向浴室方向。 流水声停了，浴室门被打开，沈凉川高大挺拔的身形走出来，让这宽大的卧室，都显得有些逼仄，他周身弥漫着一股与生俱来的尊贵气息。 乔恋心里“咯噔”一下，噌的站起来。 这个人，是她的新婚丈夫。 然而，他们今天才第一次见面。 他穿着一件白色睡袍，头发湿漉漉的，坚挺的鼻，单薄的唇，五官比屏幕上见到的还要精致好看，尤其是那双狭长凤眸，犀利又凉薄。 乔恋挤出一抹甜美的笑，尽量语气轻松的开口：“沈先生，第一次见面，请多关照。” 话落，男人目光一沉，眸底倏忽间透出危险的气息！ “第一次见？” 他的嗓音低沉，其中的寒意让人心中一凛！ 那语气，像是带着某种讥讽，乔恋还没想明白，就见他忽然转身，关灯。 “啪！” 突如其来的黑暗，让乔恋一愣，下一秒，就感觉腰间一紧，一阵天旋地转，人倒在床上，接着一具充斥着阳刚气息的身躯，压了过来。 他的动作非常粗暴，没有前戏的，直接贯穿了她的身体，接着就是一阵狂风暴雨般的摧残！ 事毕，乔恋无力的躺在床上，身上的每一处都在疼痛，鼻尖是充满了侵略性的男性气息。 她还没松口气，一只大手就擒住了她的下巴，让她与他直视。", "en": "In a lavishly decorated bedroom, the dim yellow lights contrasted the silence and the mysterious atmosphere of the night. Qiao Lian sat on a large classical-style bed, uneasily clutching onto her sensual nightgown. She had always been a fearless person. However, upon thinking of what was about to happen, she was filled with anxiety. Qiao Lian bit her lower lip and her deep, dark eyes floated subtly towards the direction of the bathroom. The sound of the running water stopped, and the bathroom door opened. When the tall Shen Liangchuan walked out of the bathroom, he made the spacious bedroom look cramp. He exuded an inherent, distinguished aura. Qiao Lian’s heart jolted, and she quickly stood up. This man was her newlywedded husband.Yet this was the first time they were meeting. He donned a white bathrobe, his hair still dripping wet. His facial features, including a sharp nose and thin lips, were more distinct and handsome than what they looked like on television. His long, almond-shaped eyes also felt sharp, but cold. “Mr. Shen, this is the first time we’re meeting. It’s my pleasure,” Qiao Lian forced a sweet smile and tried her best to use a light, relaxed tone to greet him. Just as she finished speaking, his gaze darkened. There was a sense of danger that flashed within his eyes. “Our first meeting?” His voice was deep, and the coldness in it left a chill in her heart! There was a certain sense of sarcasm in the way he spoke. Before Qiao Lian could figure out what he meant, he suddenly turned around and switched off the lights. “Piak!” The sudden darkness startled Qiao Lian. The next moment, she felt someone grab her waist tightly. The room spun around her and she fell onto the bed, pinned by a bulky stature emanating a strong masculine scent. His actions were extremely rough, entering her without any foreplay. What followed felt like a tempestuous ravage across her body. When the deed was done, Qiao Lian laid on the bed weakly, feeling pain in every part of her body. Her nasal tip was filled with the aggressive, masculine scent. Before she was even able to catch her breath, he clutched at her chin and forced her to look him in the eyes."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He knows that US intelligence had nothing to do with it, and yet he has claimed that Navalny is backed by “American special services,” and that the Bellingcat investigation is based on selectively leaked “US intelligence materials.” Though he acknowledges that Navalny was under surveillance, he points out that this is standard practice. But if the Americans are guilty only of giving information to Bellingcat, there is still the question asked of Raskolnikov in Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment: Who did it, then? The Kremlin offers no answer to that. Among Putin’s greatest fears is that someone in his immediate circle will betray him, opening the door for a “color revolution” of the kind seen in Georgia and Ukraine in the early 2000s. He has repeatedly described mass political protests in post-Soviet states as “illegal coups” arranged by the West. Though he never refers to Navalny by name in public, he regularly compares him to Mikheil Saakashvili, one of the leaders of Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution. By contrast, Belarus’s dictator, Aleksandr Lukashenko, falls into the category of “our son of a bitch,” because he refuses to surrender to a “color revolution.” Is a “color revolution” even possible in Russia, given that even a government operation to murder an opposition leader is not enough to provoke national indignation? Likewise, few Russians batted an eye last summer when Putin rewrote the constitution to extend his rule at least until 2036. Russia’s past – both Soviet and czarist – has taught today’s Russians that separation from the leader generally comes only with his death. Under Putin, many Russians – especially older generations – have come to embody a combination of imperial longing and fear of the external (and eternal) enemy. Life under this leader may not be ideal; but, as Navalny and his supporters have learned, it isn’t bad enough.", "zh": "他知道美国情报机关与此无关，但他仍然宣称纳瓦尔尼背后有“美国特殊服务 ” ， Bellingcat的调查是根据选择性地泄露的“美国情报材料 ” 。 尽管他承认纳瓦尔尼受到监视，但同时指出这是标准操作。 但如果美国人仅仅因为向Bellingcat透露信息就有罪，那么仍有陀思妥耶夫斯基《罪与罚》中的拉斯克利尼科夫之问：那么，是谁干的？ 克里姆林宫并未提供答案。 普京最担心的事情之一是他圈子中的某个人会背叛他，开启21世纪初格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的“颜色革命”之门。 他反复说，前苏联国家的群众政治示威是西方安排的“非法政变 ” 。 尽管他从未公开对纳瓦尔尼指名道姓，但常常把他比作2003年格鲁吉亚玫瑰革命领导人之一米哈伊尔·萨卡什维利（Mikheil Saakashvili ） 。 相反，白俄罗斯独裁者卢卡申科则属于“我们的儿子”一类，因为他拒绝向“颜色革命”投降。 谋杀反对派领袖的政府行动都不足以引起国家公愤，俄罗斯还有可能发生“颜色革命”吗？ 类似地，去年夏天，当普京修改宪法将他的统治至少延长到2036年时，也几乎没有俄罗斯人拍案而起。 俄罗斯的历史 — — 不管是苏联还是沙皇 — — 让今天的俄罗斯人知道，往往只有死亡才能让领导人下台。 在普京统治下，许多俄罗斯人 — — 特别是老一辈人 — — 形成了一种对帝国的渴望和对外部（和永恒）的敌人的恐惧的交织感。 这位领袖领导下的生活也许并不完美；但是，如纳尔瓦你和他的支持者所看到的，也没有坏到忍无可忍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Her husband, among various physical accomplishments, had been one of the most powerful ends that ever played football at New Haven—a national figure in a way, one of those men who reach such an acute limited excellence at twenty-one that everything afterward savors of anti-climax. His family were enormously wealthy—even in college his freedom with money was a matter for reproach—but now he’d left Chicago and come East in a fashion that rather took your breath away: for instance, he’d brought down a string of polo ponies from Lake Forest. it was hard to realize that a man in my own generation was wealthy enough to do that.Why they came East I don’t know. They had spent a year in France for no particular reason, and then drifted here and there unrestfully wherever people played polo and were rich together. This was a permanent move, said Daisy over the telephone, but I didn’t believe it—I had no sight into Daisy’s heart, but I felt that Tom would drift on forever seeking, a little wistfully, for the dramatic turbulence of some irrecoverable football game.", "zh": "她的丈夫，除了擅长其他各种运动之外，曾经是纽黑文有史以来最伟大的橄榄球运动员之---也可说是个全国闻名的人物，这种人二十一岁就在有限范围内取得登峰造极的成就，从此以后一切都不免有走下坡路的味道了。他家里非常有钱--还在大学时他那样任意花钱已经遭人非议，但现在他离开了芝加哥搬到东部来，搬家的那个排场可真要使人惊讶不已。比方说，他从森林湖运来整整一群打马球用的马匹。在我这一辈人中竞然还有人阔到能够干这种事，实在令人难以置信。他们为什么到东部来，我并不知道。他们并没有什么特殊的理由，在法国待了一年，后来又不安定地东飘西荡，所去的地方都有人打马球，而且大家都有钱。这次是定居了，黛西在电话里说。可是我并不相信--我看不透黛西的心思，不过我觉得汤姆会为追寻某场无法重演的球赛的戏剧性的激奋，就这样略有点怅惘地永远飘荡下去。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It would bring to the table the most influential states, regardless of their regime type, thereby separating ideological differences over domestic governance from matters requiring international cooperation. It would shun formal procedures and codified rules, instead relying on persuasion and compromise to build consensus. The concert would be a consultative, not a decision-making body, addressing emerging crises, fashioning new rules of the road, and building support for collective initiatives. It would leave operational oversight to the UN and other existing bodies. The concert would thus augment, not supplant, the current international architecture, by sitting atop it to tee up decisions that could then be taken and implemented elsewhere. Like the Concert of Europe, a contemporary concert would promote stability by privileging the territorial status quo and a view of sovereignty that precludes, except in the case of international consensus, the use of military force or other coercive means to alter existing borders or topple regimes. Members would reserve the right to take unilateral action when they deem their vital interests to be at stake. Ideally, sustained strategic dialogue would make unilateral moves less frequent and destabilizing. The concert would also seek to generate collective responses to longer-term challenges, such as combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as well as terrorist networks, promoting global health, forging norms in cyberspace, and combating climate change. These important matters often fall between institutional cracks that the concert could fill. Imagine what might have been had a global concert taken shape after the Cold War.", "zh": "无论政权类型如何，它都将邀请最具影响力的国家坐上谈判桌，从而明确区分国内治理问题上的意识形态分歧以及需要国际合作才能解决的事务。 协调机制将避免设立正式程序和成文规则，而是依靠说服和妥协来达成共识合作。 该协调机制应当是协商而非决策机构，负责处理新出现的危机，制定新的道路规则，同时集聚对集体倡议的支持力量。 协调机制会把运行监督权留给联合国和其他现有机构。 上述协调机制因此将补充而非替代现有的国际架构，即在现有机制基础上准备好决策，而后在其他领域采纳和执行。 像欧洲协调机制一样，现代协调机制将会通过优先保持领土现状和排除使用军事力量或其他胁迫手段（在达成国际共识的情况下除外）改变现有边境或推翻政权的主权观来促进稳定现状。 成员国如果认为自身重大利益受到侵害，即有权采取单方面行动。 理想情况下，持续战略对话能够降低单边行动的频率和破坏性。 上述协调机制还寻求对长期挑战做出集体响应，如打击大规模毁灭性武器和恐怖主义网络扩散、促进全球健康、建立网络空间规范以及应对气候变化。 该协调机制能够填补往往漏过上述重要问题的制度裂缝。 我们想象一下如果冷战后立即建立全球协调机制局面将会怎样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Complaints about unfair Chinese trade practices, therefore, are actually complaints about the mismatch between the slow pace of economic opening and the very fast pace of modernization. The competitiveness gap between China and the OECD countries is closing much faster than the regulatory environment is converging. In fact, per capita GDP – and thus productivity – in a number of Chinese provinces with a combined population of over 100 million is similar to that of advanced countries (around $30,000 per capita at purchasing power parity). Of course, the national average is much lower (about one-half), as overall productivity is much lower, and the Chinese authorities have to calibrate policies for their entire vast country. But, for the outside world, the high-productivity regions are what matters. If we are to avoid further escalation of tensions, the West and China must acknowledge each other’s perspectives. Ultimately, however, foreign pressure will have little effect on China’s massive and powerful economy. The real question for China lies at home: Do enduring distortions and barriers to investment really serve the development of the country’s lagging provinces? In the past, it might have made sense to protect the nascent industries in the coastal regions from foreign competition. Today, however, China’s protectionist regime does little to help nascent industries in the poor interior, because their biggest competitors are no longer foreign companies, but rather firms from the dynamic coastal areas. This implies that China must rethink its very development strategy. And to do that, the last thing policymakers need is an ongoing trade war.", "zh": "因此，关于中国不公平贸易措施的抱怨，实际上是关于缓慢的经济开放速度与快速的现代化节奏之间的错配的抱怨。 中国和经合组织国家之间的竞争力差距的填补速度远远快于监管环境的趋同速度。 事实上，总人口超过1亿人的中国多省人均GDP — — 因而代表着生产率 — — 已经类似于发发国家（以购买力平价计算，约在30,000美元 ） 。 当然，全国平均水平要低得多（大约为这个数字的一半 ） ， 因为总体生产率要低得多，而中国当局必须在广袤的全国理顺政策。 但对外部世界来说，高生产率地区才是问题的重点。 要想避免紧张的进一步升级，西方和中国必须认识到彼此的角度。 但说到底，外国压力不会对中国巨大且强大的经济造成多少影响。 对中国来说，真正的问题在国内：长期存在的扭曲和投资壁垒是否真的有利于落后省份的发展？ 在过去，保护沿海地区的新兴产业免受外国竞争也许很有意义。 但时至今日，中国的保护主义机制对于帮助贫穷内陆的信心产业几乎没有作用，因为它们的最大竞争对手不再是外国公司，而是来自充满活力的沿海地区的企业。 这意味着中国必须反思其发展战略。 而对于这个问题，决策者最必须避免的就是贸易战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Various efforts were made over the years to expand the Second Amendment to recognize the right of individuals, and not just militias, to bear arms. When a bank robber named Luke Miller challenged a federal gun regulation in 1934 that controlled buying and selling of machine guns across state borders, the NRA supported the Supreme Court decision to stick to the original interpretation of the Constitution and allow the regulation to stand. But then the NRA, provoked by one of those periodic panics that drive so many Americans to seek guns, switched its position to become a radical proponent of private gun ownership. And when large numbers of Americans panic, race is usually in the background. Frightful violence was unleashed by gun-toting Ku Klux Klan members beginning in the 1860s, when white southerners sought to restore the racial hierarchy upended by the end of slavery and Reconstruction in the former Confederate states. This resulted in paranoid rhetoric about black men threatening white property and women; shootings and lynching followed. Echoes of this resounded in the 1970s, when white resistance to court-ordered school integration peaked. Indeed, what really pushed the NRA into active politics and lobbying an individual right to carry guns was the expansion of civil rights for African-Americans under President Lyndon Johnson. This triggered the flight of southern Democrats to the Republican Party, the active involvement of evangelical Christians in right-wing politics, and the demand for a new interpretation of the Second Amendment. Images of Black Panther revolutionaries taking up arms to defend themselves against racism seemed to confirm many whites’ worst fears.", "zh": "多年来，人们做了大量工作扩大第二修正案，承认个体（而不仅仅是民兵）持有武器的权利。 1934年，一位名叫卢克·米勒（Luke Miller）的银行劫匪挑战了管制州际买卖机关枪法规，全国步枪协会支持最高法院的裁定，即坚持原有允许监管的宪法解释。 但随后，一场周期性的恐慌促使许多美国人寻求持枪，受此影响，美国步枪协会转换了立场，变成了私人持枪的坚定支持者。 而当大量美国人陷入了恐慌时，常常会有种族背景。 19世纪60年代，南方白人试图恢复随着前邦联州奴隶制的结束而结束的种族等级，持枪的3K党大肆发动暴力。 这导致了关于黑人威胁白人产业和妇女的偏执叙事，枪击和私刑随之产生。 这一幕在20世纪70年代重现，白人对法院的学校种族融合令的抵制达到了顶峰。 事实上，让美国步枪协会踊跃参与政治，为个人持枪权游说的真正原因是约翰逊总统在位期间非洲裔美国人民事权利的扩张。 这促使南方民主党纷纷改换门庭加入共和党，福音派基督徒积极参与右翼政治，对第二修正案进行新的解释的呼声四起。 面对种族主义的黑豹革命分子拿起武器保卫自己的形象似乎印证了许多白人最深切的担忧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Defense of the Fed NEW HAVEN – I have not been a fan of the policies of the US Federal Reserve for many years. Despite great personal fondness for my first employer, and appreciation of all that working there gave me in terms of professional training and intellectual stimulation, the Fed had lost its way. From bubble to bubble, from crisis to crisis, there were increasingly compelling reasons to question the Fed’s stewardship of the US economy. That now appears to be changing. Notwithstanding howls of protest from market participants and rumored unconstitutional threats from an unhinged US president, the Fed should be congratulated for its steadfast commitment to policy “normalization.” It is finally confronting the beast that former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan unleashed over 30 years ago: the “Greenspan put” that provided asymmetric support to financial markets by easing policy aggressively during periods of market distress while condoning froth during upswings. Since the October 19, 1987 stock-market crash, investors have learned to count on the Fed’s unfailing support, which was justified as being consistent with what is widely viewed as the anchor of its dual mandate: price stability. With inflation as measured by the Consumer Price Index averaging a mandate-compliant 2.1% in the 20-year period ending in 2017, the Fed was, in effect, liberated to go for growth. And so it did. But the problem with the growth gambit is that it was built on the quicksand of an increasingly asset-dependent and ultimately bubble- and crisis-prone US economy.", "zh": "为美联储辩护 纽黑文—我不怎么认同美联储的政策已经好多年了。 对于这个我的第一位雇主，我是爱它的，并且十分感谢这里给予我的职业训练和知识激励，但美联储迷失了方向。 从泡沫到泡沫，从危及到危机，越来越多的令人信服的理由能够质疑美联储对美国经济的看护。 现在，这一点似乎正在改变。 尽管市场参与者怨声载道，精神错乱的美国总统更是据说发出了违宪威胁，但美联储坚定履行政策“正常化”应该让人感到庆贺。 它终于面临了美联储前主席艾伦·格林斯潘（Alan Greenspan）放出来的怪兽 — — “格林斯潘看跌期权 ” 。 格林斯潘期权给予金融市场不对称的支持，在市场危机期间实行过度宽松的政策，而在市场繁荣时却不予纠正。 1987年10月19日股市崩盘以来，投资者已经学会了倚赖美联储的源源不竭的支持，进行这种支持的原因，便是所谓的美联储双重使命之锚：物价稳定。 用消费物价指数衡量的通货膨胀在截至2017年的20年时间里录得2.1 % ， 与美联储的使命相称，美联储因此也能腾出手来有效地支持了增长。 确实如此。 但增长策略的问题是它建立在流沙之上 — — 日益依赖资产、极易发生泡沫和危机的美国经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Under the budget that California Governor Jerry Brown recently signed, the number of families eligible for CalEITC will nearly triple, from 600,000 to 1.7 million, and the income eligibility threshold will increase from $14,000 to $23,000. California’s poverty line for a family of three currently is $20,000 per year. So, with this increase, any family with a full-time minimum-wage worker will qualify for the tax credit, keeping them above the poverty line. Moreover, CalEITC will now apply to freelancing and self-reported income, which account for almost all of California’s income growth today. These forms of income are earned disproportionately by people of color and women, with women now accounting for three fifths of eligible tax filers, and seven out of ten eligible tax filers with children. California is also one of 21 states that raised its minimum wage this year. By 2022, its statewide minimum wage will be $15 per hour – the highest in the country. Kansas, by contrast, is one of a handful of states that still adheres to the federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour. In inflation-adjusted terms, that is 20% lower than it was during the Reagan presidency. Still, Trump and the Republican congressional leadership oppose any increase to the federal minimum wage, which puts them at odds with a majority of Americans. The EITC and the minimum wage are complementary policies that bring about better outcomes when used in tandem. Because the EITC expands the supply of low-income workers, it can exert downward pressure on wages.", "zh": "根据加利福尼亚州州长杰里·布朗（Jerry Brown）最近签署的预算，有资格获得加州所得税抵免的家庭数量将从60万增加到170万，可受惠年收入门槛将从1.4万美元提高到2.3万美元。 一个加利福尼亚州的三口之家目前的贫困线为年收入2万美元。 因此随着门槛提升，任何拥有全职最低工资劳动者的家庭都有资格获得税收抵免，使他们可以位处贫困线之上。 此外，加州所得税抵免现在还适用于自由职业者和自我申报的收入，这两项几乎占加州当前收入增长的几乎全部份额。 有色人种和妇女占了这类形式收入者的绝大多数比例，目前妇女占了合资格的抵免申报者的3/5，而7/10的申报者有孩子。 加州也是今年提高最低工资的21个州之一。 到2022年，全州的最低工资将为每小时15美元，也是全国的最高水平。 相比之下，堪萨斯州是仍然坚持每小时7.25美元联邦最低工资少数几个州之一。 如果扣除通胀因素，这个收入等于比里根任总统期间还下降了20 ％ 。 不过，特朗普和共和党国会领导人反对提升联邦最低工资，这使得他们与大多数美国人背道而驰。 所得税抵免和最低工资互为补充，同时使用时效果更好。 由于所得税抵免扩大了低收入劳动者的供给，因此可能对工资造成下行压力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "US Strategic Ambiguity Over Taiwan Must End TOKYO – Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reminded many people of the fraught relationship between China and Taiwan. But while there are three similarities between the situation in Ukraine and Taiwan, there are also significant differences. The first similarity is that there is a very large military power gap between Taiwan and China, just as there was between Ukraine and Russia. Moreover, that gap is growing larger every year. Second, neither Ukraine nor Taiwan has formal military allies. Both countries are forced to confront threats or attacks alone. Third, because both Russia and China are permanent, veto-wielding members of the United Nations Security Council, the UN’s mediation function cannot be relied upon for conflicts in which they are involved. This has been the case with the current Russian attack on Ukraine, and it would also be the case in any crisis over Taiwan. But the situation surrounding Taiwan is even more uneasy. While Taiwan has no allies, it does have the Taiwan Relations Act, a 1979 US law requiring the United States to provide Taiwan with the military equipment and supplies “necessary to enable Taiwan to maintain a sufficient self-defense capacity.” This law has functioned as a form of compensation for America’s unwillingness to say explicitly that it will “defend Taiwan” should it be attacked. This arrangement should now change. In response to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the US stated early on that it would not deploy its troops in Ukraine’s defense.", "zh": "美国必须结束在台湾问题上的战略模糊态度 东京—俄罗斯入侵乌克兰让许多人想起了中国和台湾之间令人担忧的关系。 但尽管乌克兰和台湾局势有三点相似之处，但同时也存在巨大的差异。 第1个相似之处是，台湾和中国间存在巨大的军事实力差距，这一点很像乌克兰和俄罗斯。 此外，这种差距每年都在不断扩大。 其次，乌克兰和台湾都没有正式的军事盟友。 两国都被迫独自面对威胁或袭击。 第三，因为俄罗斯和中国都是联合国安理会拥有否决权的常任理事国，在它们所卷入的冲突中无法依赖联合国的调解职能来解决问题。 俄罗斯目前对乌克兰的袭击是这样，而且，在任何台湾危机中情况也是如此。 但台湾周边的局势更加令人不安。 尽管台湾没有盟友，但却有与台湾关系法，这是1979年美国的一项法律，要求美国向台湾提供能使其“保持足够自卫能力所必需的”军事装备和物资。 这项法律起到了某种形式的补偿作用，因为美国不愿明确表示，如果台湾遭到袭击，它将“保卫台湾 。 ” 上述安排现在到了应该改变的时候。 为回应俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵，美国早些时候曾经表示，它不会在乌克兰部署美军。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Arrogance and Authority WASHINGTON, DC – It is increasingly common to hear prominent American and European central bankers proclaim, with respect to the crisis of 2008-2010, the following verdict: “We did well.” Their view is that the various government actions to support the financial system helped to stabilize the situation. Indeed, what could be wrong when the United States Federal Reserve’s asset purchases may have actually made money (which is then turned over to the US Treasury)? But to frame the issue in this way is, at best, to engage in delusion. At worst, however, it creates an image of arrogance that can only undermine the credibility on which central banks’ authority rests. The real cost of the crisis is not measured by the profit and loss statement of any central bank – or by whether or not the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), run by the Treasury Department, made or lost money on its various activities. The cost is eight million jobs in the US alone, with employment falling 6% from its peak and – in a major departure from other post-1945 recessions – remaining 5% below that peak today, 31 months after the crisis broke in earnest. The cost is also the increase in net federal government debt held by the private sector – the most accurate measure of true government indebtedness. Comparing the US Congressional Budget Office’s medium-term forecasts before (in January 2008) and after the crisis, this debt increase is a staggering 40% of GDP. Indeed, the reason there is a perceived fiscal crisis in the US today – along with spending cuts that will further hurt many people – is simple: the banks blew themselves up at great cost to the American people, with major negative global implications.", "zh": "自大与权威 发自华盛顿特区 — — 最近耳边充斥的都是各大欧美央行主管们对自身在2008~2010年危机中所作所为的评价 ： “ 咱们干得不错 。 ” 在他们眼里，正是一系列维护金融系统的政府行为协助稳定了整个局势。 而美联储的资产收购行为既然已经获得了盈利（并随后上缴了美国国库 ） ， 那又什么可指摘的呢？ 但用这种思维来界定这一事务其实是有问题的：往轻了说，是被一时的错觉遮了耳目；往重了说，这将催生出一种傲慢自大的偏见，最终腐蚀中央银行得以构建其权威的基石 — — 公信力。 事实上，那场危机的真正成本根本无法用任何中央银行的账面盈亏来衡量 — — 也无法用美国财政部问题资产救助计划（Troubled Asset Relief Program）的一系列行动是赚是亏来进行评估。 如果要说真正的成本，那就是仅美国就失去了800万份工作，就业率也从最高峰下跌了6 % — —这也是与1945年后历次衰退最大的不同之处 — — 如今距离危机爆发已经过去31个月了，失业率依然徘徊在低于最高峰5%的水平上。 另一项成本则是私人部门手中不断增加的联邦政府净债务额 — — 该指标是计算政府债务的最准确手段。 对比美国国会预算办公室在危机前（2008年1月）和危机后发布的中期预测，这一债务的增加额相当于GDP的40 % ， 足以令人震惊不已了。 事实上，导致美国如今的财政危机（以及可能进一步伤害许多民众的政府支出削减）的原因其实很简单：各大银行的危机使美国民众付出了巨大的代价，并在全球范围内造成了巨大的负面影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Measured in US dollars, Russia’s GDP in 2020 was 10% smaller than in 2019. Economists say the ruble is undervalued because of “political factors.” But those factors are of the Kremlin’s own making. It is Putin’s utter rejection not only of democratization and economic liberalization, but of any attempt at modernization, that has brought the economy to its knees. And it is not just the economy that is suffering. Russia’s judicial system is no longer credible. Universities are losing their intellectual vigor, as faculty members stifle themselves and student activists are expelled. Even the state bureaucracy is deteriorating. If the foreign ministry cannot conduct productive negotiations with the West, what good is it? Is its only purpose to churn out crude, Stalinist-style propaganda? This institutional rot reflects the extent to which Putin’s regime has become outdated – morally, politically, and technologically. Portraits of Genrikh Yagoda, the director of the feared NKVD (the Soviet Union’s secret police), hang in police precincts (it was visible during one of Navalny’s trials). A statue of Lavrenti Beria – the most terrifying figure in twentieth-century Russian history after Stalin – is planned for the exhibition hall of the Rosatom State Atomiс Energy Corporation. While the state clings to the past, Russian society modernizes. Herein lies the real conflict in Russia today: the outdated and the modern are competing for the hearts and minds of ordinary Russians. In this war, there will be no concessions. Opposition activity is being treated as a criminal offense.", "zh": "若用美元衡量，2020年俄罗斯GDP比2019年低了10 % 。 经济学家说卢布因为“政治因素”而被低估了。 但这些因素都是克里姆林宫自己炮制出来的。 普京不仅断然拒绝民主化和经济自由化，还试图阻止现代化，这导致俄罗斯经济一蹶不振。 而萧条的不仅仅是经济。 俄罗斯司法体系也不再可信。 大学正在丧失知识活力，教职工自缚手脚，学生活动家遭到开除。 甚至国家官僚也在恶化。 如果外交部无法与西方展开建设性谈判，还能称之为外交部吗？ 它的唯一目标就是输出原始和斯大林式宣传？ 这一制度溃败反映出普京政权已经彻底不合于时代 — — 不管是道德上，政治上还是技术上。 人心惶惶的NKVD（苏联秘密警察）头子詹里克·雅戈达（Genrikh Yagoda）的画像高悬于警局（也在纳瓦尔尼的一次庭审中出现过 ） 。 拉夫连季·贝利亚（Lavrenti Beria，二十世纪俄罗斯历史上仅次于斯大林的恐怖人物）的塑像计划在俄罗斯原子能机构国家原子能公司展厅中矗立。 尽管国家沉溺于过去，但俄罗斯社会正在现代化。 当今俄罗斯的真正冲突便在于此：过时和现代争夺普通俄罗斯人的心神。 这场战争没有妥协。 反对活动正在受到刑事犯罪的待遇。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile, the German right has failed to pull the plug on European Central Bank policies that have helped prop up Italy, Spain, and Portugal, and the ECB remains by far the most respected and influential eurozone institution. Elsewhere, things are pretty much the same. In the United Kingdom, British Prime Minister Theresa May, early in her tenure, once took a swipe at the Bank of England, but quickly retreated. As Mohamed A. El-Erian has noted, many investors regard central banks as “the only game in town,” and they are willing to overlook a lot of political noise as long as monetary-policy independence is upheld. But while politics is not, at least for now, impeding global growth nearly as much as one might have thought, the long-run costs of political upheaval could be far more serious. First, post-2008 political divisiveness creates massive long-term policy uncertainty, as countries oscillate between governments of the left and the right. For example, the recent US tax overhaul has been advertised as a surefire way to boost corporate spending on long-term investment projects. But will it live up to its billing if businesses fear that the legislation, passed by a thin partisan majority, will ultimately be reversed? Part of the case for trying to secure bipartisan agreement on major long-term policy initiatives is precisely to ensure stability. And policy uncertainty in the United States is nothing compared to the UK, where businesses face the twin disruptions of Brexit and (potentially) a Labour government led by the far-left Jeremy Corbyn.", "zh": "与此同时，德国的话语权也未能阻止意大利，西班牙和葡萄牙从欧洲中央银行政策中受益，欧洲央行迄今为止也仍然是最受尊崇且最具影响力的欧元区机构。 其他地方的情况也是如此。 在英国，首相特蕾莎·梅在就任初期抨击了一下英格兰银行后就偃旗息鼓了。 正如穆罕默德·E·埃尔埃里安（Mohamed A. El-Erian）指出的那样，许多投资者认为中央银行是“唯一的选择 ” ， 只要货币政策独立能得到维护，其他政治噪音就是小意思而已。 但是尽管政治 — — 至少目前为止 — — 并未像与其那样阻碍全球经济增长，但是政治动荡的长期代价可能更加高昂。 首先，2008年以后的政治分歧造成了巨大的长期政策不确定性，因为各国都在左右两派政府之间摇摆不定。 例如，近期美国的税收改革已被广泛宣传为一种推动企业投资于长期投资项目的绝佳手段。 但如果企业担心这一勉强借助一个党派的微弱多数通过的立法最终会被扭转的话，它能不能长期有效呢？ 试图确保两党就重大长期政策议案达成协议的一部分原因就是为了确保稳定。 而美国的政策不确定性与英国相比就是小巫见大巫了。 英国企业面临的可是英国脱欧和（可能出现的）由极左派领导人杰里米·科宾（Jeremy Corbyn）所领导的工党政府的双重打击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Shades of Gray It takes a very close look at the results of the recent elections in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia to find among the list of “Others” the tally for “The Greys”: they got 0.1% of the vote. In other words, one in a thousand voted for them, although they claimed to speak for that state’s retired and elderly people – over 30% of the population. “Generation consciousness,” unlike the “class consciousness” of old, is obviously not a defining factor in people’s political preferences. Many more “Greys” voted for the Greens than for their “own” party. This is an important fact. Most Europeans – and many in other parts of the world – live in rapidly aging societies. Nurseries and schools are closed while retirement homes and hospices spring up everywhere. Rising life expectancy coupled with low birth rates shape the demography of almost all prosperous countries. By the middle of the century – unless there is a dramatic turnaround – about half the population will be economically inactive for reasons of age. This trend will have many consequences, most obviously for the welfare state, notably pensions and healthcare. While expenditure for both is rising rapidly, the offsetting revenues are coming from ever fewer people in employment. As a result, the “generational contract” looks less and less viable, because we can no longer rely on today’s workers to pay for today’s pensioners. Insurance-based systems of entitlements created by personal contributions are increasingly taking the place of national health and pension services. This is a profound change that creates much friction in the transitional phase. For example, the transitional phase is a period in which public debt inevitably increases. Governments must continue to pay benefits to today’s pensioners, and they can do so only by borrowing money to replace the revenues that tomorrow’s pensioners are now diverting to personal insurance schemes. Debt, however, is a burden imposed by current citizens on future generations. Understandably, there are signs that younger politicians of all parties are resisting this development. Indeed, a party of the young might well have better prospects than the “Greys.” Shifting political interests are, however, but one part of the changes in an aging society. More visible are changes in lifestyle.", "zh": "阴影下的老人 要想找到“灰党”的得票状况，就必须在德国北莱茵－威斯特法伦州计票清单的“其它政党”一栏中仔细搜寻：他们获得了总票数的0.1 % 。 换句话说，尽管他们自称代表了占该州总人口数30%的退休老人的利益，却只赢得了千分之一的选票。 老年人的“年代意识”和“阶级意识”不同，显然并非政治偏好的决定因素。 给“绿党”投票的老人要比给“自己”政党投票的老人多得多。 这个事实至关重要。 绝大多数欧洲人和世界很多地方的人一样，都生活在快速老龄化的社会之中。 到处都在停办幼儿园和学校，开办养老院和收容所。 平均寿命增加、出生率下降是发达国家人口统计的主要特点。 除非发生戏剧性的改变，否则到本世纪中叶，约有半数的人口将由于年龄原因而丧失经济活力。 上述发展势头会带来多种后果，影响最显著的是福利国家，也就是养老金和医疗保健制度。 尽管上述两项开支都迅速飙升，但承担开支的在职人员人数却跌到了历史上的低点。 因此 ， “ 世代合约”的可行性越来越差，因为我们已经无法再靠今天的劳动者为今天的退休人员买单。 以个人贡献为基础的保险权益体系正日益取代国家卫生和养老制度，这项变革意义深远，但在过渡期内却带来了不少问题。 举例来讲，过渡期内的公共债务会不可避免地增长。 政府必须为今天的退休人员继续支付费用，而且只能靠借款来填补将来退休人员转移到个人保险体系中的费用空缺，来保证目前养老金的足额发放。 但这笔债务却成了现世公民强加在后世子孙身上的一项负担。 种种迹象表明各政党内部的年轻人都反对这种做法，这也可以理解。 的确，年轻人组成的政党完全可能比“老人”政党有着更光明的前景。 政治兴趣的变化只是老龄化社会中一系列改变的组成部分。 更显而易见的是生活方式的改变。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, China’s Gini coefficient (a 100-point index of inequality, in which zero signifies absolute equality and one absolute inequality) fell to 0.50 in 2012, from 0.52 in 2010. Two principal factors are driving this shift. The first is the decline in global demand in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, which has forced China to adjust its growth model sooner than anticipated. The second is China’s ongoing demographic transformation. The share of working-age people (16-65 years old) in the total population has been declining since its 2010 peak of 72%. And the absolute number of working-age people has been falling since 2012. At the same time, China is undergoing rapid urbanization, with some 200 million people having left the agricultural sector in 2001-2008 to seek urban manufacturing jobs. More recently, however, the pace of migration has slowed substantially, with rural areas retaining 35% of China’s total labor force. All of this implies lower growth rates for China – though perhaps not as low as the 6-7% rates that economists like Liu Shijing and Cai Fang are predicting for the next decade. In fact, relying on China’s past growth record to predict future performance is inherently problematic, owing not only to important shifts in the labor force, but also to the fact that the speed and scale of China’s pre-2008 growth was unprecedented. For starters, it is likely that the contribution to output growth of the rising ratio of working-age people prior to 2010 was overestimated. That makes the subsequent decline in the ratio an inaccurate measure with which to determine the negative impact on economic performance. Moreover, this approach neglects the educational dividends that China will enjoy over the next 20 years, as the younger generation replaces older workers. As it stands, the rate of return-adjusted educational attainment for Chinese aged 50-60 is half that of those aged 20-25. In other words, young workers will be twice as productive as those entering retirement. Indeed, the level of educational attainment in China continues to improve. By 2020, the share of those aged 18-22 who are pursuing a college education will reach 40%, compared to 32% today. This improvement in human capital is bound to offset, to some extent, the net loss of labor.", "zh": "在这样的形势下中国的基尼系数（定量测定收入分配差异程度的指数，其值在0和1之间，0表示收入分配极端平等而1表示极端不平等）从2012年的0.52下跌到了2012年的0.5。 推动这一转变的是两大基本因素。 其一是2008年金融危机以来全球需求下降，迫使中国提前开始调整自身增长模式。 其二则是中国人口结构的不断转变。 处于16~65岁之间的劳动人口占总人口的比例自2010年达到最高72%后逐年下降。 而劳动人口的绝对数量也自2012年后不断减少。 与此同时，中国正处于高速城市化进程之中，在2001~2008年间有约200万人脱离农业寻找城市制造业工作。 但近年以来这一移民进程持续放缓，而农村地区则吸收了全国劳动者总数的35 % 。 所有这些都体现出中国更低的增长率 — — 虽然可能不会像经济学家刘世锦，蔡方所预计的那样低到6~7 % 。 事实上，依靠中国过去的增长记录去预测未来的经济表现显然是站不住脚的，不仅仅是因为劳动人口方面的重大转换，还必须认识到中国在2008年之前的发展速度和规模都是前所未有的。 首先，在2010年以前劳动人口数量增长率对生产增长的贡献很可能被高估了。 这使得随后该比率的下跌成为了测定经济负面影响的一个不准确手段。 此外，这一手段忽视了中国在未来20年间享受的教育红利，因为新一代劳动者正不断取代老一辈。 按照这一情况，50~60岁年龄段中国人的收入/受教育程度比率只有20~25岁年龄段的一半，换句话说，新一代劳动者的生产力将是临近退休者的一倍。 事实上，中国国民的教育水平正不断提升。 到2020年，在大学求学的18~22岁青年将占到该年龄段总人口的40 % ， 而目前为32 % 。 这种人力资本的提升将在一定程度上补偿劳动力的净流失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Climate Change Realism NEW YORK – “Wonderful, Wonderful Copenhagen,” a popular song from the 1952 film musical “Hans Christian Andersen,” will probably be played many times this fall, as world leaders will be gathering in the Danish capital in December (and in New York in September) to confront the challenge of climate change. But, unless international thinking gets considerably more realistic in a hurry, what happens in Copenhagen will be anything but wonderful. It should come as no surprise that there is little consensus on a comprehensive accord that would have a meaningful impact on the world’s climate. Governments will not sacrifice near- and medium-term economic growth for long-term environmental benefits. This is especially true now, given that much of the developed world is in the midst of a painful recession. The United States, for one, will not accept ceilings that reduce its greenhouse-gas emissions significantly if it means accepting higher costs and taxes that risk slowing economic recovery. Developing countries are, if anything, even more opposed to such ceilings or “caps.” Four hundred million Indians still lack electricity; India cannot be expected to rule out greater use of coal if that proves to be the best way to produce electricity for one-third of its citizens. China, too, is unlikely to agree to “caps” on emissions of any kind, given the relatively low standard of living of most Chinese. But such a stance dooms prospects for a new global treaty, as developed countries will rightly insist that poorer countries be part of the solution. The consequences of failure in Copenhagen could be considerable. In the short run, we may well see climate-related concerns become the newest excuse for increased trade protectionism. So-called “carbon tariffs” are likely to be introduced to penalize imports from countries or companies deemed not to be doing enough to curb emissions.", "zh": "气候变化上的现实主义 发自纽约 — — 《多么美妙的哥本哈根 》 ， 这首取自1952年音乐片《汉斯·克里斯丁·安德森》的流行歌曲在今年秋天或许将会被反复演奏无数次，因为全球各国领导人将于今年12月齐聚丹麦首都（9月时在纽约 ） ， 一同面对气候变化所带来的挑战。 但除非国际社会能在短时间内采取更为现实一点的思维方式，否则的话，即将在哥本哈根发生的一切就将跟“美妙”一词无关。 毫无意外，目前能够帮助促成一个全面性条约的共识少之又少，而没有这个条约，自然也谈不上能对世界气候有什么意义深远的影响。 各国政府都不愿意牺牲眼前或者中期的经济增长来换取长期的环境效益。 而在大多数发达国家都正在经历一场痛苦的经济衰退之时，这更是明摆着的事实。 对于作为发达国家一员的美国来说，如果削减温室气体排放所导致的高额成本和税收意味着降低经济复苏的速度，那么政府当然也不会接受强加于其身上的大幅减排限额。 而发展中国家则更加反对这样的限制或“帽子 ” 。 有4亿印度人至今仍然用不上电；因此也别指望印度会停止增加电煤的使用量，因为这是为其1/3国民提供电能的最好方式。 中国也很可能不会同意任何形式的减排“帽子 ” ， 因为大多数中国人还生活在相对较低的水平之中。 但这样的姿态实际上等于将各国缔结一个全新气候条约的希望判了死刑 — — 因为发达国家无疑将坚持把欠发达国家纳入为解决方案的一部分。 而如果哥本哈根会议失败的话，后果将是想当严重的。 短期来说，我们肯定将看到一系列和气候相关的担忧摇身一变，成为为逐渐增多的贸易保护主义辩护的最新口实。 那些被认为不能很好控制碳排放的国家和企业的出口货品将遭到所谓的“碳关税”的惩罚。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司成立于2010年，主营业务是宽禁带半导体（第三代半导体）碳化硅衬底材料的研发、生产和销售，产品可应用于微波电子、电力电子等领域。 目前，公司主要产品包括半绝缘型和导电型碳化硅衬底。 经过十余年的技术发展，公司已掌握涵盖了设备设计、热场设计、粉料合成、晶体生长、衬底加工等环节的核心技术，自主研发了不同尺寸半绝缘型及导电型碳化硅衬底制备技术。 在国外部分发达国家对我国实行技术封锁和产品禁运的背景下，公司自主研发出半绝缘型碳化硅衬底产品，实现我国核心战略材料的自主可控，有力保障国内产品的供应，确保我国宽禁带半导体产业链的平稳发展。 公司历年来承担了国家核高基重大专项（01专项）项目、国家新一代宽带无线移动通信网重大专项（03专项）项目、国家新材料专项、国家高技术研究发展计划（863计划）项目、国家重大科技成果转化专项等多项国家和省部级项目，走在国内碳化硅衬底领域前列。", "en": "The company was established in 2010 and its main business is the research, production, and sales of wide bandgap semiconductor (third-generation semiconductor) silicon carbide substrate materials. The products can be applied in fields such as microwave electronics and power electronics. Currently, the company's main products include semi-insulating and conductive silicon carbide substrates. After more than ten years of technological development, the company has mastered core technologies covering equipment design, thermal field design, powder synthesis, crystal growth, substrate processing, and other aspects. It has independently developed preparation technologies for semi-insulating and conductive silicon carbide substrates of different sizes. Against the background of technological blockade and product embargo imposed by some developed countries, the company has independently developed semi-insulating silicon carbide substrate products, achieving independent control over China's core strategic materials and effectively ensuring the supply of domestic products, thus ensuring the smooth development of China's wide bandgap semiconductor industry chain. Over the years, the company has undertaken several national and provincial projects, including the National Major Special Project on Nuclear High-tech Foundation (Project 01), the National Major Special Project on Next Generation Broadband Wireless Mobile Communication Network (Project 03), the National New Materials Special Project, the National High-tech Research and Development Program (863 Program), and the National Major Scientific and Technological Achievement Transformation Special Project, making it a leader in the domestic silicon carbide substrate field."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a precaution, the panels in the lounge stayed closed, because the Nautilus’s hull could run afoul of some submerged block of ice. So I spent the day putting my notes into final form. My mind was completely wrapped up in my memories of the pole. We had reached that inaccessible spot without facing exhaustion or danger, as if our seagoing passenger carriage had glided there on railroad tracks. And now we had actually started our return journey. Did it still have comparable surprises in store for me? I felt sure it did, so inexhaustible is this series of underwater wonders! As it was, in the five and a half months since fate had brought us on board, we had cleared 14,000 leagues, and over this track longer than the earth’s equator, so many fascinating or frightening incidents had beguiled our voyage: that hunting trip in the Crespo forests, our running aground in the Torres Strait, the coral cemetery, the pearl fisheries of Ceylon, the Arabic tunnel, the fires of Santorini, those millions in the Bay of Vigo, Atlantis, the South Pole! During the night all these memories crossed over from one dream to the next, not giving my brain a moment’s rest.", "zh": "为了谨慎起见，客厅的嵌板完全关闭起来。这是因为诺第留斯号船壳可能碰到一些沉在水中的冰块。因此，我这一天的时间完全在整理我的笔记。我心中总是想着在南极点的情形。我到达了这个人迹不到的地点，不觉得疲倦，没有任何危险安丰场（今江苏东台）人。出身盐户，早年为灶叮自修典，就像火车厢在铁轨上溜过去一样，现在是归途了。还有什么相类似的新鲜惊奇的事等待着我吗？我想还有，海底神奇真是层出不穷呢！可是，自从偶然的讥会把我们送到这只船上的五个半月来，我们已经走了一万四千里，在这比地球赤道线还长的旅途上，有多少或新奇或可怕的偶然事件使得我们的旅行惊心动魄，兴味无穷呀。克列斯波林中打猎，托列斯海峡搁浅，珊瑚墓地，锡兰采珠，阿拉伯海底地道，桑多林火海，维哥湾亿万金银，大西洋洲，南极！夜间，所有这些忆念，梦一般连续过去，使我的脑子一刻也不能安歇。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Better Corporation LONDON – Around the world, the corporate governance landscape is shifting, as efforts to improve business practices and policies gain support and momentum. The wave of reform has become visible everywhere – from tough new regulations in Japan to sovereign wealth funds like Norway’s Norges Bank Investment Management taking a more active approach to their investments – and it is certain to continue to rise. Three factors are driving these developments. First, today’s deep economic uncertainty has broadened ordinary people’s awareness of the influence that companies have on politics, policy, and their own daily lives. And, as I have noted previously, people are not only paying greater attention; they also have more power than ever before to make their voices heard. Second, there has been a burgeoning awareness among governments that economic growth requires a proactive regulatory approach. Robust and resilient economies need strong businesses, and to build strong businesses, governments must play a role in ensuring high-integrity oversight of business activity. Company stewardship and country stewardship are increasingly linked, and authorities now recognize that paying to ensure good governance now is far less costly (both financially and politically) than paying for the consequences of bad governance later. In Japan, the Financial Services Agency enacted a Stewardship Code in 2014, with a Corporate Governance Code from the Tokyo Stock Exchange entering into force this June. By creating a more equal environment among shareholders, ensuring more disclosure and transparency, specifying the responsibilities of company boards, and requiring outside independent directors on company boards, the codes enshrine changes that make Japan more attractive for foreign investors. More generally, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has emphasized that good corporate governance is critical to long-term economic growth and prosperity. Toshiba’s recent accounting scandal – the company was found to have inflated its profits by ¥151.8 billion ($1.2 billion) over several years since 2008 – presents an opportunity for Japan’s government to demonstrate its seriousness about the new regulations. Toshiba CEO Hisao Tanaka and other senior executives have had to resign; the interim CEO apologized to Abe’s office; Norio Sasaki, the company’s vice chairman and former CEO, has quit his posts on government panels; and the former chairman of Toshiba’s audit committee has stepped down from the government accounting panel.", "zh": "更好的公司 伦敦—放眼世界，公司治理版图正在发生变化，改善商业实践和政策的努力赢得了支持和动力。 改革浪潮随处可见 — — 日本采取了严厉的新监管措施；挪威央行投资管理公司（Norges Bank Investment Management）等主权财富基金对于投资也采取了更加积极的方针 — — 并且这一浪潮必然还会继续兴盛。 三个因素推动了这些发展趋势。 首先，当今深刻的经济不确定性扩大了普通民众对于公司对政治、政策和他们的日常生活的影响的认识。 此外，正如我此前所指出的，人们不但更加关注，也拥有了比以往更大的力量让他们的声音被听到。 其次，越来越多的政府认识到经济增长需要前瞻性监管方法。 强韧的经济需要强大的企业，而要想建设强大的企业，政府必须在确保高度整体地监督商业活动方面起到作用。 公司管理和国家管理联系日益紧密，如今当局认识到，花钱确保好治理比花钱收拾坏治理的烂摊子成本低得多（不管是财务上还是政治上 ） 。 日本金融厅在2014年实施了一项管理办法（Stewardship Code ） ， 今年6月，东京证交所的公司治理办法（Corporate Governance Code）开始生效。 这些办法为股东创造了更加平等的环境，确保了更多的披露和透明度，具体定义了公司董事会的责任，并且要求公司董事会设置独立董事，这些变革将增加日本对外国投资者的吸引力。 在更一般的层面上，首相安倍晋三强调好的公司治理是长期经济增长与繁荣的关键。 最近的东芝会计丑闻为日本政府提供了一次证明其是否严肃对待新监管措施的机会。 东芝被发现在2008年以来的多年中虚增利润1,51.8亿日元。 东芝CEO田中久雄（Hisao Tanaka）和其他高管已经引咎辞职；临时CEO就此向安倍办公室谢罪；公司副董事长兼前CEO佐佐木则夫（Norio Sasaki）退出政府委员会；东芝审计委员会前主席也从政府会计委员会去职。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, pessimists will argue that political conditions are standing in the way of a productive global dialogue about Globalization 4.0 and the new economy. But realists will use the current moment to explore the gaps in the present system, and to identify the requirements for a future approach. And optimists will hold out hope that future-oriented stakeholders will create a community of shared interest and, ultimately, shared purpose. The changes that are underway today are not isolated to a particular country, industry, or issue. They are universal, and thus require a global response. Failing to adopt a new cooperative approach would be a tragedy for humankind. To draft a blueprint for a shared global-governance architecture, we must avoid becoming mired in the current moment of crisis management. Specifically, this task will require two things of the international community: wider engagement and heightened imagination. The engagement of all stakeholders in sustained dialogue will be crucial, as will the imagination to think systemically, and beyond one’s own short-term institutional and national considerations. These will be the two organizing principles of the World Economic Forum’s upcoming Annual Meeting in Davos-Klosters, which will convene under the theme of “Globalization 4.0: Shaping a New Architecture in the Age of the Fourth Industrial Revolution”. Ready or not, a new world is upon us.", "zh": "诚然，悲观者会说，政治条件阻挡在全球化4.0和新经济的建设性全球对话面前。 但务实派会利用当下的机会探索现有体系的裂痕，找出未来方针的要求。 乐观者会保持希望，认为未来导向的相关利益者能够建立有共同利益 — — 以及最终的共同目标 — — 的社会。 当下正在发生的变化不是某个国家、行业或问题所独有。 它们是普遍存在的，因此需要全球应对。 无法采取新的合作方针将会是一场人类的悲剧。 要为共同的全球治理构架设计蓝图，我们必须避免沉溺于当前的危机管理。 特别是，这个任务要求国际社会实现两件事：更广泛的参与和强调想象力。 所有各相关利益方参与持续对话至关重要，系统性思考想象力亦然，一定要超越个别国家自身的短期制度和国家考虑因素。 这两点也是即将到来的世界经济论坛达沃斯-克洛斯特斯（Davos-Klosters）年会上的组织原则。 此次年会将以“全球化4.0：构建第四次工业革命时代的新构架”为主题。 不论你有没有准备好，新世界就在我们眼前。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now, with oil prices down by roughly half since 2014 – and no fiscal cushion in place to sustain imports – Chávez’s successor, Nicolás Maduro, is confronting a catastrophic economic crisis and escalating popular unrest. Prudent policies thus amount to an efficient long-term strategy for regime preservation. Europe’s illiberal strongmen have recognized that if overspending leads to a financial crisis and the need to seek assistance from the International Monetary Fund, their days in power will be numbered. Prudent macroeconomic policies support growth, but they can work only if the economy remains relatively free. Until now, neither Putin nor Erdoğan have matched their nationalist rhetoric with protectionist policies. On the contrary, Putin’s Russia joined the World Trade Organization; and Erdoğan has never called into question Turkey’s customs union with the European Union, even though bilateral relations with the EU have gone from bad to worse. The longer-term challenge for strongmen is to keep their illiberal political regimes economically liberal. Over time, the temptation to hand over control of a growing share of the economy to friends and family becomes stronger, and corruption tends to increase, as the main game in town becomes developing political connections and currying favor with the regime. When this happens, growth is bound to decline. This long-run threat is now most evident in Russia. Putin happened to come to power at a time when oil prices began rising from a historic low. It was thus not surprising that Russia could grow strongly during the ensuing commodity super-cycle, which ended only recently. Macroeconomic management during the oil-price boom had been prudent enough to allow the regime to withstand the recent fall in oil prices. But now, nearly three years after the end of the commodity super-cycle, the outlook for Russia is bleak. Living standards have stagnated; and the economy’s potential growth rate is widely estimated to be just 1.5% – a level implying that Russia will remain permanently poorer than the rest of Europe. Turkey might have reached a similar turning point. Erdoğan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) inherited an economy that was rebounding from a deep financial crisis and had substantial growth potential, owing to ongoing urbanization and gains in the population’s educational level. Until recently, the AKP’s government limited its interference to the domestic side of the economy, such as government procurement and infrastructure spending.", "zh": "如今，石油价格较2014年下跌了大约一半，委内瑞拉再也没有现成的财政缓冲以维持进口，因此，查韦斯的继任者马杜罗正面临着一场灾难性的经济危机和日益升级的群众骚动。 因此，审慎政策是政权维系的有效的长期策略。 欧洲的反自由强人们认识到，如果挥霍无度导致金融危机，需要国际货币基金组织（IMF）的援助，他们掌权的日子也就时日无多了。 审慎的宏观经济政策支持了增长，但它们只有在经济保持相对自由的情况下才会有效。 到目前为止，普京和埃尔多安都没有将他们的民族主义言辞和保护主义政策对应起来。 相反，普京的俄罗斯加入了世界贸易组织，而埃尔多安也从未质疑土耳其与欧盟的关税同盟，即使土耳其与欧盟的关系越来越恶化。 对强人们来说，长期的挑战是保持他们的反自由政治政权的经济自由。 随着时间的推移，将越来越大的经济份额交给朋友和家庭控制的诱惑会越来越强，腐败也会跟着增加，因为主要矛盾变成了发展政治关系、讨好体制。 到了这一步，增长就必然会开始下降。 目前，这一长期威胁在俄罗斯最为明显。 普京掌权正逢石油价格从历史低点开始上涨。 因此，俄罗斯能够在随后的大宗商品超级周期中保持强劲增长不足为奇。 而最近，商品超级周期已经结束。 石油价格繁荣期的宏观经济管理足够审慎，让普京政权能够抵挡最近的石油价格下滑。 但如今，大宗商品周期超级周期已经结束了近三年，俄罗斯的前景看上去黯淡无光。 生活水平陷入了停滞；经济的潜在增长率人们广泛估计只有1.5 % — —这意味着俄罗斯将一直比欧洲其他国家更穷。 土耳其可能也已经抵达了类似的转折点。 埃尔多安的正义与发展党（AKP）接手的经济从深度金融危机中反弹，拜持续的城市化和人口教育水平提高所赐，土耳其经济具有巨大的增长潜力。 直到最近，AKP政府的干预都局限在国内经济事务上，比如政府采购和基础设施支出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Risks to the Global Economy in 2019 CAMBRIDGE – As Mark Twain never said, “It ain’t what you don’t know that gets you into trouble. It’s what you think you know for sure that just ain’t so.” Over the course of this year and next, the biggest economic risks will emerge in those areas where investors think recent patterns are unlikely to change. They will include a growth recession in China, a rise in global long-term real interest rates, and a crescendo of populist economic policies that undermine the credibility of central bank independence, resulting in higher interest rates on “safe” advanced-country government bonds. A significant Chinese slowdown may already be unfolding. US President Donald Trump’s trade war has shaken confidence, but this is only a downward shove to an economy that was already slowing as it makes the transition from export- and investment-led growth to more sustainable domestic consumption-led growth. How much the Chinese economy will slow is an open question; but, given the inherent contradiction between an ever-more centralized Party-led political system and the need for a more decentralized consumer-led economic system, long-term growth could fall quite dramatically. Unfortunately, the option of avoiding the transition to consumer-led growth and continuing to promote exports and real-estate investment is not very attractive, either. China is already a dominant global exporter, and there is neither market space nor political tolerance to allow it to maintain its previous pace of export expansion. Bolstering growth through investment, particularly in residential real estate (which accounts for the lion’s share of Chinese construction output) – is also ever more challenging. Downward pressure on prices, especially outside Tier-1 cities, is making it increasingly difficult to induce families to invest an even larger share of their wealth into housing. Although China may be much better positioned than any Western economy to socialize losses that hit the banking sector, a sharp contraction in housing prices and construction could prove extremely painful to absorb. Any significant growth recession in China would hit the rest of Asia hard, along with commodity-exporting developing and emerging economies. Nor would Europe – and especially Germany – be spared.", "zh": "2019年的全球经济风险 发自剑桥 — — 正如马克·吐温从未说过的那样 ， “ 让我们陷入困境的并非无知，而是自以为十拿九稳的荒谬论断 。 ” 而在今年和明年的进程中，最大的经济风险将出现在那些投资者认为当前模式不太可能改变的领域 — — 其中会包括中国的经济衰退，全球长期实际利率的上升，以及破坏中央银行独立性信誉，并导致“安全”发达国家政府债券利率上升的民粹主义经济政策高潮 ， 。 中国经济的显著放缓可能已经开始显现。 美国总统特朗普发动的贸易战已经令信心遭到了动摇，但对一个正在实施由出口和投资拉动型增长转向更可持续的国内消费拉动型增长的经济体来说，这只是放缓过程中的一次下行而已。 中国经济将放缓多少还个未解之谜；但鉴于日益集权的一党主导型政治体系与逐步去中心化的消费者主导型经济体系之间的内生性矛盾，中国的长期增长可能会大幅下降。 不幸的是，相对于避免向消费者主导型增长过渡来说，继续推动出口与房地产投资的选项也不是很有吸引力。 中国已经是一个在全球占主导地位的出口大国，因此也缺乏足够的市场空间和政治宽容度去让其保持先前的出口扩张速度。 通过投资 — — 特别是住宅房地产（占中国建筑产能的最大份额 ） — —来促进增长也变得更具挑战性。 房价的下行压力（尤其是一线城市以外）使得人们越来越不愿更多的财富投入住房。 虽然中国或许比任何西方经济体都能更轻易地将因此造成银行业损失社会化，但房价和建筑业的急剧萎缩可能是极为难以承受的。 任何一次中国经济增长显著衰退都将严重打击亚洲其他地区以及那些出口大宗商品的发展中国家和新兴经济体。 欧洲 — — 尤其是德国 — — 也无法幸免。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "其他智能设备制造，主要包括金属表面处理及热处理加工、其他未列明金属制品制造、生产专用起重机制造、生产专用车辆制造、连续搬运设备制造、其他物料搬运设备制造、其他未列明通用设备制造业、食品、酒、饮料及茶生产专用设备制造、农副食品加工专用设备制造、机械化农业及园艺机具制造、其他农、林、牧、渔业机械制造等。金属表面处理及热处理加工，主要包括智能焊接系统、智能热处理生产线。其他未列明金属制品制造，主要包括自动摘锁装置。生产专用起重机制造，主要包括港口集装箱起重机远程操控系统。生产专用车辆制造，主要包括自动导引车（AGV）、激光导引车（LGV）、集装箱自动导引车。连续搬运设备制造，主要包括智能悬挂输送系统。其他物料搬运设备制造，主要包括自动化立体仓库、巷道堆垛机、无人堆场智能控制系统。其他未列明通用设备制造业，主要包括激光快速成形设备、大型轧辊激光表面强化设备、激光精密加工设备、激光热处理和熔覆设备。", "en": "Other intelligent device manufacturing mainly includes metal surface treatment and heat treatment processing, manufacturing of other unspecified metal products, manufacturing of specialized lifting equipment, manufacturing of specialized vehicles, manufacturing of continuous handling equipment, manufacturing of other material handling equipment, manufacturing of other unspecified general equipment manufacturing industries, manufacturing of specialized equipment for food, alcohol, beverages, and tea production, manufacturing of specialized equipment for agricultural and sideline food processing, manufacturing of mechanized agricultural and horticultural tools, manufacturing of other agricultural, forestry, animal husbandry, and fishery machinery, etc. Metal surface treatment and heat treatment processing mainly include intelligent welding systems and intelligent heat treatment production lines. Manufacturing of other unspecified metal products mainly includes automatic unlocking devices. Manufacturing of specialized lifting equipment mainly includes remote control systems for port container cranes. Manufacturing of specialized vehicles mainly includes automatic guided vehicles (AGV), laser guided vehicles (LGV), and container automatic guided vehicles. Manufacturing of continuous handling equipment mainly includes intelligent suspension conveyor systems. Manufacturing of other material handling equipment mainly includes automated warehouses, aisle stackers, and unmanned yard intelligent control systems. Manufacturing of other unspecified general equipment mainly includes laser rapid prototyping equipment, large-scale roller laser surface strengthening equipment, laser precision processing equipment, and laser heat treatment and cladding equipment."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Their analysis found a clear tendency for austerity programs to reduce consumption expenditure and weaken the economy. That conclusion, if valid, stands as a stern warning to policymakers today. But critics, such as Valerie Ramey of the University of California at San Diego, think that Guajardo, Leigh, and Pescatori have not completely proven their case. It is possible, Ramey argues, that their results could reflect a different sort of reverse causality if governments are more likely to respond to high public-debt levels with austerity programs when they have reason to believe that economic conditions could make the debt burden especially worrisome. That may seem unlikely – one would think that a bad economic outlook would incline governments to postpone, rather than accelerate, austerity measures. And, in response to her comments, the authors did try to account for the severity of the government’s debt problem as perceived by the markets at the time that the plans were implemented, finding very similar results. But Ramey could be right. One would then find that government spending cuts or tax hikes tend to be followed by bad economic times, even if the causality runs the other way. Ultimately, the problem of judging austerity programs is that economists cannot run fully controlled experiments. When researchers tested Prozac on depressed patients, they divided their subjects randomly into control and experimental groups, and conducted many trials. We cannot do that with national debt. So do we have to conclude that historical analysis teaches us no useful lessons? Do we have to return to the abstract reasoning of Mandeville and some of his successors, including John Maynard Keynes, who thought that there were reasons to expect that austerity would produce depressions? There is no abstract theory that can predict how people will react to an austerity program. We have no alternative but to look at the historical evidence. And the evidence of Guajardo and his co-authors does show that deliberate government decisions to adopt austerity programs have tended to be followed by hard times. Policymakers cannot afford to wait decades for economists to figure out a definitive answer, which may never be found at all. But, judging by the evidence that we have, austerity programs in Europe and elsewhere appear likely to yield disappointing results.", "zh": "他们的研究发现紧缩政策具有减少消费支出并削弱经济的明显趋势。 这个结论如果是正确的话，那么政策制定者们就要小心了。 但包括加州大学圣地亚哥分校经济学教授维拉莉尔·拉梅（Valerie Ramey）在内的批评者则认为上述论证并不完整。 拉梅认为上述研究结果可能只是反映了一个不同形式的逆向因果关系，因为政府之所以更可能用紧缩政策来应对高公共负债水平，就是因为它有理由相信经济状况将令债务负担特别令人忧虑。 但这看上去似乎不太可能 — — 有人会认为一个悲观的经济预测将促使政府推迟（而不是加速）紧缩措施。 同时为了回应她的评论，三位作者也确实尝试对紧缩计划推出时市场对政府债务问题严重性的预期进行了评估，并发现了类似的结果。 当然拉梅也可能是对的。 但即便顺推这一因果关系，人们可能也会发现政府支出削减或者加税之后会经历一段不景气时期。 最终，评判紧缩政策的问题在于经济学家无法运行一个完全受控实验。 比如研究者们测试百忧解（一种抗抑郁药物）的时候，他们可以把被试者随机分为控制组和实验组并反复测试。 而在国家债务问题上显然是无法做到这一点的。 因此我们是否就可以认为那些历史分析并无教益？ 我们是否应该回到曼德维尔及其某些继承者（包括凯恩斯）的抽象推理方式，认为有理由去预期紧缩政策将导致衰退？ 没有抽象理论能预测人们究竟将如何对一项紧缩政策做出反应。 我们没有选择，只能回顾那些历史证据。 而贾米·瓜加尔多及其同僚所发现的证据也确实显示政府深思熟虑后出台的紧缩政策后面往往会伴随一段不景气时期。 政策制定者们不可能有几十年去等待经济学家们找出一个确定的答案 — — 而这个答案甚至永远都无法得出。 但根据我们目前的证据来判断的话，欧洲以及其他地区的紧缩政策似乎将带来令人失望的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But I see another constructive force emerging worldwide: the mayors of major cities are organizing around important issues. In Europe, climate change and internal migration are high on their agenda. This coincides with the main concerns of today’s youth. Uniting around these issues could create a powerful pro-European, pro-open society movement. But it’s an open question whether these aspirations will be fulfilled. Taking into account the climate emergency and worldwide unrest, it’s not an exaggeration to say that 2020 and the next few years will determine the fate not only of Xi and Trump, but also of the world. If we survive the near term, we still need a long-term strategy. If Xi succeeds in fully implementing his social credit system, he will bring into existence a truly Orwellian authoritarian system and a new type of human being who is willing to surrender his personal autonomy in order to stay out of trouble. Once lost, personal autonomy will be difficult to recover. An open society would have no place in such a world. I believe that as a long-term strategy, our best hope lies in access to quality education, specifically an education that reinforces the autonomy of the individual by cultivating critical thinking and emphasizing intellectual freedom. Indeed, I have had faith in higher education’s benefits for open society for decades, and I set up such an educational institution 30 years ago. It is called the Central European University (CEU), and its mission is to advance the values of the open society. Within just three decades, CEU has emerged as one of the world’s top one hundred graduate universities in the social sciences. It has also become one of the most international universities, with students from 120 countries and faculty from more than 50. In recent years, CEU gained a global reputation for defending academic freedom against Hungary’s authoritarian prime minister, Viktor Orbán, who was hell-bent on destroying it. Students and faculty representing very different cultures and traditions listen to and debate one another at CEU, which has demonstrated that active civic engagement can be combined with academic excellence. But CEU is not strong enough by itself to become the educational institution the world needs. That requires a new kind of global educational network.", "zh": "同时我也看到了另一种正在全球范围内浮现的建设性力量：各主要城市的市长们正在组织起来应对重要一些议题。 在欧洲，气候变化和內部移民问题已被列于议程首位。 这是与当前青年运动的主要关注点是一致的。 如果人们能围绕这些议题团结起来，就可以打造出一个强有力的支持欧洲一体化、支持开放社会的运动。 但这些抱负能否实现依然有待观察。 鉴于气候危机和全球动荡，可以毫不夸张地说，2020以及随后那几年不仅将决定习近平和特朗普的命运，也将决定世界的命运。 就算能够在短期内存活下来，我们仍然需要一个长期战略。 如果习近平成功全面推行其社会信用制度，他就将建立一个奥威尔式的威权制度并打造出一种新类型的人，这些人愿意为了摆脱麻烦而放弃个人自主权。 但个人自主权一旦失去就极难恢复，而这样的世界里也根本没有开放社会的立锥之地。 我认为，作为一项长期战略，我们最大的希望在于构建获取优质教育的渠道，特别是那些通过培养批判性思维和强调学术自由来强化个人自主权的教育。 30年前，我为实现这一理念成立了一家名为中欧大学（Central European University）教育机构，其使命正是推广开放社会的价值观。 在过去的30年中，中欧大学已跻身全球社会科学领域百所最佳研究生大学行列，也是最国际化的大学之一，有来自120多个国家的学生和50多个国家的教师团队。 近年来，中欧大学因捍卫学术自由免遭反对匈牙利威权派总理维克多·奥尔班(Viktor Orbán)荼毒而享誉全球，而后者正费尽心机要摧毁这座大学。 中欧大学内部那些代表了截然不同文化及传统的学生和教员彼此倾听并展开辩论，证明积极的公民参与可以和卓越的学术成就相结合的。 但是中欧大学本身还无法强大到成为世界真正需要的那种教育机构，因此必须构建一种新型的全球教育网络。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is the strategy that begins to emerge as a form of government: deny there is a problem (despite the facts), cut funding for politically inexpedient research, and claim that all outcomes are rosy. The first application of this approach to economic policy came quickly, when Trump’s press secretary, Sean Spicer, refused to say what the unemployment rate is – dodging a question that would have required him to state the actual number. The official unemployment rate, as measured by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), currently stands at 4.7%. But Trump has repeatedly claimed that true unemployment is 42% – a number based on the assumption that everyone who does not have a job, including retired people and students, would like to work. One can now expect the BLS to face some funding problems along with various kinds of political pressure. Under former President George W. Bush, for example, access to documents in EPA libraries was – at least at one point – restricted. And the Congressional Budget Office has already been instructed by congressional Republicans to change how it calculates the effects of tax cuts, in order to make them appear more beneficial for the economy than government spending programs. These issues will come to a head when Trump begins to appoint people to the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. There are currently two vacancies on the seven-member board – and more positions may open up soon (the terms of both the chair and vice chair expire early next year). It seems entirely plausible that Trump will prefer people who think the “true” unemployment rate is 42% to those who share the view that it is 4.7%. This and other strange beliefs could have a major effect on monetary policy – for example, by tending to strengthen the hand of those who want to keep interest rates lower for longer. The US has had a slow and difficult recovery from the financial crisis of 2008; everyone can agree on that. But do we want a Fed that looks at the facts in deciding when and how much to raise interest rates? Or do we want officials whose “facts” are completely at odds with the actual state of the economy? If the US gets the latter, the result will be high inflation – not a good outcome for most Americans.", "zh": "这一策略将成为一种政府形式：否认问题的存在（尽管事实就摆在面前 ） ， 削减政治不正确的研究的预算，宣称所有结果都令人振奋。 这一方针在经济政策上的应用很快就来了。 特朗普新闻秘书西恩·斯派塞（Sean Spicer）拒绝透露失业率是多少 — — 从而回避要求他说出实际数字的问题。 劳工统计局测算的官方失业率目前为4.7 % 。 但特朗普一再宣称真正的失业率是42 % — —这个数字假设所有没有工作的人，包括已退休的人士和学生，都想去工作。 现在，我们可以预见劳工统计局将面临拨款问题和各种政治压力。 比如，前总统小布什执政时，环境保护署图书馆的资料接触至少一度曾经受限。 国会预算办公室已接到国会共和党的通知，要求其修改对减税计划效果的测算，让它们看起来比政府支出计划更有利于经济。 这些问题将在特朗普开始任命美联储理事时变得尤其严重。 目前，七人的理事会已经出现两个空缺 — — 很快还会有更多空缺出现（主席和副主席任期都将在明年初到期 ） 。 特朗普更想让认为“真正的”失业率是42%的人，而不是认同失业率是4.7%的人填补这些空缺，看起来就是如此。 这与其他怪异的信念将给货币政策造成巨大的影响 — — 比如，这有可能增强希望在更长时间里保持更低利率的人的优势。 美国从2008年金融危机中的恢复既缓慢又艰难；所有人都同意这一点。 但我们希望美联储在决定何时和多大幅度地提高利率的时候看清事实吗？ 还是说，我们希望官员认定的“事实”与经济的实际状态完全相反吗？ 如果美国得到的是后者，结果将是高通胀 — — 对于大部分美国人来说，这绝不是好结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是国内体外诊断产品的供应商，专注于POCT检测仪器、POCT诊断试剂的研发、生产和销售，是一家研发驱动型高新技术企业。 在“和合、引领、担当、共赢”的企业文化驱动下，公司率先提出了以“精准化、自动化、云端化”为特点的智慧即时检测理念，并持续聚焦在POCT细分领域产品的开发创新和产业化。 公司基于自主知识产权的产品，广泛应用于炎症感染检测、传染病检测、心脑血管检测、糖代谢检测、肾脏疾病检测、优生优育检测等临床医学领域。 公司在炎症感染检测、传染病检测方面具备先发优势，构建了以胶乳免疫比浊法、荧光免疫层析法、胶体金法为核心，集成即时检测产品自动化技术、全血样本检测和校正技术、大数据采集技术的研发技术平台，同时公司开发了一系列可满足各级医疗机构需求的产品，涵盖新型标志物的临床应用、传统标志物的自动化检验和产品信息化数据分析等方面，成为国内具备POCT产品与信息化相结合的体外诊断产品供应商之一。", "en": "The company is a supplier of in vitro diagnostic products in China, focusing on the research and development, production, and sales of POCT testing instruments and POCT diagnostic reagents. It is a research-driven high-tech enterprise. Under the corporate culture of \"harmony, leadership, responsibility, and win-win\", the company has taken the lead in proposing the concept of intelligent real-time testing characterized by \"precision, automation, and cloudization\", and continues to focus on the development, innovation, and industrialization of products in the field of POCT. Based on independent intellectual property rights, the company's products are widely used in clinical medical fields such as inflammation infection testing, infectious disease testing, cardiovascular and cerebrovascular testing, glucose metabolism testing, kidney disease testing, and eugenics testing. The company has a first-mover advantage in inflammation infection testing and infectious disease testing, and has built a research and development technology platform integrating automated technology for real-time testing products, whole blood sample testing and calibration technology, and big data collection technology, with latex immunoturbidimetry, fluorescence immunochromatography, and colloidal gold as the core. At the same time, the company has developed a series of products that can meet the needs of medical institutions at all levels, covering clinical applications of novel biomarkers, automation of traditional biomarker testing, and product information data analysis, making it one of the domestic suppliers of in vitro diagnostic products combining POCT products with informatization."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was going to be very different in the future. I was not going to be nervous and shy with the servants any more. With Mrs Danvers gone I should learn bit by bit to control the house. I would go and interview the cook in the kitchen. They would like me, respect me. Soon it would be as though Mrs Danvers had never had command. I would learn more about the estate, too. I should ask Frank to explain things to me. I was sure Frank liked me. I liked him, too. I would go into things, and learn how they were managed. What they did at the farm. How the work in the grounds was planned. I might take to gardening myself, and in time have one or two things altered. That little square lawn outside the morning-room with the statue of the satyr. I did not like it. We would give the satyr away. There were heaps of things that I could do, little by little. People would come and stay and I should not mind. There would be the interest of seeing to their rooms, having flowers and books put, arranging the food. We would have children. Surely we would have children. 'Have you finished?' said Maxim suddenly. 'I don't think I want any more. Only coffee. Black, very strong, please, and the bill,' he added to the mattre d'hotel.", "zh": "庄园里的情况将会发生翻天覆地的变化。在仆人们面前，我再也不会神态紧张，羞羞答答。丹夫人这一走，我可以逐渐学会操持家务。我将到厨房里跟厨师见见面。他们会喜欢我、尊敬我的。用不了多久，一切都会走上轨道，仿佛丹夫人从未在家里发号施令过一样。对庄园上的事务，我也要虚己以听，向弗兰克请教。我敢肯定弗兰克喜欢我，我也喜欢他。事无巨细，我都将亲自过问，并学会管理的诀窍。农庄里的人都干些什么？田间地头的活计怎么安排？也许我将从事园艺，把花园做一些局部改动。起居室窗外的四方形小草坪上有一尊森林之神的塑像，我一直都不喜欢，必须把那尊塑像移开。有许多事情我都可以逐渐付诸实施。四方来客留宿于曼德利，我绝不会斤斤计较。为他们安排房间，置入鲜花和书籍，以及安排饭菜，其中自有一番情趣。我们将会生儿育女，一定会有自己的孩子。 “吃好了吗？”迈克西姆在一旁突然问道，“我已经够了，再也不想吃了。”随后他又对老板说道：“再来杯清咖啡，要浓浓的，把账单也拿来。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It has been shown that people can be empowered with skills training and better health care, as well as with bargaining rights and appropriate regulation of labor contracts. Addressing anxiety about the future of work is both necessary and feasible. Although there is no compelling evidence that automation will lead to widespread unemployment, job reshuffling will be disruptive. Ambitious “flexicurity” policies to ensure workers’ long-term security would help. With a combination of wage compression (closing the wage gap between jobs and industries), asset redistribution, and universal welfare, it is possible to accelerate innovation, empower workers, and promote growth and social mobility. Moreover, reforming the mission and the governance of corporations to better take account of all stakeholders would promote social justice and strengthen environmental stewardship. Through such policies, governments would make economic democracy and empowerment a top priority. They could also promote economic efficiency with tax reforms that account for negative environmental and social externalities as well as monopoly profits and capital gains from real estate. Health care, education, and urban policy reforms can improve economic opportunities and yield important moral, civic, social, and ecological benefits. Restoring trust in institutions also requires addressing democratic shortcomings in political systems and global governance. Corporate power and the influence of wealth in politics must be reined in; aligning antitrust legislation with twenty-first-century technologies is one place to start. Social media, once touted as a boon to democratization, may corrode the transparency and accountability on which democracy depends.", "zh": "已经证明，技能培训和更好的医疗，以及议价权利和合理的劳动合同管理都能实现人民赋能。 解决对工作的未来的焦虑必行也可行。 尽管没有压倒性证据表明自动化会导致广泛的失业，但就业重新洗牌必然是破坏性的。 用来确保工人的长期安全的雄心勃勃的“灵活性”政策有所助益。 工资限制（缩小岗位和行业间的工资差距 ） 、 资产再分配和全民福利相结合，有望加快创新、赋能工人、促进增长和社会流动。 此外，改革公司使命和治理，更好地考虑所有相关利益方的利益也将促进社会公正，强化环境管理。 通过这些政策，政府将把经济民主和赋能作为工作重点。 他们也可以通过税收改革促进经济效率 — — 税收要考虑环境和社会方面的负外部性，以及来自不动产的垄断利润和资本利得。 医疗、教育和城市政策改革能够改善经济机会，产生重要的道德、公民、社会和生态收益。 重建对机构的信任还需要解决政治制度和全球治理中的民主缺陷。 公司权力和财富的政治影响力必须有所遏制，反垄断立法与二十一世纪技术的统一是合适的起点。 曾经被捧为民主化福祉的社交媒体，可能有害于作为民主的基石的透明度和可问责性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The prime minister at the time, Wen Jiabao, expressed these concerns publicly in March 2009: “We have lent a huge amount of money to the US, so of course we are concerned about the safety of our assets. Frankly speaking, I do have some worries.” He then urged the US government to “maintain its credibility, honor its commitments, and guarantee the security of Chinese assets.” The US government did honor its commitments, and China carried on accumulating foreign-exchange reserves, which peaked at $3.8 trillion in 2014, before falling by $800 billion in the following two years as the Chinese central bank intervened heavily in the foreign-exchange market to stabilize the renminbi in the face of large capital outflows. Since 2016, China’s reserves have fluctuated around $3 trillion under a more flexible exchange-rate regime, even though it has continued to run a current-account surplus. Today, they stand at around $3.2 trillion. Whatever the causes, there is no denying that China has accumulated an excessive volume of foreign-exchange reserves. As I have been arguing for decades, there are two big reasons why it should reduce these holdings. First, with more than $2 trillion of net international assets, China’s net investment income has been negative for almost 20 years, because its holdings are disproportionately in low-yield US treasuries. This is a grotesque misallocation of resources. Second, the US dollar eventually may fall significantly, because America has been running huge net foreign and national debts for decades, and this shows no signs of changing. Moreover, the US Federal Reserve’s expansionary monetary policy (in the form of quantitative easing) may continue to create inflationary pressure in the future. To be sure, with many countries, especially China, holding such large quantities of dollar-denominated foreign-exchange reserves, the US dollar can remain strong for quite some time. But at some point, the greenback’s value will fall, and the second largest foreign holder of US treasuries – China – will face huge losses. Given this possibility, I have long advocated a floating exchange-rate regime for the renminbi; a cautious approach toward capital-account liberalization; diversification of foreign-exchange reserves; patient, market-driven internationalization of the renminbi; and more balanced trade with the US. But all these suggestions assume that the US will play by the rules.", "zh": "时任总理温家宝在 2009 年 3 月公开表达了这些担忧 ： “ 我们借给美国巨额资金，所以我们当然担心我们的资产安全。 坦率地说，我确实有些担心 。 ” 随后，他敦促美国政府“保持公信力，信守承诺，保障中国资产安全 ” 。 美国政府确实兑现了承诺，而中国继续积累外汇储备，2014 年达到3.8万亿美元的峰值，随后两年因中国央行面临外资大量流出而大力干预外汇市场，外汇储备减少了8000亿美元。 自 2016 年以来，在更加灵活的汇率制度下，中国的外汇储备在 3 万亿美元规模上下波动，尽管经常账户盈余始终存在。 如今，中国外汇储备规模约为 3.2 万亿美元。 不管原因为何，不可否认的是，中国积累了过多的外汇储备。 几十年来我一直说，中国应该减少这些储备，有两个重要原因。 首先，坐拥超过 2 万亿美元的国际净资产，中国的净投资收益近 20 年来一直为负，因为其持有的低收益美国国债比例过高。 这是一种荒谬的资源配置不当。 其次，美元最终可能会大幅下跌，因为美国几十年来一直背负着巨额的净外债和国债，而且这种情况没有任何改变的迹象。 此外，美联储的扩张性货币政策（以量化宽松的形式）在未来可能会继续造成通胀压力。 平心而论，由于许多国家，尤其是中国，拥有如此大量的美元计价外汇储备，美元可以在相当长的一段时间内保持强势。 但总有一天，美元会贬值，美国国债的第二大外国持有者 — — 中国 — — 将面临巨额亏损。 鉴于这种可能性，我长期以来一直主张对人民币实行浮动汇率制度；对资本账户自由化持谨慎态度；对外汇储备要实行多样化；对人民币实行有耐心的市场驱动的国际化；并与美国的保持更平衡的贸易。 但所有这些建议都假设美国会遵守规则。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the global economy started to open and become more integrated several decades ago, massive amounts of previously disconnected and inaccessible labor and productive capacity in emerging economies shifted to the manufacturing and export sectors, producing dramatic results. Manufacturing activity relocated from developed countries, and emerging economies’ exports grew faster than the global economy. Owing to the sheer scale of relatively low-cost labor in emerging economies (especially China), wage growth in advanced economies’ tradable sectors was subdued, even when the activity did not shift to emerging economies. Labor’s bargaining power was reduced in developed economies, and the negative pressure on middle- and low-income wages spilled over to non-tradable sectors as displaced labor in manufacturing shifted to non-tradable sectors. But that process is largely over. Many emerging economies have become middle-income countries, and the global economy no longer has any more large reservoirs of accessible low-cost labor to fuel the earlier dynamic. Of course, there remain pools of underutilized labor and potential productive capacity, for example in Africa. But it is unlikely that these workers will enter productive export sectors fast enough and at sufficient scale to prolong the pre-turning point dynamics. The Lewis turning point will have profound consequences for the global economy. The forces that have been depressing wages and inflation over the past 40 years are receding. A wide range of emerging and developed economies are growing older, reinforcing the trend, and the COVID-19 pandemic has further reduced the labor supply in many sectors, possibly on a permanent basis.", "zh": "当全球经济在几十年前开始开放并变得更加一体化时，新兴经济体中大量以往互不关联且无法获取的劳动力和生产能力被转移到了制造业和出口部门并产生了巨大效果。 制造业活动被迁移到了发达国家以外，新兴经济体的出口增长速度也超越了全球水平。 由于新兴经济体（尤其是中国）拥有大量相对低成本的劳动力，发达经济体可交易部门的工资增长在这类活动没迁移到新兴经济体之前就已经受到了压制。 发达经济体的劳动力议价能力下降，而随着那些被淘汰的制造业劳动力转移到非贸易部门，对中低收入者工资的负面压力也蔓延到了非贸易部门。 但这一进程已经基本完结。 许多新兴经济体已经成为中等收入国家，全球经济也不再拥有足以驱动早期那种动态的大量可获取低成本劳动力储备。 虽说仍存在一些未被充分利用的劳动力和潜在的生产能力（比如在非洲 ） ， 但是这些工人不太可能以足够快的速度和规模进入生产性出口部门以延续拐点前的动态。 刘易斯拐点将对全球经济产生深远的影响。 在过去40年间一直压制工资和通胀的力量正在消退。 大多数新兴经济体和发达经济体都在老龄化，从而进一步强化了这一趋势，而新冠疫情则进一步减少了许多部门的劳动力供应（甚至可能是永久性的 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rather than offering to do away with its cotton subsidies, America offered to open up American markets to cotton imports – an essentially meaningless public-relations move that quickly backfired. Owing to its huge subsidies, America exports cotton, and it would import little even if formal barriers are removed. Thus, recent trade negotiations have a surreal air about them, because, whatever their outcome, ultimately cotton subsidies will have to go. Brazil, frustrated with America’s intransigence, brought a case against US cotton subsidies before the WTO, which ruled as almost any economist would: the subsidies distort world trade and are therefore prohibited. Faced with the WTO order, the US will try to comply with the letter of the law and avoid its spirit, making changes in the subsidy program to ensure “technical” compliance. But these attempts will almost surely fail; in the end – though it may take years – cotton subsidies will be eliminated. Of course, the European Union’s subsidies are far larger, but, in contrast to the US, Europe has made some effort to reduce them, especially export subsidies. While export subsidies appear more obviously “trade distorting,” America’s cotton and other subsidies are in fact almost as bad.", "zh": "美国没有提出取消棉花补贴，反而提出开放国内的棉花进口市场¾这一公关意味甚浓的举措没有任何实际意义，而且很快就引发了其他国家的反抗。 由于巨额补贴的存在，美国的棉花大量出口，即使取消官方壁垒，美国也根本不需要进口棉花。 于是，不久前的贸易谈判就具有了超现实主义的色彩，无论结果如何，棉花补贴最终都要取消。 美国在谈判中的强硬态度使巴西大为光火，于是向世贸组织提起了针对美国棉花补贴的诉讼，世贸组织的裁决在所有经济学家的意料之中：棉花补贴扭曲了世界贸易，因此必须予以取缔。 面对世贸组织的裁决，美国必须绞尽脑汁在违背裁决精神的同时遵守其条文，修改自己的补贴计划，以确保“在技术层面上”遵守规则。 但这样的企图几乎注定会失败，最后¾尽管这其间可能需要几年时间¾棉花补贴将被彻底取缔。 勿庸置疑，欧盟的补贴规模更大，但与美国不同的是，欧洲已经为降低补贴、特别是出口补贴做出了一些努力。 尽管出口补贴显然更能“扭曲贸易 ” ， 美国的棉花和其他补贴从实际情况看也好不到哪里去。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Confronting this challenge will require us to rethink fundamentally what development should look like, which is why the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals, unlike the previous Millennium Development Goals, apply to all countries – not just the poorer ones. After decades of making steady development gains, what can we do differently to help the planet’s most disadvantaged people? As the latest Human Development Report makes clear, there is no simple answer. One reason is that those who are being left behind often face disadvantages on several fronts. They are not just short of money; often, they are also sick, uneducated, and disenfranchised. The problems that affect the world’s most disadvantaged people begin at birth, and worsen during their lifetime. As opportunities to break the cycle are missed, these disadvantages are passed on to subsequent generations, reinforcing their impact. Still, while today’s development challenges are numerous and complex, they also share common characteristics. Many of the disadvantaged belong to specific demographic groups that tend to fare worse than others in all countries, not least because they face similar economic, legal, political, and cultural barriers. For example, indigenous peoples constitute just 5% of the global population, but account for 15% of the world’s poor. And, to participate in work and community life, people with disabilities must overcome obstacles that the rest of us often do not even notice. Last but not least, women and girls almost everywhere continue to be underrepresented in leadership and decision-making circles, and they often work more hours for less money than their male counterparts. Although development policies will continue to focus on tangible outcomes – such as more hospitals, more children in school, and better sanitation – human development must not be reduced only to that which is quantifiable. It is time to pay more attention to the less palpable features of progress, which, while difficult to measure, are not hard to take a measure of. All people deserve to have a voice in the decisions that affect their lives; but the most marginalized in society are too often denied a say of any kind. Ensuring that those most in need are not forgotten – and that they have the freedom to make their own choices – is just as important as delivering concrete development outcomes.", "zh": "解决这一挑战需要我们从根本上反思发展应该是什么，正因如此，联合国可持续发展目标将应用于所有国家，而不是像其前身千年发展目标那样只应用于较穷的国家。 在经历了几十年的稳步发展进步后，我们可以做些什么不一样的事情来帮助地球上最困难的人群？ 最新一期人类发展报告明确指出，没有简单的答案。 一个原因是落后人群常常在多个方面都处于劣势。 他们不仅仅是缺钱；通常他们身体也较羸弱，教育程度较低，公民权利得不到伸张。 影响全世界最弱势群体的问题始于出生的那一刻，并随着生命的展开而恶化。 如果失去打破这一循环的机会，这些劣势将传递给子孙后代，影响进一步放大。 但是，尽管当今发展挑战艰巨而复杂，仍然有不少共同特征。 许多弱势群体属于某些特定的人口群体，在所有国家，他们都比其他群体更容易落后，因为他们面临着类似的经济、法律、政治和文化障碍。 比如，土著民族只占全球人口的5 % ， 但“贡献”了全球贫苦人口的15 % 。 此外，要参与工作和社区生活，失能人群必须克服我们其他人甚至未必注意得到的障碍。 最后，几乎所有国家的领导层和决策层都难觅妇女和女孩的踪影，并且女性常常比男性同事工作时间更长，薪水却更低。 尽管发展政策仍然着重关注有形的结果 — — 如更多的医院、更多就学儿童、更好的营养等 — — 但人类发展决不能退化到只限于可量化的范畴。 我们应该更多地关注进步的较难察觉的方面，这些方面固然难以衡量，但并不难采取措施。 所有人都应该获得对影响他们的生活的决定的发言权；但社会中最边缘化人群常常被完全剥夺了话语权。 确保最需要的人群不被忘却 — — 并且他们拥有做出自己的选择的自由 — — 与实现具体的发展结果一样重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Merkel’s sudden diplomatic flexibility suggests that Seehofer’s pressure campaign is working. But the political fallout remains to be seen. As matters stand, the CSU could simply accept economic concessions in the eurozone negotiations, though that might hurt it in the upcoming elections. Alternatively, it could break its eternal partnership with the CDU, now that its public support has reached 18%, second only to the CDU’s 22%, according to a recent INSA poll. If the CSU rebels, the CDU can put forward its own candidates in Bavaria. But this is hardly a viable option, as a civil war between the two allied parties would sink them both. There is a third possibility, though. Merkel could be toppled and replaced by someone further to the right on the refugee issue – a German version of Kurz – such as the CDU’s Jens Spahn, who is currently serving as the federal health minister. Merkel recognizes this possibility – which, as it stands, appears to be the most likely scenario for Germany – but she has little choice but to draw out the game in the hope that some other solution will emerge. Given the risks Merkel faces, Macron cannot expect her to stick her neck out too much. Moreover, he himself will have to tread carefully, because Merkel is one of his only allies within the EU. In addition to the Visegrád countries, the Baltic states, Scandinavia, and the Netherlands are all more or less aligned against him on issues relating to eurozone reform.", "zh": "默克尔的外交突然间变得灵活了，这表明希霍夫的施压正在起作用。 但政治余波仍有待观察。 目前的情况是，CSU很可能接受在欧元区谈判中做出经济让步，尽管这可能不利于它即将到来的选举。 或者，它可能打破与CDU的永久性伙伴关系，因为根据最新的INSA民调，目前其公共支持率已经达到18 % ， 仅次于CDU的22 % 。 如果CSU背叛，CDU可能推出自己的巴伐利亚候选人。 但这个选项可行性很低，因为两个结盟政党之间的内斗只会令它们两败俱伤。 但还有第三种可能。 默克尔可能被推翻，由在难民问题上倾向更右者取而代之 — — 即德国的库尔茨，比如现任联邦卫生部长的CDU的延斯·斯潘（Jens Spahn ） 。 默克尔承认这一可能性 — — 目前这看上去是德国最有可能的情形 — — 但她几乎别无选择，只能高挂免战牌，寄希望于出现其他解决方案。 考虑到默克尔所面临的风险，马克龙无法指望她的立场有多坚定。 此外，他本人也得步步为营，因为默克尔是他在欧盟内部仅有的盟友之一。 除了维谢格拉德国家，巴尔干国家、斯堪的纳维亚国家和荷兰都或多或少与他在欧盟改革相关问题上“不对付 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The kind of politics that imposes sacrifices for the sake of future utopias has caused immense human suffering in the service of a variety of impossible ideals. Better, then, to stick to the here and now. Yet postponing, for the sake of immediate gratification, a certain degree of planning for the future collective good can be as disastrous as indulging in utopian schemes. Perhaps there are some non-utopian ways of transcending selfish interests and doing what is necessary. For example, in various countries, voters have been tempted to elect business tycoons: enough with politicians bickering over selfish interests – let the can-do strongmen take charge and run countries like corporations. Silvio Berlusconi was one such figure. Mitt Romney, in a milder, less flamboyant manner, has appealed to these sentiments as well: he knew how to run an investment company, so why not the US federal government? In practice, however, such tycoon politicians have their own interests and gratifications to pursue. Berlusconi did indeed run Italy the way he runs his companies: like a private fiefdom, promoting cronies, intimidating critics, and paying people vast sums of money in exchange for their slavish devotion. And, two years after the earthquake in L’Aquila in 2009, which killed hundreds of people, nothing much had been done to reconstruct the city, despite an initial flurry of publicity stunts showing Berlusconi, posing in a fireman’s hat, personally taking charge. What about the more serious-minded technocrats who run the Leninist-capitalist People’s Republic of China?", "zh": "号召为未来乌托邦而牺牲的政治让人为了各种不可能实现的理想而奋斗，给人类造成了严重的灾难。 既然如此，不如还是坚守当下吧。 但为了当下的享受而停止一定程度的未来集体利益和沉迷于乌托邦幻境一样有害。 或许存在一些超越自私自利、做必需完成之事的非乌托邦方法。 比如，在许多国家，选民甘愿把票投给商业大亨：受够了政客为自身利益喋喋不休，让雷厉风行的强人执政，像经营公司一样治理国家吧。 贝卢斯科尼就是这样一个人物。 从某种程度上说，罗姆尼也在诱导这一情绪，只是没那么赤裸裸罢了：他知道如何经营一家投资公司，既然如此，为什么不能经营好美国联邦政府呢？ 但是，在实践中，这类大亨政客有自己的利益和目的需要追求。 贝卢斯科尼确实在按照精英公司的方法治国：如同私人采邑一样提拔亲信、威吓批评者，用大把金钱换取人们如奴婢般的忠诚。 2009年夺去数百人生命的L’Aquila地震两年后，该市重建工作仍毫无进展，尽管在地震发生后的公共秀当中，贝卢斯科尼戴着一顶消防帽亲自坐镇指挥。 更加认真的技术官僚是如何治理列宁资本主义中华人民共和国的呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Age of Blowback Terror NEW DELHI – World powers have often been known to intervene, overtly and covertly, to overthrow other countries’ governments, install pliant regimes, and then prop up those regimes, even with military action. But, more often than not, what seems like a good idea in the short term often brings about disastrous unintended consequences, with intervention causing countries to dissolve into conflict, and intervening powers emerging as targets of violence. That sequence is starkly apparent today, as countries that have meddled in the Middle East face a surge in terrorist attacks. Last month, Salman Ramadan Abedi – a 22-year-old British-born son of Libyan immigrants – carried out a suicide bombing at the concert of the American pop star Ariana Grande in Manchester, England. The bombing – the worst terrorist attack in the United Kingdom in more than a decade – can be described only as blowback from the activities of the UK and its allies in Libya, where external intervention has given rise to a battle-worn terrorist haven. The UK has not just actively aided jihadists in Libya; it encouraged foreign fighters, including British Libyans, to get involved in the NATO-led operation that toppled Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi’s regime in 2011. Among those fighters was Abedi’s father, a longtime member of the al-Qaeda-linked Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, whose functionaries were imprisoned or forced into exile during Qaddafi’s rule. The elder Abedi returned to Libya six years ago to fight alongside a new Western-backed Islamist militia known as the Tripoli Brigade. His son had recently returned from a visit to Libya when he carried out the Manchester Arena attack. This was not the first time a former “Islamic holy warrior” passed jihadism to his Western-born son. Omar Saddiqui Mateen, who carried out last June’s Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando, Florida – the deadliest single-day mass shooting in US history – also drew inspiration from his father, who fought with the US-backed mujahedeen forces that drove the Soviet Union out of Afghanistan in the 1980s. In fact, the United States’ activities in Afghanistan at that time may be the single biggest source of blowback terrorism today. With the help of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency and Saudi Arabia’s money, the CIA staged what remains the largest covert operation in its history, training and arming thousands of anti-Soviet insurgents.", "zh": "报复式恐怖主义年代 新德里—我们知道，世界列强会或明或暗地干预颠覆他国政府，扶持傀儡政权，甚至不惜通过军事行动。 但是，短期看来更好的策略，常常带来灾难性的意外后果，干预导致国家分裂，陷入冲突，而干预的大国被当成暴力的目标。 这一因果链在今天触目惊心，涉足中东的国家面临恐怖袭击的激增。 上个月，22岁、在英国出生的利比亚难民之子阿贝迪（Salman Ramadan Abedi）在美国流行歌星阿利亚纳·格兰德（Ariana Grade）的英国曼彻斯特演唱会现场引爆自杀式袭击的炸弹。 这场爆炸式英国十多年来最严重的恐怖袭击 — — 它只能认为是对英国及其盟友在利比亚的所作所为的报复。 外部干预导致利比亚沦为饱受战争摧残的恐怖分子避风港。 英国不但积极支持利比亚的圣战分子，它还鼓励外国战斗人员，包括英国籍利比亚人参加2011年由联合国领导的推翻卡扎菲政权的行动。 这些战斗人员中就有阿贝迪的父亲、与基地组织有关联的利比亚伊斯兰战斗组织（Libyan Islamic Fighting Group）的老牌成员。 该组织机要人员在卡扎菲执政期间纷纷被抓获被迫流亡。 老阿贝迪六年前返回利比亚，与被称为的黎波里旅（Tripoli Brigade）的新成立的西方支持的军阀并肩战斗。 他的儿子在曼彻斯特剧场袭击之前刚刚从利比亚回到英国。 这不是第一次有前“伊斯兰圣战者”将圣战主义传播给其出生于西方的儿子。 去年6月在佛罗里达州奥兰多市脉动（Pulse）夜总会大开杀戒的马丁（Omar Saddiqui Mateen）也受到其父的熏陶。 其父在20世纪80年代与美国支持的圣战组织一起战斗，将苏联赶出了阿富汗。 脉动夜总会枪击案是美国历史上单日死亡人数最大的枪击案。 事实上，美国当时在阿富汗的行动可能是今天的报复式恐怖主义最大的来源。 在巴基斯坦三军情报局的帮助和沙特阿拉伯的资金支持下，美国中央情报局实施了其历史上规模最大的秘密行动，训练和武装了数千名反苏叛军。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Washington Recaptured WASHINGTON, DC – Two hundred years ago, Washington DC was captured by the British – who then proceeded to set fire to official buildings, including the White House, Treasury Department, and Congress. Today, it is a domestic interest group – very large banks – that has captured Washington. The costs are likely to be far higher than they were in 1814. America’s largest bank holding companies receive an implicit government subsidy, because they are perceived to be “too big to fail.” The authorities will not allow the biggest banks to default on their debts, through bankruptcy or in any other fashion, owing to the need to prevent the financial system from collapsing. This doctrine became starkly apparent in late 2008 and early 2009; it remains in force today. This effective exemption from the risk of bankruptcy means that anyone who lends to the largest half-dozen banks receives a government guarantee – free insurance against the risk of a catastrophe. This allows these banks to obtain more debt financing on better terms (from their perspective). In particular, their executives operate highly opaque firms, with risks effectively masked from outsiders and very little in the way of loss-absorbing shareholder equity. Simply put, without their government backstop, these murky empires could not exist. Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio and Republican Senator David Vitter of Louisiana, along with some important colleagues, have long sought to phase out this implicit subsidy.", "zh": "华盛顿再次沦陷 华盛顿—两百年前，华盛顿被英国人攻陷，入城的英国人随后放火烧了包括白宫、财政部和国会在内的公共建筑。 如今，一个国内利益集团 — — 大银行 — — 又攻陷了华盛顿。 这次的代价可能比1814年高得多。 美国最大的银行控股公司接受着政府的隐性补贴，因为它们被认为是“太大而不能倒 ” 。 当局不会允许最大银行通过破产或其他任何形式发生债务违约，这是防止金融系统崩溃的需要。 这一思想在2008年末到2009年初表露无遗；今天仍有很大的力量。 事实打消了破产风险意味着任何贷款给最大的几家银行的贷款人可以获得政府担保 — — 相当于免费的灾难风险保险。 这意味着这些银行可以以更有利的条件（从它们的角度）获得更多的债务融资。 特别是，它们的高管经营着高度不透明的企业，外部人士几乎无从了解其中的风险，也几乎没有可以吸收损失的股本。 简言之，没有政府支持，这些黑暗帝国根本不可能存在。 俄亥俄州民主党参议员谢罗德·布朗（Sherrod Brown）和路易斯安那州共和党参议员大卫·维特（David Vitter）与其他重要同事一道，长期以来一直在寻求取消这一隐性补贴。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet Orbán has presided over the emergence of a new generation of oligarchs, as he has coordinated with political insiders to deploy state power and resources for the benefit of personal friends and political allies. Transparency International estimates that 70% of Hungary’s public procurement is now “infected” by corruption, possibly costing the country as much as 1% of GDP. Beyond Hungary’s own resources, Orbán has diverted to his cronies billions of euros from the European Union, which is now demanding at least partial repayment. For Orbán, however, the goal has always been to ensure that Hungary’s power players are on his side. And the plan has been working. For example, Orbán-connected oligarchs have secured “complete control and domination of the regional newspaper market.” Poland’s ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party, led by Kaczyński, who has no official position in government, has similarly set about laying siege to government institutions. Like Fidesz, PiS presented itself as an antidote to corruption, which helped it achieve a decisive electoral victory in 2015. But, though the government has pursued some legitimate anti-corruption initiatives, such as a crackdown on tax fraud, it has also wielded corruption accusations as a weapon against political opponents, making much of its anti-corruption agenda look more like an authoritarian power grab. Meanwhile, PiS has attempted to assert control over the civil service, the judiciary, and state-controlled media. PiS changed the civil service law to usher out career professionals, installing many loyalists in their place, and replaced many of the heads of state-owned companies. Trusted Kaczyński loyalists now make major decisions in Poland, with little accountability. Against this background, a current banking scandal involving a top regulator who appears to have solicited a bribe from a leading banker suggests institutional involvement of PiS- and Kaczyński-linked players and underscores the institutional damage they have done. Six thousand miles away, Brazil has just inaugurated Bolsonaro, who has echoed these leaders in promising that “government departments will not be led by anyone who’s been convicted of corruption.” Judging by Bolsonaro’s populist counterparts elsewhere, however, Brazilians should not hold their breath.", "zh": "但在奥尔班治下却涌现出新一代寡头，因为他协调政治局内人为给其私交和政治盟友牟利而重新调配国家的权力和资源。 据透明国际估算，匈牙利70%的公共采购现在均已被腐败“感染 ” ， 可能给该国带来高达国内生产总值1%的高额损失。 除匈牙利本国资源外，奥尔班还从欧盟向其亲信转移了价值数十亿欧元的财富，而现在欧盟正在要求至少部分还款。 但对奥尔班而言，其目标一直是确保匈牙利的国内势力站在自己一边。 而且计划已经取得了成效。 比如，与奥尔班有联系的寡头已经牢牢掌握了“对区域媒体市场的完全主导和控制权 ” 。 波兰执政的法律与正义党（PiS）由卡钦斯基所领导，虽然卡氏在政府内不担任任何官方职务，也同样开始对政府机构进行围攻。 像青年民主联盟一样，法律与正义党将自己打扮成反腐斗士，这帮助它在2015年大选中获胜。 但尽管政府已经推行了一些合法的反腐败举措，例如打击税务欺诈，但同时也利用腐败指控攻击政治对手，导致其反腐计划的绝大部分看上去更像一场专治夺权运动。 此外，法律与正义党一直试图控制由国家掌控的媒体、公务员和司法机构。 法律与正义党 修改了公务员法将专业人士赶出公务员队伍，并在空出来的位置安插进许多效忠者，而且调整了国有企业的不少领袖。 备受信任的卡钦斯基忠诚者现在几乎在不负任何责任的情况下，完全把控了波兰的重大决策。 在这样一种背景下，目前正在上演的一场涉及高层监管人员看似向一家著名银行机构索贿的银行界丑闻已经向外界证明了法律与正义党和卡钦斯基相关势力对体制的介入，并凸显了它们所造成的制度性损失。 远在6000英里外，波索纳罗刚刚宣誓就职巴西总统，他与这些民粹主义领导人的共同之处是承诺政府部门绝不会被任何犯有腐败罪的人所领导。 但从波索纳罗身处其他地方的民粹主义同伴的情况看，巴西民众不应该抱有太大的希望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Overcautious Obama PRINCETON – In this election season in the United States, President Barack Obama is two men in one. The Obama of the Cairo speech of 2009, when he called for a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, has been increasingly eclipsed by Obama the terrorist-slayer, the commander-in-chief who has launched hundreds of drone strikes against Al Qaeda and its affiliates and who ordered the killing of Osama bin Laden. Commander-in-chief Obama is doing what he thinks is necessary to keep Americans safe, but he is ignoring the deeper roots of US security that the Cairo Obama understood so well. It may well be necessary for other Muslim countries to hold him to account. Consider Syria. Everything happening there was both predictable and predicted: a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran, increasing sectarianism and ethnic segregation, the polarization of extremes and the silencing of moderates, de-stabilization of neighboring countries, infiltration by terrorist groups, and a bloodbath from which the country could take decades to recover. Syrian opposition groups beg for the kinds of weapons needed to fight President Bashar al-Assad’s planes, defend hard-won territory, provide safety for civilians, and signal to Assad that the world will not stand by as he does whatever it takes to subdue his own people. Every morning, Obama receives a briefing from men who warn him of every plot and conspiracy to kill Americans. He knows that any weapon capable of shooting down a Syrian warplane could also be used by a terrorist against a US airliner.", "zh": "过度谨慎的奥巴马 普林斯顿—美国的这次大选季，总统奥巴马是个双面人物。 2009年开罗演讲时的奥巴马（当时他呼吁开启美国和穆斯林及全世界关系的新篇章）逐渐被作为恐怖主义死对头、数百起针对基地组织及其设施的无人机空袭的总司令以及清除本·拉登指令下达者的奥巴马取代。 总司令奥巴马在想方设法让美国更安全，但他忽视了开罗奥巴马所深刻理解的美国安全问题的深层次根源。 也许只有穆斯林国家才能让他发生改变。 比如叙利亚。 那里发生的所有事情都是可预测的，而且也被预测到了：沙特和伊朗之间的代理战争、日渐滋长的宗派主义和种族隔离、极端主义的两极分化和温和派的沉默、周边邻国的动荡、恐怖组织的渗透，还有需要几十年时间才可能恢复过来的大流血。 每天早晨，奥巴马都会收到简报，警告他所有谋杀美国人的意图和阴谋。 他知道，能够击落叙利亚战斗机的武器同样可以用来对准美国民航客机。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Hydrogen Solution RHINECLIFF, NY – Around the world, governments and businesses are constantly being called upon to make big investments in solar, wind, and geothermal energy, as well as biofuels. But, in the United States, unlike in Europe and Asia, discussion of hydrogen energy and fuel cells as systemic, game-changing technologies is largely absent. That needs to change: these clean, renewable energy sources promise not only zero-emission baseload power, but also a zero-emission fuel for cars and trucks, the biggest polluters of them all. By now, many have heard about plans by big carmakers – including Honda, Toyota, and Hyundai – to launch hydrogen fuel-cell cars commercially around 2015. Daimler, Ford, and Nissan plan to launch such cars around 2017. Germany plans to build at least 50 hydrogen fueling stations by 2015 as the start of a countrywide network. Japan and Korea have announced similar plans. But a bigger, largely unreported, message is that some European countries, especially Germany, have launched projects that combine renewables like solar and wind with hydrogen for energy storage, implying clean, zero-emission, stable power grids that require no coal, oil, or nuclear power. Indeed, the bottom line of a new study by two American researchers, Willett Kempton and Cory Budischak, is that the combination of renewables and hydrogen storage could fully power a large electricity grid by 2030 at costs comparable to those today.", "zh": "氢方案 莱茵克里夫，纽约州—放眼全球，人们一直在呼吁政府和企业大量投资于太阳能、风能、地热能以及生物燃料。 但是，与欧洲和亚洲不同，在美国，关于将氢能和燃料电池作为系统性的改变局面技术几乎无人谈及。 这需要改变：这些清洁的可再生能源不但能生产零排放基载电力，也能为汽车和卡车提供零排放燃料，而后两者乃是最大的污染源。 如今，包括本田、丰田和现代在内的大型汽车商纷纷抛出了计划，将在2015年左右实现氢燃料电池汽车的商业使用。 戴姆勒、福特和日产计划在2017年左右推出氢燃料电池汽车。 德国计划到2015年至少建造50座氢能加油站，作为全国网络的起点。 日本和韩国也公布了类似计划。 但更大也鲜有报道的消息是一些欧洲国家，特别是德国，已经推出了将太阳能和风能扥挂可再生能源和氢能相结合来储藏能量的计划，这意味着不需要煤、石油和核能的清洁的零排放稳定电网。 事实上，美国两名学者 — — 坎普顿（Willett Kempton）和巴蒂沙克（Cory Budischak ） — —的最新研究表明，到2030年，可再生能源和氢能相结合的储藏就能以与今天相当的成本全面承担起大型电网的供电任务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fraught Politics of the TPP TOKYO – This month, 12 countries on both sides of the Pacific finalized the historic Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement. The scope of the TPP is vast. If ratified and implemented, it will have a monumental impact on trade and capital flows along the Pacific Rim. Indeed, it will contribute to the ongoing transformation of the international order. Unfortunately, whether this will happen remains uncertain. The economics of trade and finance that form the TPP’s foundations are rather simple, and have been known since the British political economist David Ricardo described them in the nineteenth century. By enabling countries to make the most of their comparative advantages, the liberalization of trade and investment provides net economic benefits, although it may hurt particular groups that previously benefitted from tariff protections. But the politics of trade liberalization – that is, the way in which countries proceed to accept free trade – is much more complex, largely because of those particular groups it hurts. For them, the overall economic benefits of trade liberalization matter little, if their own narrow interests are being undercut. Even if these groups are relatively small, the discipline and unity with which they fight trade liberalization can amplify their political influence considerably – especially if a powerful political figure takes up their cause. That is what is now happening in the United States. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton undoubtedly understands the economics of the TPP, which she once called the “gold standard” in trade agreements. But now that she is on the presidential campaign trail, she has changed her tune. The reason is apparent: she has judged that she cannot afford to lose the support of American trade unions such as the United Automobile Workers, whose members fear a reduction in tariffs on car and trucks. This shift may make sense politically, but it is abysmal economics. In reality, the TPP is a great bargain for the US. The concessions it contains on manufactured products like automobiles are much smaller than those on, say, agricultural products, which will involve profound sacrifices from other TPP countries, such as Japan. After all, existing tariff levels on manufactured goods are already much lower than those on agriculture or dairy products. In short, with the TPP, the US is catching a big fish with small bait.", "zh": "令人担心的TPP政治 东京—本月，12个太平洋两岸的国家完成了历史性的跨太平洋合作伙伴关系（TPP）贸易协定。 TPP的范围十分广泛。 如果获得批准并实施，它将给环太平洋贸易和资本流带来极大的推动。 事实上，它将有助于正在发生的国际秩序变迁。 不幸的是，是否能够实现还远未可知。 构成TPP基础的贸易和金融经济学十分简单，早在十九世纪就由英国政治经济学家大卫·李嘉图阐述得一清二楚。 贸易和投资自由化让各国最大程度地利用其比较优势，因此能够带来净经济收益，尽管它可能不利于之前从关税保护中获益的特殊利益群体。 但贸易自由化的政治学 — — 即各国怎样接受自由贸易 — — 要复杂得多，这主要是因为受到冲击的特殊利益集团从中作梗。 对他们来说，贸易自由化的总体经济利益不值一提，如果他们自身的狭隘利益受到侵蚀的话。 即使这些群体规模相对较小，但在于贸易自由化对抗的过程中，他们表现出极强的纪律和团结，这能大大增加他们的政治影响力 — — 特别是如果某权势政治人物站在他们这一边的话。 今天的美国就是如此。 前国务卿希拉里·克林顿毫无疑问明白TPP的经济学，她曾称之为贸易协定的“金本位 ” 。 但如今她正在角逐总统候选人提名，因此改变了口风。 原因显而易见：她判断她不可以失去汽车工人联合会（United Automobile Workers）等美国工会的支持，而这些组织的成员担心TPP降低汽车和卡车的关税。 这一转变在政治上不无道理，但从经济角度糟糕透顶。 现实是，TPP非常有利于美国。 在汽车等制造商品上做出的让步要远小于（比如说）农产品，而农产品方面的让步将导致其他TPP国家（比如日本）做出巨大牺牲。 毕竟，从现有关税水平看，制造商品比农产品或乳制品低得多。 简言之，美国在TPP上所得大于所失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So if you know a foreign language, it's also fun to read your favorite books in two languages. [\"The Way of Chuang Tzu\" Thomas Merton][\"Tao: The Watercourse Way\" Alan Watts] Instead of lost in translation, I found there is much to gain. For example, it's through translation that I realized \"happiness\" in Chinese literally means \"fast joy.\" Huh! \"Bride\" in Chinese literally means \"new mother.\" Uh-oh. Books have given me a magic portal to connect with people of the past and the present. I know I shall never feel lonely or powerless again. Having a dream shattered really is nothing compared to what many others have suffered. I have come to believe that coming true is not the only purpose of a dream. Its most important purpose is to get us in touch with where dreams come from, where passion comes from, where happiness comes from. Even a shattered dream can do that for you. So because of books, I'm here today, happy, living again with a purpose and a clarity, most of the time. So may books be always with you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.", "zh": "如果你懂外语， 把你喜欢的书的两个语言版本对比读也很有意思。 （托马斯·默顿翻译的《庄子》、阿伦·瓦特翻译的《道德经》） 人们常说翻译总有缺失，我却发现翻译也可以带来收获。 举个例子，是翻译使我意识到 原来中文\"快乐\"一词的字面意思可解为\"快速欢乐\"，呃... 中文\"新娘\"一词的字面意思可解为\"新妈妈\"，天啊！ 书已成为我与古人今人沟通的一个神奇门户， 书已成为我与古人今人沟通的一个神奇门户， 让我再不会觉得孤单无助。 与其他人的苦难相比，梦想破灭算不了什么。 与其他人的苦难相比，梦想破灭算不了什么。 我渐渐意识到成真并非梦想的唯一目的， 我渐渐意识到成真并非梦想的唯一目的， 它的最重要目的是让我们触摸到 梦想来源的地方、 热情来源的地方、快乐来源的地方， 哪怕一个破灭的梦想也可以让你经历那种触摸。 因为书，我今天得以在此， 快乐地活着，生活的目标和意义重新变得明确， 在大部分时候。 希望书也永远与你相伴！ 谢谢。 谢谢。 谢谢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The internecine rivalries that began in earnest last November between fighters from Zawiya and Warshefana, and among Tripoli’s various factions, will be difficult to defuse, as the thowar (revolutionaries) have refused repeated calls by the NTC to disarm. Tripoli is in danger of becoming like Baghdad circa 2005, with different groups controlling turf and instituting a clientelist neighborhood political economy. Inter-urban competition and the militias’ defiant independence are all the more worrisome because Libya is awash in weapons, with unguarded caches, abandoned stockpiles, looted ammunition depots, and thousands of shoulder-fired heat-seeking surface-to-air missiles. Last November, Mokhtar Belmokhtar, the commander of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), confirmed that AQIM seized the opportunity to secure some of this arsenal when the revolution started. Meanwhile, the aims of France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Arab League, NATO, and Qatar, all of which have played a role in Libya’s transformation, are unlikely to be the same. In other words, external pressures, too, are likely to pull Libya in several different directions, which will only further delay an autonomous and sustainable state-building process. Qaddafi left behind a booby-trap. The collapse of authoritarian rule created a security vacuum with no functioning state apparatus, making Libya highly exposed to international influence, often in the service of corporate interests. To avoid repetition of the costly mistakes made in Iraq, Libya will require adroit leadership that can elaborate a compelling new national vision with which to unify competing authorities, rein in undisciplined militias, and minimize the country’s strategic vulnerability.", "zh": "去年11月扎维耶和沃尔舍法纳（Warshefana）爆发的冲突以及的黎波里诸多派系间的倾轧便是内讧的最佳写照，内讧问题很难解决，因为“索瓦 ” （ 即革命者）拒绝响应NTC放下武器的主张。 的黎波里的危险程度一点都不亚于2005年时的巴格达，不同的阵营各有各的地盘，并发展出了一套侍从主义社区政治经济。 城市间的竞争以及各军阀肆无忌惮的闹独立令人极其担忧，因为利比亚随处都能找到武器、无人看守的武库、被弃的军需、被洗劫一空的弹药库以及成千上万肩扛式红外线地对空导弹。 去年11月，伊斯兰北非基地组织（AQIM）指挥官贝尔莫赫塔��Mokhtar Belmokhtar）证实，革命爆发时，AQIM曾抓住机会弄到了这批军火中的一部分。 与此同时，法国、英国、美国、阿盟、北约和卡塔尔的利益均在影响利比亚的转型，而它们彼此之间也不可能没有利益冲突。 换句话说，外部压力同样在将利比亚拉向不同的方向，这只能进一步拖累自主的、可持续的建国过程。 卡扎菲身后是一个烂摊子。 独裁的倒台造成了安全的真空，利比亚缺少正常国家机器的所有部件，这使得该国极易受国际势力左右，而国际势力通常受集团利益的指挥。 为了避免重蹈代价昂贵的伊拉克覆辙，利比亚需要灵巧的领导层。 该领导层需要给出令人眼前一亮的新民族愿景，团结互相竞争的势力，驯服散漫恣睢的军阀，尽力降低利比亚的战略颓势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pakistan also needs a bold vision for growth to replace the current incoherent mix of five-year federal development plans and provincial growth strategies. The Center for International Private Enterprise has made a strong case for a credible bottom-up economic plan to boost agricultural productivity, improve manufacturing competitiveness, and support startups in the services sector. A third priority is to ensure that growth is inclusive, just, and sustainable. The “Economy of Tomorrow” project, conducted by the Pakistan-based Sustainable Development Policy Institute – where I work – and the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, has highlighted several key requirements in this regard. Fiscal policy should be progressive, promoting equitable growth and economic participation by all segments of society. Furthermore, trade policy should be resistant to elite capture and take consumer welfare into account. And energy, water, and urban-management policies should respect natural resources and the environment. The latter is especially important because Pakistan already suffers from the effects of climate change in the form of recurrent, environment-degrading droughts. Fourth, the state must create room for entrepreneurship. With over 60% of Pakistan’s population under the age of 25, the public sector clearly cannot absorb all new entrants to the labor force. The solution may instead lie with startups and small and medium-size enterprises. An earlier report by the British Council Pakistan, for example, indicated a surge in startups in diverse sectors. The number of young Pakistani entrepreneurs is rising significantly, and not only because of the country’s youthful population. Rural-to-urban migration, new public-sector universities, incubators, and accelerator initiatives have also helped. Government policy should now aim to reduce the failure rate of startups and help them to grow. It must also ensure that startups are an option for young people – including women – from all regions and economic backgrounds, including by removing barriers to market information and credit. Finally, the government should help prepare Pakistan to embrace the emerging technologies of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Future developments in artificial intelligence, robotics, 3D printing, cloud computing, blockchain, biotechnology, and augmented reality will have a huge economic impact. Adapting to these technologies will require new government initiatives and updated curricula in Pakistani universities. Although Pakistan’s new government is understandably preoccupied with short-term economic problems, it also needs to lay the foundations for a more inclusive and sustainable growth model.", "zh": "巴基斯坦还需要大胆的增长愿景，以代替当前互相矛盾的五年联邦发展规划和省级增长战略。 国际私营企业中心（Center for International Private Enterprise）强烈建议实施可信的自下而上的经济计划以提高农业生产率，改善制造业竞争力，支持服务业初创企业。 第三项重点是要确保增长必须是包容、公正、可持续。 我和弗雷德里希所供职的巴基斯坦可持续发展政策研究院 和Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung基金会所提出的“明天的经济”计划强调了这方面的几项关键要求。 财政政策必须是进步性的，促进社会各界的平等增长和经济参与。 此外，贸易政策决不能沦为精英的俘虏，必须考虑消费者的福利。 能源、水和城市管理政策必须尊重自然资源和环境。 后者尤其重要，因为巴基斯坦已经气候变化的影响，破坏环境的旱灾频发。 第四，国家必须为企业家精神创造空间。 60%多的巴基斯坦人口不到25岁，公共部门显然无法吸收所有新晋劳动力。 方案可能在于初创企业和中小企业。 比如，巴基斯坦英伦协会（British Council Pakistan）的一份早先的报告指出，多行业初创企业呈现井喷之势。 年轻巴基斯坦企业家的数量正在大幅增加，原因不仅在于年轻人口的数量。 从农村向城市的移民、新建公立大学、孵化器和加速器项目也起到了帮助作用。 如今，政府政策应该把目标放在降低初创企业失败率、帮助它们成长上。 政府还必须确保初创企业成为年轻人 — — 包括女性 — — 的一个选择，不管他们来自哪个地区、经济背景如何，包括消除市场信息和信用壁垒。 最后，政府应该帮助巴基斯坦为第四次工业革命的新兴技术做好准备。 人工智能、机器人、3D打印、云计算、区块链、生物科技和增强现实等领域的未来发展将带来巨大的经济影响。 适应这些变化需要政府采取新举措，更新巴基斯坦大学的课程。 不难理解，巴基斯坦新政府主要关注点在于短期经济问题，但它也需要为更加包容和可持续的增长模式奠定基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Future generations just don’t count much. This is morally wrong. But the do-nothing advocates, ignoring all the advances in public economics over the past half-century that have explained otherwise, argue that economic efficiency requires it. They are wrong. We must take strong action now to avoid the climate disaster toward which the world is heading. And it is a welcome development that so many European leaders are spearheading efforts to ensure that the world is carbon-neutral by 2050. The report of the High-Level Commission on Carbon Prices, which I co-chaired with Nicholas Stern, argued that we could achieve the Paris agreement’s goal of limiting global warming to 2ºC in a way that enhanced living standards: the transition to a green economy could spur innovation and prosperity. That view sets us apart from those who suggest that the Paris agreement’s goals can be achieved only by stopping economic expansion. I believe that is wrong. However misguided the obsession with ever-increasing GDP may be, without economic growth, billions of people will remain without adequate food, housing, clothing, education, and medical care. But there is ample room to change the quality of growth, to reduce its environmental impact significantly. For example, even without major technological advances, we can achieve carbon neutrality by 2050.", "zh": "这对未来几代人来说算不了什么钱。 这在道德上是错误的。 但那些无视了过去半个世纪以来公共经济学所取得的所有进步 — — 这些进步都说明了另一种做法的合理性 — — 的不作为倡导者们则认为经济效率需要我们无所作为。 他们错了。 我们现在必须采取强有力行动以避免世界堕入气候灾难。 而令人鼓舞之处在于有如此众多的欧洲领导人为确保全球在2050年实现碳中和做出了积极努力。 我与尼古拉斯·斯特恩（Nicholas Stern）共同主持的碳价格高级别委员会所发表的报告也指出可以通过一种可以提高生活水平的方式实现巴黎协定将全球变暖限制在2ºC以内的目标：利用向绿色经济的过渡来刺激创新和繁荣。 也正是这一观点使我们不同于与那些认为只有通过停止经济扩张才能实现巴黎协定目标的人。 我相信后者是错误的。 但无论人们对GDP不断增长的痴迷存在多少误导性，如果没有了经济增长，全球仍将有数十亿人继续陷于食物、住房、衣服，教育和医疗服务的匮乏当中。 而我们仍有足够的空间来改变增长的质量以显著降低其对环境的影响。 比如即使未能实现重大技术进步，我们也可以在2050年之前实现碳中和。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They want to be their favorite players, and they've already talked to me on YouTube, they've talked to me on Twitter, saying, \"Hey, can you get this on a quarterback? Well, once we have that experience with GoPro and Google Glass, how do we make it more immersive? How do we take that next step? The Oculus Rift has been described as one of the most realistic virtual reality devices ever created, and that is not empty hype. I'm going to show you why that is not empty hype with this video. Oh! Oh! No! No! No! I don't want to play anymore! No! Oh my God! Aaaah! So that is the experience of a man on a roller coaster in fear of his life. What do you think his experience is going to be when he is going down the side of a mountain at over 70 miles an hour as an Olympic downhill skier? I think adult diaper sales may surge. But this is not yet augmented reality. This is only virtual reality, V.R. How do we get to augmented reality, A.R.? We get to augmented reality when coaches and managers and owners look at this information streaming in that people want to see, and they say, \"How do we use this to make our teams better? How do we use this to win games?\"", "zh": "他们想要变身为他们最喜欢的球员 粉丝们已经在YouTube上和我谈起了这点 还在推特上跟我说起这事儿 \"嗨，你能不能让个四分卫戴上这眼镜？\" 当我们有了GoPro摄像机 还有谷歌眼镜后 我们怎么才能提供更仿真式的体验呢？ 下一步该做些什么呢？ 头戴式显示器被称为 目前制造出的效果最逼真 的虚拟显示设备 这并不是什么天花乱坠的炒作 接下来我将向你展示 这为什么不是炒作 看看这段视频 男人：哦！哦！ 不！不！不！ 我不想再玩下去了！不！ 我的天啊！啊啊啊！ 克里斯 柯鲁威：这名男士在体会 坐在过山车上的感受 担心自己快没命了 想像这样的场景 当一个人从山的一侧 以70多英里每小时的速度下降 作为奥运会速降滑雪运动员 会是怎样的感受？ 我估摸成人纸尿裤的销量 可能会激增 但这还不是扩增实境技术 这仅仅是虚拟现实 那么我们怎样才能做到扩增实境呢？ 只有当 教练、经理和球队老板 看到这样的信息源源不断地涌入 那就是大家都想去体验一把， 然后他们会问： 怎么才能利用这项技术 让我们的球队表现得更好？ 怎么利用它去赢得比赛？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Has Trump Captured the Fed? NEW YORK – One of the important powers of any US president is to appoint members and heads of the many agencies that are responsible for implementing the country’s laws and regulations and, in many cases, governing the economy. Perhaps no institution is more important in that regard than the Federal Reserve. In exercising that power, Donald Trump has broken a long-standing pattern, going back almost a half-century, whereby the president reappoints (on a non-partisan basis) the incumbent Fed chair, if he or she has been seen to be doing a good job. Probably no chair has done a better job, in a particularly difficult moment, than Janet Yellen. Whereas her two immediate predecessors greatly tarnished the Fed’s reputation by looking the other way as massive risk was accumulating – and massive fraud occurring – within the financial sector, Yellen restored the Fed’s reputation. Her calm and balanced hand nurtured broad consensus among a Federal Reserve Board characterized by divergent economic philosophies, and she navigated the economy through a slow recovery in a period when fiscal policy was unnecessarily constrained, as duplicitous Republicans hyped the dangers of deficits. The Republicans’ shallow commitment to fiscal rectitude is now being exposed as they advocate massive tax cuts for corporations and billionaires that will add one and half trillion dollars to the deficit over the next decade. To be fair, Trump chose a moderate, when many in his party were pushing for an extremist. Trump, never shy about conflicts of interest, has an uncanny ability to embrace economic policies, such as the proposed tax cuts, that benefit him personally. He realized that an extremist would raise interest rates – any real-estate developer’s worst nightmare. Trump broke with precedent in another way: he chose a non-economist. The Fed will face great challenges in the next five years, as it reverts to more normal policies. Higher interest rates could give rise to market turmoil, as asset prices undergo a significant “correction.” And many are expecting a major downturn in the next five years; otherwise, the economy would have experienced an almost unheard-of decade-and-a-half expansion.", "zh": "特朗普拿下美联储了吗？ 发自纽约 — — 美国总统的其中一项重要权力就是任命各个机构的成员和负责人，而这些机构不仅负责执行国家的法律法规，在许多情况下还要管理经济。 而在这方面也许没有哪个机构比美联储更重要了。 但特朗普总统却在行使这项权力方面打破了一个可以追溯到将近半个世纪前的悠久模式，即总统会（站在非党派立场上）重新任命表现良好的现任美联储主席。 而在前几年那段特别艰难的时期，可能没有哪个主席比珍妮特·耶伦（Janet Yellen）做得更好了。 在两位前任因为玩忽职守而积累了巨量风险（以及大规模欺诈行为）从而令美联储颜面扫地之后，是耶伦挽回了美联储的声誉。 是她以冷静平衡的手段在一个以多种经济哲学并存著称的联邦储备委员会中孕育了广泛共识，是她在狡诈的共和党人夸大赤字风险导致财政政策受到不必要限制时带领经济实现了缓慢复苏。 共和党在财政方针一致性方面的肤浅承诺如今已经露出马脚，因为他们主张大幅削减企业和巨富阶层的税收，而这将导致在未来十年内增加一万亿美元的赤字。 平心而论，当特朗普所属党派中的很多人都推崇一名极端主义者时，他却选择了一位温和派。 从不避讳利益冲突的特朗普拥有一种无以名状的本能去接纳那些对他个人有利的经济政策 — — 比如提议中的减税。 他意识到极端主义者会提高利率，而这显然是任何房地产开发商的噩梦。 特朗普还以另一种方式打破了先例：他没有选择一位经济学家。 美联储将在回复到更为常规化政策的未来五年间面临巨大的挑战。 由于资产价格经历了重大“修正 ” ， 利率上升可能引发市场动荡。 许多人都预计未来五年将出现大幅下挫；否则经济就将经历一场近乎前所未有的十年半扩张。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们要坚持把人民群众的小事当作自己的大事，从人民群众关心的事情做起，从让人民群众满意的事情做起，带领人民不断创造美好生活！ 九、加快生态文明体制改革，建设美丽中国 人与自然是生命共同体，人类必须尊重自然、顺应自然、保护自然。 人类只有遵循自然规律才能有效防止在开发利用自然上走弯路，人类对大自然的伤害最终会伤及人类自身，这是无法抗拒的规律。 我们要建设的现代化是人与自然和谐共生的现代化， 既要创造更多物质财富和精神财富以满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要，也要提供更多优质生态产品以满足人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要。 必须坚持节约优先、保护优先、自然恢复为主的方针，形成节约资源和保护环境的空间格局、产业结构、生产方式、生活方式，还自然以宁静、和谐、美丽。 （一）推进绿色发展。 加快建立绿色生产和消费的法律制度和政策导向，建立健全绿色低碳循环发展的经济体系。", "en": "The issues of concern to the people, be they big or small, should be handled with utmost care and attention. We must start with addressing issues of public concern, start with delivering the outcomes that satisfy public needs, and work without rest to lead our people in pursuing a better life. IX. Speeding up Reform of the System for Developing an Ecological Civilization, and Building a Beautiful China Man and nature form a community of life; we, as human beings, must respect nature, follow its ways, and protect it. Only by observing the laws of nature can mankind avoid costly blunders in its exploitation. Any harm we inflict on nature will eventually return to haunt us. This is a reality we have to face. The modernization that we pursue is one characterized by harmonious coexistence between man and nature. In addition to creating more material and cultural wealth to meet people’s ever-increasing needs for a better life, we need also to provide more quality ecological goods to meet people’s ever-growing demands for a beautiful environment. We should, acting on the principles of prioritizing resource conservation and environmental protection and letting nature restore itself, develop spatial layouts, industrial structures, and ways of work and life that help conserve resources and protect the environment. With this, we can restore the serenity, harmony, and beauty of nature. 1. Promoting green development We will step up efforts to establish a legal and policy framework that promotes green production and consumption, and promote a sound economic structure that facilitates green, low-carbon, and circular development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Like the tobacco companies that sought to hide the data connecting tobacco use and cancer, big polluters are doing their best to inject doubt into the science on global warming. The oil industry has known about its contribution to greenhouse-gas emissions since the 1970s, but has downplayed the repercussions. Major oil companies have spent millions of dollars in the European Union and the US to mislead the public about the climate impact of burning fossil fuels. Meanwhile, the global incidence of climate-related disasters has risen sharply since the 1970s. There has not been a similar increase in natural disasters that are not influenced by climate change, like earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Many governments contribute to the problem through politically popular fossil-fuel subsidies, which the International Monetary Fund estimates amount to $5 trillion per year. In 2019 and 2020, governments spent 20% more on financing fossil-fuel projects than they did on reducing emissions. China is the largest public financier of coal-fired power plants globally, and Japan and the US are close behind. In 2020, the nine major multilateral development banks, including the World Bank and the China-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, together provided $3 billion for fossil-fuel projects. This financing continues even though the danger global warming poses to the environment and the economy has been recognized for decades. In 2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and former US Vice President Al Gore won the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts to raise awareness about “man-made climate change.”", "zh": "一些烟草公司试图掩盖揭示吸烟和癌症之间关系的数据，大型污染企业也在尽力掩盖全球变暖背后的真实原因。 自20世纪70年代以来，石油工业就意识到自身对温室气体排放的影响，但却淡化了其影响程度。 主要的石油公司已经在欧盟和美国投入了数百万美元误导公众关于化石燃料对气候影响的看法。 同时，自19世纪70年代以来，全球与气候变化有关的灾害数量急剧增加，而与气候变化无关的自然灾害，如地震和火山爆发，并没有类似的增长。 不少国家还推出了化石燃料补贴，让这一问题进一步恶化。 根据与国际货币基金组织估计，全球对于化石燃料的补贴每年高达5万亿美元。 在2019年和2020年，各国政府用于补贴化石燃料项目的费用比用于减少排放的费用高20 % 。 中国对燃煤电厂的补贴居世界首位,日本和美国紧随其后。 2020年，九大多边开发银行，包括世界银行和中国主导的亚洲基础设施投资银行，共同为化石燃料项目提供了30亿美元的融资。 尽管几十年来人们已经认识到全球变暖对环境和经济造成的负面影响，但这种资助仍在继续。 2007年，政府间气候变化专门委员会和美国前副总统艾伯特•戈尔因努力增强人们对“人为气候变化”的认识而获得诺贝尔和平奖。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can We Feed the World? LONDON – In the 1960’s, the Green Revolution – which included the development of high-yielding crop varieties, the expansion of irrigation infrastructure, and the distribution of modern fertilizers and pesticides to developing-country farmers – bolstered agricultural production worldwide. But chronic hunger remains pervasive, particularly in developing countries, which are affected most by crop shortages and food-price volatility. By 2050, the global human population is expected to exceed nine billion. Achieving food security means ensuring that all people have consistent, affordable access to the right nutrients, despite land and water limitations, climate change, and the growing prevalence of resource-intensive Western-style diets that accompany rising incomes. Surmounting these challenges will not be easy. But, by taking concerted action to encourage innovation, strengthen market linkages, and support smallholder farmers and women, developing countries can build productive, stable, resilient, and equitable agricultural sectors, achieve sustainable economic growth, and guarantee food security for all. First, the public and private sectors must ramp up investment in research and development, as well as in the extension and adoption of effective, accessible, and affordable technologies – whether conventional, intermediate, or new platform – according to each country or region’s individual needs. Given that little suitable land remains unused, and that much of what is being farmed is increasingly degraded and eroded, investment in sustainable intensification (systems for increasing crop yields, while using fewer resources and minimizing environmental damage) is crucial. For example, conservation agriculture, which aims to reduce or eliminate the need for damaging and labor-intensive interventions like mechanical soil tillage, can increase yields while protecting vulnerable areas from erosion and improving soil fertility. In Zambia, research conducted by local governments, in collaboration with the anti-poverty charity Concern Worldwide, found that new hybrid seeds produced roughly four to five tons of maize per hectare, compared to Africa’s average of one ton per hectare. Moreover, smallholder farmers – who are essential to productive, stable, resilient, and equitable agricultural development – should be given the needed tools and support to capture more benefits from value chains, while minimizing risk. This requires building and maintaining fair and efficient input and output markets that connect them – as well as larger-scale farmers – physically and virtually to opportunities to increase their incomes.", "zh": "我们能养活世界吗？ 伦敦—20世纪60年代，绿色革命 — — 包括开发高产庄家品种、扩大灌溉基础设施以及将现代肥料和杀虫剂推广到发展中国家 — — 刺激了全球农业产品产量。 但饥饿阴影依然挥之不去，其中影响最大的因素是短缺和粮食价格波动。 据预计，2050年全球人口将突破90亿。 获得食品安全意味着保证所有人都可以以负担得起的方式持续地获得合适的营养，不管土地和水资源的限制、气候变化和随着收入升高而逐渐流行的西方式资源密集型餐饮。 征服这些挑战绝不容易。 但是，发展中国家可以通过协作鼓励创新、增强市场联系和支持小农和妇女建立高生产率、稳定、坚韧而平等的农业部门，实现可持续经济增长，保证所有人的粮食安全。 首先，公私部门必须增加研发投入，扩张和采用高效、易得、可负担的技术 — — 不管是常规技术、中介技术还是新平台 — — 满足各个国家和地区的具体需要。 由于未使用适宜土地已所剩无几，现有农地日益受到风化和流失，因此可持续集约化十分关键（即在提高庄稼产量的同时使用更少资源、最小化环境破坏 ） 。 比如，保护性农业 — — 旨在降低甚至消除破坏性和劳动密集性干涉，比如机械化耕作 — — 可以在增加产量的同时保护脆弱土地免遭流失，并改善土壤肥力。 在赞比亚，当地政府与私人扶贫慈善组织关爱世界（Concern Worldwide）一起开发了新的杂交种子，可以使每公顷玉米产量达到四五吨，而非洲的平均公顷产量只有一吨。 此外，小农 — — 他们是高生产率、稳定、坚韧而平等的农业发展的关键 — — 应该获得必要的工具和支持，从而在价值链中获得更多的好处，同时降低风险。 这要求建立和维持公平、高效的投入和产出市场，让他们有机会和大农一样进入实体和虚拟市场，从而增加收入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Any student of classical philosophy will recognize that these were the chief virtues celebrated by Smith’s inspiration, the Roman senator and philosopher Marcus Tullius Cicero, who was concerned with aristocratic land management, moral philosophy, disinterested friendship, and service to the state. As a professor of moral philosophy, Smith channeled Cicero into all his work, from his teaching on the humanities and law to his masterworks The Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations. As a committed Stoic, Smith had little patience for greed. The whole point of Roman Stoic philosophy was to use personal moral discipline to support the rule of law and constitutions, and to make society a better place. Smith believed that disciplined moral leadership would ensure a free market by providing a disinterested referee. In fact, his famous description of the “impartial spectator” sounds like a description of the role that the queen played in contemporary British political economy. Working from the Stoic philosophies of Marcus Aurelius and Epictetus, Smith believed that civil peace and free markets came about by considering the world through others’ eyes. That is how one becomes an “impartial spectator” who can help members of society “avoid anger” and “amend their faults,” by showing “them the error of their ways.” The model Stoic leader would help people make “compassionate” decisions both in personal and civic life as well as in trade – much as the queen did throughout her reign.", "zh": "任何古典哲学的学生都会意识到，这是斯密的灵感、罗马参议员和哲学家马库斯·图利乌斯·西塞罗所颂扬的主要美德，西塞罗关注贵族土地管理、道德哲学、无私的友谊和为国家服务。 作为一名道德哲学教授，斯密将西塞罗融入了其所有著作，从他在人文和法律领域的教学到其道德情操论和国富论等杰作。 作为一名坚定的斯多葛派，斯密对贪婪几乎没有任何耐心。 罗马斯多葛派哲学的全部意义在于利用个人道德纪律来支持法治和宪法，并建设更美好的社会。 斯密认为纪律严明的道德领导可以通过提供一名公正的裁判来确保自由市场。 事实上，他对“公正旁观者”的著名描述听起来很像是描述女王在当代英国政治经济中所扮演的角色。 斯密从马库斯·奥勒留和爱比克泰德的斯多葛派哲学出发，相信民众和平和自由市场产生的方式是透过他人的眼光来看待这个世界。 一个人借此才能够成为“公正的旁观者 ” ， 可以通过向其展示方法的错误，帮助社会成员“避开愤怒”和“纠正错误 ” 。 模范的斯多葛派领袖可以协助民众在个人和公民生活以及贸易领域做出“有同情心的”决策，女王在执政期间就是这方面的典范。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Much of this is half-baked, at best. Most Chinese, including government officials, have only a patchy knowledge of the Confucian classics. They tend to cherry-pick quotations that support their own grip on power, stressing such “traditional” virtues as obedience to authority, neglecting to mention that Confucian thought upholds the right to rebel against unjust rulers. Putin’s favorite philosophers are a mixed bag of mystical nationalists who all conceived of Russia as a spiritual community based on the Orthodox faith, but whose ideas are too diverse in other ways, and too obscure, to provide a coherent ideology. Nor are their thoughts always in line with Putin’s own. Putin regards the collapse of the Soviet Union as a major calamity; yet he freely quotes Ivan Ilyin, who became a ferocious opponent of the Soviet regime and was banished by Lenin to Western Europe in 1922. It may be that Putin genuinely believes that Russia is a spiritual bastion against the decadence of a Western world that has been corrupted by materialism and homosexuality. It is also possible that China’s current rulers, whose families have grown rich through political favors, are convinced students of Confucian philosophy. But the governments in Russia and China are guided by something much trickier to deal with: nationalism based on resentment. Maoist dogma in China has been largely replaced by something called “patriotic education,” manifested in school textbooks, history museums, and an assortment of monuments.", "zh": "这种态势哪怕从最好角度看也是不成熟的。 多数中国人，包括政府官员在内，对儒家经典只不过有些一鳞半爪的认识。 他们往往��选择能支撑自身权力把控的警句，片面强调服从权威等所谓的“传统”美德，却只字不提儒家思想认为民众有反抗不公平统治者的权利。 普京喜爱的哲学家队伍鱼龙混杂，其中既包括将俄罗斯视为以东正教信仰为基础的精神社会的神秘民族主义者，也包括形形色色无法形成连贯意识的晦涩思维。 这些思想也并不总和普京的思想相吻合。 普京将苏联解体视为一场重大灾难；但他却随意引用伊万伊林的名言，伊万伊林曾是苏维埃政权的坚定对手，1922年被列宁驱赶至西欧生活。 物欲和同性恋致使西方世界道德败坏，或许普京真的认为俄罗斯能够作为精神堡垒反抗堕落的西方世界。 而亲属借助政治恩惠富裕起来的中国现任统治者也可能是儒家哲学的忠实信徒。 但棘手的原则引导着俄中两国政府：那就是建立在怨恨基础上的民族主义。 中国的毛氏教条已大体被所谓“爱国主义教育”所取代，比方说学校教科书、历史博物馆和各式纪念碑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We humans are most strongly empathetic toward those who share the greatest proportion of our genes: our children, our parents, our siblings, and, by lessening gradations, our extended family and tribe. Our empathy toward them might even drive us to make sacrifices that jeopardize our individual survival, but that makes perfect sense in terms of preserving our shared genes. Of course, empathy is not the only part of our inherited nature that shapes our behavior toward others. In fact, there is also a compelling evolutionary explanation for xenophobia. Humans evolved from primates who formed communities that worked together to survive. Given the obvious benefits of having access to more territory in which to gather and hunt, outsiders – particularly those who bear characteristics that mark them as genetically distant – were treated as foes. In this sense, the notion of “us versus them” has been fundamental to human evolution, and it continues to shape our interactions. Just as both empathy and xenophobia can be explained by natural selection, both can be modulated by cultural factors. But do they have equal claims to being moral emotions? Within the strict domain of moral psychology, they do. After all, a psychological telling of the story of our moral development provides no basis for encouraging us to dampen one natural inclination and nurture another. But moral psychology does not have to tell the whole story. There is no reason why we cannot have moral psychology and moral philosophy: moral psychology to explain why moral progress is both possible and painfully slow, and moral philosophy to clarify what constitutes moral progress and to push us in the appropriate direction. We are reasoning, deliberating human beings, and our genes are not the masters of our fate. We should not become so enthralled by the explanatory power of the behavioral sciences that we succumb to the belief that moral progress is predetermined. Psychology tells a diminished story that leaves out our past moral advances and the hard argumentative work required to expand those advances in the future. Plato would reject this view. So should we.", "zh": "我们人类最同情那些与我们共享最大比例基因的物种：我们的孩子、父母、手足，以及等级次之的大家庭和部落。 我们对他们的同情甚至推动我们作出威胁我们个体生存的牺牲，但这对于保护我们的共有基因来说完全正确。 当然，同情并非决定我们对他人行为的天性中的为一部分。 事实上，对于仇外情绪，也有令人信服的进化论解释。 人类从灵长类进化而来。 灵长类组成一起工作从而实现存活的社区。 进入更多狩猎采集领地的好处显而易见，因此外来者 — — 特别是那些具备表现出基因不同的特征的外来者 — — 被视为危害。 从这角度讲 ， “ 我们和他们”是人类进化的根本，并一直在左右我们的互动。 正如同情和仇外都可以解释为自然选择，它们也都可以通过文化因素调节。 但他们对道德情感的作用相同吗？ 在狭义道德心理学中，答案是肯定的。 毕竟，对我们道德发展的心理学描述并没有提供鼓励我们抑制一种自然倾向而培养另一种的基础。 但道德心理学并不一定是故事的全部。 没有理由认为我们不能同时拥有道德心理学和道德哲学：道德心理学用来解释为何道德进步既是可能的，过程又极为缓慢；而道德哲学可以澄清是什么构成了道德进步，并把我们引向正确的方向。 我们是讲理性、有思想的人类，我们的基因不是我们的命运主宰。 我们不应该被行为科学的解释力所奴役，以至于陷入了道德进步被事先决定的窠臼。 心理学叙事是不完整的，漏掉了我们过去的道德进步和在未来扩大进步所需要的艰苦的辩论工作。 柏拉图将拒绝这一观点。 我们也应该如此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But history in Western democracies can nonetheless be highly political. Consider the role that the history of slavery plays in US politics today. While some on the left project America’s history as one of white supremacy, right-wing politicians try to have books that make this case banned from schools. Significantly, official history in Xi’s China is in line with the strong tendency in the West to define collective identity in terms of victimhood. If the official narrative of Mao’s China was in the heroic mold, history under Xi is a story of unrelieved degradation at the hands of foreign invaders until the communist revolution of 1949. The heroic story of the 1934-35 Long March, when Mao’s Red Army evaded Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists, is now less important than the Chinese people’s sufferings in Nanjing or during the nineteenth-century Opium Wars. Something like this happened in Israel, too. The story promoted after the founding of the Jewish state in 1948 was one of heroic freedom fighters and virile kibbutzniks, while the Holocaust in Europe was something shameful that was better forgotten. This began to change in the 1960s, after the trial in Jerusalem of Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi genocide’s logistical mastermind. The new narrative was that memories of the Holocaust should make Israel tougher on its enemies, especially the Palestinians. Putin still prefers the heroic version of Russian history. Triumph, not victimhood, and especially not suffering under their own rulers, is what Russians need to remember.", "zh": "但西方民主国家的历史仍然是高度政治性的。 比如奴隶制历史在当今美国政治中所扮演的角色。 虽然一些左翼人士将美国的历史视为白人至上主义的历史，但右翼政客却试图阻止如此记载的书籍进入校园。 值得注意的是，习近平领导下的中国官方历史与西方用受害关系定义集体身份的强烈趋势是一致的。 如果毛泽东的中国官方叙述是英雄模式，那么习近平治下的历史就是在1949年共产主义革命之前面对外国侵略者始终抬不起头的历史。 如今，1934-35 年长征的英雄故事 — — 当时毛泽东的红军躲避蒋介石的国民党 — — 已不如中国人民在南京或 19 世纪鸦片战争期间蒙受的苦难重要。 类似的事情也发生在以色列。 1948 年犹太国家成立后宣传的故事是英勇的自由战士和阳刚的基布兹尼克的故事，而欧洲的大屠杀是一个耻辱，最好忘记。 这种情况在 1960 年代开始发生变化，即纳粹种族灭绝的后勤策划者阿道夫·艾希曼在耶路撒冷受审之后。 新的叙事是，对大屠杀的记忆应该使以色列对其敌人，尤其是巴勒斯坦人更加强硬。 普京仍然更喜欢英雄版的俄罗斯历史。 俄罗斯人需要记住的是胜利，而不是受难，尤其是在他们自己的统治者下所遭受的苦难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe and the New World Order BERLIN – November 15, 2008, is a date to remember, because on that day history was made. For the first time, the G-20, the world’s 20 leading economies, came together in Washington, D.C., to find an answer to the global financial and economic crisis. While this first meeting resulted in nothing more than declarations of intent, it still marks a historic turning point. Faced with the gravest financial and economic crisis worldwide since the 1930’s, the Western industrial nations (including Russia) that previously dominated the world economy are no longer capable of coming up with an effective response. Moreover, hopes for mitigating or, indeed, overcoming the global economic crisis rest exclusively with the emerging economic powers, first and foremost China. As a result, the G-8, which excludes the most important emerging-market countries, has lost its significance for good. Globalization has resulted in a lasting change in the distribution of power and opportunities, laying the groundwork for a new world order for the twenty-first century. Once the current global crisis is over, nothing will ever be the same again. The West – the United States and Europe – are in relative decline, while the emerging Asian and Latin American powers will be among the winners. The US has responded to the decline of its global strength in an impressive manner, with the election of its first African-American president, Barack Obama. Amidst one of the gravest crises in its history, America has proven to itself and the world its ability to reinvent itself.", "zh": "欧洲和世界新秩序 柏林 - 2008年11月15日是一个值得纪念的日子，因为这一天，历史被创造了。 第一次，G - 20 这个世界上20个主要的经济体，为了找到全球金融和经济危机的解决方案，在华盛顿特区聚到了一起。 虽然这第一次会议的结果只是发表了意向声明，但它仍然是一个历史性的转折点。 面对20世纪30年代以来全球最严重的金融和经济危机，以前主导世界经济的西方工业国家（包括俄罗斯 ） ， 已不再能够拿出有效的对策。 此外，减轻，或者更确切地说，走出全球经济危机的希望就全部落在新兴的经济强国肩上，首先而且主要是中国。 因此，把最重要的新兴市场国家排斥在外的八国集团，已经永远地失去了其重要性。 全球化导致了权力和机会之分配的长久性改变，并奠定了二十一世纪世界新秩序的基础。 一旦当前全球经济危机结束，一切都会不同。 西方国家-美国和欧洲-正在相对走弱，而新兴的亚洲和拉美国家将是赢家。 美国已经对其全球实力的下降作出了反应，选出了第一位非洲裔总统巴拉克·奥巴马，这令人印象深刻。 在其历史上最严重的危机时刻，美国向自己和全世界证明了其自我改造的能力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Cool Head for the Hottest Issues LONDON – Reading Barack Obama’s Dreams from My Father, the US president’s beautifully written reflections on his early life and identity, most people are struck by his cool and intellectual approach. This is not to say that he is unemotional. Obama can rage and weep. But he rarely seems to act on the basis of raw sentiment or instinctive prejudice. Pragmatic and highly intelligent, sooner or later every issue receives the full attention of his forensic curiosity. Recalling Hillary Clinton’s famous Democratic primary television advertisement, Obama, it turns out, is exactly the sort of president that most of us would want to have in the post for that 3 a.m. phone call about an international crisis. He would not be afraid to act, but he would be prepared to think first. I do not think, therefore, that Obama will be too vexed by some of the criticism he faces at the end of his first year in office, though he will undoubtedly grimace at the defeat of the Democratic candidate in the special election in Massachusetts to fill Ted Kennedy’s old seat. Obama was praised extravagantly a year ago; 12 months on, the criticism is over the top, too. Obama inherited a terrible legacy – recession, financial meltdown, Iraq, Afghanistan. He has not solved all of these problems.", "zh": "每临大事有静气 发自伦敦 — — 当读到《我父亲的梦想》这本美国总统奥巴马用优美的文笔叙述自己早年生活以及个人身份定位的自传时，许多人都会惊讶于他那种冷静而理智的做事方式。 但这并不是说奥巴马就是个毫无感情的人。 他这个人可以表现得狂野暴躁，有时也会软弱无力。 但奥巴马似乎很少由着自己不加掩饰的情感或者本能的偏见行事。 得益于他的务实和睿智，所有事物迟早都会被奥巴马仔细研究和审视。 再回想到希拉里·克林顿在民主党总统初选时发布的著名电视广告，每个人都会毫不犹豫地认为奥巴马就是他们所期望的那个能在凌晨3点钟拿起电话处理国际危机的总统。 在行动面前他从不缩手缩脚，但在此之前，他必会三思。 因此我觉得奥巴马大概也不会被自己第一任任期即将结束时所面临的种种批评所困扰，虽然他肯定会对马萨诸塞州因泰德·肯尼迪参议员过世而举行的特别选举中民主党候选人的落马而感到有点恼火。 一年之前，这位总统承受了过度的赞誉；如今12个月过去了，他所背负的批评自然也会登峰造极。 奥巴马继承的是一笔非常糟糕的遗产 — — 经济衰退，财政崩溃，伊拉克，还有阿富汗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The process has involved disputes among the incumbent executives, a private investment fund, and an SOE shareholder, as well as a default on corporate bonds issued by the state-owned Dongbei Special Steel that has spurred disputes among the Liaoning provincial government, the China Development Bank, and many other investors. Markets do not know how to react to property-rights disputes that involve this many layers of government. To minimize uncertainty, institutional reforms are needed. Specifically, the central and local authorities must clearly delineate property rights with regard to land, capital, and natural resources, and establish industrial standards and best practices. Such clarity is critical to curtail a surge in disputes over rights, which block productivity-enhancing market-oriented adjustments. Of course, disputes would still occur, and on a scale that China’s legal system is not equipped to handle. To resolve them quickly – and thus to deter the social and economic instability that could arise from escalating conflicts – China needs reliable, affordable, and independent mechanisms that separate specific economic interests from broader political and social objectives. At the same time, China will need to cultivate micro-level competition, by developing exchange platforms and related financial services for small and medium-size enterprises. Free of incentive-crushing financial repression, such firms would be able not only to contribute to growth and development, but also to help propel the needed market adjustments. There is reason to believe that China’s supply-side rebalancing is moving in the right direction. But unless China’s leaders also tackle the challenges posed by market and bureaucratic inefficiencies, the objective of strong and sustainable growth will remain out of reach.", "zh": "收购过程导致了现任管理层、一个民营投资集团和一家国有企业股东之间的纠纷。 另一个例子是国有企业东北特钢公司票据违约事件，该事件导致辽宁省政府、国家开发银行和许多其他投资者之间的纠纷。 市场不知道如何应对包括多个与政府相关的利益相关方的产权纠纷。 要最小化不确定性，制度改革必不可少。 具体而言，中央和地方当局必须明确土地、资本和自然资源等方面的产权，并确立行业标准和最佳实践。 这种产权明确化过程对于遏制产权纠纷激增至关重要，而产权纠纷的激增又会阻挠能提高生产率的市场导向的产权调整。 当然，产权纠纷还是会不断发生，并且会以中国司法体系难以处理的规模与速度发生。 要想迅速处理这些纠纷 — — 从而遏制可能因为产权冲突升级而导致的社会和经济动荡 — — 中国需要建立可靠、低成本和独立的纠纷解决机制，并将具体的经济利益纠纷的解决与实现更广泛的政治和社会目标相对隔离。 与此同时，中国需要培育微观层面的竞争，这可以通过发展面向中小企业的资产交易平台和相关金融服务来实现。 一旦摆脱破坏激励的金融抑制，这些企业不但能够为增长和发展做出贡献，还有助于推进必要的市场结构调整。 有理由相信中国的供给侧再平衡正在朝正确的方向前进。 但除非中国决策层同时处理好市场和官僚效率低下所带来的挑战，强劲可持续的增长目标并不容易实现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The other lesson is moral, and it is more difficult. The Nuremberg trials exposed the guilt of the Nazi leaders beyond doubt, if indeed any such doubt was left in people’s minds. While these were important, however, Germany did not begin its arduous path away from zero hour with concern for the past. Indeed, the Adenauer years after 1949 were described by many as years of “restoration” because too many minor Nazi figures had remained in their jobs. In some ways, the country simply ignored their past and moved forward. Years later when a market economy and political democracy were established, Germany did turn toward “coping with the past”, and did so very effectively. Germany’s Nazi past is uniquely horrible, so comparisons with other countries with blighted histories are misleading. Still, in its own way Poland has followed a similar path after 1989: first the new, then the attempt to come to terms with the past. On balance this is a better method of dealing with a nation’s zero hour than doing things the other way round. In Europe then, the 8th of May 2005 is an occasion to look back in sorrow and anger. It is also an occasion to look forward with pride in the achievements of recent decades and therefore for hope.", "zh": "另外一个教训是道德层面的，也更为困难。 如果人们对纳粹的罪恶还有所怀疑的话，那么纽灵堡审讯则毋庸置疑地暴露了纳粹头目的罪行。 尽管这些很重要，关注历史的德国并没有远离零时而开始它的辛苦路程。 事实上，在1949年之后艾德诺政府的几年被许多人称为“修整”之年，因为太多的纳粹小人物还在工作。 从某些角度来说，这个国家简单地忘却了他们的过去，向前行进。 在之后几年，当市场经济和政治民主体系得以建立之后，德国转而“处理他们的过去 ” ， 并且做得很好。 德国的纳粹历史尤为可怕，因此与其他那些拥有毁灭性历史的国家相比较有误导之嫌。 波兰在1989年也以自己的方式走上了一条相似的道路：先建立新体系，然后努力接受过去的历史。 衡量而言，比起用其他的方法，这是处理一个国家的零时问题的较好方法。 在欧洲，2005年五月八日是一个回顾往昔悲痛和愤怒的时候，也是一个带着对近十几年来所取得的成就的骄傲感展望未来和希望的时刻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why African Cultural Restitution Matters NEW YORK – French Prime Minister Édouard Philippe recently presented an antique saber to Senegalese President Macky Sall at the presidential palace in Dakar. But it was not a gift. The saber was coming home, more than a century after it had been stolen. The repatriation of an item with deep historical, spiritual, and cultural significance might seem like a mere gesture of colonial redress. But this ceremony was different, and it was about much more than a single physical object. In fact, it was a watershed moment in the West’s recognition of the cultural damage inflicted by colonialism. The saber in question belonged to El Hajj Omar Tall, founder of the Toucouleur Empire, which once extended from present-day Senegal into Mali and Guinea. Tall was a respected religious leader and anti-colonial resistance fighter. His weapon, along with tens of thousands of other pieces of looted African heritage, had been in French hands since the 1890s. Exhibited in French museums, the saber ceased to symbolize the military prowess of a once-powerful dynasty, and instead told the tale of an African empire’s decimation, thereby legitimizing the racism and prejudice that underpinned the colonial period. Tall’s family had been campaigning for the saber’s return since 1944, and they finally won their fight last month. Descendants traveled to Dakar from towns in Guinea, Mali, and Senegal to witness its homecoming. The saber will remain in Senegal for five years while the French parliament determines whether it – and other objects – will be permanently restituted.", "zh": "非洲文化恢复为什么重要 纽约—法国总理爱德华·菲利普最近在达喀尔总统府向塞内加尔总统麦基·萨勒赠送了一把古董军刀。 但这并不是礼物。 军刀被窃一个多世纪后，终于要返回自己的国家。 返还一件具有深刻历史、精神和文化意义的物品看上去可能不过是一种象征性的殖民补救。 但此次仪式却截然不同，因为它不仅仅关乎一件单一的实物。 事实上，这是西方承认殖民主义所造成文化破坏的一个分水岭式的时刻。 这把军刀属于图库鲁尔帝国的创始人埃尔·哈吉·奥马尔·塔尔，曾几何时，这个帝国从今天的塞内加尔一直延伸到马里和几内亚。 塔尔曾经是一位备受尊敬的宗教领袖及反殖民抵抗战士。 他的武器，以及其他几万件被掠夺的非洲文化遗产，自19世纪90年代以来一直掌握在法国手中。 在法国博物馆展出的这把军刀所代表的不再是一个曾经强大王朝的军事实力，反而见证着一个非洲帝国被屠杀，从而导致支撑殖民时期的种族主义和偏见合法化。 塔尔的家人自1944年来一直在为军刀的归还而奔走，上个月，他们终于赢得了这场斗争。 塔尔的后代们从几内亚、马里和塞内加尔的城镇赶到达喀尔，只为见证军刀回归的历史时刻。 这把军刀将在塞内加尔保留5年，在此期间，法国议会将决定是否永久性归还这把军刀和其他物品。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The two countries share a language and culture, and, until Stalin separated them, were even part of the same state. A vocal minority of Moldova’s people believe that merging their country with Romania would put the country into the express lane to EU membership, with its generous financial perks and, perhaps most enticing of all, passports that would enable them to escape a no-hope economy to build lives elsewhere. Many Moldovans, indeed, already have Romanian passports so that they can travel and work in the EU. Some Romanian officials, including President Traian Basescu, have bandied about the idea of distributing Romanian passports to as many as a million Moldovan citizens, a quarter of the entire population. Of course, the Moldovan government balks at any attempt to lure away its citizens. The United States should do more to help bring stability to Moldova. Together with the EU, the US can help ensure a credible investigation of the post-election violence and complaints against the police. Amerca should be more energetic in demanding that the Moldovan authorities respect the rule of law, issue a roster of all detained persons, provide them access to lawyers and family members, and guarantee that they are not harassed. Opposition leaders and democracy watchdogs say Moldova’s election process was fundamentally flawed. The country’s broadcast media, especially its television stations, gave a disproportionate amount of air time to the ruling Communists during the election campaign. The Communists are alleged to have rigged the balloting by adding names to the voter rolls and reviving the dead for the day. In the long run, the US and EU should support civil society organizations in pressing Moldova’s government to guarantee more equitable distribution of television time, to stop police harassment of opposition political leaders and workers as well as journalists, to reform the police and end the ruling party’s abuse of state institutions, and to allow all political parties more opportunity to inspect election rolls and monitor polling stations. They should insist that opposition parties are included in a dialogue. The US can put weight behind its demands by placing conditions on its financial assistance to Moldova. The EU has even more leverage. Moldova is more dependent on the EU than any other former Soviet republic. More than half of the country’s trade is with the Union, and Moldova receives significant EU financial assistance.", "zh": "这两个国家拥有共同的语言和文化，直到斯大林把它们隔开之前，都还是同一个国家的组成部分。 少数自由表达意见的摩尔多瓦民众认为与罗马尼亚合并会使国家走上通往欧盟成员资格的快车道，从而获得慷慨的财务津贴，但最具诱惑力的也许还是拿到能让他们摆脱国内毫无希望的经济，到别处重建生活的护照。 事实上，很多摩尔多瓦人已经拿到罗马尼亚护照，可以在欧盟内部旅行和工作。 有些罗马尼亚官员，包括总统特拉扬·伯塞斯库，一直在讨论向占总人口四分之一的多达百万摩尔多瓦公民颁发罗马尼亚护照。 当然，摩尔多瓦政府回避任何诱使民众离开摩尔多瓦的企图。 美国应采取更多措施帮助摩尔多瓦恢复稳定。 美国可以和欧盟携手，确保对选举后发生的暴力事件和民众对警方的投诉进行可信的调查。 美国应更积极地要求摩尔多瓦当局尊重法治，公布所有拘留人员花名册，让他们能接触律师和家人，并确保他们不会受到骚扰。 反对党领袖和民主监督人士说摩尔多瓦的选举过程存在着根本性的缺陷。 这个国家的广播媒体，特别是电视台，在竞选期间给执政共产党的播出时间较之其他党派根本不成比例。 共产党被指操纵投票，在选民名单中增加名字，并冒用去世者的名义参与投票。 从长远来看，美国和欧盟应当支持民间社团组织，迫使摩尔多瓦政府保证对电视宣传时间更公平的分配，阻止警察骚扰反对党政治领袖、工作人员和记者，推行警务改革并结束执政党对国家机构的滥用，让所有党派有更多机会检查选举名单并对投票站进行监督。 他们应当坚持让反对党参与对话。 美国可以通过为摩尔多瓦的财政援助附加条件来增加要求的分量。 欧盟则有更多方法可供利用。 摩尔多瓦比任何前苏联共和国更依赖欧盟。 与欧盟贸易在其国家贸易中超过了半数，摩尔多瓦还从欧盟得到巨额的财政援助。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Limits of the German Promised Land MUNICH – Migrants seeking to escape poverty and war are flowing into Europe by the hundreds of thousands. They are still mostly being welcomed, but the capacity of the reception centers is fast reaching its limits. To staunch the flow of migrants over the Balkan route, Hungary has imposed controls on its borders – and was promptly followed by Germany, Austria, Slovakia, Croatia, Slovenia, the Czech Republic, the Netherlands, and Poland. Germany is the migrants’ most favored destination. So far this year, half of all asylum applications in the European Union have been filed there, although the country accounts for only 16% of the EU’s population. By September, Germany had probably received some 400,000 applications or more, with the dramatic increase in migration flows since summer and before the reinstatement of border controls expected to push the number of asylum-seekers to 800,000 this year. Moreover, regular immigration to Germany could again reach the 400,000 mark, as in 2014. The total would represent net immigration of 1.5% of the resident population – an extremely high proportion by historical and international standards. The reason for the migrants’ strong preference for Germany is that the country, together with Sweden, has Europe’s most liberal asylum system and allocates particularly high levels of funding to accommodate the newcomers. Between €1,000 ($1,120) and €1,200 per person per month is being transferred to the municipalities to cover the costs of accommodating them.", "zh": "德国乐土的极限 慕尼黑—寻求摆脱贫困和战乱的移民正在以数十万计涌入欧洲。 他们大部分仍受到了欢迎，但接待中心的能力正在迅速到达极限。 为了阻止巴尔干通道上的移民流，匈牙利开始在边界进行管制 — — 德国、奥地利、斯洛伐克、克罗地亚、斯洛文尼亚、捷克、荷兰和波兰也迅速跟进。 德国是移民最爱的目的地。 今年截至目前，欧盟所有闭户申请中有一半是在德国填写的，尽管德国人口只占欧洲人口的16 % 。 截至9月，德国可能已经接受了400,000或以上申请，而夏季以来、边境管制恢复以前移民数量的剧增预计将让今年寻求庇护人数提高到800,000。 此外，以德国为目标的正常移民也可能再次达到400,000，与2014年齐平。 两项合计，净移民总人数可能达到定居人口的1.5 % — —从历史和国际标准看，这是个极高的比例。 移民强烈偏好德国的原因是德国与瑞典的庇护制度为欧洲最自由的，分配给安置新来者的资金数量也非常大。 目前，各市正在获得每人每月1,000到1,200欧元的安置移民补贴。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“SIR,” CAPTAIN NEMO SAID, showing me the instruments hanging on the walls of his stateroom, “these are the devices needed to navigate the Nautilus. Here, as in the lounge, I always have them before my eyes, and they indicate my position and exact heading in the midst of the ocean. You’re familiar with some of them, such as the thermometer, which gives the temperature inside the Nautilus; the barometer, which measures the heaviness of the outside air and forecasts changes in the weather; the humidistat, which indicates the degree of dryness in the atmosphere; the storm glass, whose mixture decomposes to foretell the arrival of tempests; the compass, which steers my course; the sextant, which takes the sun’s altitude and tells me my latitude; chronometers, which allow me to calculate my longitude; and finally, spyglasses for both day and night, enabling me to scrutinize every point of the horizon once the Nautilus has risen to the surface of the waves.” “These are the normal navigational instruments,” I replied, “and I’m familiar with their uses. But no doubt these others answer pressing needs unique to the Nautilus. That dial I see there, with the needle moving across it—isn’t it a pressure gauge?” “It is indeed a pressure gauge. It’s placed in contact with the water, and it indicates the outside pressure on our hull, which in turn gives me the depth at which my submersible is sitting.” “And these are some new breed of sounding line?” “They’re thermometric sounding lines that report water temperatures in the different strata.” “And these other instruments, whose functions I can’t even guess?” “Here, professor, I need to give you some background information,” Captain Nemo said. “So kindly hear me out.”", "zh": "“先生，”尼摩船长指着挂在他房中墙壁上的仪表说，‘这些就是诺第留斯号航行所必需的仪表。在这里跟在客厅里一样，我总是注意着它们，这些仪表给我指出我在海洋中间的实际位置和准确方向。其中有些仪表您是知道的，例如温度表，指出诺第留斯号内的温度，风雨表，测出空气的重量和预告天气的变化，温度表，指示空气干温度数；暴风镜，一当镜中的混合物分解时，便预告暴风雨就将来到；罗盘，指引我的航路；六分仪，测太阳的高低，使我知道船所在的纬度，经线仪，使我可以算出船的经度；最后是日间用的望远镜和夜间用的望远镜，当诺第留斯号浮上水面时，我可以侦察天际四周。” “这些是航海家常用的仪器，”我答，“我知道它们的用法。但这里还有其它的仪器，一定是作为诺第留斯号特殊需要而用的。我现在看见的这个表盘，上面有能转动的针，那不是流体压力计吗？” “正是流体压力计。它是跟海水相通的，可以指出外面海水的压力，因此，我便知道我这船所在的深度。” “那些新式的测验器又是做什么用的呢？” “那些是温度测验器，给我报告海底下面各水层的温度。” “还有那些我猜不到用处的仪器呢？” “教授，谈到这里，我就应当给您说明一下，”尼摩船长说，“请您听我说吧.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the deleveraging cycle begins, the private sector starts to adjust structurally – a pattern clearly seen in the data on growth in the tradable side of the US economy. Muted wage growth increases competitiveness, and underutilized labor and capital are redeployed. How fast this happens partly depends on the private sector’s flexibility and dynamism. But it also depends on the ability and willingness of government to provide a bridging function for the deficiency in aggregate demand, and to pursue reforms and investments that boost long-term growth prospects. If public-sector deleveraging is not a complete growth policy – and it isn’t – why is there so much attention on fiscal austerity and so little action (as opposed to lip service) on growth and employment? Several possibilities – not mutually exclusive – come to mind. One is that some policymakers think that fiscal balance really is the main pillar in a growth strategy: Deleverage quickly and get on with it. The belief that the fiscal multiplier is usually low may have contributed to underestimation of the short-run economic costs of austerity policies – and thus to persistently optimistic forecasts of growth and employment. Recent research by the International Monetary Fund on the context-specific variability of fiscal multipliers has raised serious questions about the costs and effectiveness of rapid fiscal consolidation. Estimates of the fiscal multiplier must be based on an assumption or a model that says what would have happened in the absence of government spending of some type.", "zh": "当去杠杆化周期开始时，私人企业会开始作结构性调整 — — 在美国经济贸易部门的增长数据中可以清晰看到这样的模式。 工资增长停滞增加了竞争力，原本未被充分利用劳动力和资本也得到了重新部署。 这一切会发生得多快部分取决于私企的灵活性和活力。 也取决于政府为总需求不足提供���接功能，追求实现长期增长前景的改革和投资的意愿和能力。 如果公共去杠杆化并不是一个完整的增长政策 — — 事实上确实不是 — — 那为什么人们这么关注财政紧缩而不去切实促进（而不只是口头上说说）增长和就业呢？ 我想到了几种可能 — — 它们之间并不冲突。 首先是有些政策制定者认为财政平衡确实是经济增长策略的主要支柱：所以要快速去杠杆化并抓紧干。 那种认为财政乘数通常很低这种观点也导致人们低估了财政紧缩政策的短期经济成本 — — 从而促使人们坚持乐观地预测经济增长和就业前景。 国际货币基金组织对特定情况下财政乘数可变性的近期研究已经对快速财政调整的成本和有效性提出了严重的质疑。 对财政乘数的估计必须基于一个假设或一个模型 — — 这种模型会指明如果缺乏某种类型的政府支出会发生什么。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第一个阶段，从二○二○年到二○三五年，在全面建成小康社会的基础上，再奋斗十五年，基本实现社会主义现代化。 到那时， 我国经济实力、科技实力将大幅跃升，跻身创新型国家前列； 人民平等参与、平等发展权利得到充分保障，法治国家、法治政府、法治社会基本建成，各方面制度更加完善，国家治理体系和治理能力现代化基本实现； 社会文明程度达到新的高度，国家文化软实力显著增强，中华文化影响更加广泛深入； 人民生活更为宽裕，中等收入群体比例明显提高，城乡区域发展差距和居民生活水平差距显著缩小，基本公共服务均等化基本实现，全体人民共同富裕迈出坚实步伐； 现代社会治理格局基本形成，社会充满活力又和谐有序； 生态环境根本好转，美丽中国目标基本实现。 第二个阶段，从二○三五年到本世纪中叶，在基本实现现代化的基础上，再奋斗十五年，把我国建成富强民主文明和谐美丽的社会主义现代化强国。 到那时， 我国物质文明、政治文明、精神文明、社会文明、生态文明将全面提升， 实现国家治理体系和治理能力现代化， 成为综合国力和国际影响力领先的国家， 全体人民共同富裕基本实现， 我国人民将享有更加幸福安康的生活， 中华民族将以更加昂扬的姿态屹立于世界民族之林。 同志们！ 从全面建成小康社会到基本实现现代化，", "en": "In the first stage from 2020 to 2035, we will build on the foundation created by the moderately prosperous society with a further 15 years of hard work to see that socialist modernization is basically realized. The vision is that by the end of this stage, the following goals will have been met:  China’s economic and technological strength has increased significantly. China has become a global leader in innovation.  The rights of the people to participate and to develop as equals are adequately protected. The rule of law for the country, the government, and society is basically in place. Institutions in all fields are further improved; the modernization of China’s system and capacity for governance is basically achieved.  Social etiquette and civility are significantly enhanced. China’s cultural soft power has grown much stronger; Chinese culture has greater appeal.  People are leading more comfortable lives, and the size of the middle-income group has grown considerably. Disparities in urban-rural development, in development between regions, and in living standards are significantly reduced; equitable access to basic public services is basically ensured; and solid progress has been made toward prosperity for everyone.  A modern social governance system has basically taken shape, and society is full of vitality, harmonious, and orderly.  There is a fundamental improvement in the environment; the goal of building a Beautiful China is basically attained. In the second stage from 2035 to the middle of the 21st century, we will, building on having basically achieved modernization, work hard for a further 15 years and develop China into a great modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful. By the end of this stage, the following goals will have been met:  New heights are reached in every dimension of material, political, cultural and ethical, social, and ecological advancement.  Modernization of China’s system and capacity for governance is achieved.  China has become a global leader in terms of composite national strength and international influence.  Common prosperity for everyone is basically achieved.  The Chinese people enjoy happier, safer, and healthier lives. The Chinese nation will become a proud and active member of the community of nations. Comrades, This is our strategic vision for developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era:"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What do augmented reality and professional football have to do with empathy? And what is the air speed velocity of an unladen swallow? Now unfortunately, I'm only going to answer one of those questions today, so please, try and contain your disappointment. When most people think about augmented reality, they think about \"Minority Report\" and Tom Cruise waving his hands in the air, but augmented reality is not science fiction. Augmented reality is something that will happen in our lifetime, and it will happen because we have the tools to make it happen, and people need to be aware of that, because augmented reality will change our lives just as much as the Internet and the cell phone. Now how do we get to augmented reality? Step one is the step I'm wearing right now, Google Glass. I'm sure many of you are familiar with Google Glass. What you may not be familiar with is that Google Glass is a device that will allow you to see what I see. It will allow you to experience what it is like to be a professional athlete on the field. Right now, the only way you can be on the field is for me to try and describe it to you. I have to use words. I have to create a framework that you then fill in with your imagination. With Google Glass, we can put that underneath a helmet, and we can get a sense of what it's like to be running down the field at 100 miles an hour, your blood pounding in your ears. You can get a sense of what it's like to have a 250-pound man sprinting at you trying to decapitate you with every ounce of his being. And I've been on the receiving end of that, and it doesn't feel very good. So let's pull up some video. Go. Ugh, getting tackled sucks. Hold on, let's get a little closer. All right, ready? Go! Now, you may have noticed there are some people missing there: the rest of the team. We have some video of that courtesy of the University of Washington. Quarterback: Hey, Mice 54! Mice 54! Blue 8! Blue 8! Go! Oh! Fans want that experience. Fans want to be on that field.", "zh": "扩增实境 职业橄榄球 这二者和同理心有何关系？ 未负重的燕子 飞行的空速是多少？ 遗憾的是 今天我只会回答其中一个问题 所以请不要感到沮丧 当大多数人想到扩增实境时 他们会想到电影\"少数派报告\" 以及汤姆·克鲁斯 在空中挥舞着双手的场景 但扩增实境并不是科幻小说 这项技术 会在我们有生之年成为现实 因为我们有办法去实现它 大家需要意识到这点 扩增实境将改变我们的生活 如同互联网和手机那样 那么我们怎么才能实现扩增实境呢？ 首先就是戴上我现在用的这个东西 谷歌眼镜 相信在场有很多人都对它不陌生 但你可能并不知道 谷歌眼镜还可以 让你看到我所看到的一切 它能让你体会到 身为职业运动员在赛场上的感受 而现在，要想体会这种感受的唯一方式 就是听我试图去向你描述 我必须要借助语言 来建立起一个框架 然后你运用想像力去充实它 而有了谷歌眼镜 我们可以把它放在橄榄球头盔下 这样我们就能体会到 以100英里／小时的速度 在球场上奔跑的感受 你能听到血液在耳中 怦怦搏动的声音 还能体会到 一个250磅重的人 向你飞奔而来的感受 他竭尽全力 要把你放倒 我就曾被放倒过 那感觉可不怎么样 让我们来看看这段视频 克里斯·柯鲁威：走你 我了个去，被拦阻太不爽了 稍等，等我走近点儿 准备好了吗？ 走你！ 现在你可能注意到 球场上少了些什么人 少了球队的其他成员 还有段视频 由华盛顿大学提供 四分卫：嘿！ Mice 54! Mice 54! 蓝色球衣8号! 蓝色球衣8号! 走起！ 啊！ 粉丝想要体验身处那种比赛中的感觉 他们想要体会在球场上的感觉"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Sino-American Test in North Korea MADRID – Repeated threats from North Korea have turned the Korean Peninsula into one of the world’s most dangerous hotspots. But the situation also offers an important opportunity: a gain in strategic trust between China and the United States, the two countries with the capacity to resolve the tensions once and for all. If they manage to cooperate constructively in order to shape a peace acceptable to all sides, this would make not only Korea, but also the region and the world, a safer place. Ten years after opting out of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, North Korea clearly possesses nuclear weapons. The regime’s nuclear test in February – its third since 2006 – was likely a miniaturized device, which makes the situation even more worrying, given that successful miniaturization is critical for using nuclear weapons in ballistic missiles. February’s test provoked another round of United Nations sanctions, drafted by the US and China, triggering an escalation of threats and provocations from the North. The tension on the peninsula increased further with the annual joint military exercises conducted by the US and South Korea – especially when American nuclear-capable B-52 and B-2 bombers were added to the drills. Nobody wants war on the Korean Peninsula. For the North, it would be suicide; for the South, with its vibrant economy and widening free-trade agreements, the opportunity cost would be particularly high. Likewise, regional stability is a prerequisite of China’s stellar economic growth, and military conflict would be a setback for US economic rebirth as well.", "zh": "朝鲜局势考验中美关系 马德里 — — 朝鲜一而再、再而三的威胁已经让朝鲜半岛成为全世界最危险的热点之一。 但朝鲜局势同样面临着重要机遇：中美两个能永久化解半岛紧张局势的国家可以藉此增强战略互信。 如果两国建设性合作实现各方能共同接受的和平，就可以巩固半岛、地区乃至整个世界的安全局势。 退出核不扩散条约十年后，朝鲜显然已经掌握了核武器。 朝鲜政权2月举行的2006年以来第三次核试验很可能涉及小型装置，鉴于小型化对弹道导弹运载核武器的重要意义，此次核试让整个局势变得更加扑朔迷离。 2月核试招致了由美中两国起草的又一轮联合国制裁，并由此引发朝鲜的威胁和挑衅进一步升级。 一年一度的美韩联合军演进一步恶化了半岛紧张局势，美国能发射核武器的B-52和B-2轰炸机参与​​演习则更是如此。 没有人希望朝鲜半岛爆发战争。 这对朝鲜而言无异于自寻死路；而对经济快速发展、自由贸易协定不断扩大的韩国，机会成本同样高得不可思议。 同样，地区稳定是中国保持举世瞩目经济增长的先决条件，而军事冲突无疑会对美国的经济复苏构成打击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany’s Coming Silver Age MUNICH – Record levels of migration to Germany over the last two years have called into question the country’s demographic projections. But Germany’s rapid shift to a more favorable profile is not a reason to postpone politically painful policy decisions about retirement and pensions. At the beginning of this century, forecasts that were considered reliable predicted that Germany would lose more than ten million inhabitants by 2050, owing to declining immigration and a low average birth rate. Today, population projections are significantly brighter. According to the government’s latest calculations, Germany’s population could remain above 80 million until 2060, and the reduction in the labor supply might not be as drastic as was previously feared. Demographic forecasts needed to be corrected significantly, because the number of immigrants to Germany has fluctuated wildly and unpredictably, as opposed to emigration from Germany, which has remained relatively stable. During high-immigration periods – such as in the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, or in the wake of the mid-1990s Balkan wars – population projections were fairly optimistic, because it was assumed that net migration would remain relatively high in the future as well. Instead, immigration to Germany fell drastically after the turn of the century, because the country’s weak economic growth and rising unemployment until 2005 deterred would-be newcomers. To account for this reduction in net immigration, forecasters also lowered their estimates for the future, and thus underestimated the decade of population growth that began after 2005. Alongside immigration, birth rates and average life expectancy also factor into population growth. In 2015, the fertility rate in Germany rose for the first time in 30 years, to 1.5 children per woman – probably owing to more focused family support and a strengthening economy, which reduced the financial risks of starting a family. The current fertility rate is expected to remain relatively stable into the future. But it is worth remembering that nobody foresaw the baby boom of the 1950s and 1960s or the dramatic fertility-rate decline in the 1970s. Average life expectancy is similarly hard to pin down. In recent decades, it has consistently risen faster than demographers expected, which makes one wonder if longevity – and thus the size of the future retirement-age population – is being systematically underestimated.", "zh": "德国未来的银白时代 慕尼黑—过去两年创纪录的移民涌入给德国人口预测造成了问题。 但德国人口形势的迅速有利化并不是暂停关于退休和养老金的存在很大的政治麻烦的政策决定的理由。 本世纪初，有人预测，由于移民减少和生育率低迷，到2050年德国将失去一千万居民，这一预测被认为相当可靠。 如今，人口前景要光明得多。 据政府的最新测算，在2060年前德国人口都将保持在8,000万以上，劳动力供给的下降也许并不像此前担忧的那么剧烈。 人口预测需要作出重大调整，因为德国移民数量波动很大且难以预测，这与保持相对稳定的德国移出人口正好相反。 在移民涌入高峰期 — — 如20世纪90年代初苏联解体之后，或20世纪90年代中期巴尔干战争期间 — — 人口预测相当乐观，因为假设净移民在未来仍能保持相对高水平。 相反，世纪之交后德国移民数量大幅下降，原因在于在2005年前德国一直处于经济增长疲软、失业增加的状态，让移民望而却步。 考虑到净移民的减少，预测者也调低了未来预期，从而低估了2005年之后十年的人口增长。 除了移民，生育率和平均寿命预期也影响着人口增长。 2015年，德国生育率30年来首次上升，达到每位妇女生育1.5个孩子的水平 — — 可能是因为家庭支持力度的增加和经济的坚挺，成家的财务风险有所降低。 当前生育率预计将在未来保持相对稳定。 但不要忘了，没人预见到20世纪50和60年代的婴儿潮和70年代的生育率剧烈下降。 平均寿命预期同样也难以确定。 近几十年来，平均寿命预期增长一直快于人口学家的预测，因此，毫不奇怪寿命 — — 因而未来退休年龄人口规模 — — 被系统性地低估了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Use and Abuse of Monetary History BERKELEY – Imagine two central banks. One is hyperactive, responding aggressively to events. While it certainly cannot be accused of ignoring current developments, its policies are widely criticized as storing up problems for the future. The other central bank is unflappable. It remains calm in the face of events, seeking at all cost to avoid doing anything that might be construed as encouraging excessive risk-taking or creating even a whiff of inflation. What I have just described is no mere hypothetical, of course. It is, in fact, a capsule depiction of the United States Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank. One popular explanation for the two banks’ different approaches is that they stem from their societies’ respective historical experiences. The banks’ institutional personalities reflect the role of collective memory in shaping how officials conceptualize the problems that they face. The Great Depression of the 1930’s, when the Fed stood idly by as the economy collapsed, is the molding event seared into the consciousness of every American central banker. As a result, the Fed responds aggressively when it perceives even a limited risk of another depression. By contrast, the defining event shaping European monetary policy is the hyperinflation of the 1920’s, filtered through the experience of the 1970’s and 1980’s, when central banks were enlisted once again to finance budget deficits – and again with inflationary consequences. Indeed, delegating national monetary policies to a Europe-wide central bank was intended to solve precisely this problem. It is not only in central banking, of course, that we see the role of historical experience in shaping policymaking. President Lyndon Johnson, when deciding to escalate US intervention in Vietnam, drew an analogy with Munich, when the failure to respond to Hitler’s aggression had catastrophic consequences. A quarter-century later, President George H.W. Bush, considering how best to roll back Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, drew an analogy with Vietnam, where the absence of an exit strategy had caused US forces to get bogged down. But a key conclusion of research on foreign policy is that decision-makers all too often fail to test their analogies for “fitness.”", "zh": "对货币史的利用及滥用 发自伯克利 — — 让我们设想有两种中央银行。 一种是极度活跃且对事件反应迅速有力。 虽然外界肯定不会指责这种银行忽略了当前事态发展，但会普遍批评其政策将在未来埋下隐患。 另一种央行行事从容不迫。 事件发生时它依然保持冷静，并会不惜任何代价来避免做出那些可能会被视为鼓励过度冒险或是制造一小轮通胀的举措。 我刚刚描述的可不仅仅是设想。 事实上，这就是对美联储和欧洲央行的简略描述。 对两大银行不同的应对方式有一种流行的解释，那就是这些差异源自于两个社会各自的历史经验。 两家银行的制度特性反映了集体记忆在塑造官员如何概念化其所面对的问题方面所起的作用。 上世纪30年代的大萧条时期 — — 当时美国经济崩溃，美联储却袖手旁观 — — 是深深烙印在每一个美国中央银行家意识中的固化事件。 结果，当美联储察觉到出现另一次萧条的一点点迹象时，它就开始积极反应。 相比之下，塑造欧洲货币政策的决定性事件是1920年代的恶性通货膨胀，再结合1970~1980年代的经验，当时各国央行再次被召集起来为预算赤字融资 — — 并再一次引发了通货膨胀的后果。 事实上，把国家货币政策委托给欧洲央行正是为了解决这个问题。 当然，历史经验在塑造政策制定时起作用的例子并不局限于央行。 当年林登·约翰逊（Lyndon Johnson）总统决定升级美国对越南的干预时，就引用了慕尼黑的例子 — — 后者因坐视希特勒的恶行而导致了灾难性的后果。 四分之一个世纪后，乔治·H·W·布什（George H.W. Bush）总统在思考如何击退伊朗对科威特的侵略时也用越南来作类比 — — 由于缺乏退出策略，驻越美军深陷泥潭。 但外交政策研究的一个重要结论就是决策者都通常都无法检验这些类推法的“适用性 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With no path to growth, the creditors’ demand for an eventual 3.5%-of-GDP primary surplus is actually a call for more contraction, beginning with another deep slump this year. But, rather than recognizing this reality and adjusting accordingly, Blanchard doubles down on pensions. He writes: “Why insist on pensions? Pensions and wages account for about 75% of primary spending; the other 25% have already been cut to the bone. Pension expenditures account for over 16% of GDP, and transfers from the budget to the pension system are close to 10% of GDP. We believe a reduction of pension expenditures of 1% of GDP (out of 16%) is needed, and that it can be done while protecting the poorest pensioners.” Note first the damning admission: apart from pensions and wages, spending has already been “cut to the bone.” And remember: the effect of this approach on growth was negative. So, in defiance of overwhelming evidence, the IMF now wants to target the remaining sector, pensions, where massive cuts – more than 40% in many cases – have already been made. The new cuts being demanded would hit the poor very hard. Pension payments now account for 16% of Greek GDP precisely because Greece’s economy is 25% smaller than it was in 2009.", "zh": "由于找不到增长之路，债权人所要求的最终达到相当于GDP的3.5%的初级盈余实际上相当于要求进一步收缩，而今年的深度衰退只是开始。 但是，布兰查德并没有认识到这一现实并据此调整，而是对退休金变本加厉。 他写道： “为什么在退休金问题上坚持？ 退休金和工资占初级支出的75%左右；另25%已经减到不能再减。 退休金支出占GDP之比超过16 % ， 而从预算到退休金体系的转移支付接近GDP的10 % 。 我们认为将退休金支出减少相当于GDP的1 % （ 总量为16 % ） 是必要的，并且可以同时做到保护最贫困退休者 。 ” 首先注意到布兰查德赤裸裸承认了，除了退休金和工资，支出已经“减到不能再减 ” 。 然后请记住：这一方针对增长造成的效应是消极的。 因此，IMF不顾压倒性证据，把目标对准了剩下的部分 — — 退休金，而退休金也已经做出了巨大的削减（很多人的退休金降低了40 % ） 。 新的削减要求将严重伤及穷人。 如今，退休金占希腊GDP的16 % ， 原因正在于希腊经济比2009年缩小了25 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The third transformation is demographic: the fallout from China’s official one-child policy, which will cause the working-age population to start declining in the mid-2010’s. This will cause economic growth to slacken, complicating effective management of China’s domestic problems, which range from deep income disparities to the lack of political institutions capable of channeling popular grievances and demands. In these circumstances, the role of the country’s political leadership will become much more important. Although the current president, Hu Jintao, is due to step down in 2012, he will continue to hold a degree of power through the military, so the succession of power to the next generation will not be completed until around 2015. Although Chinese GDP is large and growing, its per capita income is still low, and its economic policies differ sharply from those prevailing in the region’s OECD countries. The geopolitical landscape that emerges around the middle of this decade will thus reflect significant changes elsewhere in Asia as well. Even so, Chinese policy choices significantly influence other Asian countries, with China’s “state capitalist” economic model now being mimicked elsewhere in the region. Of course, Japan, Korea, and Singapore had similar policy models in the past (though they later adapted them in line with their GDP growth). Now, however, these countries are once again espousing forms of state capitalism and a return to industrial policy (encouraged as well by the 2008 global financial meltdown, which gave a new rationale for a return to government intervention). In Japan, postal services that had been privatized are to be re-nationalized, and the role of government finance is being strengthened. Japan Air Lines, which was almost bankrupt, was rescued by a government bailout, a device that seems to be increasingly common. Similarly, while many Asian countries already have sovereign wealth funds, now South Korea’s government is establishing a new type of fund to support the construction sector’s export activities. In short, closer business-government relationships are being re-established throughout the Asian-Pacific region. Countries are especially seeking to strengthen their infrastructure exports through a combination of public- and private-sector activity. But that means that international regulations will be needed to limit government intervention, or at least to define the circumstances in which it will be deemed acceptable.", "zh": "第三个转变则是人口：中国长期奉行的独生子女政策将导致劳动人口数量在2010年代中期开始下降。 而该现象将阻碍经济的发展，也令中国国内问题的有效治理更加复杂化，其中包括巨大的贫富收入差距以及缺乏能够疏导民众愤怒并传达需求的政治体制。 在这种情况下，该国领导层所扮演的角色将变得更加重要。 虽然现任中国国家主席胡锦涛必将在2012年卸任，但他依然在一定程度上掌握着军权，因此权力向下一代领导人的交接要到2015年才能彻底完成。 虽然中国的GDP规模极为庞大且持续增长，其人均收入却一直偏低，奉行的经济政策也与亚太地区的经合组织国家大不相同。 因此未来4~6年内逐渐凸显的地缘政治图景也将反映出亚洲其他地区所发生的变化。 即便如此，中国的政策取向早已极大影响了其他亚洲国家，其“国家资本主义”经济模式也吸引了众多亚洲追随者。 日本，韩国和新加坡三国曾经拥有相似的政策模式（虽然它们随后都将其与本国的GDP增长挂钩 ） ， 到如今这些国家却又重拾国家资本主义并再度执行工业政策（其中当然也包括2008年全球金融危机的影响，为政府干预提供了一个新的理由 ） 。 在日本，原本私有化的邮政服务将再度收归国有，政府的金融角色也得到加强。 濒临破产的日本航空公司最终在政府的财政救助下起死回生，而这种做法似乎日渐普遍。 同样在许多亚洲国家都建立了主权财富基金之时，韩国政府如今也成立了一个新形式的基金去支持建造行业的出口。 简而言之，政府与商界之间的亲密关系在亚太地区又重新建立了起来。 各国都尤其致力于通过公私合作的方式促进自身的大型工业基础设备出口。 但这意味着需要建立一套国际准则来限制政府干预，或者至少定义哪些情况是可以接受的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To reinforce this progress, we are also increasing public investment in science and technology at universities and public research centers throughout the country. In the last three years alone, the number of scholars in our National Researchers System has increased by 26%, and we have almost doubled public expenditure on research, development, and innovation. Recognizing the vital importance of the linkages among government, industry, and academia, we have also increased the number of technology-transfer offices to support the development of new products and businesses in areas such as biotechnology, energy, and information technologies. At the same time, we are working tirelessly to improve the business and investment environment. For starters, we have made major strides toward macroeconomic stability. Our central bank has established an independent monetary policy that ensures price stability and low inflation; in fact, in November, the annual inflation rate, at 2.21%, was the lowest in Mexico’s history. And our debt remains low and diversified. The debt-to-GDP ratio for 2015 is expected to stand at 46.9% – well below the Latin American average of 55.6% – and should stabilize at 47.8% in the coming year. We have also pursued energy reform, which has lowered electricity costs, eliminated monthly increases in gasoline prices, and expanded gas pipelines throughout the country, thereby boosting competitiveness. For the first time in decades, all energy-sector activities are open to private capital – a strategy that will attract an estimated $12.6 billion in investment every year. Similarly, enabling foreign investment in the telecommunications sector has lowered prices for landline and cellular services, while improving quality and coverage. Given that micro, small, and medium-size enterprises are the main drivers of Mexico’s economy, we are using digital tools to make it quicker and easier for entrepreneurs to start their own businesses, while facilitating their access to commercial bank funding. Our Young Credit Program gives entrepreneurs a loan of up to $9,000; for those seeking to consolidate an ongoing business, the total may be as much as $150,000. The third key step to prepare our economy for the Fourth Industrial Revolution is connectivity. Mexico is one of the few countries that formally recognize the right of its people to a broadband Internet connection. So far, we have established 65,000 public places, such as schools, libraries, and squares, with broadband connections.", "zh": "为了巩固这一进步，我们还在增加全国大学和公共研究中心科学和技术公共投资。 光是在过去三年，我们的国家研究员系统（National Researchers System）学者数量就增加了26 % ， 研究、开发和创新方面的公共支出增加了近一倍。 认识到政府、产业和学界间联系的关键重要性，我们还增加了科技转移机构数量以支持生物科技、能源和信息技术等领域新产品的开发和新企业的发展。 与此同时，我们不遗余力地改善营商和投资环境。 首先，我们在宏观经济稳定方面取得了重大进步。 墨西哥中央银行拥有独立的货币政策决定权以保证物价稳定和低通胀；事实上，11月墨西哥年通胀率为2.21 % ， 是历史最低水平。 我们的债务水平较低并且多样化。 2015年债务-GDP之比预计将在46.9 % — —远低于拉丁美洲平均水平55.6 % — —明年应能稳定在47.8 % 。 我们还实施了能源改革，调低了电力成本，取消了月度汽油涨价，并扩建了全国天然气管道，从而增强竞争力。 几十年来第一次，能源业全行业向私人资本开放 — — 预计这一战略每年可以吸引126亿美元投资。 类似地，在通讯业引入外国投资降低了固定电话和移动电话服务价格，还改善了质量和覆盖率。 中小微企业是墨西哥经济的主要引擎，因此我们使用数字工具让企业家更快更方便地创办自己的企业，同时帮助他们获得商业银行信用。 我们的青年信用计划（Young Credit Program）给予创业者最多9,000美元贷款；如果企业家寻求巩固已在经营的企业，贷款总量可以高达150,000美元。 让我们的经济做好面对第四次工业革命的第三个关键措施是连通性。 墨西哥是少数正式承认国民拥有宽带互联网连接权利的国家之一。 目前，我们为65,000家公共场所（如学校、图书馆和广场）安装了宽带接入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "时光飞逝，人列计算机运行了一年零四个月，除去程序的调试时间，实际计算时间约一年两个月，这期间，只因乱纪元过分恶劣的气候中断过两次，但计算机存贮了中断现场数据，都成功地从断点恢复了运行。当秦始皇和欧洲学者们再次登上金字塔顶部时，第一阶段的计算已经完成，这批结果数据，精确地描述了以后两年太阳运行的轨道状况。这是一个寒冷的黎明，彻夜照耀着巨大主板的无数火炬已经熄灭，计算机完成后，“秦1.0”进入待机状态，主板表面汹涌的浪涛变成了平静的微波。冯·诺伊曼和牛顿将记录着运行结果的长卷呈献给秦始皇，牛顿说：“伟大的始皇帝，本来计算在三天前就已完成，之所以今天才将结果献给您，是因为按照计算结果，这一段漫长的寒夜就要结束，我们将迎来一个长恒纪元的第一次日出，这个恒纪元将持续一年之久，从太阳轨道参数看，气候宜人，请让您的王国从脱水中复活吧。”", "en": "Time passed quickly. The human-formation computer operated for a year and four months. Subtracting out the time spent to adjust the programming, the actual processing time was approximately a year and two months. During this time, processing had to be stopped twice due to extremely bad weather in Chaotic Eras. But the computer stored the data at the time of each shutdown, and was able to resume calculations successfully after the pauses.By the time Qin Shi Huang and the European scholars ascended the pyramid again, the first phase of the computation was complete. The results precisely described the orbits of the three suns for the next two years.It was a chilly dawn. The torches that had kept the motherboard lit through the night were extinguished. After the final calculation, Qin I entered standby mode. The turbulent waves over the motherboard settled into light ripples.Von Neumann and Newton presented the scroll with the results of the computation to Qin Shi Huang. Newton said, \"Great First Emperor. the calculations were completed three days ago. We waited until now to present the results to you because they show that the long night is about to be over. We'll soon welcome the first sunrise of a long Stable Era, which will last more than a year. Judging by the orbital parameters, the climate will be extremely mild and comfortable. Please revive your empire and order everyone to be rehydrated.\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Until recently, the West’s acquiescence in the face of Chinese assertiveness appeared to have vindicated the CPC’s Hobbesian worldview. Before the rise of Trumpism and the subsequent radical shift in US policy toward China, Chinese leaders had encountered practically no pushback, despite repeatedly overplaying their hand. But in Trump and his national-security hawks, China finally has met its match. Like their counterparts in Beijing, the US president and his senior advisers not only believe in the law of the jungle, but also are unafraid to wield raw power against their foes. Unfortunately for the CPC, therefore, it now has to contend with a far more determined adversary. Worse still, America’s willingness to absorb enormous short-term economic pain to gain a long-term strategic edge over China indicates that greed has lost its primacy. In particular, the US strategy of “decoupling” – severing the dense web of Sino-American economic ties – has caught China totally by surprise, because no CPC leader ever imagined that the US government would be willing to write off the Chinese market in pursuit of broader geopolitical objectives. For the first time since the end of the Cultural Revolution, the CPC faces a genuine existential threat, mainly because its mindset has led it to commit a series of calamitous strategic errors. And its latest intervention in Hong Kong suggests that it has no intention of changing course.", "zh": "直到最近，西方默许中国的“任性”似乎印证了中共的霍布斯主义世界观。 在特朗普主义出现及随后美国对华政策急剧转向之前，中国领导人几乎没有遇到任何反击，尽管它多次高估自己的手段。 但在特朗普和及其国家安全鹰派面前，中国终于遇到了对手。 和北京的对手一样，美国总统和他的高级幕僚不但信奉丛林法则，更不惮于用原始实力碾压敌人。 因此，对于中国来说，不幸的是现在它不得不与决心更强的对手竞争了。 更糟糕的是，美国不惜付出短期经济阵痛换取长期对华战略优势的意愿表明，贪婪已经不再是主流。 特别是，美国的“脱钩”战略 — — 切断中美之间密集的经济联系网络 — — 大大出乎中国的意料，因为中共领导人都没有想过美国政府会为了更广的地缘政治目标牺牲中国市场。 自文化大革命结束以来首次，中共面临着真正的生存危机，这主要是因为它的思维导致了它犯下一连串严重的战略错误。 而其最近干预香港的做法表明，它无意改弦更张。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "完善国防动员体系，始终让军政军民团结坚如磐石。 我们要全面准确贯彻“一国两制”、“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”、高度自治的方针，建立健全特别行政区维护国家安全的法律制度和执行机制，落实特区政府的宪制责任。 支持港澳发展经济、改善民生，更好融入国家发展大局，保持香港、澳门长期繁荣稳定。 我们要坚持对台工作大政方针，坚持一个中国原则，在“九二共识”基础上推动两岸关系和平发展。 坚决反对和遏制“台独”分裂行径。 完善促进两岸交流合作、深化两岸融合发展、保障台湾同胞福祉的制度安排和政策措施，团结广大台湾同胞共同反对“台独”、促进统一，我们一定能开创民族复兴的美好未来。", "en": "We will improve the system of national defense mobilization and ensure that the unity between the military and the government and between the military and the people remains rock solid. We will fully and faithfully implement the policy of One Country, Two Systems, under which the people of Hong Kong govern Hong Kong and the people of Macao govern Macao, with a high degree of autonomy for both regions. We will establish sound legal systems and enforcement mechanisms for safeguarding national security in the two special administrative regions, and see that the governments of the two regions fulfill their constitutional responsibilities. We will support Hong Kong and Macao in growing their economies, improving living standards, and better integrating their development into China’s overall development, and help them maintain long-term prosperity and stability. We will adhere to the major principles and policies on work related to Taiwan, uphold the one-China principle, and promote the peaceful growth of relations across the Taiwan Strait on the basis of the 1992 Consensus. We will resolutely oppose and deter any separatist activities seeking “Taiwan independence.” We will improve institutional arrangements, policies, and measures to encourage exchanges and cooperation between the two sides of the Strait, further cross-Strait integrated development, and protect the wellbeing of our fellow compatriots in Taiwan. We will encourage them to join us in opposing “Taiwan independence” and promoting China’s reunification. With these efforts, we can surely create a beautiful future for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Other examples from Surowiecki: “the venture capitalist Tom Perkins and Kenneth Langone, the co-founder of Home Depot, both compared populist attacks on the wealthy to the Nazis’ attacks on the Jews.” Surowiecki thinks that the change in attitudes has much to do with globalization. Large American corporations and banks now roam the globe freely, and are no longer so dependent on the US consumer. The health of the American middle class is of little interest to them these days. Moreover, Surowiecki argues, socialism has gone by the wayside, and there is no need to coopt the working class anymore. Yet if corporate moguls think that they no longer need to rely on their national governments, they are making a huge mistake. The reality is that the stability and openness of the markets that produce their wealth have never depended more on government action. In periods of relative calm, governments’ role in writing and upholding the rules by which markets function can become obscured. It may seem as if markets are on autopilot, with governments an inconvenience that is best avoided. But when economic storm clouds gather on the horizon, everyone seeks shelter under their home government’s cover. It is then that the ties that bind large corporations to their native soil are fully revealed. As former Bank of England Governor Mervyn King aptly put it in the context of finance, “global banks are global in life, but national in death.” Consider how the US government stepped in to ensure financial and economic stability during the global financial crisis of 2008-2009.", "zh": "另一个索罗维基的例子 ： “ 风险资本家汤姆·珀金斯（Tom Perkins）和家得宝（Home Depot）联合创始人肯尼斯·兰根（Kenneth Langone）都把对富人的民粹主义抨击比作纳粹迫害犹太人 。 ” 索罗维基认为，态度的转变与全球化有很大关系。 美国大公司和银行现在能够自由地在全世界做生意，而不再主要依靠美国消费者。 美国中产阶级的健康如今已对他们没有什么关系。 此外，索罗维基还指出，社会主义已经靠边站，也没有必要在拉拢工作阶级。 但如果公司大佬认为他们以不再需要依赖国民政府，那就大错特错了。 现实是，成就了他们的财富的市场的稳定与开放从未如此依赖政府行为。 在相对平静的时期，政府制定和支持市场赖以运转的规则的作用可能不那么清晰。 市场会表现出自动巡航模式，政府成为最好敬而远之的不受欢迎者。 但当经济风暴来临时，所有人都会向本国政府寻求卵翼。 这时，大公司与其母国的关系就凸显无疑了。 前英格兰银行行长默文·金（Mervyn King）恰当地做过一番金融领域的总结 ： “ 全球银行生是全球的，死是国家的 。 ” 想想美国政府是如何在2008—2009年全球金融危机期间介入确保金融和经济稳定的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the United States, the Securities and Exchange Commission enacted a rule at the beginning of August requiring public companies to disclose the pay gap between workers and CEOs. Corporate behavior and governance has emerged as a campaign issue for US presidential candidates. Hillary Clinton gave a speech at the end of July decrying “quarterly capitalism” that chases short-term growth at the expense of sustainable business development, as well as addressing the exponential growth of CEO pay, and the need for a minimum-wage increase. The European Union and its member states are also taking an increasingly active approach to corporate governance, including regulations concerning boardroom diversity. Italy, France, Spain, Norway, and others have all enacted boardroom gender quotas, with companies required to fill 30-40% of independent board seats with women. The latest example can be found in Germany, where, after much debate, new quotas require that from 2016 large companies fill 30% of non-executive board seats with women. The third, and perhaps most important, factor underpinning recent changes in corporate governance has been the sharp rise in cross-border investing. Sovereign wealth funds, pension funds, global investment banks, and hedge funds do not invest only in their own backyard. They scour the planet looking for places to put their money, and they expect companies that receive it to play by rational rules. The Olympus scandal of 2011-2012 – when investigations in Japan, the United Kingdom, and the US revealed that company executives falsified accounts to hide losses of ¥117.7 billion – is a watershed example of a traditional closed corporate culture coming up against international scrutiny.", "zh": "美国证券与交易委员会（SEC）从8月初开始实施一项规则，要求上市公司披露员工与CEO之间的薪酬差距。 公司行为和治理已成为美国总统选战的一个话题。 希拉里·克林顿在7月底的演讲中谴责“季度资本主义 ” （ quarterly capitalism）追求短期增长而牺牲可持续商业发展，并批评了CEO薪酬的指数式增长，指出有必要提高最低工资。 欧盟及其成员国也在对公司治理采取日益积极的方法，包括关于董事会多元化的监管措施。 意大利、法国、西班牙、挪威和其他一些国家都规定了董事会性别比，公司独立董事席位的30—40%必须由女性担任。 最近的例子是德国，在经历了激烈的争论后，新的性别比要求，从2016年开始，大公司非执行董事席位的30%必须是女性。 第三个，也许是最重要的一个推动当前公司治理变化的因素是跨国投资的迅速兴起。 主权财富基金、退休基金、全球投资银行和对冲基金并不只投资于自己的后院。 他们翻遍全球寻找投资目标，并且希望获得投资的公司根据理性的规则行事。 2011—2012年的奥林巴斯丑闻是传统封闭型公司文化与国际监督的碰撞的分水岭事件。 日本、英国和美国的调查发现奥林巴斯高管做假账隐瞒1,17.7亿日元亏损。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How could this have happened, given that growth in Europe, the United States, and China has slowed since the crisis? The explanation is simple arithmetic: China and other emerging economies now make up a much larger share of the global economy than in previous decades. Their increasing dominance creates a base effect that outweighs the slowdown in their national growth rates. For example, China’s GDP growth of 6.5% last year, from a base of $14 trillion, contributed twice as much to the increase in global output as in 2007, when its economy grew by 14% from a base of $3.5 trillion. This calculation is not just a statistical oddity. Robust and steady GDP growth has been reflected in growing global demand for commodities, energy, and real goods and services, which in turn has translated into robust and steadily growing corporate profits. On the other hand, the concept of a deflationary “new normal” is perfectly valid if we focus on inflation instead of economic growth. In OECD economies, average inflation plunged from an average of 6.2% in the 30 years to 2007 to just 1.9% since 2008. On Wall Street, the combination of moderate economic growth and very low inflation is commonly called the “Goldilocks economy,” after the fairy tale about a girl who wants her porridge “not too hot and not too cold.”", "zh": "鉴于欧洲、美国和中国的经济增长自危机爆发来均已放缓，究竟是什么促成了今天的局势？ 原因非常简单：那就是中国和其他新兴经济体现在在全球经济中的份额比过去几十年要大的多。 这种不断增长的主导地位造成了超越这些国家经济增长速度放缓的基数效应。 例如，中国去年在14万亿美元的基数上实现6.5%的国内生产总值增长，其对全球产出增长的贡献高达2007年的两倍，当时的中国经济在3.5万亿美元的基数上，年增长率为14 % 。 这样的计算并不仅仅是统计上的特异。 强劲而稳定的国内生产总值增长反应在对商品、能源和实物商品及服务全球需求的不断增长，而这反过来又转化为强劲而稳定增长的企业利润。 另一方面，如果我们只关注通胀而非经济增长，那么通缩“新常态”的概念就完全成立。 在经合组织经济体中，平均通胀从2007年前30年的6.2%骤降至2008年来的仅1.9%左右。 在华尔街，温和经济增长和极低通胀率组合通常被称为“温和经济 ” ， 这种说法来源于一个女孩希望她喝的粥“既不太热也不太冷”的童话故事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Living in History LONDON – I recently took part in a public debate with Paul Keating, Australia’s former prime minister. He is an interesting man, a genuine intellectual driven by his inner demons both to flay those who pay insufficient credit to his transformational role in Australian politics and to expose what he regards as waffle and myths. This regularly engulfs him in controversy, but it can serve an educational purpose. Recently, for example, he denounced the idea that Australian sacrifices in the Gallipoli campaign of 1916 during World War I had somehow made and redeemed his nation. For him, Australian came of age later, at Kokoda, often called Australia’s Thermopylae, when a small group of young soldiers resisted the advance of Japanese army divisions that seemed set to take Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea and threaten the Australian continent. Keating believed that the fighting at Kokoda represented the real birth pains of an independent Australia, not some colonial appendage of Britain created to serve imperial purposes in the Far East. I would not dare to challenge the sensitivities of Australians about their own history. I like their country too much for that. But Keating’s remarks raise a general question about history that goes to the heart of the sense of identity that binds every community. Most countries fabricate at least some of their history; or they simply whitewash the bits that do not match their heroic idea of themselves.", "zh": "生活在历史中 伦敦-最近我与澳大利亚前总理基廷参加了一次公开辩论。 他是一个非常有趣的人，一个真正的智者却受困于他的心魔。 他严厉批评那些没有对他在澳大利亚政治中发挥的转型作用给予足够赞誉的人，同时又揭露在他看来是胡扯和虚构的事情。 这常常使他陷入自相矛盾中，但是这可以让我们懂得许多事情。 比如，最近他谴责那种认为一战期间澳大利亚在1916年加利波利战役中的牺牲在某种程度上造就和赎回了他的国家的观点。 在他看来，澳大利亚的诞生是在多年以后，在科科达，通常被称为澳大利亚的温泉关战役，当时一小群年轻士兵阻止了日本陆军的几个师试图占领巴布亚新几内亚的莫尔斯比港进而威胁澳大利亚大陆的进军。 基廷认为在科科达的战斗代表了一个独立的澳大利亚真正诞生的痛苦，而不是英国为了它在远东的帝国利益而建立的某个殖民附属国。 我不敢对澳大利亚人在关于他们自己历史的敏感问题上提出挑战。 我太爱他们的国家了，因此绝对不会那样做。 但是基廷的话提出了一个每个社会都会碰到的涉及到认同感的核心问题。 大多数国家都至少编造了它们历史的某些部分，或者对那些不符合它们自己英雄观念的事情加以掩饰。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They must also ask how a model’s results change if some of its key assumptions are not fully valid for a specific situation. Third, where do the data that are fed into the model come from, and how applicable are they in the current context? Models use data to compute specific results, so it is crucial to know where those data come from, and how accurate they are. Ideally, the data should come from reliable sources, cover the region for which the policy in question is being considered, and be as up-to-date as possible. In reality, data may be limited, not very granular, or from a different context. If so, the modelers should make this clear. For example, some of the early estimates of how many hospital beds and how much intensive-care capacity would be needed for COVID-19 patients in the United States were based on data from China. But if US doctors use different standards for hospitalizing patients than their counterparts in Wuhan did, then the Chinese data will have limited applicability. Policymakers often must make the best use of available data, despite weaknesses in those data. Duly noting such flaws or shortcomings provides important context for decisions, and also highlights the urgency of acquiring better data as soon as possible. Finally, how uncertain are the results? Fixating on a single forecast without placing due emphasis on its uncertainty can be dangerous and costly. Modelers, and news reports referring to models, should clearly communicate the sources and extents of any uncertainties.", "zh": "他们还必须询问，如果模型某些关键假设在特定情况下并不完全有效，那么模型的结果变化将会是什么样的。 第三，输入模型的数据从何而来，其在当前情况下是否完全适用？ 模型使用数据来计算特定结果，因此，了解这些数据来源及其准确与否至关重要。 理想情况下，数据来源应当可靠，涵盖所考量政策的相关领域，而且尽可能是最新和最准确的。 实际上，数据可能有其限度，不太精细，或者搜集的环境不同。 如果是这样，建模者应当做出明确声明。 例如，某些有关2019年美国新冠病毒感染者需要多少病床以及多少重症监护能力的早期估算数据来自中国。 但如果美国医生所使用的住院标准与武汉不同，那么中国的数据适用性将会是有限的。 决策者往往必须充分利用现有数据，尽管这些数据是存在缺陷的。 充分注意上述缺陷或短板提供了决策的重要依据，同时也凸显了尽快获取更准确数据的紧迫性。 最后，结果究竟有多不确定？ 完全相信单一预测而注意不到其不确定性可能是危险而可能付出代价的举动。 建模人员和引用模型的新闻报道应明确指出来源和不确定程度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Virtual Health for All BASEL – The COVID-19 pandemic has sharply accelerated the use of digital technologies in the health sector. For many who could no longer obtain in-person care, access to virtual health services became a matter of life and death. This revolution will not end when the pandemic does. But without thoughtful stewardship, a digital divide could exacerbate health inequities. Above all, guiding the future of virtual health so that no one is left behind requires us to learn from the past 18 months and ask the right questions. From its earliest months, the pandemic triggered a massive shift to virtual health services. In France, the number of telehealth consultations increased from 40,000 to 4.5 million between February and April 2020. In India, online health consultations among people over 50 increased by 502% last year. Global investment in digital health doubled year on year in 2020, to $21.6 billion. And non-governmental and intergovernmental organizations – from the Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development to the World Health Organization – deepened their focus on the issue. The surge in virtual health services during the pandemic has entailed many policy changes and new ways of doing business. Some of these were beneficial and will serve as a foundation for further progress. But the rapidity of the changes has often meant haphazard execution and uneven results.", "zh": "所有人的虚拟健康 巴塞尔—新冠肺炎疫情大大加速了数字技术在卫生部门的使用。 对于许多不再能够获得面对面护理的人来说，获得虚拟医疗服务成为生死攸关的问题。 这场革命不会随着疫情的结束而结束。 但如果没有周到的管理，数字鸿沟可能会加剧健康不平等。 最重要的是，引导虚拟健康的未来，让任何人都不会掉队，这需要我们从过去 18 个月中的经验学习并提出正确的问题。 从最初的几个月开始，疫情就引发了向虚拟医疗服务的大规模转变。 在法国，远程医疗咨询的数量在 2020 年 2 月至 4 月期间从 40000 次增加到 450 万次。 在印度，去年50 岁以上人群的在线健康咨询增加了 502 % 。 2020 年，全球数字健康投资同比翻了一番，达到 216 亿美元。 非政府组织和政府间组织 — — 从可持续发展宽带委员会（Broadband Commission for Sustainable Development）到世界卫生组织 — — 都加深了对这个问题的关注。 疫情期间虚拟医疗服务的激增带来了许多政策变化和新的经营方式。 其中一些是有益的，并将成为进一步进展的基础。 但迅速的变化往往意味着随意的执行和参差不齐的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "随着信息技术和互联网技术的飞速发展，以及新型感知技术和自动化技术的应用，制造业正发生着巨大转变，先进制造技术正在向信息化、自动化和智能化的方向发展，智能制造已经成为下一代制造业发展的重要内容。（1）信息化。制造业信息化将信息技术、网络技术、现代管理与制造技术相结合，带动了技术研发过程创新和产品设计方法与工具的创新、管理模式的创新、制造模式的创新，实现产品的数字化设计、网络化制造和敏捷制造，快速响应市场变化和客户需求，全面提升制造业发展水平。（2）自动化。将完备的感知系统、执行系统和控制系统与相关机械装备完美结合，构成了高效、高可靠的自动化装备和柔性生产线，将实现自动、柔性和敏捷制造。（3）智能化。在信息化和自动化的基础上，将专家的知识不断融入制造过程以实现设计过程智能化、制造过程智能化和制造装备智能化，将实现拟人化制造。使制造过程具有更完善的判断与适应能力，提高产品质量、生产效率，也将会显著减少制造过程物耗、能耗和排放。", "en": "With the rapid development of information technology and internet technology, as well as the application of new sensing technology and automation technology, the manufacturing industry is undergoing a huge transformation. Advanced manufacturing technology is moving towards informatization, automation, and intelligence. Smart manufacturing has become an important part of the development of the next generation manufacturing industry. (1) Informatization: Manufacturing informatization combines information technology, network technology, modern management, and manufacturing technology, driving innovation in the process of technology research and development, innovation in product design methods and tools, innovation in management models, and innovation in manufacturing models. It achieves digital design of products, networked manufacturing, and agile manufacturing, enabling rapid response to market changes and customer demands, and comprehensively improving the level of manufacturing industry development. (2) Automation: By integrating complete sensing systems, execution systems, and control systems with relevant mechanical equipment, efficient and reliable automation equipment and flexible production lines are formed, realizing automatic, flexible, and agile manufacturing. (3) Intelligence: Based on informatization and automation, expert knowledge is continuously integrated into the manufacturing process to achieve intelligent design processes, intelligent manufacturing processes, and intelligent manufacturing equipment, realizing human-like manufacturing. This enables the manufacturing process to have better judgment and adaptability, improving product quality and production efficiency, and significantly reducing material consumption, energy consumption, and emissions in the manufacturing process."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One specific goal should be to improve the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization, a $240 billion currency-swap arrangement, and its surveillance unit, the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office. Another should be to establish a de facto Asian Monetary Fund with a broader membership. It should be noted that none of these efforts would aim to supplant existing sub-regional, regional, and global institutions. Rather, by making Asia a more effective and united actor, new regional trade and financial measures would complement and strengthen current arrangements. For any of this to work, bureaucracies and the private sector, including business leaders and academics, must actively support high-level political commitments to integration. Such support should not be too difficult to muster. After all, integration would facilitate the exchange of valuable knowledge, from effective economic and social policies to technological and scientific insight. Forums and dialogues on regional public goods could also prove valuable by promoting cooperation on cross-border challenges, including epidemics, natural disasters, and environmental degradation. Person-to-person connections would help to highlight for Asian societies their cultural commonalities and shared values, fostering progress in areas where particular countries might lag. At a time when the global order is increasingly uncertain, Asia should take its fate into its own hands, by pursuing closer economic and political regional cooperation. If Asian countries can develop a shared vision for an economic community and a political association, this century could be theirs.", "zh": "一个具体目标应该是提升《清迈多边化倡议》这个总金额达2400亿美元的货币互换安排以及其附属监查机构东盟+3宏观经济研究办公室的职能。 另一个应该是建立一个实质上的亚洲货币基金并吸纳更广泛的成员。 应当指出的是，这些努力都不是为了取代现有的次区域，区域和全球机构。 相反，通过使亚洲成为更有效和统一的行动者，新的区域贸易和金融措施将能对当前的安排予以补充和加强。 为了实现这一目标，官僚机构和私营部门，包括商界领袖和学术界，都必须积极支持针对一体化的高级别政治承诺。 把这种支持汇集起来不会太难。 毕竟一体化将有助于交流从有效经济和社会政策到技术和科学见解的种种珍贵知识。 关于区域公共物品的论坛和对话也可以证明是有价值的，因为它们可以促进对包括流行病，自然灾害和环境退化等跨边界挑战的合作。 人与人之间的联系也有助于强调亚洲社会的文化共性和共同价值观，以推动在某些国家有所滞后的领域取得进展。 在全球秩序日趋充满不确定性的时候，亚洲应该通过进行更密切的经济和政治区域合作来掌握自己的命运。 如果亚洲国家能够为经济共同体和政治联合体制定共同的愿景，那么这个世纪就将是它们的世纪。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And although the German government prioritizes climate action so highly that it convened a “climate cabinet,” just one-third of Germans support a controversial proposed tax to reduce global warming. The gulf between politicians and citizens is most apparent in France. The government vowed to cut CO2 emissions sharply by 2050 – but, embarrassingly, this has turned into an empty promise, with almost no meaningful measures enacted under President Emmanuel Macron. That’s because the “Yellow Vest” protest movement took to the streets to push back against the government’s fuel price surcharges, which disproportionately hit car-dependent people in rural areas. France is not alone in neglecting its lofty promises. Recent analysis shows that of the 185 countries that have ratified the 2015 Paris climate agreement, just 17 – including Algeria and Samoa – are actually meeting their commitments. Achieving net-zero emissions wouldn’t just cost a little more than people are willing to pay, but an order of magnitude more. The main economic models assessing the European Union’s plan to reduce emissions by “merely” 80% by 2050, for example, estimate average annual costs of at least $1.4 trillion. And Mexico’s relatively unambitious pledge to cut its emissions by 50% by 2050 will likely cost 7-15% of GDP.", "zh": "而尽管德国政府如此重视气候行动以至于组建了一届“气候内阁 ” ， 但仅有1/3的德国人对以减少全球变暖为目的而引发争议的税收提案持支持态度 。 政界人物和民众之间的鸿沟在法国体现得最为显著。 政府发誓要在2050年之前大幅削减二氧化碳排放 — — 但令人尴尬的是，这已经沦为一个空洞的承诺，因为在伊曼纽尔·马克龙总统领导下几乎没有采取任何有意义的举措。 那是因为“黄背心”抗议运动上街游行反对政府征收燃油价格附加费，因为那样做对依赖汽车的农村居民打击尤为严重。 法国并非唯一一个无视其崇高承诺的国家。 最近的分析表明在已批准2015年巴黎气候协定的185个国家中，仅有包括阿尔及利亚和萨摩亚在内的17个国家正在实际履行承诺。 实现零净排放不仅需要付出超过民众意愿的成本，而且超出的成本是要以一个数量级来计算的。 例如，评估欧盟到2050年减排“仅”80%计划的主要经济模型估计年平均成本至少高达1.4万亿美元以上。 而墨西哥截止2050年减排50%的相对不那么雄心勃勃的承诺将极有可能对该国国内生产总值的7-15%造成影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The first element of reform should be to give a greater role to the only true international money that the world now has: the IMF’s Special Drawing Rights, created in 1969 as the result of another dollar crisis. The establishment of SDRs was accompanied by a commitment, included in the IMF Articles of Agreement, to “making the special drawing right the principal reserve asset in the international monetary system” (Article VIII, Section 7 and Article XXII). But this commitment has remained a dead letter, except for periodic emissions of SDRs during crises, including the equivalent of $250 billion in 2009. The IMF Articles of Agreement should be amended to allow more flexible use of SDRs, replicating the way central banks operate. That is, SDRs could be created during global recessions and withdrawn during booms. They should be the major source of IMF financing as well, replacing quota subscriptions or lending to the Fund by member countries (potentially making the IMF a purely SDR-based institution, as proposed decades ago by the late IMF economist Jacques Polak). The simplest approach would be for countries to “deposit” the SDRs that they receive at the IMF, which could then lend them to countries and invest the remainder in sovereign bonds. This should be combined with a more active role for the IMF – rather than the G-20 – as the true instrument of global macroeconomic policy coordination. One essential (and generally agreed) goal of such coordination should be to reduce global imbalances like those caused in recent years by the European Union’s rising external surplus, which has forced many emerging economies to run growing deficits. Because other global currencies – the dollar, the euro, and increasingly the renminbi – would continue to coexist with the SDRs as global reserve assets, another essential element of global macroeconomic cooperation should be defining the particular obligations of countries (or regions) issuing reserve currencies. Still another element of international monetary reform is better management of the global exchange-rate system (or, again, “non-system”), which should aim at avoiding currency “manipulation” – but only after defining precisely what that means.", "zh": "改革的第一要素应该是给予当今世界唯一真正的国际货币 — — 始创于1969年美元危机后的IMF特别提款权（SDR ） — —更大的角色。 SDR的创立伴随着一项承诺，并写入了IMF协定章程中 ： “ 让特别提款权成为国际货币体系的主要储备资产 ” （ 第八条第7款和第二十二条 ） 。 但这一承诺至今形同虚设，SDR只是在危机爆发时发放过几次，包括2009年所发放的相当于2500亿美元的SDR。 IMF协定章程应该作出修订以允许更灵活地使用SDR，复制中央银行的操作方式。 也就是说，SDR应该在全球衰退期间创造，在全球繁荣期间收回。 SDR还应该成为IMF的主要资源，取代成员国的配额认购和IMF贷款（这有望使IMF成为纯粹的基于SDR的机构，如同已故的IMF经济学家波拉克（Jacques Polak）几十年前所建议的那样 ） 。 最简单的方法是各国将它们得到的SDR“储蓄”在IMF，IMF将这些SDR贷给各国并将剩下部分投资于主权债券。 此外，IMF — — 而不是G-20 — — 应该扮演更积极的角色，成为真正的全球宏观经济政策协调工具。 一个根本性（也被广泛接受的）协调目标应是减少类似于近几年来因欧盟外部盈余增加从而迫使许多新兴经济体赤字抬头而造成的失衡。 由于其他全球货币 — — 美元、欧元，人民币也日渐跻身其中 — — 将继续与SDR共存作为全球储备资产，因此，另一个全球宏观经济合作的根本性要素应该是定义发行储备货币的各国（或各地区）的具体义务。 国际货币改革的另一项要素是更好地管理全球汇率体系（或者说也是“无体系 ” ） ，此项改革的目标应该是避免货币“操纵 ” — —但必须明确定义什么是操纵。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A huge range of markets in the US – from airlines to wireless communications – have become more concentrated in recent decades. While technological change may play a role in this trend, it also reflects a hollowing out of antitrust enforcement since the 1970s. In his 2019 book, The Great Reversal: How America Gave Up on Free Markets, the New York University economist Thomas Philippon charts the growing concentration of US markets, and draws a sharp contrast with markets in Europe, which became more competitive during the same period, owing in large part to more aggressive antitrust law (or “competition law,” as it is known everywhere outside of America). Philippon finds that weaker antitrust law in the US has led to greater market concentration and more anticompetitive behavior, which in turn has led to lower growth, higher prices, and greater inequality. Moreover, recent economic research points to two additional problems that were previously ignored. First, big firms that dominate markets harm not only consumers (by raising prices), but also workers (by lowering wages). Labor markets across the US are highly concentrated, which means that employers can – and very likely do – suppress wages far below the competitive rate. Following decades in which economists assumed that labor markets were highly competitive, this surprising new research has revolutionary implications for antitrust law. For example, as the US government only recently acknowledged, mergers should be reviewed for their anticompetitive effects on wages, not just prices, as was the tradition. Second, market concentration has undermined the efficient functioning of capital markets.", "zh": "近几十年来，美国包括航空公司和无线通信的众多市场正日趋集中。 虽然技术变革可能发挥局部作用，这个现象却也反映了反垄断执法自20世纪70年代以来的空洞化。 纽约大学的经济学家托马斯·菲利庞（Thomas Philippon）在2019年的著作《大逆转:美国是如何放弃自由市场的》中，指出了美国市场正日益集中，并与在同期变得更具竞争力的欧洲市场形成鲜明对比。 两者的差异在于欧洲实施了更激进的反垄断法，这在美国以外的其他地方俗称为“竞争法 ” 。 菲利庞发现，美国反垄断法较弱，导致市场日趋集中以及更多的反竞争性行为，进而致使增长放缓、价格上升并且加大了不平等。 此外，近期的经济研究指出了另外两个先前被忽视的问题。 首先，主导市场的大公司不仅通过提高价格损耗消费者利益，也通过降低工资损害了工人的利益。 美国各地的劳动力市场高度集中，这意味着雇主能够并极有可能将工资压低至远低于竞争性水平。 在过去几十年里，经济学家普遍假设劳动力市场具有高度的竞争性，而这项惊人的新发现将对反垄断执法具有革命性影响。 例如，正如美国政府最近所承认，除了价格等传统要素，并购的审查过程也应包含该并购对工资的反竞争冲击。 其次，市场集中对资本市场的有效运行产生消极影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Perhaps import tariffs are raising input costs, making exports less profitable. Maybe cumbersome trade policies and customs procedures are adding transaction costs. Or maybe high transport costs have become a hindrance. Not surprisingly, all of these incentive-based factors are included in the World Bank’s Doing Business Index and in the World Economic Forum’s Trade Facilitation Index. Seldom do economists studying this question consider whether a country has the capabilities needed to produce the right products of the right quality. Would policies to lower trade protections and reduce transport costs enhance that capacity? Or would increased competition in the domestic market impede industrialization and weaken the ability to negotiate with foreign companies? Without a view on how such policies affect the accumulation of capabilities, they cannot even be properly assessed. Similarly, when asked why so much of employment in emerging and developing countries is in micro-firms – that is, the informal sector – the obvious answer, as Santiago Levy of the Brookings Institution argues, is that the government, through taxes and subsidies, has made it advantageous to remain small. But can’t the problem also be explained by micro-firms’ lack of access to the capabilities needed to grow, or to large firms’ lack of access to distant workers? To expand their capabilities – and thus their options – countries and firms need to learn to do the things they don’t yet know how to do.", "zh": "也许贸易保护主义会令企业更青睐利润丰厚的国内市场而非竞争和风险更大的出口市场；也许进口关税提高了原料投入成本，进而减少了商品出口的利润；繁琐的贸易政策和海关程序可能会增加交易成本；高昂的运输成本或许已成为某种阻碍。 不出所料，所有这些基于激励的因素都包含在世界银行的营商环境指数和世界经济论坛的贸易便利化指数中。 研究这个问题的经济学家很少考虑一个国家是否具备生产相当质量的合适产品所需的能力。 降低贸易保护和降低运输成本的政策会增强这种能力吗？ 国内市场竞争加剧会否阻碍工业化并削弱与外国企业讨价还价的能力？ 如果不了解此类政策会如何影响能力的积累，我们甚至无法对其进行正确的评估。 同样，当被问及为什么新兴市场和发展中国家的大多数就业机会都来自小微企业（即非正规部门）时，显而易见的答案 — — 如布鲁金斯学会高级研究员圣地亚哥·利维（Santiago Levy）所主张的那样 — — 就是政府的税收和补贴政策不利于企业的扩张。 但是这个问题不是也可以用微型企业难以获取增长所需​​的能力，或是大型企业难以触及到居住得较远的劳动者来解释吗？ 为了扩大自身能力（进而增加自身选项 ） ， 国家和企业需要学会做那些它们尚不知晓的事情。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Miss Pross was a pleasant sight, albeit wild, and red, and grim, taking off her darling’s bonnet when she came up-stairs, and touching it up with the ends of her handkerchief, and blowing the dust off it, and folding her mantle ready for laying by, and smoothing her rich hair with as much pride as she could possibly have taken in her own hair if she had been the vainest and handsomest of women. Her darling was a pleasant sight too, embracing her and thanking her, and protesting against her taking so much trouble for her—which last she only dared to do playfully, or Miss Pross, sorely hurt, would have retired to her own chamber and cried. The Doctor was a pleasant sight too, looking on at them, and telling Miss Pross how she spoilt Lucie, in accents and with eyes that had as much spoiling in them as Miss Pross had, and would have had more if it were possible. Mr. Lorry was a pleasant sight too, beaming at all this in his little wig, and thanking his bachelor stars for having lighted him in his declining years to a Home. But, no Hundreds of people came to see the sights, and Mr. Lorry looked in vain for the fulfilment of Miss Pross’s prediction.", "zh": "普洛丝小姐尽管红脸，粗野，而且严厉，她在她的宝贝身边忙碌时却是一片喜气洋洋。她在她上楼时帮她取下帽子，用手巾角掸着灰尘，用口吹着灰尘。她把她的外氅折好，以便收存。她抹着她那一头丰美的秀发时非常骄傲，仿佛即使她自己是个最虚荣最漂亮的女人，为自己的头发得意时也不过如此。她的宝贝也是一片喜气洋洋。她拥抱她，感谢她，也对她为她那么忙来忙去表示抗议 --她只能用闹着玩的口气，否则普洛丝小姐是会感到非常委屈，回到房里去哭的。医生也是一片喜气洋洋。他望着两人，告诉普洛丝小姐说，她把露西宠坏了，而他那口气和眼神所表现出的宠爱并不亚于普洛丝小姐，如果可能，说不定还甚过她。罗瑞先生也是一片喜气洋洋。他戴着小假发望着这一切憨笑，对他单身生活的福星们表示感谢，因为他们在他的垂暮之年照亮了他，给了他一个家。但是这一片景象并没有被“数以百计的人”看见，罗瑞先生寻找普洛丝的预言的验证，却没有找到。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Boost NATO-EU Cooperation LONDON – Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February was a watershed moment for European security. But relations between NATO and the European Union remain marred by mutual suspicion, institutional rivalry, and a lack of effective cooperation. The two organizations must set aside their differences and work together. Russia once again poses a long-term threat to European security. At the same time, the economic spillover from the war in Ukraine will intensify security challenges along Europe’s southern flank. And, as the current crisis involving Taiwan has shown, China’s increasing assertiveness will loom progressively larger in America’s strategic thinking. The key European security challenge in the coming years will be to strengthen deterrence against Russia while retaining the ability to tackle other threats. When it comes to deterring Russia, NATO is clearly the indispensable organization, because there is no viable alternative to its integrated command structure. The Ukraine war has reinvigorated NATO’s core mission of standing up to Russia and defending its members’ territory if deterrence fails. Under new defense plans, NATO’s rapid response force will increase from 40,000 to 300,000 troops. And Finland and Sweden will soon become members. NATO’s deterrent power is underpinned by the US forces stationed in Europe – which have increased by around 20,000 since Russia invaded Ukraine, to over 100,000 – and by America’s nuclear arsenal. But Europeans cannot expect the US to continue shouldering the bulk of their defense forever. Even before Donald Trump’s presidency, US complaints about unfair burden-sharing were growing louder and more frequent. America’s increased focus on Asia means that the US contribution to Europe’s defense is likely to shrink over time. And Europeans cannot rule out the possibility that Trump or someone in his isolationist “America First” mold will become president in 2025 and walk away from the US commitment to NATO. So, Europeans have little choice but to contribute more to their own defense. Since the Ukraine conflict began, EU countries have announced an extra €200 billion ($203 billion) in military expenditure. But many countries could find implementing these commitments politically difficult given the economic downturn and competing budget demands. Moreover, the impact of the additional defense expenditure depends on an overall plan for determining the weapons systems, logistics, and munitions needed.", "zh": "如何推动北约-欧盟合作 伦敦—俄罗斯 2 月入侵乌克兰是欧洲安全的分水岭。 但北约与欧盟之间的关系仍因相互猜疑、体制竞争和缺乏有效合作而受损。 这两个组织必须搁置分歧，精诚合作。 俄罗斯再次对欧洲安全构成了长期威胁。 与此同时，乌克兰战争的经济溢出效应将加剧欧洲南翼的安全挑战。 而且，当前涉及台湾的危机表明，中国的日益嚣张将逐渐在美国的战略思维中占据重要地位。 未来几年欧洲的主要安全挑战是加强对俄罗斯的威慑，同时保持应对其他威胁的能力。 在威慑俄罗斯方面，北约显然是不可或缺的组织，因为除了其综合指挥结构没有替代品。 乌克兰战争重振了北约的核心使命，即在威慑失败的情况下对抗俄罗斯，保卫成员国的领土。 根据新的防御计划，北约的快速反应部队将从 40,000 人增加到 300,000 人。 芬兰和瑞典将很快成为北约成员。 北约的威慑力量来自驻扎在欧洲的美军 — — 自俄罗斯入侵乌克兰以来增加了约 20,000 人，现已超过 100,000 人 — — 以及美国的核武库。 但欧洲人不能指望美国永远承担他们的大部分防御工作。 甚至在特朗普担任总统之前，美国对不公平的负担分担就已怨声载道。 美国对亚洲的日益关注意味着美国对欧洲防务的贡献可能会随着时间的推移而缩小。 欧洲人也不能排除特朗普或符合其孤立主义“美国优先”路线者在 2025 年成为总统，抛弃美国对北约的承诺。 因此，欧洲人别无选择，只能为自身防务做出更多贡献。 自乌克兰冲突爆发以来，欧盟国家宣布额外增加 2000 亿欧元的军费开支。 但鉴于经济下滑和相互竞争的预算需求，许多国家履行这些承诺可能遇到政治困难。 此外，额外防务开支的影响取决于确定所需武器系统、后勤和弹药的总体计划。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But it is also a strength, because it shows once again how the division of labor makes everyone better off, exactly as Adam Smith pointed out over two centuries ago. Today’s transformative digital technologies are dramatically increasing such social spillovers, and not only because they underpin sophisticated logistics networks and just-in-time supply chains. The very nature of the digital economy means that each of our individual choices will affect many other people. Consider the question of data, which has become even more salient today because of the policy debate about whether digital contact-tracing apps can help the economy to emerge from lockdown faster. This approach will be effective only if a high enough proportion of the population uses the same app and shares the data it gathers. And, as the Ada Lovelace Institute points out in a thoughtful report, that will depend on whether people regard the app as trustworthy and are sure that using it will help them. No app will be effective if people are unwilling to provide “their” data to governments rolling out the system. If I decide to withhold information about my movements and contacts, this would adversely affect everyone. Yet, while much information certainly should remain private, data about individuals is only rarely “personal,” in the sense that it is only about them. Indeed, very little data with useful information content concerns a single individual; it is the context – whether population data, location, or the activities of others – that gives it value. Most commentators recognize that privacy and trust must be balanced with the need to fill the huge gaps in our knowledge about COVID-19. But the balance is tipping toward the latter. In the current circumstances, the collective goal outweighs individual preferences. But the current emergency is only an acute symptom of increasing interdependence. Underlying it is the steady shift from an economy in which the classical assumptions of diminishing or constant returns to scale hold true to one in which there are increasing returns to scale almost everywhere. In the conventional framework, adding a unit of input (capital and labor) produces a smaller or (at best) the same increment to output.", "zh": "但它也是一种力量，因为它再次展示了劳动分工如何让每个人生活得更好，正如亚当·斯密（Adam Smith）在两个多世纪前指出的那样。 当今具有变革意义的数字技术正显著增加此类社会溢出效应，这不仅是因为它们支撑着复杂的物流网络和准时制供应链。 数字经济的本质意味着我们每个人的选择都会影响到其他人。 比如数据的问题，由于有关数字接触追踪应用程序能否帮助经济更快摆脱封锁的政策辩论，这个问题在今天变得更加突出。 只有当足够多的人使用同一款应用并分享其收集的数据时，这种方法才会有效。 而且，阿达·洛​​夫莱斯学院（Ada Lovelace Institute）在一份经过深思熟虑的报告中指出，这将取决于人们是否认为这个应用程序是值得信赖的，并且确信使用它会对他们有帮助。 如果人们不愿向正在推广该系统的政府提供“他们的”数据，那么任何应用程序都不会有效。 如果我决定隐瞒我的行动和联系信息，这将对每个人都有不利影响。 然而，尽管许多信息肯定应该保持隐私，但就数据只与他们本身有关来看，有关个人的数据很少是“个人的 ” 。 事实上，很少有包含有用信息内容的数据涉及单个人，无论是人口数据、位置，还是其他人的活动，都是环境赋予了它价值。 大多数评论员认识到，隐私和信任必须与填补我们对COVID-19知识的巨大空白的需求相平衡。 但天平正在向后者倾斜。 在当前的情况下，集体目标超过了个人偏好。 但当前的紧急情况只是相互依存日益加深的一个急性反应，其背后是经济的稳步转变。 在这种转变中，规模报酬递减或不变的经典假设适用于几乎规模报酬正在增加的经济体。 在传统框架下，增加一个单位的投入(资本和劳动力 ) ， 产出的增加量会更少，最多是与增加的投入持平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Northern taxpayers will be forced to inject massive amounts of capital into banks, even if the authorities impose significant losses on banks’ large and wholesale creditors, as well they should. These hundreds of billions of euros are already lost, and the game of pretending otherwise cannot continue indefinitely. A gentler way to achieve some modest reduction in public and private debt burdens would be to commit to a period of sustained but moderate inflation, as I recommended in December 2008 in a commentary entitled “Inflation is Now the Lesser Evil.” Sustained moderate inflation would help to bring down the real value of real estate more quickly, and potentially make it easier for German wages to rise faster than those in peripheral countries. It would have been a great idea four and a half years ago. It remains a good idea today. What else needs to happen? The other steps involve economic restructuring at the national level and political integration of the eurozone. In another commentary, “A Centerless Euro Cannot Hold,” I concluded that “without further profound political and economic integration – which may not end up including all current eurozone members – the euro may not make it even to the end of this decade.” Here, all eyes may be on Germany, but today it is really France that will play the central role in deciding the euro’s fate. Germany cannot carry the euro on its shoulders alone indefinitely. France needs to become a second anchor of growth and stability. Temporary Keynesian demand measures may help to sustain short-run internal growth, but they will not solve France’s long-run competitiveness problems. At the same time, France and Germany must both come to terms with an approach that leads to far greater political union within a couple of decades. Otherwise, the coming banking union and fiscal transfers will lack the necessary political legitimacy. As my colleague Jeffrey Frankel has remarked, for more than 20 years, Germany’s elites have insisted that the eurozone will not be a transfer union. But, in the end, ordinary Germans have been proved right, and the elites have been proved wrong. Indeed, if the eurozone is to survive, the northern countries will have to continue to help the periphery with new loans until access to private markets is restored.", "zh": "即使当局像其应该做的那样给硬性要求银行的大债权人承担大量损失，北部各国的纳税人也要被迫注入大量的资金到各大银行。 这好几千亿的欧元已经损失了，而假装它们没有消失的把戏不可能无限期地持续下去。 要达到适度削减公共和私人债务负担的目的，一个比较温和的方法是让这些国家产生一段时期持续但温和的通货膨胀，正如2008年11月我在一篇名为“当前通货膨胀相对债务而言危害更小”的评论中所提议的一样。 持续温和通胀有助于更快降低房地产的实际价格，而且很可能会使德国的工资水平比欧元区外围国家上涨得更快。 在四年半前，这是一个妙策。 现在也不失为一个好主意。 还需要做些什么呢？ 其它的步骤包括在国家层面进行经济调整以及欧元区的政治一体化。 在另一篇评论“无中心的欧元区行不通”中，我断定“如果没有进一步更深层次的政治和经济整合 — — 最终可能不会涵盖当前所有的欧元区成员国 — — 欧元甚至存活不到十年之后 。 ” 现在，所有人也许都在关注德国，但在决定欧元命运上起关键作用的其实是法国。 德国无法长期单独背负起欧元的责任。 法国需要成为经济增长与稳定的第二个靠山。 暂时的凯恩斯需求方法也许有助于保持短期的内部增长，但它们不能解决法国长期的竞争力问题。 与此同时，法国和德国都必须就几十年内引起更大政治联盟的方法上达成一致。 否则，未来银行业联盟和财政转移支付将会无法取得必要的政治合法性。 正如我的同事杰弗里·弗兰克尔（Jeffrey Frankel ）所说的一样，二十多年来，德国精英们都坚持认为欧元区不会成为一个转移支付联盟。 但最终，事实证明普通德国民众是对的，而精英们错了。 确实，如果欧元区要生存下来，北部国家就需要用新的贷款来继续帮助其外围国家，直到这些国家可以再次从私人市场融资为止。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司的主要产品最终应用于国防领域。 公司主要从事军用电子信息装备及相关模块的研发、生产和销售，主要产品为指挥控制信息处理设备、软件雷达信息处理设备、便携式无线指挥终端、其他信息处理终端及专用模块等一系列信息化装备，主要应用于军用领域，主要产品的产能、产量和销量情况信息涉及国家秘密或用户的核心秘密和利益。 在产品研制和生产过程中，公司采取了核心部件自主设计、生产，部分生产工序委托外协厂商加工的生产模式。 其中，结构及工艺设计、硬件开发、软件开发等核心部件的设计开发以及板级测试、结构装配、整机测试、成品检验等关键工序由公司自主完成，且主要通过人工方式进行。 公司一般根据客户订单情况灵活调配人员进行组织设计、生产。 此外，SMT及焊接、部分结构件加工等加工环节由外协厂商负责，公司可通过增减外协厂商及采购订单的数量、金额对外协加工的产能进行调节。 因此，公司产品产能弹性较大，无法按照传统生产型企业的标准统计产能。", "en": "The company's main products are ultimately applied in the defense field. The company is mainly engaged in the research and development, production, and sales of military electronic information equipment and related modules. The main products include command and control information processing equipment, software radar information processing equipment, portable wireless command terminals, other information processing terminals, and specialized modules. These products are mainly used in the military field, and information about the production capacity, output, and sales of the main products involves state secrets or the core secrets and interests of users. In the process of product development and production, the company adopts a production model that involves independent design and production of core components, as well as outsourcing certain production processes to external manufacturers. The design and development of core components such as structural and process design, hardware development, software development, as well as key processes such as board-level testing, structural assembly, whole machine testing, and finished product inspection are completed independently by the company, mainly through manual methods. The company generally organizes and designs production based on customer orders by flexibly allocating personnel. In addition, SMT and soldering, processing of some structural components, and other processing processes are outsourced to external manufacturers. The company can adjust the production capacity of outsourcing processing by increasing or decreasing the number and amount of outsourcing manufacturers and purchase orders. Therefore, the company's product capacity has great flexibility and cannot be measured according to the standards of traditional production-oriented enterprises."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There are also the unfulfilled national aspirations of the Kurds (large numbers of whom live in Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran) and the unresolved matter of how to reconcile the reality of Israel with the Palestinians’ political goals. The border between Syria and Iraq is for all intents and purposes gone. Millions of men, women, and children find themselves living in a country that is not their own. What, then, should be done? One option would be to try to preserve – or, more accurately, restore – the Sykes-Picot Middle East. But attempting to reunify the countries that appear on the map – and to make the borders between them matter – would be folly. These countries will not go back to what they were; ties to region, religion, tribe, ethnicity, and/or ideology have in many cases superseded national identities. A second option would be to try to negotiate the terms of a new Middle East, a successor to Sykes-Picot. This, too, would prove to be an expensive failure. Redrawing the map might be possible one day, but that day is decades away, at best. There is simply no consensus on what the map should look like, and no party or alliance that could impose or uphold it. As a rule of thumb, diplomacy can be expected only to work with facts on the ground, not to create them, and the facts on the ground stand in the way of a regional settlement. All of this leads to a third option: Acceptance of the fact that for the foreseeable future the Middle East will not resemble what appears on maps and globes. This is not an argument for remaining aloof; as bad as things are, they can always get worse. To see that they do not, governments and organizations that meet certain standards can and should be strengthened; those that do not can and should be weakened. But no level of effort will alter the region’s basic reality: borders that count for little and governments that count for only a little more. Syria, Iraq, and Libya are likely to be countries in name only; important parts of each will essentially be autonomous and on their own, for better or worse.", "zh": "此外还有库尔德人尚未得偿所愿的建国野心（他们中有大量生活在土耳其、斯拉克、叙利亚和伊朗）以及如何调和以色列的现实和巴勒斯坦人的政治目标这一悬而未决的问题。 叙利亚和伊拉克边境充满着各种目的和野心。 是百万男女和儿童都生活在��属于自己的国家。 那么，应该怎么做？ 一个选择是试图维持 — — 或更准确地说，是重建 — — 赛克斯-皮科的中东。 但尝试重新统一这些在地图上出现的国家 — — 并让它们之间的边境起作用 — — 是痴人说梦。 这些国家不会回到过去；与地区、宗教、部落、种族和/或意识形态的联系在很多时候会压倒民族身份。 第二个选择是试图谈判建立作为赛克斯-皮科继任者的新中东的条件。 这也将成为一个昂贵的错误。 重画地图也许有朝一日成为可能，但这一天距离现在至少有几十年的距离。 关于这张地图应用的模样根本没有共识，也没有哪一方或哪个联盟能推行或维持这张地图。 经验表明，外交只能根据实际情况起作用，而不能创造实际情况，而实际情况正是形成地区和解的障碍。 所有这些引向了第三个选择：接受实际情况，即，在可预见的未来，中东不会保持它在地图和地球仪上的模样。 这并不是说要保持冷漠；对于糟糕的事情，它们总是可能变得更糟糕。 若不想这样，符合一定标准的政府和组织可以也应该被加强；而不符合的可以也应该被削弱。 但不论什么层面的措施都无法改变该地区的基本现实：边境无足轻重，政府略足轻重。 叙利亚、伊拉克和利比亚已经名存实亡；它们各自有非常重要的部分已经事实自治并自力更生，不管结果是好是坏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“devotes himself forever to the pursuit of wealth and greatness....With the most unrelenting industry he labors night and day....serves those whom he hates, and is obsequious to those whom he despises....[I]n the last dregs of life, his body wasted with toil and diseases, his mind galled and ruffled by the memory of a thousand injuries and disappointments....he begins at last to find that wealth and greatness are mere trinkets of frivolous utility....Power and riches....keep off the summer shower, not the winter storm, but leave him always as much, and sometimes more exposed than before, to anxiety, to fear, and to sorrow; to diseases, to danger, and to death...” In short, on the one hand, we don’t wish to disrupt the perfect felicity of the lifestyles of the rich and famous; on the other hand, we don’t wish to add to the burdens of those who have spent their most precious possession – their time and energy – pursuing baubles. These two arguments are not consistent, but that does not matter. They both have a purchase on our thinking. Unlike today’s public-finance economists, Smith understood that we are not rational utilitarian calculators. Indeed, that is why we have collectively done a very bad job so far in dealing with the enormous rise in inequality between the industrial middle class and the plutocratic superrich that we have witnessed in the last generation.", "zh": "… … 生活在最底层的人，其身体总是被劳作和病痛折磨着，其思想总是被一次又一次的受伤和失望羞辱和蹂躏着 … … 最终，他发现财富和伟大是可笑的效用的装饰品。 … … 权势人物和富人 … … 拿走的是夏日的阵雨，而不是寒冬的凛风，但总是让他像以前一样，甚至比以前更甚地，陷入焦虑、恐惧和悲伤；陷入疾病、危险和死亡 … … 。 ” 简言之，一方面，我们不想干扰富人和名人生活方式的完美幸福；另一方面，我们又不想增加将自己最宝贵的财产 — — 时间和能量 — — 用于追求无用小玩意的人的负担。 这两种观点并不一致，但这不重要。 他们都左右着我们的想法。 与今天的公共财政经济学家不同，斯密明白我们并非理性的功利算计者。 事实上，这正是为何过去几十年来我们在处理产��中产阶级和富豪阶级不平等性日益严重的问题上屡犯集体错误的原因。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Educational materials often don’t help, either. One officially endorsed geography textbook in the United Kingdom suggests that global warming will be worse than famine, plague, or nuclear war, while Education Scotland has recommended The Day After Tomorrow as suitable for climate-change education. This is the film, remember, in which climate change leads to a global freeze and a 50-foot wall of water flooding New York, man-eating wolves escape from the zoo, and – spoiler alert – Queen Elizabeth II’s frozen helicopter falls from the sky. Reality would sell far fewer newspapers. Yes, global warming is a problem, but it is nowhere near a catastrophe. The IPCC estimates that the total impact of global warming by the 2070s will be equivalent to an average loss of income of 0.2-2% – similar to one recession over the next half-century. The panel also says that climate change will have a “small” economic impact compared to changes in population, age, income, technology, relative prices, lifestyle, regulation, and governance. And while media showcase the terrifying impacts of every hurricane, the IPCC finds that “globally, there is low confidence in attribution of changes in [hurricanes] to human influence.” What’s more, the number of hurricanes that make landfall in the United States has decreased, as has the number of strong hurricanes. Adjusted for population and wealth, hurricane costs show “no trend,” according to a new study published in Nature.", "zh": "教材往往也未能起到正面作用。 英国一本官方批准的地理教科书显示全球变暖相比饥荒、瘟疫或核战争更加糟糕，而苏格兰教育部则推荐将后天这部电影用于教育气候变化。 请记住，这部电影描绘了气候变化导致全球范围内的大范围冰冻，而且一堵50英尺高的水墙淹没了纽约，吃人狼群逃离动物园，与此同时 — — 剧透警示 — — 女王伊丽莎白二世结冰的直升飞机从空中坠落。 现实所销售的报纸要比虚幻少得多。 的确，全球变暖是一个问题，但却远不是一场灾难。 据联合国政府间气候变化委员会估计，截止21世纪70年代全球变暖的总体影响相当于损失0.2~2%的收入 — — 类似于下半世纪发生一次经济衰退。 委员会还表示气候变化对经济的影响相比人口、年龄、收入、技术、相对价格、生活方式、监管和治理等方面的因素“要小得多 ” 。 尽管媒体淋漓尽致的报道了每次飓风的可怕影响，但气候变化政府间专门委员会发现“在全球范围内，人们不太相信是人类影响导致了[飓风]的变化。 此外，在美国登陆的飓风数量已经有所减少，同时减少的还有超强飓风的数量。 在按照人口和财富指数进行调整后，飓风损失“并未显示任何趋势 ” ， 发表在自然杂志上的一项最新研究这样说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Does Austerity Promote Economic Growth? NEW HAVEN – In his classic Fable of the Bees: or, Private Vices, Publick Benefits(1724), Bernard Mandeville, the Dutch-born British philosopher and satirist, described – in verse – a prosperous society (of bees) that suddenly chose to make a virtue of austerity, dropping all excess expenditure and extravagant consumption. What then happened? The Price of Land and Houses falls; Mirac’lous Palaces, whose Walls, Like those of Thebes, were rais’d by Play Are to be let; . . . . The building Trade is quite destroy’d Artificers are not employ’d; . . . Those, that remain’d, grown temp’rate strive Not how to spend, but how to live . . . That sounds a lot like what many advanced countries have been going through, after financial-crisis-induced austerity plans were launched, doesn’t it? Is Mandeville a genuine prophet for our times? Fable of the Bees developed a wide following, and generated substantial controversy, which continues to this day. The austerity plans being adopted by governments in much of Europe and elsewhere around the world, and the curtailment of consumption expenditure by individuals as well, threaten to produce a global recession. But how do we know if Mandeville is right about austerity? His research method – a long poem about his theory – is hardly convincing to modern ears.", "zh": "紧缩能推动经济增长吗？ 发自纽黑文 — — 荷兰出生的英国哲学家兼讽刺作家伯纳德·曼德维尔在其1724年出版的经典名著《蜜蜂的寓言：私人的恶德，公众的利益》中用一首长诗来描述一个原本繁荣，却突然选择以节俭为美，放弃一切额外支出和奢侈消费的（蜜蜂）社会，诗文如下： 地价房价骤跌； 那些为享乐而建的，壮丽宫殿， 那些底比斯式的，雕梁斗拱， 都要转手 ； … … 建筑行业尽毁 营造者们也失了业 ； … … 那些幸存者们，变得克己而勤奋 不为消费，只为生存 … … 在金融危机的影响下许多发达国家都启动了紧缩政策，而这首诗的内容听上去也与它们的近况极为相似 — — 莫非曼德维尔才是预言我们这个时代的真正先知？ 《蜜蜂的寓言》从出版至今依然拥有一大批追随者并引发了大量的争论。 而欧洲大部分国家以及其他地区国家的政府所采用的紧缩政策以及个人消费支出的缩减，都可能导致一场全球性衰退。 但我们怎么知道曼德维尔对于紧缩的判断是对的？ 他的研究方法 — — 一首阐述自身理论的长诗 — — 往往难以令当今的人们信服。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A New Growth Model for Europe’s Neighborhood LONDON – More than ten years after the global financial crisis, the world economy is finally enjoying a broad-based recovery. Europe and its broader neighborhood are no exception: economic growth in almost every country in Central and Eastern Europe, Central Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa, as well as in Russia and Turkey, has accelerated in the last year, and is projected to remain robust. Yet new challenges loom. If not addressed, these regions’ prospects will dim. As the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development’s new Transition Report shows, before the Great Recession, the countries of Europe and its broader neighborhood were outperforming comparable emerging economies elsewhere. In recent years, however, the tables have turned – and the gap is growing. The explanation is straightforward. Previously, Europe and its broader neighborhood enjoyed high total factor productivity (TFP) growth. By eliminating many of the inefficiencies inherited from their socialist or otherwise dirigiste pasts, these countries were putting their capital and labor to increasingly good use. Yet, by 2009, the low-hanging fruit had been picked, and investment in fixed capital had fallen below the levels in emerging economies elsewhere. Faced with the large amounts of non-performing loans inherited from the crisis, countries shifted their attention to deleveraging, leaving investment and TFP growth to stall. Countries in Europe and its broader neighborhood – even those whose economies are less developed – cannot base long-term growth on a low-wage comparative advantage.", "zh": "欧洲近邻的新增长模式 伦敦—全球金融危机已经过去了十年多，世界经济终于迎来了广泛复苏。 欧洲及其广大近邻也不例外：在中东欧、中亚、中东、北非以及俄罗斯和土耳其，几乎所有国家经济增长去年增长都有所提高，预计未来也将保持强劲增长。 但新挑战呼之欲出。 如果不加以解决，这些地区前途堪忧。 欧洲复兴开发银行的新《转型报告 》 （ Transition Report）显示，大衰退前欧洲及其广大近邻诸国表现要好于其他地区的可比新兴经济体。 但在最近几年中，情况发生了逆转，并且差距不断扩大。 原因很简单。 此前，欧洲及其广大近邻享受了较高的全要素生产率增长。 这些国家取摆脱了源自社会主义或其他国家干预主义历史所造成的低效率，将资本和劳动力用于更加合适的用途。 但到了2009年，容易的果实已经摘尽，固定资本投资下降到其他新兴经济体水平之下。 面临大量危机所产生的不良贷款的这些国家的注意力转到了去杠杆化上，投资和全要素生产率增长陷入停滞。 欧洲及其广大近邻诸国 — — 即使是其中的较不发达经济体 — — 无法依靠低工资比较优势实现长期增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The West’s Crisis of Confidence STOCKHOLM – In an age defined by US President Donald Trump’s rage, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s revisionism, and Chinese President Xi Jinping’s unbridled ambition, the international order is becoming increasingly disorderly, dysfunctional, and even dangerous. How did we arrive at this state of affairs? And how can we leave it behind? Until recently, the era following World War II was a time of benevolent liberal internationalism. The postwar order had begun to take shape as early as 1941, when US President Franklin D. Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill drafted the Atlantic Charter on a ship anchored in Canada’s Placentia Bay. Though Hitler had been victorious on the battlefields of Europe, Churchill and Roosevelt were determined not only to defeat the Nazi onslaught, but also to lay the groundwork for a future of peace and democracy. They succeeded beyond what they probably imagined was possible. After the Atlantic Charter came the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the global trade system, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and much more. During the postwar decades of decolonization, many new countries emerged, and former enemies united under new alliances and an overarching structure of integration. China’s great “opening up” and the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 marked the start of a quarter-century of truly remarkable global progress. In fact, judging by standard economic, political, and social indicators, it might well have been the best quarter-century in human history. There were no major wars between superpowers, global trade expanded and drove economic growth, poverty was more than halved, and rapid advances in science and technology delivered benefits to every corner of the world. In recent years, however, the world has entered a new phase. The politics of idealism and hope have been replaced by the politics of identity and fear. This trend took root in one Western country after another, but its most notable manifestations have been in the two Anglo-Saxon countries that made the previous period of miraculous progress possible in the first place. Today, the confused political debates in the United Kingdom are tragic to behold. Since the June 2016 Brexit referendum, Britain has searched in vain for an illusory concept of sovereignty that might prevent the massive loss of international power and influence that awaits it after its departure from the European Union.", "zh": "西方的信心危机 发自斯德哥尔摩 — — 在这个以美国总统特朗普的愤怒，俄罗斯总统普京的修正主义以及中国国家主席习近平毫不掩饰的野心为标志的时代，国际秩序变得日益无序，失调甚至危机重重。 那么我们又是如何走到这一步的？ 又将如何拜托它？ 直到最近，我们还置身于二战后开启的仁慈的自由国际主义时代。 战后秩序早在1941年就开始形成，当时美国总统富兰克林·罗斯福和英国首相丘吉尔在一艘停泊在加拿大普拉森西亚湾的船上起草了《大西洋宪章 》 。 尽管希特勒在欧洲战场上节节胜利，但丘吉尔和罗斯福不仅下定决心要击败纳粹，还要为和平与民主的未来奠定基础。 他们取得了甚至连自己都意料不到的成功。 在《大西洋宪章》之后先后诞生了联合国，布雷顿森林机构，全球贸易体系 ， 《 世界人权宣言》等等。 在战后几十年的去殖民化过程中涌现了许多新的国家，曾经的敌人在多个新联盟以及一体化的整体架构下联合了起来。 中国伟大的“开放”政策和1991年苏联的崩溃标志着一场持续1/4个世纪的真正意义重大的全球性进步拉开了序幕。 事实上，从标准的经济，政治和社会指标来看，它可能是人类历史上最好的25年。 超级大国之间并未爆发重大战争，全球贸易扩大并推动了经济增长，贫困人口数量减少了一半以上，科学技术的迅速进步令世界的每个角落都有所受益。 但这几年来世界又进入了一个新的阶段。 充满理想主义和希望的政治已经被身份认同和恐惧的政治所取代。 这一趋势在一个又一个西方国家落地生根，但其表现最为显著的则是两个使得前一阶段的奇迹般进步成为现实的盎格鲁-撒克逊国家。 今天，英国这些令人摸不着头脑的政治辩论注定没有好下场。 自2016年6月脱欧公投以来，英国一直在徒劳地寻找一种虚幻的主权概念以阻止其脱离欧盟后即将迎来的大规模国际势力和影响力流失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In any advanced economy, the prospect that the government might not be able to roll over its debt to finance its expenditures is simply unacceptable. But while reducing current and prospective fiscal deficits (and even running a surplus) is the obvious solution to the problem, it also tends to be the most difficult to pull off politically. This implies that there will be a strong temptation to reduce the debt through measures known as “financial repression.” Policymakers could try to cut the costs of debt service by capping the interest rates that financial institutions – including banks and pension and insurance funds – are allowed to pay. An interest-rate ceiling enables governments to sell and roll over government bonds at lower interest rates than they otherwise could, because savers cannot obtain better returns elsewhere. Governments have even put such caps on the interest that lenders can charge, resulting in credit rationing across potential borrowers. When used in the past, financial repression has worked, reducing the US debt-to-GDP ratio after World War II from 116% in 1945 to 66.2% in 1955 (and further thereafter). Moreover, Carmen M. Reinhart, now the World Bank’s Chief Economist, and Maria Belen Sbrancia of the International Monetary Fund have estimated that between 1946 and 1955, the US liquidated debt amounting to 5.7% of GDP per year through financial repression. This gradual reduction came about because interest-rate ceilings were lower than the rate of inflation, resulting in a negative real return to creditors during this period.", "zh": "在任何发达经济体中，任何显示政府可能无法将债务借新还旧以维持开支的预期都是完全无法接受的。 但是虽然减少当前和未来的财政赤字（甚至有所盈余）是解决问题的明显方案，但在政治上也是最难以推进的。 这意味着将存在强烈的诱惑去让政策制定者通过所谓的“金融抑制（financial repression ） ” 措施来减少债务，比如借助限制允许包括银行，养老和保险基金在内的金融机构所支付的利率来降低自身偿债成本。 利率上限使政府能够以比原本更低的利率出售和续借政府债券，因为储户无法在其他地方获得更好的回报。 各国政府甚至对放贷人可以收取的利息额设置了上限，导致后者在潜在借款人之间实施信贷配给。 以往的金融抑制措施一直都是有效的，并成功将二战后美国的债务相对GDP比率从1945年的116％降到了1955年的66.2 ％ （ 此后还实现了进一步下降 ） 。 此外根据现任世界银行首席经济学家卡门·M·莱因哈特（Carmen M. Reinhart）和国际货币基金组织经济学家玛丽亚·贝伦·斯布兰西亚（Maria Belen Sbrancia）的估算，在1946至1955年间美国每年都可以通过金融抑制手段清偿掉相当于GDP5.7％的债务。 这种债务逐渐减少的原因是因为利率上限低于通胀率，导致在此期间对债权人的负实际回报。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Domestically, deep political polarization, especially since 2011, has impeded congressional legislative activity and produced multiple actual or threatened government shutdowns (including the longest on record). In the absence of new pro-growth measures from Congress, monetary policy became the “only game in town.” After being forced to expand its role in the economy substantially during the crisis years, the US Federal Reserve flirted with some major policy mistakes, and became more vulnerable to political interference. Because annual growth over the past decade has often been tepid and insufficiently inclusive – what has become known as the “new normal,” or secular stagnation – the US economy has been left with a residual sense of underperformance and potential vulnerability. According to an oft-cited Fed survey, almost half of US households report having insufficient savings to cover a $400 emergency expense. No wonder trust in institutions and expert opinion remains so low. Coupled with excessive inequality (of income, wealth, and opportunity), frustration and political anger remain high. Making matters worse, fearmongering about the implications of technology and globalization continues to fuel concerns of job dislocations and disruptions. And outside the US, many have come to worry that the superpower responsible for issuing the global reserve currency, and that plays a decisive role in many multilateral interactions, is no longer a reliable and predictable anchor for global trade and finance. Moreover, unlike in prior expansions, the US is yet to build sufficient buffers to deal with future economic and financial challenges.", "zh": "在国内，特别是2011年以来，深度政治极化阻碍了国会立法活动，也制造了多次实际或威胁政府关门（包括有记录以来最长的一次 ） 。 在国会不批准促增长措施的情况下，货币政策成为“唯一的游戏 ” 。 继在危机期间被迫大幅扩大在经济中的角色后，美联储犯了一些重大政策错误，变得很容易被政治干涉。 过去十年的年增长常常比较萎靡，包容性也不够—这已成为 “新常态 ” ， 即长期停滞—美国经济给人一种表现不佳和潜在脆弱的感觉。 据被经常引用的美联储调查，近一半美国家庭报告储蓄不足以覆盖400美元的紧急开支。 毫不奇怪，对制度和专家意见的信任仍然很低。 再加上过度不平等（包括收入、财富和机会等方面 ） ， 失望和政治愤怒依然高企。 更糟糕的是，对科技和全球化的恐慌宣传一直在煽动对就业岗位流失和破坏的担忧。 在美国之外，许多人还要担心这个发行全球储备货币、在诸多国际互动中扮演决定性角色的超级大国已不再是国际贸易和金融中可靠和可预测的锚了。 此外，和此前的扩张不同，美国还没有构建足够的缓冲应对未来经济和金融挑战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But interest rates on dollar assets are given in world markets independently of what China does. Thus, the market can establish the necessary interest differential only if interest rates on yuan assets fall below their dollar equivalents. As the huge buildup of dollar reserves – now almost $800 billion – expands China’s domestic monetary base, short-term interest rates will be driven down, at least until they hit zero. In May 2006, the fairly free domestic interbank rate was just 1.62%, while the US Federal Funds rate was 5%. Just letting the yuan float upward does not resolve the dilemma. Actual appreciation would lead to actual deflation and further downward pressure on domestic interest rates. If actual appreciation does not reduce China’s trade surplus, pressure to appreciate the yuan further would only continue, as was true for Japan before 1995. If China is to avoid falling into a Japanese-style liquidity trap, the best solution is to fix its exchange rate in a completely credible way so that there is no fear of currency appreciation. Then financial liberalization could proceed with market interest rates remaining at normal levels. But China’s abandonment of the yuan’s “traditional parity” in July 2005 rules out a new, credibly fixed exchange-rate strategy for some time. Failing this, China must postpone full liberalization of its financial markets. This means retaining, and possibly strengthening, capital controls on inflows of highly liquid “hot” money from dollars into yuan, and continuing to peg certain interest rates, such as basic deposit and loan rates, to help preserve the profitability of banks. Such measures are, of course, an unfortunate detour. True, China’s economy is now growing robustly and is not likely to face actual deflation anytime soon, but if China does fall into a zero-interest rate trap, the PBC, like the BOJ, would be unable to offset deflationary pressure in the event of a large exchange-rate appreciation. With short-term interest rates locked at zero, pressure for further appreciation would leave the PBC helpless to re-expand the economy. China’s monetary and foreign exchange policies are now in a state of limbo.", "zh": "但美元资产的利率是由世界各市场独立给予，和中国的所为无关。 因此，只有人民币资产的利率低于其美元等价物时，市场才能够建立必要的息差（interest differential ） 。 由于巨额的美元储备—现在近8000亿人民币—扩大了中国的国内货币基础，短期利率会走低，至少直到其为零。 在2006年5月，相对自由的国内银行间利率只有1.62 % ， 而同期美国联邦基金利率则是5 % 。 仅仅让人民币向上浮动解决不了这一困境。 实际的升值会导致实际的通货紧缩，及对国内利率的进一步向下的压力。 如果实际的升值没有减少中国的贸易顺差，那么人民币进一步升值的压力只会继续，就如同日本在1995年以前的情况一样。 如果中国要避免日本式的流动性陷阱，最佳的解决之道就是以一种完全可靠的方式固定其汇率，以便不再担心货币升值。 如此一来，金融自由化就可以在保持正常利率水平的情况下推进。 但中国在2005年7月放弃人民币的“传统平衡 ” ， 其实就是在一段时间内排除了一种新的、可靠的固定汇率战略。 由于这一失误，中国必须推迟其金融市场的全��自由化。 这意味着保持并可能强化对高流动性的美元“热”钱流入并转换为人民币的情况的资本控制，还要继续和包括基本存款和贷款利率在内的某些利率挂钩，以帮助银行保持赢利能力。 当然，这样的手段是一种不幸的舍近求远。 诚然，中国经济现在正稳健地增长，并且在短期内不太会遭遇实际的通货紧缩。 但如果中国真地陷入了零利率陷阱，那么中国人民银行和日本银行一样，将不能在汇率大幅升值的情况下抵消通缩压力。 由于短期利率锁定为零，进一步升值的压力将使中国人民银行无法再扩大经济规模。 中国的货币政策和外汇政策正处在不稳定状态。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Far from preventing the firing of inspectors-general for doing their jobs, US institutions were approaching a breaking point by the end of Trump’s term. It is unlikely that many US institutions would have survived another four years of Trump, considering that they were not particularly strong to begin with. Before Trump, polarization in Congress had already taken a toll on political effectiveness, and the executive branch had gradually been strengthened vis-à-vis the legislative and judicial branches of government. To be sure, the framers of the US Constitution wanted a strong federal government. Because they did not fully trust the judgment of their fellow citizens, they institutionalized several non-democratic elements, not least a highly malapportioned voting system (especially for the Senate) and the Electoral College. But these features have become particularly problematic for the current age, because civil society and the ballot box were always going to be the only real defense against a politician like Trump. It would thus be a colossal mistake to take comfort in US institutions’ survival of what Trump wrought on January 6. To leave better institutions to future generations, we must acknowledge their weaknesses and start rebuilding them. This will not be easy. No society has ever devised a foolproof way to overcome deepening political polarization. How does one convince tens of millions of Trump supporters that they have been manipulated and fed lies for years? One starting point is to address the economic hardships that many (though certainly not all) Trump supporters have experienced. Much more can be done to increase the incomes of workers who do not have a college degree.", "zh": "到特朗普任期行将结束时，美国机构不仅未能阻止因履行职权义务而解雇总督察，其自身反倒濒临崩溃了。 许多美国机构不太可能再经受4年特朗普执政的考验，尤其因为它们从一开始就不是特别强势。 在特朗普上任前，国会两极分化已经影响了政治效率，而行政部门相对于立法和司法部门而言已经表现得越来越强势。 可以肯定，美国宪法制定者希望建立强势的联邦政府。 由于不完全信任同胞的判断，他们从那时起就将几项非民主因素写进了制度，尤其是设计了比例严重失衡的投票体系（尤其是参议院）和选举团制度。 但当今时代上述特色造成了很多问题，因为永远只有民间社会和投票箱才能真正抵御像特朗普这样的政客。 因此，庆幸于美国体制在特朗普所制造的1月6日灾难中幸存下来将是一个巨大的错误。 为把更好的制度留给子孙后代，我们必须承认现有制度的弱点并开始重建选举制度。 这绝非一项容易完成的任务。 没有哪个社会曾设计出一套万无一失的办法，能确保遏制政治两极化不断加深的势头。 怎样才能说服数千万特朗普支持者他们的偶像一直在操纵他们并对其不断撒谎？ 出发点之一是要解决许多（尽管并非全部）特朗普支持者所体验到的经济上的困苦。 可以采取很多措施来增加没有大学学位者的收入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Before Donald Trump was elected President of the United States, it was hard to imagine that a mendacious conspiracy theorist who flouts all rules of political decorum could win enough support. And prior to the Brexit referendum, few expected that a majority of British voters would swallow the lie that they could retain the benefits of European Union membership without any of the responsibilities. Our imagination is constrained by past experience, and this contributes to a lack of foresight. But while our capacity to predict the future is limited, social-science research into the problems we confront today may be able to loosen those constraints. The social sciences are often considered pessimistic; in fact, they are based on hope: a deep-seated belief that social improvement is possible. The intellectual roots of today’s social sciences – newcomers compared to the humanities and natural sciences – are to be found in Nobel’s milieu. The political, economic, and social turmoil that emerged in response to rapid industrialization and urbanization caused many to wonder whether order was even possible. The social sciences developed in the shadow of the nation-state, which had to develop a functioning administration, modern institutions, and policies to support order. Much of the work that followed was guided by the belief that technological progress is inseparable from social progress. Today, the International Panel on Social Progress – a major international effort based on the work of some 300 social scientists – shares this belief, and recognizes the importance of good governance in all policy fields.", "zh": "在唐纳德·特朗普当选为美国总统之前，难以想象一位撒谎成性的阴谋论者，一位蔑视一切政治礼仪的人会赢得足够多的支持。 在英国退欧公投之前，几乎没有人预见到大部分英国选民会相信他们可以保留欧盟成员资格的好处而不必为此承担任何责任的谎言。 我们的想象力受制于过去的经验，而这导致我们缺乏远见。 但尽管我们预见未来的能力有限，对于我们目前所面临的问题的社会科学研究仍能放松这些约束。 社会科学常常被认为是悲观科学；事实上，它们是建立在希望的基础上：坚定不移地相信社会可以改善。 社会科学相较人文和自然科学来说是后起之秀，其智识根源可以从诺贝尔所处的文化环境中找到。 应迅速工业化和城市化而生的政治、经济和社会动荡让许多人开始困惑秩序到底是否可行。 社会科学在民族国家的影响下发展，民族国家必须具备能正常运转的政府、现代机构和支持秩序的政策。 此后大量社会科学工作的指导思想是技术进步与社会进步不可分割。 如今，社会进步国际委员会（International Panel on Social Progress，一个由大约300位社会科学家组成的国际组织）认同这一思想，并承认好治理在一切政策领域都至关重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Likewise, there is a negligible risk of higher interest rates. Many investors and businesses are worried that today’s low-interest-rate environment may soon end, at least in the US. Inflation and long-term interest rates will probably rise somewhat this year, but it is almost out of the question that central banks will tighten monetary policy. The Fed would lead this process, and it will not raise rates in an election year. In Europe, instead of triggering an epidemic of Euroskepticism, Brexit has acted like a vaccination. Even the populist leaders in Italy, France, and Germany seem deterred by the Brexit experience, and this year’s negotiations on a post-Brexit trade deal will reinforce Europeans’ negative perceptions of the process. But politics is always volatile, especially in Italy, so a politically driven euro crisis remains a low but non-negligible risk. Although the US-China trade war grabbed the most attention in 2019, Europe was actually the weakest link in the world economy. Recently, Europe’s economic performance has stabilized, and policy has improved dramatically, with the European Central Bank restarting quantitative easing and political sentiment turning against fiscal austerity. But Germany’s economy still faces an existential crisis, and European politicians have an almost unbroken record of foolish efforts to cut budget deficits when their economies need fiscal support. A European recession therefore remains the biggest macroeconomic risk in 2020, just as it was last year. Then there is the threat of a major energy disruption.", "zh": "同样，利率升高的危险也可以忽略不计。 许多投资者和企业家担心，今天的低利率环境很快就会结束，至少美国的情况将是如此。 今年通胀和长期利率很有可能有所上升，但央行几乎没有可能收紧货币政策。 美联储将会领导这一进程，而它不会在选举年提高利率。 在欧洲，英国脱欧不仅没有引发欧洲怀疑论的流行，反而像接种疫苗一样防止了许多国家进行这方面的努力。 就连意大利、法国和德国的民粹主义领袖面对英国脱欧的现实似乎也望而却步，而今年后脱欧贸易协定的谈判将强化欧洲人对脱欧进程的消极情绪。 但政治总是充满动荡，尤其是在意大利，因此由政治因素引发欧元危机的风险虽仍然很低但却不可忽视。 尽管2019年引发最大关注的是美中贸易战，但世界经济最薄弱的环节其实是欧洲。 最近，欧洲的经济表现已经趋于稳定，而政策也已得到了显著改善，因为在欧洲央行重启量化宽松的同时，政治情绪也转向反对财政紧缩的努力。 但德国经济依然面临生存危机，而欧洲政客的愚蠢行为几乎从未间断，一直在经济需要财政支持时削减财政赤字。 因此就像去年一样，2020年最大的宏观经济风险仍然是欧洲衰退。 之后就是重大能源中断的威胁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "逃犯的身体被巨大的惯性向后带去，竟是撞向了后面的一面围墙，围墙轰然倒塌！而力量系D级觉醒者的肉身确实远超常人，即便中了这一剑，也没有被打进濒死状态，而是挣扎着要起身继续逃命！ 就在这个时候，围墙倒塌之时显露出后面一身星辰纱衣遮挡住全身模样的吕树…… “如果我说我是出来散步的，你们大概不会信吧……” 所有人都有些惊疑不定，这面墙壁之后怎么会突然出现个人来，这一身星辰之力包裹之下明显就是个觉醒者之类的存在，谁会相信他是刚巧路过？ 场中情况瞬间诡异起来，吕树在前，逃犯在中间，而天罗地网的修行者则身处后面正以扇形包围过来。 逃犯暴吼一声便要从吕树这边突围，对于他而言已经没有什么可思考的了，只要挡在前面的人就必须杀掉，不然一样是死路一条。 吕树所站的位置太过尴尬，就算他再怎么表达自己不会出手，恐怕逃犯也要忌惮两人擦肩而过时吕树会从背后偷袭。 所以逃犯做出了唯一的选择，杀！ 他犹如回光返照般血色上涌至全身，竟爆发出全盛时期的状态来。 “不好，他又要觉醒！” “当场格杀！”", "en": "The metahuman was carried by the momentum of the sword and he crashed into a wall behind him, smashing the wall in the process! His physique far exceeded the normal human’s as he was still alive even after being struck by such a powerful sword. He was still alive and struggling to get up to continue with his escape! Just then, behind the fallen wall, Lu Shu was exposed in his celestial cloak… “If I say I was out for a walk, you guys probably wouldn’t believe it, would you…” Everyone was rather confused. Why was there a person behind this fallen wall? This guy with celestial strength and aura was obviously a metahuman, who would believe he was just passing by? Suspicion aroused. The criminal was sandwiched in between Lu Shu and the practitioners of the heavenly network which were, at this point in time, closing in. The criminal let out a roar and wanted to escape from Lu Shu’s direction. He had nothing much to consider. He would decimate everything in his way, or he will be the one who will be decimated. Lu Shu was standing in an extremely bad position. Even if he expressed that he wouldn’t retaliate, the escaping criminal might worry that he would attack him from the back after he passed by. The escaping criminal had only one choice. KILL! His body started glowing, and a powerful aura was exuded from him. “This is bad, he’s awakening!” “Kill on the spot!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Abortion Hypocrisy Kills Women KISUMU, KENYA – Opposition to abortion is so intense that even where women have the legal right to terminate their pregnancy, it can be extremely difficult to access the services needed to exercise that right. But, worse than that, opponents of abortion tend to ignore the failures that lead women to the point where they seek one in the first place. From a moral standpoint, there is a strong case to be made for respecting a woman’s personal freedom and bodily autonomy, rather than forcing her to put her health or wellbeing at risk by carrying an unwanted or unsafe pregnancy to term. Yet, given how rife with misinformation and muddied by misplaced arguments the issue is, policy debates often go nowhere unless they frame abortion first and foremost as a health matter. Consider the case of Kenya. Despite having one of Africa’s most progressive abortion laws – a woman has the right to terminate a pregnancy if “there is need for emergency treatment, or the life or health of the mother is in danger, or if permitted by any other written law” – enduring opposition to abortion has undermined implementation. And this is to say nothing of the women who would not qualify for an abortion under these rules. But it is well documented that outlawing abortion does not end the practice. Rather, when the authorities jail anyone who is rumored to be providing safe abortions, as occurs in Kenya, women end up turning to providers who use highly dangerous methods to get the job done. For example, they perforate women’s uteruses with sharp objects, sit on women’s bellies to eject the fetus, and prescribe unsafe concoctions. To avoid these back-alley providers, women try to induce abortions by ingesting large amounts of painkillers or poisoning themselves with detergents. Some die; others are left with no uterus; still others are left managing complications like cervicovaginal fistulas. After years working in reproductive health, I can say authoritatively that women do not terminate pregnancies on a whim. They do not pay an unqualified person to stab their uterus because the mood strikes them. Condemning them will not change their minds; nor will prioritizing the development of a fetus over the needs, rights, and wellbeing of its mother. All it will do is make them more likely to risk their health and lives seeking an unsafe abortion.", "zh": "堕胎伪善如何杀死妇女 基苏木，肯尼亚—反对堕胎是如此激烈，以致于哪怕妇女拥有中止妊娠的法定权利，也极难得到行使这一权所需要的服务。 但是，更糟糕的是，堕胎的反对者总是忽视在让妇女一开始就不需要寻求堕胎方面的失败。 从道德角度，有充分的理由尊重妇女的个人自由和身体自决，而不是强迫她们冒着健康和福利受损的风险完成她们不想要或不安全的妊娠。 但是，对于这一问题，错误的信息和观点太多，政策争论必须首先界定堕胎为健康问题，才有继续进行下去的意义。 以肯尼亚为例。 肯尼亚的堕胎法律是非洲最进步的相关法律之一，只要“有紧急治疗的需要，或母亲的或健康受到威胁，或其他成文法所允许 ， ” 妇女就有权利终止妊娠。 但持续反对堕胎仍然阻碍了法律的落实。 这还不包括根据这些规则不满足堕胎条件的妇女。 但有充分证据表明，堕胎非法化并没有让这种行为消失。 相反，如果当局拘捕一切据传提供安全堕胎的人 — — 肯尼亚就是如此 — — 那么妇女最终会求助于非常危险的堕胎方式。 比如用尖锐物穿透妇女子宫，坐压妇女腹部挤出胎儿，开具不安全的混合处方。 为了避免这些黑诊所，妇女试图通过吞服大量止痛药引发堕胎，或用洗涤剂让自己中毒。 一些人因此死去；一些人失去子宫，另一些人落下子宫颈瘘管等并发症。 在生殖健康部门工作多年后，我可以权威地说，妇女不会一时兴起而终止妊娠。 她们不会因为情绪不好就让不合资质的人穿透自己的子宫。 谴责她们不会让她们改变主意；将胚胎发育重要性置于母亲的需求、权利和福利之上也无法让她们改变主意。 这些做法只能让她们寻求不安全堕胎，增加健康和生命危险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "王冬冬 同济大学艺术与传媒学院副院长、教授，博士生导师。 同济大学教务委员会委员、上海市艺术专业硕士教学指导委员会委员，高密度区域智能城镇化协同创新中心特聘教授，中国社会学会生活方式研究专业委员会常务理事、中国新闻史学会广告及传播研究学会常务理事、中国电视艺术家协会会员，中国广播电视协会纪录片委员会学术研究院研究员，黑龙江省作家协会会员。 从事电视创作的17年里，涉足过所有电视节目类型的创作并全部获得过省级一等奖及以上的奖项，累计获得国家级奖项40次，5部作品先后在29次国际影展中入围、获奖。 在C源核心期刊上发表学术论文近50篇。 个人曾获得第三届全国百优广播电视理论先进个人（2010年）、首届全国广播电视生活栏目百佳制片人（2009年）、黑龙江省省直机关优秀共产党员（2008年）、首届黑龙江省青年文化新星(2005年)、黑龙江省扶残助残先进个人(2003年)、2001-2002年度黑龙江省优秀新闻工作者、黑龙江省爱国主义教育先进个人(1999年)等荣誉。", "en": "Dongdong Wang Associate Dean, Professor, and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Art and Media, Tongji University. Member of the Academic Affairs Committee of Tongji University, Member of the Shanghai Municipal Art Master's Teaching Guidance Committee, Distinguished Professor of Collaborative Innovation Center for Smart Urbanization in High-Density Areas, Executive Director of the Lifestyle Research Professional Committee of the Chinese Sociological Society, Executive Director of the Advertising and Communication Research Society of the Chinese Journalism History Society, Member of China Television Artists Association, Researcher of Academic Research Institute of Documentary Committee of China Radio and Television Association, Member of Heilongjiang Writers Association. For the 17 years of TV creation, he has been involved in the production of all types of TV programs, all of which have won first prizes at provincial level and above, and he has obtained a total of 40 national awards. 5 works have been shortlisted and won awards in 29 international film festivals. He has published nearly 50 academic papers in C source core journals. The personal honors obtained include the Theory Advanced Individual of the Third National Hundred Excellent Radio and Television (2010), Top 100 Producers of the First National Radio and TV Life Column (2009), Outstanding Communist Party Member of Heilongjiang Provincial Government (2008), the First Youth Cultural Star of Heilongjiang Province (2005), Advanced Individuals in Helping the Disabled in Heilongjiang Province (2003), Outstanding Journalist of Heilongjiang Province from 2001 to 2002, Advanced Individual of Patriotic Education in Heilongjiang Province (1999)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The pandemic may also boost the pharmaceutical sector’s overall efficiency and productivity (as opposed to its profitability). So, perhaps drug firms will also be able to develop new antibiotics far sooner than conventional wisdom would have us believe. Fourth, the COVID-19 crisis has shown that governments can spend a lot more money without upsetting markets than most people thought. Although high and increasing levels of government debt have raised huge questions, the fact that financial conditions have remained so benign – with bond markets, in particular, seemingly untroubled – raises the possibility that governments can be more fiscally ambitious than many believed. This could have profound consequences for economic-policy debates, ranging from whether the eurozone should scrap its fiscal rule limiting government debt to 60% of GDP to whether governments should maintain a permanent presence in some sectors where they previously were absent. For example, it seems obvious to me that we need a major overhaul of government expenditure accounting that results in a clear distinction between investment and consumption (or maintenance) spending. If government investment spending is a source of future private-sector economic growth, especially in areas with a large positive multiplier, this crisis has demonstrated the silliness of treating all government spending equally. This applies to aspects of health and education in particular, but to many other areas, too – including how governments try to tackle climate change. Crucially, governments must also play a bigger role in ensuring that all citizens have access to digital technologies (in the same way that they should ensure universal access to education and health care).", "zh": "这场疫情也可能会提升制药行业的整体效率和生产力（而非盈利能力 ） 。 因此药企或许能比常规认知中更快地开发出新抗生素。 第四，新冠危机表明政府可以在不扰乱市场的情况下实施比大多数人预想中更多的支出。 虽然不断上涨的高政府负债水平引发了巨大的问题，但金融状况仍然波澜不惊 — — 尤其是债券市场似乎并未受到干扰 — — 的事实提出了一种可能性，即政府在财政上的发挥空间可以比许多人认为的更大。 这可能会对经济政策辩论产生深远的影响，从欧元区是否应该取消将政府债务限制在相当于GDP60%的财政规则，到政府是否应该在一些以往并未插手的部门中保持长期存在。 比如说，在我看来很显然需要对政府的支出核算进行重大改革，从而明确区分投资和消费（或维护）支出。 如果政府的投资支出是未来私营部门经济增长的源泉（尤其是在具有巨大正向乘数效应的领域 ） ， 那么这次危机就表明对所有政府支出一视同仁是愚蠢的。 这尤其适用于卫生和教育方面，但也适用于许多其他领域 — — 包括政府如何努力应对气候变化。 至关重要的是，政府还必须发挥更大的作用以确保所有公民都能使用数字技术（正如它们应当确保普及教育和医疗一样 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "陈婷 曾在十多部中外歌剧中扮演女主角，如：在歌剧《乡村骑士》中扮演桑杜扎；在歌剧《奥涅金》中扮演塔姬亚那；歌剧《蝙蝠》中扮演罗莎琳德；首演歌剧《楚霸王》扮演虞姬；在歌剧《艺术家的生涯》中扮演玛赛塔；在歌剧《女人心》中扮演薇奥迪丽姬；在歌剧《杜兰朵》中扮演柳儿；在歌剧《巴黎的火炬》中扮演玛特蕾；在歌剧《原野》中扮演金子等。 曾在中央电视台春节联欢晚会、澳门回归文艺晚会、德国柏林“中国歌唱家音乐会”、“上海之春”开幕式、“上海国际广播音乐节”、“新世纪序曲”大型激光音乐晚会、中外歌剧精品音乐会等国家级与省部级大型文艺晚会中担任独唱、领唱。 曾与上海交响乐团等合作演出马勒《C小调第二交响乐》，曾与南京电视台合作拍摄音乐史诗MTV《血祭》。 并先后赴德国、法国、瑞士、美国、印度尼西亚、奥地利、意大利、日本、香港、澳门,台湾等地进行访问演出，所到之处均受到中外观众的广泛好评。", "en": "Ting Chen She has played the heroine in more than a dozen Chinese and foreign operas, such as Sanduza in the opera Country Knight, Taqiyana in the opera Onegin, Rosalind in the opera Bat, Yu Ji in the premiere opera Overlord of Chu, Marcetta in the opera The Artist's Career, Vidi Liji in the opera Women's Heart, Liuer in the opera Durandot\", Matrei in the opera The Torch of Paris, Jinzi in the opera The Wilderness. She acted as the solo singer and lead singer in large-scale national and provincial-level cultural evenings, including CCTV Spring Festival Gala, The Return of Macao Cultural Evening, \"Chinese Singer Concert\" in Berlin, Germany, Opening Ceremony of \"Shanghai Spring\", Shanghai International Radio Music Festival, \"New Century Overture\" Large-scale Laser Music Evening and other Chinese and foreign opera concerts. Chen has performed Mahler's \"Second Symphony in C Minor\" with the Shanghai Symphony Orchestra, etc., and worked with Nanjing TV Station to film the music epic MTV \"Blood Sacrifice\". She also went to Germany, France, Switzerland, the United States, Indonesia, Austria, Italy, Japan, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan and other places for visiting performances, and was widely praised by Chinese and foreign audiences wherever she went."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And voters ended up re-electing presidents like Carlos Menem of Argentina, Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil, and Alberto Fujimori of Peru precisely because they were able to overcome the debt crisis, balance the budget, and bring down inflation. But just when they were supposed to be reaping the benefits of their hard work, the East Asian crisis of July 1997 caused commodity prices to collapse, which forced Russia into default in August 1998 and shut down all emerging markets through financial contagion. Crises in Venezuela (1998), Brazil (1999), and Argentina (2001) followed, leading to the election of Chávez, Lula, and Kirchner. As luck would have it, the situation changed quite dramatically in 2004: Commodity prices started their longest boom ever – the super-cycle – and investors’ appetite for emerging-market debt soared. The need for austerity went out the window, as more spending could occur without printing money or running out of foreign exchange. But the windfall was mismanaged, fueling fiscal profligacy, and the end of the boom left economies in recession and voters with broken dreams. Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela got themselves into a situation surprisingly similar to that of the late 1980s. So the solutions are bound to look similar as well. Voters enthusiastically supported extravagant spending during a boom.", "zh": "而选民们则选出了像阿根廷的梅内姆、巴西的费尔南多·恩里克·卡多佐和秘鲁的藤森那样的总统，因为他们能够战胜债务危机、平衡预算及控制通货膨胀。 但就在他们看似能够收获其辛勤工作所带来成果��，1997年7月爆发的东亚危机导致商品价格崩溃，并迫使俄国于1998年8月发生债务违约，更有甚者，这场危机通过金融传染的方式关闭了所有新兴市场的大门。 委内瑞拉危机（1998年 ） 、 巴西危机（1999年）和阿根廷危机（2001年）相继爆发，导致查韦斯、卢拉和基什内尔当选总统。 但幸运的是，2004年形势发生了戏剧性的转变：商品价格开始了有史以来持续时间最长的繁荣（所谓的超级周期 ） ， 同时投资者对新兴市场债务的胃口大增。 紧缩的需求被丢到了窗外，因为更多的消费可以在不印钞票、不消耗外汇储备的情况下完成。 但这次没有得到妥善管理的意外横财助长了财政挥霍，而繁荣周期的终结则导致经济陷入衰退，选民的希望再次落空。 阿根廷、巴西和委内瑞拉陷入了和20世纪80年代惊人相似的窘境。 因此，解决方案无疑也会有众多相似之处。 选民在繁荣期间热情洋溢地支持奢侈消费。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Regional Costs of Venezuela’s Collapse BOGOTÁ – As Venezuela’s great experiment with “Bolivarian” socialism implodes, it is creating a humanitarian and refugee crisis comparable to Europe in 2015. Traveling by bus, boat, and even on foot through treacherous terrain, around one million Venezuelans have fled to Colombia alone, and another two million are estimated to be in other, mostly neighboring, countries. There, they often live in desperately unsafe conditions with little food and no medicine, sleeping anywhere they can. So far, there are no United Nations refugee camps, only modest aid from religious organizations and other NGOs. Hunger and disease are rampant. By and large, Colombia is doing its best to help, providing care to those who show up at hospitals. And its large informal economy is absorbing many refugees as workers. But with a per capita GDP of only around $6,000 (compared to $60,000 for the United States), Colombia’s resources are limited. And the government must also urgently reintegrate some 25,000 FARC guerillas and their families under the terms of the 2016 peace treaty that ended a half-century of brutal civil war. Colombians have been sympathetic to their neighbors in part because many remember that during the FARC insurgency and related drug wars, Venezuela absorbed hundreds of thousands of Colombian refugees. Moreover, during Venezuela’s boom years, when oil prices were high, and the socialist regime had not yet decimated production, several million Colombians were able to find work in Venezuela.", "zh": "委内瑞拉崩溃的地区成本 波哥大—委内瑞拉的“玻利瓦尔”社会主义伟大实验一败涂地，正在造成一场堪与2015年的欧洲相比的人道和难民危机。 委内瑞拉人乘坐巴士、船只甚至步行穿越危机四伏的领地逃往国外，光是哥伦比亚就涌入了约一百万人，另有两百万人进入了其他国家，主要是邻国。 在这些地方，他们通常生活在极度不安全的条件下，缺医少药，连个栖身之所都难觅其踪。 到目前为止，联合国还没有为他们设立难民营，只有来自宗教组织和其他非政府组织的少许援助。 饥饿的疾病肆虐。 总体而言，哥伦比亚正在尽力提供帮助，只要难民来到医院就能得到医治。 其规模庞大的非正式经济也在吸收许多难民工人。 但哥伦比亚人均GDP只有6,000美元左右（而美国高达60,000美元 ） ， 资源有限。 哥伦比亚政府还急需根据2016年结束半个世纪残酷内战的和平条约，安置大约25,000名FARC游击队员和他们的家庭。 哥伦比亚人之所以同情邻居，部分是因为很多人还记得在FARC起事和相关的毒品战争期间，委内瑞拉接纳了数十万哥伦比亚难民。 此外，在石油价格高企、委内瑞拉经济繁荣、社会主义体制尚未摧毁生产的时候，数百万哥伦比亚人可以去委内瑞拉找到工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Law and Order, Russian-Style Around the world, people worry that political freedom is disappearing in Vladimir Putin's Russia. Indeed, about the only people who are unconcerned about creeping authoritarianism in Russia are the Russians themselves. Russians seem to care less about political freedom than they do about social welfare - pensions, domestic violence, children's rights, or police brutality. In fact, most Russians are indifferent to the government's efforts to curtail press freedom and limit the right to protest. Such apathy makes my task as Russia's ombudsman, an office charged by the State Duma (parliament) with protecting political rights in Russia, difficult, if not impossible. The ombudsman acts as a bridge between the authorities and the people, seeking to resolve conflicts that arise between state bodies and citizens. My office is open not only to Russian citizens, but to foreigners and stateless people who feel their political rights have been compromised. The standards we apply are not only those contained in Russia's constitution, but also international legal principles and human rights norms, even if they sometimes contradict our constitution. For example, as ombudsman, I was opposed to curtailing the right of Russians to jury trials. Those who wanted to limit the use of juries supposedly feared a risk to state security in some instances. My office worked closely with the state to assure that, in most cases, juries are used. Similarly, my office defended the liberal weekly newspaper Novoe Vremya (New Times), which was being pressured by Moscow's city government on the pretext of a commercial dispute about a lease. That fight is not over, but after my intervention, Moscow's authorities must take into account the public's negative attitude to their effort to quash this publication. Of course, Russia provides far more headline-grabbling examples of political and human rights problems, such as the low-grade war in Chechnya or the Yukos affair. My office pays maximum attention to Chechnya, although this is not easy to do from Moscow. Indeed, I could spend all my time in Chechnya, but Russia has 89 regions with countless human rights issues to address. This is why I suggested to Putin that Chechnya have its own regional rights ombudsman who would spend all his time there. The new Chechen authorities seem to welcome this prospect.", "zh": "俄国的法律和秩序 在弗拉基米尔·普京领导下的俄国，政治自由正逐渐消失，这让全世界的人忧心忡忡。 实际上，唯一不关心独裁主义蔓延的恐怕就是俄国人自己。 比起政治自由，俄国人似乎更看重社会福利－养老金、家庭暴力、儿童权利或警方暴行。 实际上，多数俄国人对政府剥夺公民的言论自由和抗议权利显得漠不关心。 这种冷漠让我在履行国家杜马（议会）赋予的保护政治权利的职责时面临着重重困难，甚至根本就寸步难行。 监察员是沟通政府和百姓的桥梁，负责解决国家机构和公民间产生的矛盾。 我的办公室不仅对俄国公民开放，对外国人和无国籍者也同样敞开大门，只要他们觉得政治权利受到了侵害。 我们不仅遵循俄国宪法规定的条款，国际法原则和人权标准在我们这里同样适用，即便它们有时会与宪法产生冲突。 举例来讲，作为监察官员，我反对剥夺公民的陪审审理权。 限制使用陪审团据说是怕有些情况下威胁到国家安全。 我的办公室和国家密切合作，保证陪审员能够审理绝大多数案件。 类似情况下，我的办公室保护了《新时代 》 （ Novoe Vremya ）自由周刊。 莫斯科市政府借口商业租赁方面的争议，对这家媒体施加压力。 这场斗争虽然还没有结束，但在我们干预后，莫斯科当局不得不开始考虑公众对压制媒体的反对意见。 当然，俄国还有很多的政治和人权问题都能上报纸头版，包括粗俗的车臣战争或尤科斯事件。 我的办公室尽可能地关注了车臣状况，尽管这在莫斯科不容易做到。 实际上，我把所有的时间都花在车臣也毫不为过，但俄国共有89个地区，还有难以数计的人权问题等待解决。 因此我向普京提议设立专门的地区监察员，专门解决车臣问题。 这一提议似乎受到了新任车臣当局的欢迎。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lebanon’s Dysfunctional Political Economy PARIS – Lebanon’s economy has collapsed. There is little confusion about why or what is needed to save it. The question is why nothing has been done. For the last two decades, Lebanon had been living off capital inflows, averaging 20% of GDP per year. Thanks to high interest rates, deposits – largely denominated in US dollars – grew to about 400% of Lebanon’s GDP, with much of the money being lent to the state to finance large fiscal deficits. Last July, the current-account deficit was over 25% of GDP, and public debt exceeded 150% of GDP. Government securities and deposits at the central bank accounted for 14% and 55% of bank assets, respectively, for a total sovereign exposure of nearly 70% of assets. Meanwhile, GDP growth has been close to zero since 2011. The house of cards collapsed late last year, when large withdrawals led to a run on deposits, followed by a sudden stop to capital inflows. By the beginning of this year, Lebanon was mired in a triple crisis: both the state and the banks were bankrupt, lacking liquidity and unable to borrow, and the country suffered from a yawning external deficit. In March, the government announced that it could not meet its debt-repayment obligations. Hoping to stave off a sovereign default, it then worked with international experts to develop an economic-reform plan that would address the economy’s weaknesses, including by reducing public debt, shrinking the fiscal deficit, and devaluing the Lebanese pound. A banking-sector restructuring – with a significant share of the immense losses (about $90 billion) set to be borne by bank owners and large depositors – was also planned. So far, not a single step has been taken to implement any of these reforms. Lebanon’s government did request some $10 billion from the International Monetary Fund, but negotiations have gone nowhere. In the meantime, the authorities have not even imposed capital controls – the most fundamental response to a financial crisis. Progress has been made toward shrinking the external deficit, but not in a way that should be welcomed. Imports have collapsed by nearly half since 2018, owing to the currency crisis. This, together with a lack of access to credit and the COVID-19 shock, has caused many firms to shut down.", "zh": "一团糟的黎巴嫩政治经济 巴黎—黎巴嫩经济已经崩溃。 原因和怎样拯救它没有任何疑问。 问题在于为什么什么都没有做。 在过去二十年中，黎巴嫩一直依靠资本流入，其规模每年平均高达GDP的20 % 。 由于利率高企，存款 — — 主要用美元计价 — — 增长至黎巴嫩GDP的400%左右，其中很多钱被借给了国家用于巨大的财政赤字。 去年7月，经常项目赤字超过了GDP的25 % ， 公共债务超过了GDP的150 % 。 政府证券和中央银行存款分别达到了银行资产的14%和55 % ， 总主权风险敞口接近资产的70 % 。 与此同时，2011年以来GDP增长却接近于零。 空中楼阁在去年年底轰然倒塌，大量取款导致存款挤兑，继而资本流入戛然而止。 今年年初，黎巴嫩已陷入三重危机：国家和银行都已破产，缺少流动性也无法借贷，而国家则面临着巨大的外部赤字。 3月份，政府宣布无法履行债务偿还义务。 随后，为避免主权违约，政府与国际专家一起制定了经济改革计划，旨在加强经济弱环，包括降低公共债务，减少财政赤字，贬值黎巴嫩镑等。 银行业重组 — — 由银行所有者和大储户承担巨大损失（大约900亿美元）的主要部分 — — 也有相关计划。 到目前为止，这些改革还没有任何落实措施。 黎巴嫩政府确实向国际货币基金组织要求了100亿美元，但协商无果。 与此同时，当局甚至没有采取金融危机最基本的应对手段 — — 资本管制。 减少外部赤字方面有所进展，但并不是以合适的方式。 因为货币危机，2018年后进口暴跌近一半。 再加上信用枯竭和COVID-19冲击，导致许多企业关门。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Select the Next UN Secretary-General OXFORD – When the United Nations elects a new secretary-general next year, the world will face a crucial choice. With crises erupting in every region of the world, the need for strong, decisive leadership is self-evident. And yet the selection process for filling important international posts has often been characterized more by political horse-trading than a meritocratic search for the best candidate. The tools to improve the process are available, and the time is right to ensure their adoption by the UN and other international organizations. A new report by the World Economic Forum and Oxford University’s Blavatnik School of Government lays out a series of best practices – each one of which has already been implemented by at least one international agency – that can guarantee that leaders are drawn from the most qualified candidates, and that the organizations for which they work are vested with the best possible management practices. For starters, it is important to professionalize the selection process. For too long, backroom deals among governments have taken precedence over searching for a candidate with the relevant skills and experience. When Pascal Lamy, one of the authors of the report, was chosen to become head of the World Trade Organization, there was not even a description of the job against which his qualifications could be measured. Once a candidate has been chosen, it is important to set clear performance expectations that can be evaluated annually. Groups like the World Health Organization – which came under fierce criticism during the Ebola crisis – can learn from the 80% of American non-profit boards that have a formal process in place for a yearly evaluation of their CEO. Ethical standards also need to be strengthened. In April, Spanish police questioned Rodrigo Rato, a former managing director of the International Monetary Fund, as part of a corruption probe. Not long before that, his successor at the IMF, Dominique Strauss Kahn, faced pimping charges in France. Putting in place a code that sets out clear standards for identifying conflicts of interest and robust methods for dealing with complaints about a leader’s behavior is crucial. In recent years, allegations of improper behavior have led to resignations by the heads of the IMF, the World Bank, and the UN Refugee Agency.", "zh": "怎样遴选下任联合国秘书长 牛津—明年，联合国将遴选新秘书长，世界将面临一个关键选择。 世界各地区危机频发，我们需要强大而果断的领导层，这是不言自明的。 但重要国际职位人选的遴选过程往往更多地是根据政治讨价还价而不是选贤任能。 我们拥有改进遴选过程的工具，确保在联合国及其他国际组织使用这些工具也正逢其时。 世界经济论坛和牛津大学布拉瓦特尼克政府学院（Blavatnik School of Government）的新报告列出了一系列最佳实践 — — 每一项实践都在至少一家国际机构实施过 — — 它们能够确保最有资格的候选人脱颖而出，并且他们所工作的组织能够执行尽可能优秀的管理实践。 首先，遴选过程专业化很重要。 长期以来，政府间的幕后交易一直优先于寻找拥有相关技能和经验的候选人。 报告作者之一的帕斯卡尔·雷米（Pascal Lemy）曾被选为世界贸易组织总干事，当时，对于他要担任的岗位，甚至连可用于衡量他的资质的岗位描述都没有。 当一位候选人被选定时，制定可以按年评估的明确的绩效预期很重要。 像世界卫生组织这样的集团 — — 在埃博拉危机中，世卫组织饱受批评 — — 可以像80%的美国非盈利董事会学习，后者有一个正式程序每年对ECO进行评估。 道德标准也需要加强。 4月，西班牙警方对前国际货币基金组织（IMF）总裁罗德里格·拉托（Rodrigo Rato）提起腐败调查质询。 不久前，他在IMF的继任者多米尼克·斯特劳斯·卡恩（Dominique Strauss Kahn）在法国面临拉皮条指控。 另一个关键是制定明确的标准定义利益冲突以及制定强有力的办法处理关于领导人行为的投诉。 近几年来，IMF、世界银行和国际难民署主管都曾因被控行为失当而辞职。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Anti-Hunger Imperative BRUSSELS – There are plenty of summits to choose from this year, but the World Summit on Food Security deserves not to be lost in the crowd. This meeting in Rome from November 16-18 provides badly needed political momentum to three linked issues that rank among the most challenging of the current era: food security, biodiversity, and climate change. Collectively, we are failing in the fight against world hunger. More than one billion people in the world today do not have enough food to meet their basic daily nutritional needs, and the situation in developing countries is getting worse. This is, first and foremost, a moral outrage. How can it be that in the twenty-first century, when we have taken men to the Moon and back, we still cannot feed everyone on this planet? Policymakers must recognize, moreover, that food insecurity is linked to the lasting effects of the economic crisis and ongoing climate change, and that it represents no less a threat to our global community. To be fair, world leaders have responded. At the recent G-8 summit in L’Aquila, Italy, we made a firm commitment “to act with the scale and urgency needed to achieve global food security,” and we collectively pledged $20 billion over three years.", "zh": "反饥饿的使命 布鲁塞尔 — — 到年底之前，国际上将召开多场峰会，其中有一场不应淹没无闻，那就是世界食物安全峰会。 这场预定11月16日至18日召开于罗马的会议是一个非常必要的政治契机，可以讨论当今世界最具挑战性的三大问题：食物安全、生物多样性和气候变化。 人类眼看就要在同饥饿的斗争中失败了。 世界上目前有超过10亿人缺乏足够的食物，以应每日营养之基本所需，而且发展中国家的情形还在日益恶化。 首先，这是一种道德上的暴行。 都已经是21世纪了，我们都把人送上月球再接回来了，却还没有能力让地球上的所有人都吃饱肚子，这怎么可以？ 此外，政策制定者必须承认一点，食物安全问题同经济危机和气候变化的长期效应紧密相关，并且它对国际社会所构成的挑战一点也不比后两个问题来得少。 平心而论，各国首脑对食物安全问题并非毫无回应。 最近在意大利拉奎拉举行的八国集团峰会上，与会各方坚定地承诺“将依据应有的广泛性与紧迫性而采取行动，以确保全球食物安全 ” ， 并且共同许诺在三年之内投入200亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And yet 52% of those who voted preferred a country where Poles and Romanians would not be permitted to live, work, and compete for a position on the economic team. Letting them in might produce a better team, but it would no longer be our team. From one perspective, this is just another case of emotion defeating economic logic. But our emotions are the algorithms, bequeathed by evolution, by which we make most decisions, including political ones; economic cost-benefit analysis that does not connect to our emotional compass does not move the needle. At the core of the issue is the sense of “us.” What does it mean to be a member of the EU, Nigeria, Iraq, Turkey, Switzerland, or any other political entity? The sense of us is a subroutine of the brain based on the sense of self, which is one of our brain’s many creations: a sensation of being an ongoing entity that experiences things, remembers its history, can act, and has feelings and goals – what the eminent neuroscientist Antonio Damasio calls an autobiographical self. Our brain is also acutely aware of the existence of other selves, with their feelings and intentions, and it is particularly good at reading what others are thinking, feeling, and planning. We use this same mental apparatus to develop a sense of “us”: the people we care about and root for.", "zh": "但那52%支持退欧的人更想要一个不允许波兰人和罗马尼亚人生活、工作和竞争经济队伍位置的国家。 让他们进来也许能打造一支更好的队伍，但它已不再是我们的队伍。 从某种角度，这只是感情战胜经济逻辑的又一个例子。 但我们的感情是算法（algorithms ） ， 是演化留给我们，我们用来做出大部分决定（包括政治决定 ） ； 而不与我们的感情罗盘相接的经济成本-收益分析无法推动罗盘上的指针。 这个问题的关键是“我们”这种感觉。 成为欧盟、尼日利亚、伊拉克、土耳其、瑞士或其他任何政治实体的一员意味着什么？ 我们的感觉是大脑的一个次级例行程序，它基于自我的感觉，而自我的感觉是大脑为数众多的创造物之一：一种身为可以体验事物、记忆它的历史、可以行动并具备感觉和目标的活动的实体的感觉 — — 即著名神经科学家安东尼奥·达马西奥（Antonio Damasio）所谓的亲历式自我（autobiographical self ） 。 我们的大脑也敏锐地察觉其他自我的存在，以及他们的感觉和意图，并且尤其擅长阅读其他人在想什么，感觉什么，计划什么。 我们用同样的心理装置发展出“我们”的感觉：我们所关心和支持的人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Researchers’ top priority must therefore be to develop a solar-fuel generator that combines cost-effective scalability with robustness and efficiency. The key to creating such a system lies in using earth-abundant materials that can perform the essential functions of absorbing light and facilitating fuel-forming chemical reactions. Just as chlorophyll serves to absorb light in natural photosynthesis, suitable materials are needed to capture and convert sunlight in artificial systems. Although silicon’s light-absorbing properties are suitable for photovoltaic devices, the near-0.5 volts that it generates is too weak to split water in a solar-fuel generator. An artificial system also requires catalysts to facilitate the efficient production of chemical fuels. These catalysts must be highly active, stable, and, for global scalability, composed of earth-abundant elements, such as iron, nickel, or cobalt, not the scarce metals now used, such as ruthenium or iridium. In addition, the system components must be integrated in a manner that ensures that they all function optimally under a common set of operating conditions. A deployable system must also incorporate cost-effective architectures, manufacturing processes, and installation methods. Most important, such systems must work safely. In most implementations of artificial photosynthesis, energy-rich fuels are co-produced with oxygen, resulting in dangerous explosive mixtures. Membranes, or other physical and chemical barriers, must be developed in order to isolate the products from one another in a reliable fashion. Such partitions would also eliminate the need for complex peripheral processing equipment that would be necessary to separate the products prior to use in most applications. So, what would an artificial photosynthetic system look like?", "zh": "因此，研究者的当务之急必须是开发结合了低成本伸缩性、鲁棒性和效率的太阳能燃料生产手段。 实现这一系统的关键是利用地球富裕的具有吸收光和促进燃料生成化学反应功能的物质。 正如叶绿素在自然光合作用中吸收光一样，我们的人工系统也需要合适的物质捕获和转换太阳光。 尽管硅的光吸收性质适合光伏设备，但其所产生近0.5伏电压太弱，不足以在太阳燃料生产装置中分离水。 人工系统还需要催化剂促进化学燃料的高效生产。 这些催化剂必须具有高活性、稳定性和全球适用性，由地球富裕的元素（如硅、镍或钴）而非现在所用的稀有金属（如钌或铱）组成。 此外，系统的各个成分必须以确保它们全部能够在共同的作业条件下最优运转的方式整合。 一套可行系统还必须具备成本收益比较高的设计、生产过程和安装方法。 最重要的是，这些系统必须安全运转。 在大部分人工光合作用的实施中，富含能量的燃料与氧气一起生产出来，这意味着极高的爆炸风险。 必须开发细胞膜或其他物理和化学隔离装置，从而以可靠的方式分离各种产品。 有了这样的分离就不再需要复杂的外围处理设备在投入大部分应用之前对产品进行分离。 因此，人工光合作用系统会是怎么一副模样？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lebanon’s Agony TEL AVIV – Last week, a warehouse stocked with nearly 3,000 tons of ammonium nitrate blew up, laying waste to the port of Beirut and ripping through much of the rest of the Lebanese capital. At least 137 people were killed, thousands were wounded, and hundreds of thousands were rendered homeless. For a country that was already roiled by political and economic crisis, the challenges ahead just became more profound. The only chance of overcoming them lies in root-and-branch reform of Lebanon’s political system and regional alliances. According to Beirut’s governor, total economic losses from the blast may reach $10-15 billion. Yet the Lebanese state is already on the brink of bankruptcy. And, with an incompetent kleptocratic regime running the country, no international lender, including the International Monetary Fund, is willing to offer it loans. To be sure, in the wake of the latest crisis, Lebanon will receive considerable international aid. Already, donors have pledged nearly $300 million in humanitarian assistance at a virtual summit, in order to support health care, food security, education, and housing. That money doesn’t come for free. To keep it from falling into “corrupt hands,” as French President Emmanuel Macron has put it, the aid will be routed through the United Nations, international organizations and NGOs, rather than the Lebanese government. They know that, if the country’s current rulers are in control of the finances, their contributions will only perpetuate corruption and crisis.", "zh": "黎巴嫩的痛苦 特拉维夫—上周，一座存有3,000吨硝酸铵的仓库发生爆炸，贝鲁特港被夷为平地，整个黎巴嫩首都大部分一片狼藉。 至少137人丧生，数千人受伤，数十万人家园被毁。 对于这个深陷政治和经济危机的国家来说，未来挑战将更加深刻。 克服这些挑战的唯一机会是全面改革黎巴嫩政治制度和地区联盟。 据贝鲁特省长的数据，爆炸总经济损失可达 100-150亿美元。 但黎巴嫩已处于国家破产的边缘。 把持国家的是一个无能的强盗体制，没有国际贷款人，包括国际货币基金组织（IMF ） ， 愿意向它提供贷款。 诚然，在最近的危机中，黎巴嫩将得到可观的国际援助。 目前，捐赠者已在虚拟峰会上承诺近3亿美元人道主义援助，以支持医疗、食品安全、教育和住房。 这笔资金不是免费的。 为避免黎巴嫩陷入法国总统马克龙所谓的“腐败之手 ” ， 援助需由联合国、国际组织和非政府组织经手，不会通过黎巴嫩政府。 他们知道，如果黎巴嫩当前的统治者控制了这笔资金，他们的慷慨只能为腐败和危机续命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "坚决防范和遏制外部势力干预港澳事务，支持港澳发展经济、改善民生，保持香港、澳门长期繁荣稳定。 我们要坚持对台工作大政方针，坚持一个中国原则和“九二共识”，推进两岸关系和平发展和祖国统一。 高度警惕和坚决遏制“台独”分裂活动。 完善保障台湾同胞福祉和在大陆享受同等待遇的制度和政策，促进海峡两岸交流合作、融合发展，同心共创民族复兴美好未来 我们要坚持独立自主的和平外交政策， 积极发展全球伙伴关系，推动构建新型国际关系和人类命运共同体。 坚持开放合作，推动全球治理体系朝着更加公正合理的方向发展。 持续深化国际和地区合作，积极参与重大传染病防控国际合作。", "en": "we will ensure the implementation of the laws and enforcement mechanisms for the two regions to safeguard national security. We will resolutely guard against and deter external forces’ interference in the affairs of Hong Kong and Macao. We will support both regions as they grow their economies and improve people’s lives, so as to maintain the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and Macao. We remain committed to the major principles and policies on work related to Taiwan, to the one-China principle and the 1992 Consensus, and to promoting the peaceful growth of relations across the Taiwan Strait and China’s reunification. We will remain highly vigilant against and resolutely deter any separatist activity seeking “Taiwan Independence.” We will improve the systems and policies for safeguarding the wellbeing of our Taiwan compatriots and ensuring they enjoy the same treatment on China’s mainland as local residents. We will promote exchanges, cooperation, and integrated development across the Taiwan Strait. Together, we can shape a bright future of rejuvenation for our great nation. China will continue to pursue an independent foreign policy of peace. We will actively work to develop global partnerships and promote the building of a new type of international relations and a human community with a shared future. We will continue to pursue the policy of opening up and cooperation and work to make the system of global governance fairer and more equitable. We will continue to deepen international and regional cooperation, and actively participate in international cooperation to prevent and control major infectious diseases."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "着力构建市场机制有效、微观主体有活力、宏观调控有度的经济体制，不断增强我国经济创新力和竞争力。 （一）深化供给侧结构性改革。 建设现代化经济体系，必须把发展经济的着力点放在实体经济上，把提高供给体系质量作为主攻方向，显著增强我国经济质量优势。 加快建设制造强国，加快发展先进制造业，推动互联网、大数据、人工智能和实体经济深度融合，在中高端消费、创新引领、绿色低碳、共享经济、现代供应链、人力资本服务等领域培育新增长点、形成新动能。 支持传统产业优化升级，加快发展现代服务业，瞄准国际标准提高水平。 促进我国产业迈向全球价值链中高端，培育若干世界级先进制造业集群。 加强水利、铁路、公路、水运、航空、管道、电网、信息、物流等基础设施网络建设。 坚持去产能、去库存、去杠杆、降成本、补短板，优化存量资源配置，扩大优质增量供给，实现供需动态平衡。 激发和保护企业家精神，鼓励更多社会主体投身创新创业。 建设知识型、技能型、创新型劳动者大军，弘扬劳模精神和工匠精神，营造劳动光荣的社会风尚和精益求精的敬业风气。 （二）加快建设创新型国家。 创新是引领发展的第一动力，是建设现代化经济体系的战略支撑。 要瞄准世界科技前沿，强化基础研究，实现前瞻性基础研究、引领性原创成果重大突破。 加强应用基础研究，拓展实施国家重大科技项目，突出关键共性技术、前沿引领技术、现代工程技术、颠覆性技术创新，", "en": "We should endeavor to develop an economy with more effective market mechanisms, dynamic micro-entities, and sound macro-regulation. This will steadily strengthen the innovation capacity and competitiveness of China’s economy. 1. Furthering supply-side structural reform In developing a modernized economy, we must focus on the real economy, give priority to improving the quality of the supply system, and enhance our economy’s strength in terms of quality. We will work faster to build China into a manufacturer of quality and develop advanced manufacturing, promote further integration of the internet, big data, and artificial intelligence with the real economy, and foster new growth areas and drivers of growth in medium-high end consumption, innovation-driven development, the green and low-carbon economy, the sharing economy, modern supply chains, and human capital services. We will support traditional industries in upgrading themselves and accelerate development of modern service industries to elevate them to international standards. We will move Chinese industries up to the medium-high end of the global value chain, and foster a number of world-class advanced manufacturing clusters. We will strengthen infrastructure networks for water conservancy, railways, highways, waterways, aviation, pipelines, power grids, information, and logistics. We will continue efforts to cut overcapacity, reduce excess inventory, deleverage, lower costs, and strengthen areas of weakness, and work to achieve a dynamic balance between supply and demand by improving the allocation of available resources and increasing high-quality supply. We will inspire and protect entrepreneurship, and encourage more entities to make innovations and start businesses. We will build an educated, skilled, and innovative workforce, foster respect for model workers, promote quality workmanship, and see that taking pride in labor becomes a social norm and seeking excellence is valued as a good work ethic. 2. Making China a country of innovators Innovation is the primary driving force behind development; it is the strategic underpinning for building a modernized economy. We should aim for the frontiers of science and technology, strengthen basic research, and make major breakthroughs in pioneering basic research and groundbreaking and original innovations. We will strengthen basic research in applied sciences, launch major national science and technology projects, and prioritize innovation in key generic technologies, cutting-edge frontier technologies, modern engineering technologies, and disruptive technologies."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The pandemic has revealed how woefully unprepared our health systems are for shocks and stresses in all forms, whether the short-term surge in COVID-19 infections or the long-term health consequences of climate change. As governments invest in upgrading and strengthening health systems, they must incorporate climate-adaptation and mitigation objectives. The same goes for investments, both public and private, in boosting resilience. As global health authorities and environmental advocates have argued, only when leaders and decision-makers ensure that all aspects of the COVID-19 recovery are “healthy and green” can the post-pandemic “new normal” be one that protects the planet and all its people. Because both the pandemic and climate change are global challenges, with no regard for political borders, international cooperation is essential. The United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) that was supposed to take place in Scotland this November was postponed to 2021. But this should not be allowed to impede progress. Instead, the delay should be regarded as an opportunity for leaders to do their homework and lay the groundwork for a conference that places health considerations at the center of climate negotiations. The 2015 Paris climate agreement mentioned the word “health” only once – in the preamble. COP26 must give rise to an even more ambitious plan combining climate and health imperatives. “Flatten the curve” was the mantra of the early COVID-19 response. To avoid overwhelming health-care systems and buy time to increase their capacity, populations needed to take action to slow the spread of the virus. We should apply the same logic to climate action today, by flattening the curve of greenhouse-gas emissions and our broader ecological footprint, in order to buy time to build sustainable systems. The difference, of course, is that, unlike health care, the planet’s thresholds cannot be changed. We are the ones who must adjust. The pandemic won’t save us, but it could be the catalyst we needed to save ourselves.", "zh": "疫情表明，我们的卫生体系对于冲击和各种压力，完全没有做好准备，不管是COVID-19疫情的短暂爆发，还是气候变化的长期健康后果。 政府在投资升级和强化卫生体系时，必须考虑气候适应和缓解目标。 对于公共和私人的韧性投资也是如此。 全球卫生部门和环境支持者指出，唯有领导人和决策者能够保证COVID-19复苏的各方面都做到“健康且绿色 ” ， 疫情后“新常态”才能保护地球和全体地球人民。 疫情和气候变化都是全球性挑战，它们不会尊重政治边界，因此国际合作至关重要。 原定今年11月在苏格兰召开的联合国气候变化大会（COP26）已被推迟至2021年。 但不能因为这一安排的改变而妨碍进步。 相反，延期应该被视为机会，让领导人做好“功课 ” ， 也为会议奠定基调，让健康考虑作为气候谈判的核心。 2015年巴黎气候协定只提及“健康”一次 — — 在序言中。 COP26必须拿出更加雄心勃勃的计划，将气候与健康工作相结合。 “压平曲线”是早期COVID-19应对措施的核心。 为了避免压垮医疗体系以及为提高医疗体系能力赢得时间，人们必须采取行动延缓病毒传播。 我们应该将同样的逻辑运用于气候行动，压平温室气体排放和总体生态足迹曲线，为构建可持续系统争取时间。 当然，区被在于，和健康问题不同，地球的阈值是不可改变的。 我们才是必须做出调整的一方。 疫情救不了我们，但它可以成为我们拯救我们的催化剂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Long-distance commuters are 33% more likely to suffer from depression, according to a RAND study. Radio host Howard Stern once launched a New York gubernatorial campaign by promising to ban daytime road construction. Stern’s plan no doubt lifted listeners’ spirits and drew some voters. One solution is telecommuting. A Gallup poll reports that 31% of employees now work remotely. Still, something must be done for those who do travel. The answer is not simply more government spending. In a remarkable Boston Globe essay, former US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers documented how bureaucratic bungling and special-interest niggling delayed a repair of the 232-foot (71-meter) Anderson Bridge in Cambridge, Massachusetts by five years and inflated the cost by $5 million. The original bridge, built in 1912, took 11 months to build. There are no “shovel-ready” infrastructure projects when special interests grab hold of the shovels. The NIMBY (“not in my backyard”) mentality that opposes new infrastructure will not subside. When delivery by drone is perfected, NIMBY will become NAMBY: not above my backyard. But alternatives exist. For starters, more cities and states should adopt “congestion pricing,” which makes it more expensive to drive during peak hours.", "zh": "兰德公司(RAND)的一项研究显示，长途通勤者患抑郁症的可能性要高出33 % 。 电台主持人霍华德·斯特恩曾经发起了一场纽约州州长竞选，承诺禁止日间道路建设。 斯特恩的计划无疑振奋了听众的精神，也吸引了一些选民。 一个解决办法是远程办公。 一项盖洛普民意调查显示，31%的员工现在远程工作。 然而，必须为那些旅行的人做点什么。 答案不仅仅是增加政府开支。 在《波士顿环球报》一篇引人注目的文章中，美国前财政部长劳伦斯•萨默斯(Lawrence Summers)记录了官僚作风的拙劣和特殊利益集团的小家子气是如何让马萨诸塞州坎布里奇(Cambridge)一座232英尺(71米)高的安德森大桥(Anderson Bridge)的修复工作推迟了5年，并将成本提高了500万美元。 原桥建于1912年，历时11个月建成。 当特殊利益集团手握“铁锹”时，就不存在“准备就绪”的基础设施项目。 反对新建基础设施的邻避 ( “ 没建在自家后院 ” ) 心态不会消退。 当无人机送货变得完美时 ， “ 邻避”就会变成“NAMBY ” : 不在自家后院上空飞过。 然而，选择仍然存在。 首先，更多的城市和州应该采用“交通拥堵收费”的模式，这将使高峰时段的驾驶成本更高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A COVID-19 Response for the World’s Poor LONDON – G20 leaders urgently need to reconvene to agree on an enhanced and more strongly coordinated global response to the COVID-19 crisis. Although lockdowns are being eased in many places, the daily number of new COVID-19 cases worldwide recently reached its highest level yet, while the pandemic’s devastating economic toll continues to mount as new epicenters arise in the emerging and developing world. We are at a critical moment, because the poorest countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are facing economic and public-health emergencies that demand immediate action. A diverse group of middle-income economies need help, too. Together, these countries represent nearly 70% of the world’s population and account for approximately one-third of global GDP. Their needs will grow more acute in the months and years ahead. The International Labor Organization expects that global working hours in the second quarter of 2020 will be 10.5% below pre-crisis levels, equivalent to the loss of more than 300 million full-time jobs. And, for the first time this century, global poverty is rising. Indeed, a global recession could reverse up to three decades of improvements in living standards and, according to one estimate, push 420-580 million people worldwide into poverty. The World Food Program, moreover, has warned that COVID-19 will likely double the number of people suffering from acute hunger, to 265 million. The pandemic has also given rise to the greatest education emergency of our lifetime, with 1.7 billion children – more than 90% of the global total – having been out of school because of lockdowns. In poor countries, many may never go back. Millions of children who no longer receive school meals are going hungry, and cash-strapped governments are reducing education aid. This global economic and social emergency will not end until we overcome the global health emergency. And that will require overcoming it in all countries. We welcome the pledges totaling $8 billion at a special May 4 virtual summit to develop COVID-19 vaccines, diagnostics, and treatments, and we urge governments and other donors to pay these contributions immediately. But much more needs to be done. Global coordination is particularly important in the development, mass manufacture, and equitable distribution of any eventual vaccine.", "zh": "为世界贫困人口提供新冠应对措施 伦敦—20国集团（G20）领导人迫切需要再次召开会议，就加强和有力地协调全球应对2019冠状病毒病危机达成一致。 尽管许多地方已经放松了封锁，但最近世界范围内每天新冠肺炎病例新增的数量达到了迄今最高水平，而随着新兴和发展中国家出现新的疫情中心，这场大流行造成的毁灭性经济损失继续上升。 我们正处于关键时刻，因为非洲、亚洲和拉丁美洲最贫穷的国家正面临经济和公共卫生紧急情况，需要我们立即采取行动。 各类中等收入经济体也需要帮助。 这些国家加起来占世界人口的近70 % ， 约占全球GDP的三分之一。 在未来的数月和数年里，他们的需求将变得更加迫切。 国际劳工组织(International Labor Organization)预计，2020年第二季度全球工作时间将比危机前的水平低10.5 % ， 相当于失去3亿多个全职工作岗位。 而且本世纪以来，全球贫困人口首次出现增长。 事实上，全球经济衰退可能会逆转长达30年的生活水平改善。 而且据一项估计，全球将有4.2亿至5.8亿人陷入贫困。 此外，世界粮食计划署（World Food Program）警告说，2019冠状病毒病可能让遭受严重饥饿的人数增加一倍，达到2.65亿人。 大流行还引发了我们一生中最严重的教育紧急情况，有17亿儿童因封锁而失学，占全球儿童总数的90%以上。 在贫穷的国家，许多人可能再也回不去了。 数以百万计的儿童因不再享有学校的伙食而正在挨饿，资金短缺的政府正在减少教育援助。 只有解决全球卫生紧急状况，这一全球经济和社会紧急情况才会结束。 而且这需要所有国家共同克服。 我们欣然接受在5月4日的特别云端峰会上作出总额为80亿美元的承诺，以用于2019冠状病毒病疫苗研发、诊断和治疗。 我们敦促各国政府和其他捐助方立即支付这些捐款。 但还有更多的工作要做。 全球协调在任何终版疫苗的研发、大规模生产和公平分配方面尤其重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the question was how we could do a multistory, contemporary building with these principles. The next challenge was when we looked at the site, that is, in a really growing area of the city, where most of these buildings that you see in the image, they were not there. And it's also between two parallel streets that don't have any connection for hundreds of meters. So the first thing we did was to create a connection between these two streets, putting all the entrances of the building. And this extends with an inclined atrium that creates an open-air space in the building that self-protects itself with its own shape from the sun and the rain. And around this void we placed this idea of the market with small shops, that change in each floor because of the shape of the void. I also thought, how to close the building? And I really wanted to find a solution that would respond to the local climate conditions. And I started thinking about the textile like a shell made of concrete with perforations that would let the air in, and also the light, but in a filtered way. And then the inspiration came from these beautiful buttons of the Ethiopian women's dresses. That they have fractal geometry properties and this helped me to shape the whole facade. And we are building that with these small prefabricated pieces that are the windows that let the air and the light in a controlled way inside the building. And this is complemented by these small colored glasses that use the light from the inside of the building to light up the building at night. With these ideas it was not easy first to convince the developers because they were like, \"This is not a shopping mall. We didn't ask for that.\" But then we all realized that this idea of the market happened to be a lot more profitable than the idea of the shopping mall because basically they had more shops to sell.", "zh": "但是问题是, 我们怎么才能在这样一个 当代多层建筑中贯彻这些理念呢? 第二个挑战就是当我们开始设计的时候, 这是一座快速发展的城市, 你们在照片上看到的很多建筑物, 在我们设计的时候 根本不存在. 而且这座建筑前后靠着的两条平行街道, 在前后几百米都没有小路可以连通. 于是我们首先要做的就是 利用我们这座建筑物的 所有出入口, 将这两条路连起来. 然后我们通过一个倾斜的中庭的设计, 创造了一个开放的建筑空间, 而且这种设计能够通过自身的形状避免下面的行人 受到日晒雨淋. 围绕着这些空洞, 我们划分出很多的小商铺, 基于我们小集市的想法. 每层的商铺的布局都是随着空洞的形状不同而不同. 我思考的另一个问题是, 建筑物的外墙如何装饰? 而且我真的希望能够找到一种装饰设计, 能够适合当地的气候条件. 我开始设想一种纹理结构, 用带有穿孔的水泥制成, 能够用一种受控的方式, 让外界的光线和空气能够进入建筑物中. 我们从埃塞俄比亚妇女美丽的传统服装的图案上得到了灵感. 这些图案中包含了一些几何形状的 纹理片段, 我将类似的问题铺满了整个外墙. 我们铺外墙使用的 是这些小的预制材料, 这些窗户能够让空气和光线 按照我们控制的方式进入建筑物. 为了实现这点, 我们使用这些小的有色玻璃, 利用建筑物内部的光源, 在夜间照亮整个建筑. 但是我们的这些想法一开始并没有打动建造者, 他们的反应类似于, \"这根本不是商场. 这不是我们想要的.\" 但是随后我们都认识到, 这种设计方案 比传统的购物商场的方案更加的能赚钱, 因为这种设计方案能够出售的店铺数量更多."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Green innovation is flourishing in many places, yet without a broader exchange of data and ideas, too many grassroots projects will never take off. A good analogy is to open-source programming. With open digital platforms to facilitate collaboration among non-governmental organizations, businesses, and governments, innovations to address climate change can be treated as global public goods, and made available for rapid adoption to match supply with demand. Achieving carbon neutrality in 30-40 years implies that Asian societies will undergo a far-reaching scientific, economic, financial, technological, and environmental transformation. No citizen will be spared from the effects, so all must be involved. Public commitments by governments are not enough. The challenge now is to envision what a net-zero trajectory actually means for the next 3-5 years, so that we can start tracking our progress. Which policy measures are most urgent? How should we sequence our investments to yield the largest multiplier effect? What do we need to stop doing within the next three years to salvage the capital that will be left in stranded assets, and how can we ensure that vested interests do not block change? Some of these issues will be easier to resolve than others. We must continue to build infrastructure and transportation systems to support low-carbon outcomes, retrofit buildings for energy efficiency and improved indoor health, and set rules for green construction and urbanization. And we must start now.", "zh": "绿色创新正在遍地开花，但如果不进行广泛的数据和思维交流，许多草根项目永远无法启动。 一个很好的类比是开源编程。 有了开放数字平台便利非政府组织、企业和政府之间的合作，解决气候变化的创新可以获得全球公共品待遇，迅速普及以匹配共计和需求。 在三四十年内实现碳中和意味着亚洲社会需要经历重大科学、经济、金融、科技和环境转型。 没有人能摆脱影响，因此所有人都必须参与。 光有政府的公开承诺是不够的。 现在的挑战是着眼于净零轨迹对于未来3-5年真正意味着什么，以便我们能够开始跟踪我们的进展。 哪些政策措施最为紧迫？ 我们如何排序投资以获得最大的乘数效应？ 未来三年我们需要怎么做才能拯救搁浅资产中的资本，如何确保既得利益不会从中作梗？ 其中一些问题解决起来比较容易，也有一些比较困难。 我们必须继续构建基础设施和交通系统支持低碳成果，提高建筑能源效率，改善室内健康，并制定绿色建筑和城市化规则。 并且必须从现在开始。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But China’s development and acquisition of advanced weapons, including precision anti-ship missiles, makes it implausible that the US can maintain its forces’ decades-long invulnerability in the region, including the ability to operate with impunity near China’s shores. Given China’s own history of vulnerability to foreign intervention, unilateral US efforts to maintain overwhelming offensive superiority would only trigger an increasingly destabilizing arms race. Some American strategists advocate a largely technological solution to this dilemma. Their approach, a concept called “Air-Sea Battle,” implies a mix of defensive and offensive tools to address the new challenges posed by the proliferation of precision-strike weaponry. Officially, the Pentagon does not direct the concept of “Air-Sea Battle” against any particular country. For example, Iran’s possession of precision-strike capabilities – and a much more hostile relationship with America – would warrant new US initiatives to cope with growing security vulnerabilities. But it is clearly China, which has the resources to develop a credible anti-access/area-denial strategy, that most worries US military planners. Some Air-Sea Battle proponents propose tactical preemptive strikes on missile launchers, radars, command centers, and perhaps also air bases and submarine ports. Moreover, many of these attacks would be carried out with long-range weapons based on US territory, rather than at sea or on the territory of regional allies, because these assets would be less vulnerable to preemptive attacks themselves.", "zh": "但中国对先进武器的开发和购买 — — 包括精确反舰导弹 — — 意味着美军不再能够保持几十年来在该地区不可战胜的优势，包括靠近中国海岸行动而不受影响的实力。 考虑到中国历史上曾经对外部干涉毫无还手之力，美国单方面维持压倒性攻势的做法只能导致让该地区日益动荡的军备竞赛。 一些美国战略家建议用技术解决这一难题。 他们的方针 — — 所谓的“空海战 ” （ Air-Sea Battle）概念 — — 需要结合进攻和防御力量解决精确打击武器扩散带来的新挑战。 五角大楼从未正式将“空海战”概念针对某个特定国家。 比如，伊朗拥有精确打击能力 — — 并且与美国的关系要敌对得多 — — 意味着美国必然要采取新措施应对日益严峻的安全问题。 但是，显然，拥有发展可信反进入和区域阻绝战略的资源的中国才是令美国军事计划者最担心的国家。 一些空海战支持者建议对导弹发射架、雷达、指挥中心甚至机场和潜艇港口采取战术先发制人打击。 此外，这些打击中有许多将从万里之外的美国领土发动，而不是从海上或地区盟友领土上发动，以使这些武器资产本身不易受到先发制人打击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the short run, the world needs to contend with an Iran that is an imperial power, one that seeks to remake large swaths of the Middle East in its image. What is needed is a policy of containment of Iran across the region – including support for the Kurds in northern Iraq and Syria, as well as of other groups and countries that are pushing back against Iran. In the longer run, the challenge is to deal with the JCPOA’s flaws, above all with its sunset provisions. The agreement “parked” the nuclear problem, rather than resolving it. Important provisions of the accord will expire in either eight or 13 years. At that time, inspections will not prevent Iran from putting in place many of the prerequisites of a nuclear weapons program that could be made operational with little warning. It cannot be assumed, as some do, that Iran’s intentions and behavior will moderate over the next decade or 15 years. On the contrary, Iran is more likely to remain a hybrid regime in which a government coexists with a permanent religious authority and with powerful military forces and intelligence units that exercise considerable political influence and largely operate outside the government’s control. Dealing with an ambitious and powerful Iran thus entails a broad range of other open-ended challenges that define the ever-turbulent Middle East. Without the JCPOA, however, those challenges would become even more daunting.", "zh": "在短期，世界需要与作为帝国主义力量、寻求在中东打造庞大势力范围的伊朗角力。 世界需要在整个地区内遏制伊朗的政策 — — 包括支持伊拉克北部和叙利亚的库尔德人以及其他反抗伊朗的组织和国家。 在长期，挑战在于如何应对JCPOA的缺陷，特别是其中的日落条款。 该协定“挂起”了核问题，而没有解决它。 协议的重要条款将在八年或13年后失效。 到那时，检查员就不能阻止伊朗部署多种核武器计划的前提条件，并且伊朗在不做出警告的情况下就可以启动计划。 一些人认为，在未来十年或15年中，伊朗的意图和行为将保持温和。 不能做出这样的假设。 相反，伊朗更有可能保持混合制度，政府与永久性宗教当局共存，同时，强大的军事力量和情报机构拥有巨大的政治影响力，并基本不为政府所控制。 因此，对付一个野心勃勃的强大的伊朗将引出其他一系列有无限多种可能的挑战，它们将构成更加动荡的中东。 但是，没有JCPOA，这些挑战会变得更加艰巨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Cambodia Throws a Wrench into Trump’s Trade War PARIS – The US Department of Homeland Security has fined several companies for evading President Donald Trump’s tariffs on imports from China by rerouting them through Cambodia’s Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone. The Chinese-owned SSEZ highlights how Cambodia, acting as China’s compliant and corrupt colony, threatens the enforcement of Trump’s tariffs and, more broadly, US interests in the region. China is Cambodia’s largest aid donor, investor, and creditor, and Sihanoukville – Cambodia’s only deep-sea port, through which about 70% of the country’s trade moves – is the first link in the chain of China’s massive transnational infrastructure investment scheme, the Belt and Road Initiative. But, far from becoming rich from BRI investments, Cambodia is being crushed by them. Chinese businesses operating in the SSEZ buy and sell from one another, meaning that local people do not see any of the wealth they bring to Cambodia. On the contrary, living conditions for Cambodians in fast-growing Sihanoukville are deteriorating rapidly, owing to a lack of effective land-use planning or community-focused investment. Just this month, a seven-story Chinese-owned building in the city collapsed, killing at least 18 people, with others still missing. At the end of May, a Chinese-owned hotel and casino was forced to close, after the environmental group Mother Nature Cambodia discovered that it had been deliberately pumping raw sewage into the sea. Urban planners predict that, within 30 years, Sihanoukville will have a million inhabitants – and be a failed city.", "zh": "柬埔寨干扰特朗普的贸易战 巴黎—美国国土安全部已对数家公司课以罚款，因为它们借道柬埔寨西哈努克城经济特区，规避美国总统特朗普的对华关税。 中国人所有的西哈努克城经济特区突显出，柬埔寨作为中国顺从而腐败的殖民地，如何威胁到特朗普的关税以及美国在整个地区的整体利益。 中国是柬埔寨最大的贸易出资人、投资者和债权人，而西纳努克成作为柬埔寨—柬埔寨仅有的深水港，全国大约70%的贸易需要通过此地进行—是中国庞大的跨国基础设施投资计划一带一路计划的第一环。 但是，柬埔寨并没有因为一带一路投资而变得富有，而是蒙受了巨大的冲击。 在西哈努克城经济特区经营的中国企业彼此交易，这意味着本地人看不到它们给柬埔寨带来任何财富。 相反，因为缺乏有效的土地使用规划和以社区为中心的投资，柬埔寨增长最快的西哈努克城的生活水平在急剧恶化。 就在本月 ， ； 一栋中国人所有的七层建筑物倒塌，至少18人死亡，还有一些人失踪。 5月底，一家中国人所有的饭店兼赌场被迫关门，因为环保组织大自然母亲柬埔寨（Mother Nature Cambodia）发现其将污水直接排入大海。 城市规划部门预计，不出30年，西哈努克城将居民将达到一百万，并且成为一座失败之城。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The war in Iraq, launched in March 2003, did not go as intended or predicted by the Bush administration and the many in Congress (including then-Senator Joe Biden) and around the country who supported it. The US was unprepared for much of what was to come. Initial military victories ousted the government but soon gave way to widespread violent turmoil and civil war. Decisions to disband the Iraqi military and exclude from government jobs many of the Iraqis who had been associated with the previous regime exacerbated an already chaotic situation. More fundamentally, Iraq, like Afghanistan, demonstrated the limits of what military force could accomplish at a reasonable cost and in a reasonable timespan. In the end, the US was forced to increase its military presence to nearly 170,000 troops to sustain the embattled successor government in Baghdad. A degree of stability was achieved, but at an enormous cost. The US spent at least as much there as in Afghanistan, but at a much higher human cost: more than 4,000 American soldiers killed, many times that number wounded, and soaring suicide rates among US troops (both in Iraq and Afghanistan). And this total excludes private contractors and Iraqi casualties, for which estimates vary widely but which certainly total several hundred thousand. The war in Iraq also weakened the US in other ways. There was never any evidence that Iraq was involved in the 9/11 attacks, and America’s reputation suffered further when its stated rationale for launching a war without UN support – to eliminate Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction – turned out to have no basis in reality. Images of US soldiers mistreating Iraqi prisoners further tarnished the country’s reputation. Moreover, an Iraq at war with itself meant that Iran emerged as the most powerful country in the region (or one of two if Israel is included). Since the war, Iran has increased its sway over Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon. Iraq and Afghanistan also proved to be major strategic distractions. While the US was heavily involved in the Middle East and South Asia, regions that lacked any great-power presence or economic dynamism, the geopolitical balance moved against the US in both Europe and East Asia thanks to the emergence of a more aggressive Russia and a more capable and assertive China.", "zh": "2003年3月所发动的伊拉克战争并未如布什政府、许多国会议员（包括时任参议员乔·拜登）以及全国各地支持这场战争的人所愿。 美国根本没有预料到后来的局面。 最初的军事胜利推翻了政府，但却很快就让位于普遍的暴力动乱和内战。 解散伊拉克军队并排斥曾与前政权相关的许多伊拉克人参加政府工作的决策进一步恶化了本已混乱的局面。 更重要的是，像阿富汗一样，伊拉克同样证明，以合理成本及时间跨度凭借军事力量所能完成的目标非常有限。 最终，为维持陷入困境的巴格达继任政府，美国被迫增派了近170,000名士兵的军事存在。 美国以巨大的代价在一定程度实现了稳定的局面。 美国在伊拉克的开销至少与阿富汗相当，但却付出了高得多的人员成本：有超过4，000名美国士兵被杀，而伤者则是这个数字的许多倍，而且美军士兵的自杀率不断飙升（无论是在伊拉克还是阿富汗 ） 。 而且，这个总数还不包括私人承包商和伊拉克人的伤亡，尽管在这方面的估计差异巨大，但可以肯定总数高达数十万人。 伊拉克战争还以其他方式削弱了美国的信誉。 从未有任何证据表明伊拉克曾参与9/11事件，而当美国在未获联合国授权的情况下发动战争，且其销毁萨达姆大规模杀伤性武器的公开理由被事实证明毫无依据时，也进一步损害了美国的声誉。 美国士兵虐待伊拉克囚犯的画面导致美国的声誉进一步受损。 此外，伊拉克内战导致伊朗成为该地区最强的国家（或者说两强之一，如果算上以色列 ） 。 自战争爆发以来，伊朗逐步增加了其在伊拉克、叙利亚、也门和黎巴嫩的影响力。 事实证明，伊拉克和阿富汗都是非常重要的战略扰动因子。 在美国大规模介入中东和南亚等缺乏大国存在和经济活力的地区之时，由于更具侵略性的俄罗斯和更强大自信的中国浮出水面，导致欧洲和东亚地区的地缘政治平衡逐渐变得对美国不利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "(Ironically, Cavallo would resort to a very different inflation-fighting strategy – based on a fixed exchange rate and full currency convertibility – when he assumed office in perennially high-inflation Argentina during the 1990s.) The theory has even received some empirical support in particular cases. That is why ridiculing currently unfashionable ideas on inflation as “science denial” akin to rejecting COVID-19 vaccines, as some prominent economists have done, is so misplaced. In fact, when a particular claim about the real world appears inconsistent with existing theories, this is often an invitation for a young, smart economist to demonstrate that the claim can indeed be justified, under certain specific conditions. The true science of economics is contextual, not universal. What might a contextual approach to inflation imply today? Current inflation in the US and many other advanced economies differs significantly from the inflation of the late 1970s. It is neither chronic (so far), nor driven by wage-price spirals and backward indexation. Inflationary pressure seems to derive largely from a transitory set of factors, such as the pandemic-related reallocation of spending from services to goods, and supply-chain and other disruptions to production. While expansionary monetary and fiscal policies have boosted incomes, these policies, too, are temporary. The alternative would have been a dramatic collapse in employment and living standards. Under current circumstances, then, policymakers in developed countries should not over-react to the spike in inflation.", "zh": "（讽刺的是，当卡瓦洛在 1990 年代就职于长期处于高通胀率的阿根廷时，他采用了一种截然不同的抗通胀策略 — — 基于固定汇率和完全的货币可兑换性的策略。 ）在一些特定的情况中，该理论甚至得到了一些实证支持。 正因如此，奚落当下关于通货膨胀的不合时宜的想法为类似于拒绝新冠疫苗的“科学否认 ” （ 如一些著名经济学家所做的那样）是错误的。 事实上，当一个关于现实世界的特定主张似乎与现有理论不一致时，往往需要一位年轻、聪明的经济学家来证明这一主张在某些特定条件下确实成立。 真正的经济学科学要依情境而定，而非放之四海而皆准。 那么今天的通胀情境方针是什么？ 美国和其他许多发达经济体当前的通货膨胀与 1970 年代后期的通货膨胀有很大不同。 它既不是长期的（到目前为止 ） ， 也不是由工资-价格螺旋和后置指数化驱动的。 通胀压力似乎主要来自一系列暂时性因素，例如与疫情相关的支出再配置 — — 从服务到商品，以及供应链和其他生产破坏。 扩张性货币和财政政策增加了收入，但这些政策也是暂时的。 另一种选择是就业和生活水平急剧下降。 因此，在当前情况下，发达国家的政策制定者不应对通胀飙升做出过度反应。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I know a family of seven sisters and one brother, and that one brother, he has migrated to the Gulf countries, to earn a living for his seven sisters and parents, because he thinks that it will be humiliating if his seven sisters learn a skill and they go out of the home and earn some livelihood. So this brother, he sacrifices the joys of his life and the happiness of his sisters at the altar of so-called honor. And there is one more norm of the patriarchal societies that is called obedience. A good girl is supposed to be very quiet, very humble and very submissive. It is the criteria. The role model good girl should be very quiet. She is supposed to be silent and she is supposed to accept the decisions of her father and mother and the decisions of elders, even if she does not like them. Otherwise, she will be called disobedient. And what happens at the end? In the words of a poetess, she is wedded, bedded, and then she gives birth to more sons and daughters. And this vicious cycle goes on, goes on.", "zh": "我知道有一户家庭里有七个女儿，一个儿子， 那个唯一的儿子 已经移民到中东海湾地区， 去挣钱养活七个姐妹 和他的父母。 因为他认为， 如果他的七个姐妹学会了一些技能， 可以离开家 挣点钱，这将是对他的羞辱。 所以这位儿子， 牺牲了自己的生活的快乐， 也摧毁了他姐妹的幸福生活， 只为了维护所谓的荣耀。 在重男轻女的社会里， 还有一项常态， 那就是服从。 一个好的女孩应该是 非常安静，非常谦虚， 并且非常顺从。 这是准则。 好女孩的榜样必须是非常安静的。 她必须处于沉默的状态， 无条件接受一切 来自父母的， 长者的决定， 即使她不喜欢那些决定。 如果她要嫁给一个自己不喜欢的男人， 要不然，她就会被众人称作\"违抗命令\"。 这样的结局会是什么？ 用诗人的话说， 结婚并同床， 然后她生下更多的儿子和女儿， 这种恶性循环一直持续。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The branches in Bruges and London were the most problematic, in part because of the geographical distance, but also because they needed to interact constantly with strong and unpredictable states. As a consequence, the Medici bank’s local agents needed to lobby intensively, offering concessions to rulers in exchange for favors, such as permission to export the goods (wool) whose trade they were financing. This led them to lend more and more to governments, which used the money for their own purposes. But the Medici bank’s financing of the English Wars of the Roses introduced a critical financial weakness. Because the London branch needed to lend ever-larger amounts to Edward IV for wars and dowries to secure political alliances, the first branch agent gave up in disgust. But he was replaced by Gherardo Canigiani, who became a devoted follower of the king – at the expense of the bank’s interests. In the end, the partnership had to be wound up in bankruptcy. The Medici bank – which failed completely a few years later – served as an exemplary lesson for Niccolò Machiavelli, whose History of Florence attributed the bank’s downfall to the fact that its branch managers had started to act as princes themselves. This story was then re-purposed by Adam Smith to show how government enterprises (as the Medici bank had become) were corrupt and wasteful, allowing Lorenzo the Magnificent to use “the revenue of the state of which he had the disposal.” Shakespeare also offered a word of caution.", "zh": "其中，布鲁日与伦敦的分支机构是问题最严重的，部分原因是地理距离，但也因为它们需要不断地与那些强大而不可预测的邦国互动。 因此，美第奇银行的当地代理人需要进行大量游说，向统治者提供让步以换取好处，比如允许他们出口货物(羊毛 ) ， 而这些货物正是他们所资助的贸易。 这导致他们把越来越多的钱借给政府，而政府把钱用于自己的目的。 但是美第奇银行为英国玫瑰战争提供的资金，带来了一个严重的财政短板。 因为伦敦分行需要借给爱德华四世更多的钱用于战争和嫁妆，以确保政治联盟，第一个分行的代理人因对此厌恶而放弃。 但盖拉尔多·卡尼贾尼取代了他，成为国王的忠实追随者 — — 并牺牲了银行的利益。 最后，合伙企业不得不以破产告终。 尽管几年后彻底失败，美第奇银行还是为尼科洛·马基雅维利提供了一个典范。 马基雅维利的《佛罗伦萨史》将美第奇银行的垮台归因于其分行经理开始扮演王子的角色。 后来，亚当·斯密(Adam Smith)重新用这个故事来说明政府企业(就像美第奇银行一样)是如何腐败和浪费的，从而让“洛伦佐大帝 ” ( Lorenzo the Magnificent)使用“他可以支配的国家收入 ” 。 莎士比亚也提出过警告。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "万立明，现任同济大学马克思主义学院教授，博士生导师，复旦大学历史学博士、经济学博士后，上海市阳光学者。 上海市委讲师团“四史”专家宣讲团成员，江西财经大学九银票据研究院高级研究员、中国经济史学会、中国现代史学会和上海市人民政协理论研究会会员，杨浦区社会主义学院客座教授，2017年同济大学第四期名课优师。 在《近代史研究》、《中共党史研究》、《中国经济史研究》、《自然辩证法研究》、人民日报内刊《党建参阅》、《解放日报》等期刊及以书代刊的各类论文集发表学术论文100余篇，出版《中国共产党公债政策的历史考察及经验研究》和《民主革命时期中国共产党领导的科技事业研究》等个人专著4部，主编教材或文献资料集2部。", "en": "Liming Wan is a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the School of Marxism, Tongji University, Doctor of History and Postdoctoral Fellow of Economics at Fudan University, and the Shanghai Sunshine Scholar. Member of the \"Four History\" Expert Lecture Group of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of Lecturers, Senior Researcher at Jiuyin Bills Research Institute of Jiangxi University of Finance and Economics, Member of Chinese Economic History Society, Member of Chinese Society of Modern History, Member of Shanghai People's Political Consultative Conference Theoretical Research Association, Visiting Professor at Yangpu District Institute of Socialism, 2017 Tongji University Class Excellent Teacher. Over 100 academic papers have been published on a variety of journals and dissertation collections, including Modern Chinese History Studies, CPC History Studies, Researches In Chinese Economic History, Studies in Dialectics of Nature, Party Construction Reference, Liberation Daily. And he has published 4 monographs including Historical Investigation and Empirical Research on the Public Debt Policy of the Communist Party of China, Research on the Scientific and Technological Causes Led by the Communist Party of China during the Democratic Revolution, and has compiled 2 textbooks or literature collections."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Testing the Limits of Fossil Fuels MILAN – Most people recognize that human activity, primarily the use of fossil fuels, is contributing mightily to an increasing level of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. These gases, particularly CO2, increase the risk of damage to the world’s climate. This means that limits on our consumption of fossil fuels cannot be measured only by the availability of supplies, but must also take account of the environmental costs. Yet considerable uncertainty remains about the magnitude of the impact of rising levels of atmospheric greenhouse gases on temperatures and climate. This uncertainty must be taken seriously when formulating strategies to combat climate change. The high-growth developing countries – Brazil, Russia, India, China, and others in the G-20 – now include more than half the world’s population. If they continue their current strong growth trajectories, as seems likely, they will approach advanced-country levels of income by mid-century or shortly thereafter. At that point, the part of the world’s population with advanced-country income levels ($20,000 dollars or above in today’s dollars) would increase from 16% to 66%. And, if the newly affluent follow the patterns of consumption, energy use, and carbon emissions that accompany high income levels now, the climate change battle will have been lost. Emissions and natural processes that increase atmospheric carbon are known as “flows.” Mitigation attempts to reduce these flows and thus reduce the rate of increase of the stock of carbon in the atmosphere, with the ultimate goal of stabilizing or reducing it to safe levels. Without mitigation, and assuming that the high-growth developing countries reach current advanced-country levels of annual per capita CO2 emissions (10 to 11 tons, though much higher in North America), the current global average of 4.8 tons will almost double in 50 years, to 8.7 tons. This compares poorly with the most recent estimate of a reasonably safe level of CO2 emissions calculated by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. To prevent further climate change, the IPCC believes, emissions should be brought down to 2.3 tons per person globally, or roughly half the current per capita average, in the next 50 to 75 years.", "zh": "测试化石燃料的限度 米兰 — — 多数人承认人类活动，主要是化石燃料的应用，正在使大气中的温室气体含量大幅度增加。 这些温室气体，特别是二氧化碳，使世界气候受损的危险加大。 这意味着不能只用供应量来衡量人类消费化石燃料的极限，而必须将环境成本也纳入到考虑的范畴。 但是大气中不断升高的温室气体对温度和气候的影响程度还存在很大的不确定性。 这种不确定性必须在制定战胜气候变化战略时认真加以考虑。 快速增长的发展中国家 — — 巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国和其它二十国集团成员 — — 现在已经囊括了超过世界半数的人口。 如果它们目前强劲的增长势头持续下去（这种几率似乎很大 ） ， 它们将在本世纪中期或稍晚一些时候在收入水平上接近发达国家。 到那时，达到发达国家收入水平的世界人口（以美元现值计价为20，000美元或更多）将从16%增长到66 % 。 但如果新崛起的富裕阶层效仿现在高收入者的消费、能源使用和碳排放模式，那么气候变化这场战役就失败了。 增加大气中碳含量的排放和自然过程称为“循环流动 ” 。 减排措施试图降低这种循环流动，从而减缓大气中碳储量的增加速度，其最终目的是将碳含量稳定或降低到安全的水平线上。 如果没有减排措施，假设快速增长的发展中国家达到目前发达国家二氧化碳的年人均排放量（10到11吨，虽然北美还要高出很多 ） ， 那么目前全球4.8吨的人均排放量将在50年内实现翻番，达到8.7吨。 这种预测与联合国政府间气候变化工作小组最近通过计算得出的二氧化碳排放合理的安全水平两相比较就显得更加糟糕。 气候变化工作小组（IPCC）认为，为防止进一步的气候变化，全球范围内的排放量应该在未来的50到75年内降低到人均2.3吨的水平，或者降到目前人均排放量的大约一半。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "一想到这里，她的小眉头就皱起来，看来，她要加快速度才行。 思考完正事儿，昨天晚上的疯狂，又映入到脑海中。 乔恋的脸色刷的一下子就红了。 想一想等下要跟他一起面对面吃饭……她感觉心脏都快要从胸膛里跳出来了。 算了，不吃饭了！ 她低着头，猫着脚步，打算溜出去。 就在这时，保姆从厨房走出来，看见她：“太太！ 吃饭了！” 沈凉川听到这话，慢慢扭头看过来，在看见她踮着脚尖的样子时，眉头一挑，就瞅见她立马站直了身体，望着天花板，拉扯了一下胳膊，“啊，我活动下筋骨。”那副样子……是害羞了？ 沈凉川冷冽的脸上多了几丝温度，继续喝粥。 等了一会儿，她才磨磨蹭蹭的走过来，坐在了他的旁边，然后就像是饿死鬼投胎似得，端起碗来大口喝粥，似乎恨不得能一秒钟将早餐吃光，然后去上班。 沈凉川放下筷子，定定看着她。", "en": "As she thought of this, she frowned deeply. It looked like she had to deal with things at a faster pace. After she finished thinking, last night’s crazy events flooded into her mind again. Qiao Lian’s face immediately turned bright red. As she thought about how she had to eat with him face-to-face… she felt her heart almost burst out of her chest. Fine, she wasn’t going to eat! She lowered her head and silently tiptoed, trying to sneak out of the mansion. At this moment, a servant walked out of the kitchen, saw her and said, “Madam! It’s time for breakfast!” When Shen Liangchuan heard the servant’s voice, he slowly turned his head to look in its direction and saw Qiao Lian standing on tiptoes. He raised his eyebrows when he noticed that she had instantly stood stock-still, with her gaze directed at the ceiling. She stretched her arms and said, “Ah, I’m stretching my muscles.” Shen Liangchuan’s cold expression turned a few degrees warmer as he continued eating his porridge. After some time, she walked in, dragging her feet the entire way, and sat beside him. Then, like an extremely hungry ghost, she picked up the bowl and started guzzling the porridge in big gulps by tilting the entire bowl, as though she was determined to finish her breakfast in a matter of seconds and then head to work. Shen Liangchuan put down his chopsticks and stared at her."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sanctions aimed at the Taliban’s leadership have had the unintended counterproductive effect of hampering aid agencies’ ability to raise and spend funds – although there are now welcome signs of movement toward removing these perverse restrictions. To be sure, it is right to stand up for Afghan girls’ education. But, as the Afghan analyst Orzala Nemat of the University of London’s School of Oriental and African Studies recently put it, it is not right to withhold aid for the basic services – food, water, and health care – that keep those girls alive. Whether viewed through Afghan eyes or from the perspective of Western politicians’ self-interest, the current meltdown is a nightmare. Instead of sticking its head in the sand, the international community needs to act. There are three measures in particular that can be taken without rewarding the Taliban. First, money must be made available. The UN will seek to raise $4.5 billion in 2022 to help the most vulnerable in Afghanistan. This plan is a stopgap measure for more than 21 million people who need food, shelter, medicine, and protection. The international community can surely find such a sum. A pledging conference early in the year will help to focus minds on the issue. In addition, the UN Security Council recently adopted a resolution exempting humanitarian activities from the sanctions regime imposed on some Taliban members. The measure provides financial institutions and commercial actors with legal assurances that they will not breach existing sanctions when they engage with humanitarian organizations. Governments and financial institutions must make the most of this fresh opportunity: there can be no more excuses. Second, there needs to be more flexibility in how donor funding can be used. For example, the World Bank holds $1.5 billion in trust for Afghanistan, and recently announced an agreement to transfer $280 million – some to the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) to provide health care, and some to the World Food Programme. The whole fund should now be reprogrammed to help the Afghan people this winter. It should also be possible to use donor funding to pay public-sector workers’ salaries and to help Afghan institutions deliver basic services such as health care and education, and still not be seen as rewarding the Taliban. Such support for essential state functions will give Afghans hope for the future and reason to stay in their country.", "zh": "针对塔利班领导层的制裁产生了意想不到的适得其反的效果，它妨碍了援助机构筹集和使用资金的能力 — — 尽管值得欢迎的迹象表明这些不当限制正在取消。 诚然，支持阿富汗女孩的教育是正确的。 但是，正如伦敦大学东方和非洲研究学院的阿富汗分析家奥尔扎拉·内马特（ Orzala Nemat ）最近所说，不提供维持女孩生存的基本服务 — — 食物、水和医疗保健 — — 的援助是不正确的。 无论是从阿富汗人的眼光来看，还是从西方政客的一己私利的角度来看，当前的危机都是一场噩梦。 国际社会不应把头埋在沙子里，而应该采取行动。 特别是，在不奖励塔利班的情况下，可以采取三项措施。 首先，必须提供资金。 联合国将寻求在 2022 年筹集45亿美元以帮助阿富汗最弱势群体。 该计划是一项权宜之计，服务于2100 万多需要食物、住所、药品和保护的人。 国际社会肯定能找到这样一笔数目。 年初的认捐会议有助于促进对这一问题的关注。 此外，联合国安理会最近通过了一项决议，将人道主义从针对某些塔利班成员的制裁计划中剔除。 该措施为金融机构和商业行动方提供了法律保证，他们在与人道主义组织接触时不会违反现有的制裁。 政府和金融机构必须充分利用这一新机会：不能再找借口了。 其次，在如何使用捐助资金方面需要有更大的灵活性。 例如，世界银行持有15亿美元的阿富汗信托，最近宣布了一项转移 2.8 亿美元的协议 — — 其中一些给联合国儿童基金会 (UNICEF) 提供医疗保健，一些转移给世界粮食计划署。 现在，应该重新规划整个基金，从而在今年冬天帮到阿富汗人民。 使用捐助者的资金来支付公共部门工作人员的工资，帮助阿富汗机构提供医疗保健和教育等基本服务，但仍不被视为奖励塔利班应该也是可能的。 这种对基本国家职能的支持让阿富汗人对未来寄予希望，也有了留在自己的国家的理由。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "True, the European working class, not to mention women, did not have voting rights 200 years ago. But even during the most ruthless phases of Western capitalism, civil society in Europe and the US was made up of a huge network of organizations independent of the state – churches, clubs, parties, societies, and associations that were available to all social classes. In China, by contrast, while individuals have regained many personal freedoms since the death of Maoism, they are not free to organize anything that is not controlled by the Communist Party. Despite communism’s ideological bankruptcy, China has not changed in this regard. The China Model is sometimes described in traditional terms, as though modern Chinese politics were an updated version of Confucianism. But a society where the elite’s pursuit of money is elevated above all other human endeavors is a far cry from any kind of Confucianism that may have existed in the past. Still, it’s hard to argue with success. If anything has been laid to rest by China’s rising wealth, it is the comforting idea that capitalism, and the growth of a prosperous bourgeoisie, will inevitably lead to liberal democracy. On the contrary, it is precisely the middle class, bought off by promises of ever-greater material gains, that hopes to conserve the current political order. It may be a Faustian bargain – prosperity in exchange for political obedience – but so far it has worked. The China Model is attractive not only to the country’s new coastal elites, but has global appeal. African dictators – indeed, dictators everywhere – who walk the plush red carpets laid out for them in Beijing love it. For the model is non-Western, and the Chinese do not preach to others about democracy. It is also a source of vast amounts of money, much of which will end up in the tyrants’ pockets. By proving that authoritarianism can be successful, China is an example to autocrats everywhere, from Moscow to Dubai, from Islamabad to Khartoum. China’s appeal is growing in the Western world as well. Businessmen, media moguls, and architects all flock there.", "zh": "是的，欧洲的工人阶级，更别提妇女了，在200年前并没有选举权。 但是即便在西方资本主义最无情的时期，欧洲和美国的文明社会也是由独立于政府之外的庞大的组织网络组成的，所有的社会阶层都可以参加的教会、俱乐部、政党、团体和协会组织。 相反在中国，尽管自从毛泽东主义消亡以来，人们获得了许多的个人自由，但是他们并不能自由地建立任何不是受到共产党控制的组织。 尽管共产主义的意识形态已经破产了，但是中国在这方面并没有改变。 中国模式有时被以传统的词汇来描述，似乎现代的中国政治是儒学的更新版本。 但是一个其精英分子对于金钱的追求盖过任何其他人类事业之上的社会是根本不能与也许在过去存在过的任何形式的儒学沾上边的。 然而，要指责一个取得成功的事物是很困难的。 如果说有什么被中国的日益富有所埋葬的话，那就是资本主义以及富有的中产阶级人群的扩大会无可避免地导向自由民主的自信想法。 恰恰相反，很显然中产阶级被可以获得更大的物质利益的承诺所收买，希望维持现有的政治秩序。 这也许是一个浮士德式的交易，用富有换取政治上的顺从，但是迄今为止似乎一切都很不错。 中国模式不仅对于这个国家沿海地区新的精英分子具有吸引力，同时它在全球也很有吸引力。 非洲的独裁者们，事实上是各个地方的独裁者都很喜欢这种模式，他们来到北京，受到红地毯的欢迎。 因为这种模式不是西方式的，并且中国人不会向其他人宣扬民主。 同时它还是一个巨额金钱的来源，其中的大部分最后落到了这些独裁者的腰包里。 通过证明独裁也能取得成功，中国俨然成了世界各地，从莫斯科到迪拜，从伊斯兰堡到喀土穆独裁们的榜样。 中国的吸引力在西方世界也变得越来越大。 商人、媒体巨头和建筑师们蜂拥而至。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the first half of 2014, 13% of electricity in Germany came from wind energy alone. Denmark, a country that in the 1970s was almost entirely dependent on energy imports, is now the European Union’s only net energy exporter, often generating more than 100% of its electricity needs from wind power. Meanwhile, advances in energy efficiency are also reducing demand for traditional producers’ exports. Highly efficient buildings often can be easily heated with locally produced renewable electricity and supplied with hot water from solar collectors. The introduction of the Near Zero Energy Buildings standard for new buildings in the EU is set to reduce drastically dependence on gas for heating. The risk is that these rapid changes will combine with destabilizing geopolitics to trigger a retreat from global energy markets. If countries began to define energy security as energy independence and try to supply all their own needs, the result could be expensive overcapacity, massive price distortions, slower technological progress, and weaker economic growth. With the need to maintain trust in the competitive, politically charged, and often unpredictable energy sector both greater than ever and more difficult than ever to meet, an international forum dedicated to addressing concerns and easing tensions could be a powerful tool. But it must have the right focus. For example, it should not aim at producing legally binding decisions. Plenty of bodies, such as the World Trade Organization, the Energy Charter, and the Energy Community, already do an excellent job of developing rules or enforcing compliance in the energy sector.", "zh": "2014年上半年，德国耗电总量的13%都来源于风能一项。 20世纪70年代曾完全依赖于能源进口的丹麦现在成了欧盟唯一一个能源净出口国，风力发电满足了该国100%的电力需求。 同时，节能进步也降低了对传统生产国出口的需求。 高效建筑往往能轻松利用当地出产的可再生能源发电，并依靠太阳能集热器满足热水需求。 欧盟新建筑引入的近零能耗建筑标准注定会使大大降低天然气采暖需求。 风险在于上述快速变化将与地缘政治动荡一道引发全球能源市场衰退。 如果各国开始将能源安全定义为能源独立并试图满足自身的所有需求，其结果可能导致昂贵的产能过剩、大规模价格扭曲、技术进步放缓和经济增长变弱。 为了对充满竞争、政治色彩浓厚且往往不可预知的能源业保持信任，致力于解决问题和缓解紧张局势的国际论坛可能会非常有效。 但论坛所关注的焦点必须恰当。 比方说，论坛不应着眼于达成具有法律约束力的决定。 世贸组织、能源宪章和能源共同体等大量机构已经在能源业制定规则或落实合规管理方面完成了出色的工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "自2002年12月至2004年8月，加入日本国立情报通信研究机构(NICT)横须贺无线通信研究中心UWB(Ultra-Wideband 超宽带)集结型特别研究室，从事IEEE802.15无线个域网(WPAN)的UWB国际标准化、UWB(超宽带)无线通信及网络、无线1394智能家庭网络及″1394-over-UWB″的研究。 2004年9月至2008年2月，加入欧盟（意大利）CREATE-NET研究中心（http://www.create-net.org/），担任其无线通信及网络部门资深研究员(终身)，负责并领导该部门中认知无线电(Cognitive Radio)与UWB(超宽带)技术深度融合的研究(UWB-CR: Ultra-Wideband Cognitive Radio，超宽带认知无线电)，同时具体负责该部门参与及实施欧盟第六(FP6)及第七框架(FP7)跨国研究项目中有关UWB(超宽带)及认知无线通信技术的各项研究课题（FP7 EUWB、FP6 PULSERS2等）。 长期从事无线通信与网络、人工智能、认知通信、绿色通信、复杂网络等领域的研究，已在各种国际核心学术期刊及国际学术会议上合作发表论著及论文计260篇以上，提出IEEE802.15UWB国际标准提案达16项，并拥有3项国际专利。", "en": "From December 2002 to August 2004, he joined the UWB (Ultra-Wideband Ultra-Wideband) Special Laboratory of the National Institute of Information and Communications Research (NICT) Yokosuka Wireless Communication Research Center, engaged in researches on UWB International Standardization of IEEE802.15 Wireless Personal Area Network (WPAN) , UWB (Ultra-Wideband) Wireless Communication and Network, Wireless 1394 Smart Home Network and \"1394-over-UWB\". From September 2004 to February 2008, he joined the European Union (Italy) CREATE-NET Research Center (http://www.create-net.org/) as a Senior Researcher (lifetime) in its wireless communications and network department, and was leading the research on the Deep Integration of Cognitive Radio and UWB, and was also responsible for the department’s participation and implementation of various research topics related to UWB (Ultra-Wideband) and cognitive wireless communication technology (FP7 EUWB, FP6 PULSERS2, etc.) in the European Union Sixth (FP6) and Seventh Framework (FP7) transnational research projects. He has long been engaged in the research of Wireless Communication and Network, Artificial Intelligence, Cognitive Communication, Green Communication, Complex Network and other fields, co-published more than 260 papers and papers in various international core academic journals and international academic conferences, proposed 16 IEEE802.15UWB international standard proposals, and owns 3 international patents."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Johnson is prime minister because he has promised to deliver Brexit by the end of October, recklessly assuring the world that he will take the United Kingdom out of the European Union with or without a deal, and whatever the consequences. Johnson has chosen a government of like-minded anti-European nationalists. His principal adviser, Dominic Cummings, was described by David Cameron, Britain’s prime minister from 2010 to 2016, as a “career psychopath.” Cummings is, alongside Johnson, the most powerful figure in the new government; he is an unelected wrecker who earlier this year was ruled to be in contempt of parliament. Fittingly, if depressingly, he now is masterminding our departure from the EU with or without parliamentary approval. Moreover, the government is scheming to win an election, yet to be announced, on the basis of a “people versus the politicians” campaign. Those who oppose crashing out of the EU without a deal are to be branded as opponents of popular sovereignty. So much for parliamentary democracy. The Johnson government denies the truth about the consequences of a no-deal Brexit, and denounces any attempt to point these out as “Project Fear.” The EU is blamed for the failure of negotiations, even though this was almost entirely the result of choices made by the previous British government. To cap it all, the public is told that if Britain can convince the EU it is prepared to damage itself with “no deal,” then France, Germany, and others will surrender and give us what we want.", "zh": "约翰逊当选首相是因为他承诺在10月底前实现脱欧，不计后果地向全世界保证无论能否达成协议，而且无论承担什么样的后果，他都会将英国带出欧盟。 约翰逊选择了一届志同道合的反欧洲民族主义政府。 其首席顾问多米尼克·卡明斯曾被2010~2016年间担任英国首相的戴维·卡梅伦称之为“职业精神病患者 ” 。 卡明斯和约翰逊共同成为新政府中最有权势的人物；卡明斯是一名未经选举的破坏者，今年初曾被裁定藐视议会。 令人沮丧的事实是，他现在正牢牢把控着我们离开欧盟的进程，而不管能否得到议会的批准。 不仅如此，这届政府正图谋赢得一场以“民众对抗政治家”运动为基础的尚待公布的选举。 那些反对在没有达成协议的情况下退出欧盟的人会被冠之以民众主权的反对者。 议会民主到此为止。 约翰逊政府不承认无协议脱欧后果的真相，并用“恐惧计划”来谴责任何指出这些真相的企图。 欧盟被指应对谈判失败负责，尽管这几乎完全是前任英国政府所做选择的结果。 更糟的是，公众被告知英国可以说服欧盟自己准备承受“无协议”脱欧所带来的损失，而后，法国、德国和其他国家就会投降，并给我们我们想要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bailouts become more expensive and – as in the case of Iceland – may actually be unaffordable. Even when, as in the UK, the cost of losses is not completely ruinous, the direct damage to domestic credit and to broader confidence can be enough to hold back the economy for a half-decade or more. Mervyn King, the former governor of the Bank of England (BoE), is reported to have said, “Banks live globally and die locally.” In other words, when everything is going well, you may be willing to believe that it does not matter where a particular international bank gets its equity funding and in which jurisdiction its debts are issued. But when bad things happen and there is pressure on financial markets, with fear of insolvency in the air, it matters a great deal if you have a claim on an insured bank in the United States or on an essentially unregulated offshore subsidiary. China wants to build up its banks’ international operations. And the British are welcoming an expansion of these activities in London – offering to treat Chinese banks operating there as branches (subject to Chinese regulation) rather than as subsidiaries (subject to British regulation). Mark Carney, King’s successor at the BoE, said, “We are open for business,” in terms of providing liquidity loans to backstop big banks.", "zh": "援助会变得更昂贵，甚至 — — 从冰岛的情形看 — — 实际上无法负担。 在英国，尽管损失成本还没有到毁灭性的地步，但对国内信用和更广义的信心的直接伤害之大足以让经济倒退五年甚至更多。 据报道，前英格兰银行行长默文·金（Mervyn King）曾说过 ， “ 银行生是全球的人，死是本国的鬼 。 ” 换句话说，当一切都好时，你会愿意相信，某家国际银行从哪里获得其股本融资、在哪个司法管辖地发行债务无关紧要。 但当坏事发生、金融市场承压时，空气中将弥漫着对破产的恐惧气息，如果你持有美国的不安全银行或者某实际上不受监管的离岸分支的债权，这将会给你带来大麻烦。 中国希望建立其银行的国际经营网络。 而英国欢迎这些活动在伦敦的扩张 — — 将向在英经营的种子银行提供分行待遇（受中国监管约束 ） ， 而不按子公司对待（受英国监管约束 ） 。 继金担任英格兰银行行长的马克·卡尼（Mark Carney）说，在提供流动性贷款为大银行兜底方面 ， “ 我们采取开放态度 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So my theory is that when you apply media to this pendulum, it starts swinging faster and faster, until it's at both extremes nearly simultaneously, and that effectively blurs the difference between innovation and symbol, between us, the architects, and you, the public. Now we can make nearly instantaneous, emotionally charged symbols out of something that's brand new. Let me show you how this plays out in a project that my firm recently completed. We were hired to replace this building, which burned down. This is the center of a town called the Pines in Fire Island in New York State. It's a vacation community. We proposed a building that was audacious, that was different than any of the forms that the community was used to, and we were scared and our client was scared and the community was scared, so we created a series of photorealistic renderings that we put onto Facebook and we put onto Instagram, and we let people start to do what they do: share it, comment, like it, hate it. But that meant that two years before the building was complete, it was already a part of the community, so that when the renderings looked exactly like the finished product, there were no surprises.", "zh": "我的理论是，当我们将媒体 与这个钟摆结合之后， 摆动速度加快了， 直到摇摆 同时达到两边的极限， 这高效地模糊了， 创新和传统符号间的不同， 我们建筑师和你们公众间的不同。 现在我们可以用全新的事物创建 瞬间产生的情绪化的符号。 让我展示这是怎么进行的 这是我的建筑事务所最近完成的项目。 我们受雇去重建这座被烧毁的建筑。 这座建筑位于小镇派恩斯的中心 小镇位于纽约州的火烧岛。 这是一个度假社区。 我们提出了一个创新大胆的设计建议， 和这个社区出现过的任何形式的建筑都不同， 我们担心会吓到客户， 吓到社区的人们， 于是我们制作了一系列逼真的视觉图片， 把它们放到Facebook 和Instagram上， 让人们去 分享、评论、点赞，或是厌恶它。 这意味着在建筑完工前两年， 它已经是这个社区的一部分了， 所以当完工的作品和视觉图 看起来一模一样的时候， 就不会带来惊讶之感。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, the president-elect – like Democrats more broadly – is not pushing for unfettered free trade and immigration. But he does recognize the foreign-policy benefits of trade cooperation with America’s European allies, and he has pledged to reverse some of the Trump administration’s most controversial immigration policies within days of taking office, as well as to reshape America’s immigration system over the longer term. Biden will also scrap Trump’s approach to climate change, beginning by rejoining the Paris climate agreement on the first day of his presidency. With Trump gone, populist politicians will not only enjoy less domestic legitimacy; governments will face a higher international price for nationalist stances. Trump was a powerful ally for Europe’s nationalist governments, especially in Hungary and Poland. When Poland’s ruling Law and Justice party picked fights with Germany and challenged EU policies on asylum, judicial independence, and much else, it felt confident that, even if its European partners turned on it, Trump would protect it from the likes of Vladimir Putin’s revanchist Russia. With Biden in the White House, the Polish government will feel more pressure to be constructive. The same goes for British Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Trump championed Brexit as an expression of sovereignty and encouraged Johnson to take a tough line with the European Union, dangling the prospect of a bilateral trade deal as a prize.", "zh": "当然，当选总统 — — 以及民主党整体 — — 并没有在推行不受约束的自由贸易和移民。 但他确实认识到与美国的欧洲盟友进行贸易合作的外交政策收益，也承诺上任即取消某些特朗普政府最有争议的移民政策，在长期还将修改美国移民制度。 拜登也将抛弃特朗普的气候变化方针，首先便是在他上台的第一天就重新加入巴黎气候协定 随着特朗普的离去，民粹主义政客不但无法再拥有国内合法性，政府也将因为民族主义立场而遭受更大的国际代价。 特朗普时欧洲民族主义政府的有力盟友，特别是匈牙利和波兰。 当波兰执政党法律与正义党（Law and Justice）与德国作对，挑战欧盟庇护政策、司法独立和其他许多政策时，他们笃信地仍未，即使欧洲盟国因此而攻击它，特朗普也会保护它不会落得普京的复仇的俄罗斯的下场。 随着拜登入主白宫，波兰政府可能会感到更大的压力变得更有建设性。 英国首相约翰逊亦然。 特朗普鼓吹英国脱欧时主权的表达，鼓励约翰逊对欧盟采取强硬立场，把双边贸易协定作为奖赏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Khmer Rouge soldiers beat her father to death, and she remembers being shot at for sport by communist cadres as she and dozens of other peasants scuttled up a mountainside. She now lives one block from S-21. “Human rights are for humans,” she said emphatically when I asked her about Duch's case. “He is a monster.” I once believed that, too. When I first visited Duch’s house of horrors in 1990, I was 15 and full of wonder about the country where I was born but had never lived. My family escaped the Khmer Rouge on April 17, 1975, the day they claimed victory. When my mother and I journeyed home to reunite with relatives who had survived the genocide, S-21 (also known as Tuol Sleng) was among our first stops. By then, the torture facility had been turned into a museum. I remember feeling claustrophobic as I walked down its narrow halls and into classrooms turned into crude cellblocks. The air was stale but heavy with the stench of death in interrogation chambers, barren save for a single bed frame, shackles, and a chair. Flecks of dried blood peeled up from the floor. This was a place where fingernails of countless victims were ripped out, where others were strung upside down and dunked in barrels of water, where many were brutalized with metal prongs and batons. This was a place of utter brokenness. This was Duch’s place.", "zh": "红色高棉的士兵将她的父亲活活打死。 她还记得和十数位农民在山边疾行时被共产党的干部当作靶子练枪。 她现在居住的地方离S-21监狱只有一个街区。 “人权是对人而言的 ， ” 当我问她关于杜赫案的看法时，她强调说 ： “ 他是魔鬼 。 ” 我也曾经坚信这一点。 当我在1990年第一次参观杜赫的恐怖之屋时年仅15岁，对这个随生于此但却未长于此的国度充满了好奇。 我们一家在1975年4月17日“红色高棉”宣布胜利的那一天逃离了他们的魔爪。 当我和母亲重返故土与在大屠杀中幸存的亲友团聚时，S-21(也被称为Tuol Sleng)是我们最先参观的场所之一。 那时，刑讯设施已经被改造成了博物馆。 我记得自己走过狭长的通道进入教室改建的阴森囚室时，感到一种幽闭的恐惧。 浑浊的空气里混杂着审讯室里的死亡气息。 除了一张光秃秃的单人床、枷锁和一把椅子，囚室里别无他物。 凝干的血痂从地面上翻驳起来。 有无数的受害者在这里被拔掉指甲；有的人被倒吊着，头浸在水桶里；还有的人饱受金属耙子与棍棒之苦。 这是一处炼狱。 这是杜赫的地盘。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Oil Becoming Stranded? LONDON – The conventional wisdom regarding the recent plunge in the price of oil is that we are seeing a repeat of the 1985-1986 collapse, when Saudi Arabia ramped up production as part of a dispute with other members of the OPEC cartel. This time, the thinking goes, Saudi Arabia is doing the same in response to its loss of market share to shale-oil production in the United States. But there is another parallel that is even more relevant – with important implications for the long-term price of oil. The recent collapse is reminiscent of a similar dive in the price of coal – which crashed from a brief high of $140 a ton in 2008 to about $40 a ton today – which led some deposits to become “financially stranded,” meaning that the cost of developing them outweighs potential returns. The drop was the result of long-term environmental policies, including programs aimed at mitigating climate change, which undercut demand for coal. Efforts to improve air quality in China, US carbon and mercury emissions standards, cheaper natural gas, and growing investments in renewable energy have all eroded coal’s share of the energy market. A similar mechanism may be at work in the oil market. As pressure grows on governments to take action to combat climate change, demand for fossil fuels is likely to drop, which could result in prices remaining depressed for longer than the industry anticipates – perhaps forever. To be sure, some critics – including the British economist Dieter Helm – dismiss the possibility that assets can become stranded.", "zh": "石油正在搁浅吗 伦敦—传统智慧对近期石油价格暴跌的解释是我们正在重复1985—1986年的崩盘，当时，沙特阿拉伯加大了产量，这是它与其他欧佩克成员国纠纷的一部分。 这一观点认为，如今沙特阿拉伯正在做同样的事，以应对因为美国页岩油生产而失去市场份额的局面。 但另一个相似之处更加重要 — — 并且对石油的长期价格存在重大影响。 最近的油价暴跌让人想起了煤炭价格崩盘 — — 从2008年每吨140美元的短暂高点下跌到今天的每吨40美元左右 — — 煤炭价格崩盘导致一些煤炭储量“财务搁浅 ” ， 即开发它们的成本超过了潜在回报。 煤炭价格下跌的原因是长期环境政策，包括旨在减轻气候变化的措施降低了煤炭需求。 中国改善空气质量的努力，美国碳和汞排放标准，更加廉价的天然气，以及不断增加的可再生能源投资都在遏制煤炭在能源市场上的份额。 石油市场上也许也在发生同样的机制。 随着政府日益感到压力要采取行动遏制气候变化，化石燃料需求可能降低，而这可能导致价格被抑制的时间长于行业预期 — — 也许将永无翻身之日。 诚然，一些批评者 — — 包括英国经济学家迪特·赫尔姆（Dieter Heim ） — —否定了资产价格搁浅的可能性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This suggests that stronger economic – and, thus, employment – growth would reduce the number of workers engaged in independent work. But, regardless of macroeconomic conditions, independent work is likely to account for a rising share of work in the long run, owing to technological advances and individual preferences. While digital platforms for independent work are still in the early stages of their development, and are being used by only 15% of independent workers, they are proliferating and expanding rapidly. McKinsey estimates that 30-45% of the working-age population would prefer to earn an income, whether primary or secondary, from independent work. That trend poses challenges and opportunities for policymakers, workers, and employers. Policymakers need to collect better data on the independent workforce through regular surveys. They must also update how independent workers are categorized, in order to adapt taxation, regulation, and benefits and protections (including anti-discrimination laws and minimum wages) accordingly. The policy issues for high-skill professionals acting as independent agents are not the same as those for low-skill workers selling their services through large digital platforms like Uber. Updating the provision and delivery of benefits may be particularly challenging. Some European countries are tackling the issue by creating new classifications of work, with new benefit systems. British law distinguishes between traditional employees and “workers,” who are entitled to only some employee rights. In the US, there is a growing interest in a system of portable, pro-rated benefits – such as unemployment and disability insurance and pensions – tied to workers, rather than employers. Another option in the US would be new unions or collective organizations (guilds) of workers, both to negotiate the terms of independent-work contracts and to track and organize benefits for workers who serve many clients and employers. Similar systems are already in place for the construction and entertainment industries. Entrepreneurs also have opportunities to create new products and services tailored to the needs of the independent workforce. These could include shared office spaces, financial solutions that smooth out income between work assignments, training programs, and the creation of widely recognized credentials to enable independent workers to advance their work and income opportunities. Employers, for their part, will need to learn when to rely on internal talent and when to turn to independent workers. Many factors will influence that decision, including cost, quality, productivity, and the security of proprietary information.", "zh": "这表明，经济增长 — — 从而就业走强将减少参与独立工作的人数。 但是，不管宏观经济环境如何，从长期看独立工作占总工作的比重可能不断上升，原因就在于技术进步和个人偏好。 尽管为独立工作服务的数字平台仍处于发展早期阶段，并且只被15%的独立工作者使用，但它们正在蓬勃发展，迅速扩张。 麦肯锡估计，30—45%的工作年龄人口将更偏好于从独立工作中获得收入，不论是基本收入还是额外收入。 这一趋势给决策者、工作者和雇主带来了挑战和机遇。 决策者需要通过定期调查收集更好的独立工作者的数据。 他们还必须随时更新独立工作者的分类，据此调整税收、监管和福利与保护（包括反歧视法和最低工资 ） 。 作为独立代理人的高技能职业人士的政策问题与通过优步等大型数字平台出售服务的低技能工作者的政策问题是不同的。 更新条款和提供福利的挑战尤其艰巨。 一些欧洲国家正在通过建立新的工作归类、制定新福利制度解决这个问题。 英国法律区分传统雇员和“工作者 ” ， 后者只能获得部分雇员权利。 在美国，采取与工作者而不是雇主绑定的可转移比例制（pro-rated）福利制度 — — 如失业和残疾保险和退休金 — — 的呼声越来越高。 美国的另一个选择是组成新的工作者工会或集体组织（行会 ） ， 依靠这两者谈判独立工作合同条款并为为众多客户和雇主服务的工作者提供追踪和组织。 类似制度在建筑和娱乐等行业已经出现。 企业家也有机会为独立工作者的需要量身定制新产品和服务。 这些包括共享办公空间、在两份工作之间实现平稳收入流的财务解决方案、培训计划以及提供受到广泛承认的证书以便独立工作者提升工作和收入机会。 至于雇主，他们需要学会在何时依靠内部人才，何时应该雇用独立工作者。 许多因素都将影响这一决定，包括成本、质量、生产率、自有信息的安全等。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the Indian Presidency is a largely ceremonial position: real power is vested in the office of prime minister, and no Dalit has come close to holding that post. Since independence in 1947, a majority of India’s prime ministers have been Brahmins, the highest Hindu caste. Yet the next national elections, due before May 2009, may produce a plausible Dalit contender for the job of prime minister – Kumari Mayawati, the female chief minister of India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh. Since 1991, no Indian governing party has enjoyed a secure parliamentary majority on its own, necessitating multi-party coalition governments. The current Congress Party-led government of Manmohan Singh comprises 20 parties; it succeeded a 23-party coalition headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Atal Bihari Vajpayee. When the election results are declared next year, no one doubts that the first challenge will be to cobble together another coalition. Both the Congress and the BJP will seek to make alliances with the dozens of smaller parties likely to be represented in parliament. But this time they are likely to face a third alternative: Mayawati, whose Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) may command a bloc of at least 50 seats. She has publicly expressed her disdain for both large national parties; she would much rather lead a coalition than join one. And if the electoral numbers break down right, she could conceivably assemble a collection of regional and left-wing parties and stake a claim to rule India. This is a remarkable development: the idea that a Dalit woman could lead India has been inconceivable for 3,000 years. But India’s democracy has opened new pathways to empowerment for its underclasses. The poor and the oppressed may not have much, but they do have the numbers, which is what matters at the ballot box. Dalits and India’s aboriginals (listed in the Constitution as “Scheduled Castes and Tribes”) are entitled to 85 seats in India’s 543-member parliament that are “reserved” for candidates from their communities. Mayawati’s shrewd alliances, including with some members of the upper castes, which propelled her to power in Uttar Pradesh, give her party a fighting chance to win a number of other seats as well.", "zh": "但是，印度的总统基本上是象征性的职位：真正的权力掌握在总理手中，而且从未有贱民的职位曾靠近过总理一职。 自1947年独立以来，大多数的印度总理是由婆罗门人担任的，他们是印度教的最高种姓。 然而，在下次在2009年5月之前将要举行的全国大选中，可能会有一个贱民出来竞争总理的职位-她就是库·玛雅瓦提，印度最大的邦-北方邦-的女性首席部长。 自1991年以来，没有一个印度执政党在议会中曾享有保险的多数席位，也因此必须组成多党联合政府。 目前由曼莫汉·辛格领导的由国大党主导的政府由20个政党组成，上一届政府是由印度人民党的阿塔尔·比哈里·瓦杰帕伊领导的23党联合政府。 当明年选举结果宣布后，没有人会怀疑，首个挑战将是组成另一届联合政府。 国大党和印度人民党都将设法与几十个可能在议会中占有席位的小党组成联盟。 但是，这一次他们很可能面临着第三种选择：玛雅瓦提，其社会报党（ BSP ）可能占有至少50个席位。 她曾公开表示对两个全国性大党不屑一顾;她宁愿领导一个联合政府，而不是加入一个大党。 如果选举人数分配得当，我们可以预料她有可能组合地区性和左翼政党，出任印度总理以领导该国。 这是一个了不起的进展：三千年来，由一个贱民女子来领导印度是无法想象的概念。 但是，印度的民主已开辟了新途径以赋予下层阶级以力量。 穷人和被压迫者所拥有的可能不多，但他们确实拥有人数，而投票时��作用的恰恰是人数。 贱民和印度的原住民（宪法中所列的“贱民和部落 ” ） 在印度的543人组成的议会中有权获得85个席位，这是为他们的社区“保留”的席位。 玛雅瓦提的精明的联盟伙伴们，包括一些上等种姓成员，把她推上了北方邦的权利顶峰，并给了她一个机会去赢得其它一些席位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The ECB, however, is not an issuer; it is an independent agency, and the decision to buy is its own. Furthermore, 80% of the risk will be borne by national central banks individually. Northern European opposition to Eurobonds reflects moral-hazard concerns that monetary activism will discourage structural reforms. But, in the current context of protracted stagnation, the TINA (there is no alternative) argument for reform is losing strength by the day. Absent a visible payoff, reform fatigue is setting in. The new policy mix should combine macro-level support and micro-level change. The argument that QE will destroy fiscal discipline cannot be rejected out of hand, because both its proponents and its adversaries seem to agree that its days are over. But, though it is true that ECB bond purchases will shelter governments from market pressure, such pressure was already fairly ineffective. It is governments’ job to uphold their end of the bargain and ensure that they do not shirk their responsibilities. This is what the EU’s “fiscal compact” is for. Finally, German critics complain that the ECB’s monetary policy is not geared to German economic conditions. This is both true and unavoidable. The ECB is responsible for the eurozone as a whole. Its monetary policy cannot be perfectly suited to all members’ needs all of the time. For the euro’s first ten years, the ECB’s policy was too lax for Spain; now it is too lax for Germany. The ECB should not be blamed for doing its job.", "zh": "而欧洲央行并非发行人；它是一个独立机构，购买决策由其自主做出。 此外，80%的风险将由国家央行分别承担。 北欧对欧元债券的反对体现了对货币积极主义可能阻挠结构改革的道德风险担忧。 但是，在当前长期停滞的背景下，TINA（没有替代方案）的改革观点正在日益式微。 在看不见回报的情况下，改革疲劳正在日益出现。 新政策组合应该兼顾宏观层面的支持和微观层面的变革。 认为量化宽松将破坏财政纪律的观点无法彻底排除，因为其支持者和反对者都同意财政纪律的时代已经过去了。 但是，尽管欧洲央行的债券购买计划确实能缓和政府的市场压力，但这一压力已经没有什么效果。 保守信用和保证不推脱责任是政府的指责。 这也是欧盟“财政契约”的目的。 最后，德国批评者抱怨欧洲央行的货币政策不与德国的经济状况相契合。 确实如此，但这是不可避免的。 欧洲央行要对欧元区整体负责。 其货币政策不可能随时完美契合所有成员国的需要。 对欧元的第一个十年来说，欧洲央行的政策对西班牙太宽松了；如今则是对德国太宽松了。 不应该因此指责欧洲央行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "党支部要担负好直接教育党员、管理党员、监督党员和组织群众、宣传群众、凝聚群众、服务群众的职责， 引导广大党员发挥先锋模范作用。 坚持“三会一课”制度， 推进党的基层组织设置和活动方式创新，加强基层党组织带头人队伍建设，扩大基层党组织覆盖面， 着力解决一些基层党组织弱化、虚化、边缘化问题。 扩大党内基层民主，推进党务公开，畅通党员参与党内事务、监督党的组织和干部、向上级党组织提出意见和建议的渠道。 注重从产业工人、青年农民、高知识群体中和在非公有制经济组织、社会组织中发展党员。 加强党内激励关怀帮扶。 增强党员教育管理针对性和有效性，稳妥有序开展不合格党员组织处置工作。 （五）持之以恒正风肃纪。 我们党来自人民、植根人民、服务人民，一旦脱离群众，就会失去生命力。 加强作风建设，必须紧紧围绕保持党同人民群众的血肉联系，增强群众观念和群众感情，不断厚植党执政的群众基础。 凡是群众反映强烈的问题都要严肃认真对待，凡是损害群众利益的行为都要坚决纠正。 坚持以上率下，巩固拓展落实中央八项规定精神成果，", "en": "In doing so, we will focus on improving the organizational capability of primary-level Party organizations and give priority to enhancing their political functions. Party branches should fulfill their responsibilities for directly guiding, managing, and overseeing their members and for organizing, communicating with, uniting, and serving the people. They should encourage their members to play an exemplary role. We must practice the system of holding Party branch general meetings, meetings of Party branch committees, Party group meetings, and Party lectures. We will develop new ways for setting up primary-level Party organizations and for them to carry out their activities, strengthen the training of their heads, and expand their reach. We must work harder to address the problems that some primary-level Party organizations are weak, ineffective, and marginalized. We will expand intraparty democracy at the primary level, make Party affairs more transparent, and ensure channels are open for Party members to participate in Party affairs, oversee Party organizations and officials, and submit opinions and suggestions to the Party organization at the next level up. We will do more to recruit new Party members from among industrial workers, young people working in agriculture, well-educated groups, and people working in non-public economic entities and social organizations. We will give more incentives, solicitude, and assistance to Party members. We will make our guidance and management of Party members better targeted and more effective, and handle Party members that don’t meet the mark in a prudent and orderly way. 5. Working ceaselessly to improve Party conduct and enforce Party discipline Our Party comes from the people, has its roots among the people, and is dedicated to serving the people. Once the Party becomes disengaged from the people, it will lose its vitality. In improving Party conduct, we must focus on maintaining the Party’s close bond with the people, keep them firmly in mind, develop a closer affinity with them, and keep working to foster stronger public support for the Party’s governance. We must earnestly address all issues the people are strongly concerned about, and resolutely correct any behavior that undermines the people’s interests. Our Party officials should lead by example in consolidating and building on the advances made in implementing the central Party leadership’s eight-point decision on improving Party and government conduct."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US government mischaracterizes the war as a civil war among Syrians, rather than a proxy war involving the US, Israel, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Qatar. In July 2017, US President Donald Trump announced the end of CIA support for the Syrian rebels. In practice, though, US engagement continues, though now it is apparently aimed more at weakening Assad than overthrowing him. As part of America’s continued war-making, the Pentagon announced in December that US forces would remain indefinitely in Syria, ostensibly to support anti-Assad rebel forces in areas captured from ISIS, and of course without the assent of the Syrian government. The war is in fact at risk of a new round of escalation. When Assad’s regime recently attacked anti-Assad rebels, the US coalition launched airstrikes that killed around 100 Syrian troops and an unknown number of Russian fighters. Following this show of force, US Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis disingenuously stated that, “Obviously, we are not getting engaged in the Syrian civil war.” In addition, Israel recently attacked Iranian positions in Syria. The US and its allies should face reality and accept the persistence of Assad’s regime, despicable as it may be. The UN Security Council, backed by the US, Russia, and the other major powers, should step in with peacekeepers to restore Syrian sovereignty and urgent public services, while blocking attempts at vengeance by the Assad regime against former rebels or their civilian supporters. Yes, the Assad regime would remain in power, and Iran and Russia would maintain their influence in Syria. But the US official delusion that America can call the shots in Syria by choosing who rules, and with which allies, would end. It’s long past time for a far more realistic approach, in which the Security Council pushes Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Iran, and Israel into a pragmatic peace that ends the bloodshed and allows the Syrian people to resume their lives and livelihoods.", "zh": "美国政府错误地将这场战争定义为叙利亚人的内战，而不是牵涉到美国、以色列、俄罗斯、沙特阿拉伯、伊朗和卡塔尔的代理战争。 2017年7月，美国总统特朗普宣布停止中央情报局对叙利亚叛军的支持。 但在实践中，美国仍在参与叙利亚战事，尽管现在它显然更注重削弱巴沙尔而不是推翻他。 作为美国后续炮制战端的措施的一部分，五角大楼在12月宣布美军将无限期留驻叙利亚，从表面上看，这是为了支持从伊斯兰国手中夺回的地区的反巴沙尔叛军，显然没有得到叙利亚政府的同意。 事实上，叙利亚战争有可能迎来新一轮升级。 当巴沙尔政权最近打击反巴沙尔叛军时，美国联盟发动空袭，打死大约100名叙利亚军和位置数量的俄军。 在如此展示武力之后，美国国防部长马蒂斯（Jim Mattis）不诚实地声称“显然，我们并不是要介入叙利亚内战 。 ” 此外，以色列最近也袭击了叙利亚境内的伊朗据点。 美国及其盟友应该直面现实，接受巴沙尔政权的长期存在，不管它看起来多么卑劣。 在美国、俄罗斯和其他主要力量的支持下，联合国安理会应该介入叙利亚内战，派遣维和部队恢复叙利亚主权和紧急公共服务，同时阻止巴沙尔政权针对叛军及其平民支持者开展报复行动。 是的，巴沙尔政权将继续保有权力，伊朗和俄罗斯也将保持在叙利亚的影响力。 但美国的官方幻觉 — — 美国可以选择由谁执政，也可以和盟友一起结束他的执政，因此可以在叙利亚呼风唤雨 — — 将不复存在。 早就应该采取更加现实的方针，由安理会敦促沙特阿拉伯、土耳其、伊朗和以色列达成务实的和平，结束流血，让叙利亚人民恢复生活和生计。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But we seem to have a specific “illusion of explanatory depth” – the belief that we possess a more profound causal understanding than we really do. We can be appropriately modest about our knowledge of other things, but not so about our ability to explain the workings of the world. Several factors converge to create this illusion of knowledge. When Leon Rozenblit and I uncovered the illusion and its specificity, we ran an extensive series of studies exploring why explanatory understanding is so vulnerable to a false sense of knowing. All of the factors that we identified are less influential for facts, procedures, and narratives. One important factor underlying the illusion of explanatory depth arises from the richly hierarchical nature of most complex systems, which means that they can be understood at several levels of analysis. One can understand how a computer “works” in terms of the high-level functions of the mouse, the hard drive, and the display while not having any understanding of the mechanisms that enable a cursor to move when a mouse is moved, or allow information to be stored and erased, or control pixels on a screen. This hierarchical structure of complex causal systems seduces us into a sense of understanding at a high level, which is then mistaken for having an understanding at a lower level. A second factor is the false comfort we derive from seeing the parts of a system. The more parts you can see, the more you think you know how those parts actually work.", "zh": "但是，我们似乎存有一种独特的“解释深度错觉 ” 。 这一错觉相信，我们所掌握的有关深奥的因果关系的理解要高于我们的实际理解。 对于其他事物的知识，我们可能适当地谦虚，但是对于解释世界运转的能力并非如此。 几个因素造成了这一错觉。 当我和Leon Rozenblit发现了这一错觉及其特性后，我们进行了一系列的研究来探究为何解释性理解容易产生错误的知识感觉。 我们所指出的所有因素对于事实、手续以及叙述而言影响力要低。 构成解释深度错觉的一个重要因素产生于大多数复杂系统丰富的等级性质。 这意味着可以在几个分析水平进行理解。 人们可以从鼠标、硬盘以及显示器的高等级功能上理解电脑如何“工作 ” ， 而并不理解移动鼠标时光标移动、储存或者清除信息或者控制屏幕分辨率的机制。 这一复杂因果关系系统的等级结构诱使我们感觉具有高水平的理解，而这又使得较低水平的理解被误解为较高水平。 第二个因素是我们从观察到系统的某些部分而得意。 你观察到的部分越多，你就认为你越了解这些部分实际是如何运作的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many of today’s panicky political declarations and climate protests are driven by the widespread belief that the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) told us we have just 12 years left to save the planet. This is at best a fundamental misunderstanding of what the IPCC said. The panel was asked to establish which policies would be needed to achieve the nearly impossible target of keeping temperature rises under 1.5°C. The IPCC answered that this would indeed be almost impossible, requiring a total economic transformation in 12 years. In fact, the IPCC’s last major report said that if we do nothing to stop climate change, the impact will be equivalent to a reduction in overall incomes of 0.2-2% by the 2070s – similar to the effect of one economic recession. Instead of pursuing costly and unrealistic emission-reduction targets, we should respond to climate change by getting the price of future green energy below that of fossil fuels so that everyone can afford to switch. A true transition requires investment in green-energy research and development. Copenhagen Consensus, the center I lead, previously assembled an expert panel of economists, including three Nobel laureates, to discuss solutions to climate change. The panel concluded that R&D spending on green energy should be dramatically increased, to 0.2% of global GDP. This would be a less economically painful and much more effective way to solve the climate problem. Declaring a “climate emergency” generates headlines and makes politicians and activists feel better. But empty rhetoric that ignores economic reality and common sense will not help the planet.", "zh": "今天许多恐慌政治声明和气候抗议活动归根结底都是因为联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会（IPCC）告诉我们，我们仅仅还剩下12年的时间来拯救地球。 即使在最好的情况下，这也是从根本上误解了联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会的言论。 该委员会被要求制定政策，实现将升温控制在1.5摄氏度以下这一基本不可能实现的目标。 专门委员会回应称这的确几乎不可能，需要在短短12年的时间内实现彻底经济转型的目标。 事实上，联合国政府间气候变化专门委员会上一份重要报告称，如果我们不采取措施阻止气候变化，由此造成的影响相当于截止21世纪70年代总收入减少0.2~2 % — —类似于爆发一次经济衰退的影响。 我们应当通过将未来绿色能源价格降至化石燃料之下，以便所有人都能承受转型成本来应对气候变化，而非盲目追求代价高昂且不切实际的减排目标。 真正的转型需要投资绿色能源研发。 我所领导的哥本哈根共识中心此前组建了一个由经济学家组成的专家小组，其中包括三位诺贝尔奖获得者，以探讨如何应对气候变化。 该专家小组的结论是应大幅增加绿色能源研发开支至全球各国生产总值的0.2％左右。 这或许将成为在经济领域解决气候问题不那么痛苦但同时也是更加高效的方法。 宣布“紧急气候状态”能成为新闻头条，从而令政治家和活动人士感觉更好。 但忽视经济现实和常识的空洞言论最终却无法帮助地球。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The consequences of maternal malnutrition are far-reaching, including higher child-mortality rates, more birth defects, increased susceptibility to infection, and specific nutritional deficiencies that can lock a child into a vicious cycle of poor health early in life. Moreover, intrauterine malnutrition can increase the risk of chronic conditions like obesity, diabetes, and cardiovascular disease during adulthood. It is telling that most of the symposium’s 47 participants – influential public- and private-sector figures from around the world – were unaware of the extent to which a mother’s nutrition affects her offspring’s wellbeing. They were surprised by evidence that babies grow in the same way worldwide, as long as they receive the same care and are not constrained by environmental factors – evidence that challenged the widely held notion that ethnicity and gender are major determinants of a child’s development. This reflects a fundamental failing on the part of the scientific community to relay relevant data to decision-makers. In fact, upon hearing the evidence, a former Pakistani prime minister confessed that he would have been more proactive in this area had he known while he was in office what he knows now. The meeting’s participants agreed that strong efforts to support pre-conception care in the context of maternal- and child-health services were vital. After all, if an adequately nourished mother provides critical health benefits to her offspring throughout their lives, women can be viewed as the custodians of future generations’ health. These inter-generational biological connections are particularly pronounced in the case of female children.", "zh": "母亲营养不良的后果是影响深远的，包括高儿童夭折率、更多的畸形儿、传染病感染几率增加，更有各种具体的营养素缺乏可能导致儿童的早期生命生活在不健康的恶性循环中。 此外，子宫内营养不良可能会导致成年后肥胖、糖尿病和心血管等慢性疾病风险的增加。 令人瞩目的是，研讨会的47名参与者中 — — 他们是来自世界各地的影响力卓著的公共和私人部门代表 — — 并没有意识到母亲的营养会对她的后代带来怎样的影响。 他们对于看到的证据十分吃惊 — — 只要婴儿获得同样的看护、处于同样的环境因素中，他们在全世界的成长状况都是一样的，这一证据挑战了一个被广泛接受的概念，即种族和性别是儿童发展的主要决定因素。 这反映出一个根本性的失败，科学界没有向决策者呈现相关数据。 事实上，在听到这一证据后，一位前巴基斯坦总理坦承如果在任时就了解到这些情况，他本应该做的更加积极一些。 与会者都同意，在母婴健康服务方面花大力气支持怀孕前保健十分关键。 毕竟，如果营养充分的母亲可以为她的孩子们提供关键的终身健康益处，那么女性就可以称为后代健康的看门人。 这一代际生物联系在女孩中特别明显。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Weak Start for START LOS ANGELES – A strange sense of déjà vu is gripping Washington these days, as the debate over ratification by the United States Senate of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) with Russia heats up. Spats have broken out between the Obama administration, future presidential contenders, senators, and arms control and defense experts. There may not be nostalgia for the Cold War in any of this, but much of that era’s mindset can be perceived again in the arguments being knocked about. The Senate must decide whether New START enhances American security. Unfortunately, whatever the decision -- which has been delayed perhaps until late Fall to allow Obama’s administration more time to muster support for the treaty -- the US and Russian governments will continue to place each other in the nuclear crosshairs for the foreseeable future. New START builds on a legacy of strategic nuclear arms limitation that goes back to the 1970’s. Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger captured the allure in recent testimony: “The subject of nuclear arms control grew out of the seemingly paradoxical effort of those who had created the largest and most destructive arsenals to avoid by negotiation the ultimate consequences of their own decisions.” Over the years “avoiding…the ultimate consequences” through limitations butted against the bitter legacy of the surprise attacks suffered by both the US and Russia in World War II. After the war, each adopted a “never be surprised again” policy, and so went on to invest trillions of dollars in a multitude of hardened, mobile, and concealed nuclear weapons to deter the other. The result produced tens of thousands of nuclear warheads. In time, strategic arms control treaties became the measure of the political relationship. With the Soviet Union’s collapse, a unique opportunity to end the nuclear competition emerged. While elimination did take place in the former Soviet Republics, the Kremlin hung on to its nuclear arsenal – the last vestige of Russia’s former superpower status. Likewise, US administrations have remained wedded to the Bomb.", "zh": "新核武条约的艰难起步 发自洛杉矶 — — 随着美国参议院就是否批准美俄新《削减战略武器条约 》 （ Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty）的辩论日渐升温，某种似曾相识的奇异感觉又开始笼罩在华盛顿上空了。 舌战在奥巴马政府、未来总统竞争者，参议员和武器防空专家之间展开，而在辩论中我们虽然看不到任何对冷战的怀念，但却能觉察到：那个年代的思维又回来了。 参议院必须决定新条约究竟能否提高美国的国防安全。 不幸的是，虽然决议限期被推迟到秋末 — — 好让奥巴马政府能有时间去争取更多支持 — — 但不管结论如何，美俄两国政府依然会在可见的未来把核导弹互相指向对方。 新条约是建立在1970年代限制战略核武器的政治遗产之上的。 而前美国国务卿亨利·基辛格最近的证词则吸引了大家的眼球，他说 ： “ 对于那些拥有最为庞大且最具破坏力的军火库，却又矛盾地想通过谈判来避免承受自己（发射）决定的最终后果的人来说，核武器控制问题已经超出了他们原先设想的范畴 。 ” 在那个年代，美俄双方一方面要通过限制来避免基辛格所说的“最终后果 ” ， 另一方面却对二战中遭受突袭的惨痛经历记忆犹新。 两国在二战后都制定了某种防御突袭的政策，为了达到威慑对方的目的，双方还投资了数万亿美元来制造大量永备性，机动性和隐蔽性的核武设施。 而这些政策的成果就是数万枚核弹头。 在那个年代，战略武器控制条约上的进展就是衡量两国关系的标尺。 随着苏联解体，一个终结核武竞赛的绝佳机会出现在人们眼前。 但当某些前苏联加盟共和国着手销毁核武器之时，克里姆林宫却将核武器库 — — 这个俄罗斯前超级大国地位的最后一点遗产 — — 紧紧地抱在了怀里。 无独有偶，美国政府也不愿意放弃自己的核武器。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Without negative external shocks, exorbitant TFP growth would have declined gradually, as the returns from institutional adjustment, reallocation of resources, and technological catch-up naturally diminished, in accordance with the convergence hypothesis. External shocks also explain China’s GDP slowdown since 2007. The renminbi’s gradual yet sustained appreciation against the US dollar is the cost shock’s main driver, but the demand shock that followed the 2008 global financial crisis aggravated the situation. It is likely that TFP has declined substantially as China’s economy has slowed in response to these shocks. Unlike Keynesians, who focus on demand shocks, followers of the Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter view cost shocks as important potential catalysts for structural reform and industrial upgrading – both of which are needed to avoid falling into a low-growth rut in the long term. In the short term, a cost shock devastates some economic activities, forcing companies either to shut down or move on to another line of business. But what Schumpeter called “creative destruction” can facilitate the eventual emergence and expansion of new, more efficient firms. The problem is that many country-specific factors, such as political concerns and pressure from vested interests, can impede this process. In this sense, China’s government is facing an important test. If it fails to take advantage of the opportunity provided by the cost shock and economic slowdown to implement the necessary structural reforms, China’s potential growth rate, as dictated by TFP, will never rebound fully. Given that improving overall productivity is the best way to defend against cost shocks, the new round of structural reform should be aimed at creating conditions for economic transformation and upgrading. The key is to establish a level playing field guided by market rules, reduce government intervention in the economy, and stop protecting inefficient businesses. Such efforts would go a long way toward increasing China’s potential growth rate. Indeed, considering that China’s per capita income amounts to only about 10-20% of that of the US, with massive regional differentials within China, its growth potential, as dictated by the convergence hypothesis, is far from tapped. But the degree to which it can fulfill this potential in the coming decades will depend largely on its TFP prospects.", "zh": "根据趋同假说，制度调整、资源再配置和技术赶超的回报会自然衰减，因此，如果没有消极外部冲击，过高的TFP增长会逐渐下降。 外部冲击还解释了中国GDP在2007年之后的减速。 人民币逐渐而持续的对美元升值是成本冲击的主要推动力，但随2008年金融危机到来的需求冲击加重了困局。 有可能中国经济因为这些冲击而出现的减速导致了TFP大幅下降。 与关注需求冲击的凯恩斯主义者不同，美国经济学家约瑟夫·熊彼特（Joseph Schumacher）的追随者认为成本冲击是结构性改革和产业升级的重要潜在催化剂，而结构性改革和产业升级又是避免陷入长期低增长陷阱之必须。 在短期，成本冲击会毁灭一些经济活动，迫使公司关门或转向其他业务。 但熊彼特所谓的“创造性破坏”能够有利于更高效的新企业的最终产生和扩张。 问题在于许多国别因素 — — 比如政治顾虑和来自既得利益的压力 — — 可能阻碍这一过程。 从这个角度讲，中国政府正面临着重要考验。 如果政府不能利用成本冲击和经济减速带来的机会实施必要的结构性改革，中国的潜在增长率将如TFP所显示的那样永远无法完全恢复。 改善总体生产率是抵抗成本冲击的最佳办法，因此新一轮结构性改革应该以创造经济转型和升级的条件为目标。 关键在于建立由市场规则引导的公平平台，减少政府对经济的干预，并停止保护低效率企业。 这些举措将大大有利于增加中国的潜在增长率。 事实上，考虑到中国人均收入只有美国的10—20 % ， 且国内地区差距巨大，从趋同假说看，其增长潜力还远远没有到头。 但未来数十年中能在多大程度上实现这一潜力很大程度上取决于其TFP前景。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "促进双向开放合作。发挥互联网在促进国际国内要素有序流动、资源高效配。置、市场深度融合中的作用，建立企业全球化发展信息服务体系，提供全球政策法规、财税、金融、投融资、风险评估等信息服务，支持企业全球化发展。有序扩大网信开放领域，有效引进境外资金和先进技术，强化互利共赢。服务“一带一路”建设。坚持共商共建共享，促进网络互联、信息互通，推动共建网上丝绸之路，推进数字经济、信息技术等合作，促进沿线国家和地区政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通。支持港澳地区网络基础设施建设和信息经济发展，发挥港澳地区在推进“一带一路”建设中的重要作用。推动全球互联网治理体系变革。坚持尊重网络主权、维护和平安全、促进开放合作、构建良好秩序，积极参与全球网络基础设施建设，打造网上文化交流共享平台，推动网络经济创新发展，保障网络安全，推动建立多边、民主、透明的全球互联网治理体系。主动提出中国方案，加快共同制定国际信息化标准和规则。", "en": "Promote two-way opening and cooperation. Harness the role of the Internet in facilitating the orderly flow of international and domestic factors, efficient allocation of resources, and deep integration of markets. Establish an information service system for the global development of enterprises, providing information services on global policies, regulations, taxation, finance, investment and financing, risk assessment, etc., to support the global development of enterprises. Expand the open field of cyberspace in an orderly manner, effectively introduce foreign funds and advanced technologies, and strengthen mutual benefit and win-win cooperation. Serve the construction of the Belt and Road initiative. Adhere to the principles of consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, promote network interconnection and information exchange, advance the construction of the Digital Silk Road, promote cooperation in the digital economy, information technology, and facilitate policy communication, infrastructure connectivity, trade facilitation, financial integration, and people-to-people connectivity among countries and regions along the route. Support the construction of network infrastructure and the development of the information economy in the Hong Kong and Macau regions, and leverage the important role of the Hong Kong and Macau regions in promoting the Belt and Road initiative. Promote the reform of the global Internet governance system. Uphold respect for cyber sovereignty, maintain peace and security, promote open cooperation, and build a sound order. Actively participate in the construction of global network infrastructure, create an online platform for cultural exchange and sharing, promote innovative development of the digital economy, ensure network security, and promote the establishment of a multilateral, democratic, and transparent global Internet governance system. Take the initiative to propose the Chinese solution and accelerate the joint formulation of international information standards and rules."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is time to recognize the inevitability of Iraq’s break-up (the country is now more a vehicle for Iran’s influence than a bulwark against it) and bolster an independent Kurdistan within Iraq’s former borders. There is no room for illusions. Regime change is no panacea; it can be difficult to achieve and nearly impossible to consolidate. Negotiations cannot resolve all or even most conflicts. That is certainly true, for the time being, of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Even if this changes, a comprehensive settlement would help the locals but not affect the dynamics of neighboring countries or conflicts. That said, a narrow ceasefire between Israel and Hamas should be pursued. Likewise, diplomacy can work in Syria only if it accepts the reality on the ground (including the survival of the Assad regime for the foreseeable future), rather than seeking to transform it. The answer is not to be found in drawing new maps, though once populations have shifted and political stability has been restored, recognition of new borders might prove both desirable and viable. Policymakers must recognize their limits. For now and for the foreseeable future – until a new local order emerges or exhaustion sets in – the Middle East will be less a problem to be solved than a condition to be managed.", "zh": "应该认识到，伊拉克的分裂是不可避免的（如今，与其说伊拉克是对抗伊朗的堡垒，不如说已经沦为伊朗的势力范围 ） 。 应该支持沿伊拉克原有内部边界建立独立的库尔德斯坦（Kurdistan ） 。 我们不容幻想。 政权更迭不是万灵丹；它可能难以实现，并且几乎不可能巩固。 谈判不能解决所有冲突，甚至不能解决大部分冲突。 眼下，从以色列-巴勒斯坦争端看，这显然是正确的。 即使发生变化，全面和解也只是有助于本地，而无法影响邻国或冲突动态。 尽管如此，以色列和哈马斯之间的狭隘停火仍是值得追求的。 类似地，只有在接受叙利亚的现实（包括巴沙尔政权在可预见的未来继续存在）而非试图改变它的情况下，外交才有可能在叙利亚起作用。 答案不在于勾勒新地图，尽管一旦人口发生改变并且政治稳定得到重塑，承认新边界将是可望且可及的。 决策者必须认识到他们的局限性。 对目前和可预见的未来 — — 在新地方秩序出现或冲突各方都筋疲力尽之前 — — 中东与其说是一个需要解决的问题，不如说是一个需要管理的状况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By the same token, liberal democracies have a shared responsibility to support the Ukrainians fighting to defend their homeland and to protect their rights to self-determination and statehood in the face of Russian aggression. Western governments must not be intimidated by Russian President Vladimir Putin’s nuclear threats and provide Ukraine with the weapons it needs. Germany, in particular, must heed the lessons of its own history. Failing to stand up to a ruthless dictator is not only a betrayal of democratic values; it is also a surefire path to greater insecurity. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s decision to deliver tanks to Ukraine, announced last week following months of tense discussions, is a step in the right direction. When the late British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook, a clever man and a brilliant parliamentary debater, said in 1997 that UK foreign policy “must have an ethical dimension,” he was harshly criticized for inadvertently suggesting that previous governments did not consider the moral implications of their foreign policies. Years later, after then-Prime Minister Tony Blair and his cabinet failed to uphold their own rigorous standards and supported the US-led invasion of Iraq, they were inevitably derided as hypocrites (though not the principled Cook, who delivered an extraordinary resignation speech in the House of Commons). But as Immanuel Kant observed, we are all made from “the crooked timber of humanity.” Integrating morality into foreign policy is easier said than done, and it often involves painful tradeoffs. Nevertheless, this should always be the goal of liberal democracies, not least because it is in their best interests. Former US President Jimmy Carter was often mocked for allegedly prioritizing human rights over national security. But in Carter’s view, the two are inseparable. “Human rights,” he once said, “is the soul of our foreign policy, because human rights is the very soul of our sense of nationhood.” If liberal democracies are to survive in their current form, they must live up to the values they espouse. Failing to defend the principles that underpin the political and cultural identities of open societies would endanger both their national security and the rules-based international order. As former US Vice President Hubert Humphrey memorably put it, foreign policy is “really domestic policy with its hat on.”", "zh": "出于同样的原因，自由民主国家有共同的责任支持乌克兰人民为保卫家园而战，在面对俄罗斯的侵略时保护他们的自决权和建国权。 西方政府绝不能被俄罗斯总统普京的核威胁吓倒，向乌克兰提供它需要的武器。 德国尤其必须吸取自身的历史教训。 不能对抗无情的独裁者，不仅是对民主价值观的背叛，也是导致更不安全的不二法门。 经过数月的紧张讨论，德国总理朔尔茨上周宣布向乌克兰提供坦克的决定是朝着正确方向迈出的一步。 已故英国外交大臣罗宾·库克（Robin Cook）是一位聪明人，也是一位出色的议会辩论家，他在 1997 年说英国的外交政策“必须具有道德维度 ” ， 被严厉批评未不经意地暗示前任政府没有考虑外交政策的道德影响。 多年后，时任首相布莱尔和他的内阁未能坚持自己的严格标准，支持以美国为首的入侵伊拉克，也不可避免地被嘲笑为伪君子（而不是有原则的库克，他在 下议院发表了杰出的辞职演说 ） 。 但正如伊曼纽尔·康德（Immanuel Kant）所观察到的，我们都是由“人类的弯曲木材”制成的。 将道德融入外交政策说起来容易做起来难，而且往往涉及痛苦的取舍。 然而，这应该始终是自由民主国家的目标，尤其是因为这符合他们的最大利益。 美国前总统卡特经常因所谓的将人权置于国家安全之上而受到嘲笑。 但在卡特看来，两者密不可分。 “人权 ， ” 他曾说 ， “ 是我们外交政策的灵魂，因为人权是我们民族意识的灵魂 。 ” 如果自由民主国家要以目前的形式生存，就不能辜负它们所拥护的价值观。 如果不能捍卫支撑开放社会政治和文化特征的原则，将危及它们的国家安全和基于规则的国际秩序。 美国前副总统休伯特·汉弗莱 (Hubert Humphrey) 令人难忘地指出，外交政策“实际上是戴上帽子的国内政策 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Wall Street Journal columnist Peggy Noonan recently framed the election this way, before complaining that Joe Biden “shouldn’t be seated in a handsome chair waiting for the crown to be passed, or going out for ice cream in a mask like John Dillinger on the lam.” After seeing Democratic vice presidential candidate, Kamala Harris, dancing onstage at a campaign rally, Noonan concludes that, “It was embarrassing … If you can’t imitate gravity, could you at least try for seriousness?” But it is a false choice. No one has been more embarrassing to the US than President Donald Trump, and the GOP has no claim on sound economic management. As economists Alan S. Blinder and Mark W. Watson showed in a 2015 paper: “The superiority of economic performance under Democrats rather than Republicans is nearly ubiquitous; it holds almost regardless of how you define success. By many measures, the performance gap is startlingly large – so large, in fact, that it strains credulity.” In terms of annualized real (inflation-adjusted) GDP growth, for example, Blinder and Watson find that Democrats outperform Republicans by “1.8 percentage points in postwar data covering 16 complete presidential terms – from [Harry] Truman through [Barack] Obama.” Were this analysis to be extended back through the eras of Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt, the gap would grow to about three percentage points per year. But it is also worth noting that, prior to the COVID-19 crisis, Trump presided over unusually strong growth (that is, for a Republican administration) during his first three years, when the US economy matched the average 2.4% annual growth rate achieved during Obama’s second term. Blinder and Watson are flummoxed as to where this performance gap comes from. They consider the roles played by stronger fixed investment, greater consumer optimism (and thus higher spending on durables), fewer unfavorable oil shocks, and faster growth abroad.", "zh": "《华尔街日报》专栏作家佩吉·诺南（Peggy Noonan）最近就以这种方式来描述整场大选，随后又抱怨乔·拜登（Joe Biden ） “ 不应该高枕无忧地等着人家把王冠送过来，或者像传奇大盗约翰·迪林杰（John Dillinger）那样在潜逃时戴着口罩出去吃冰淇淋 。 ” 在见到民主党副总统候选人卡玛拉·哈里斯（Kamala Harris）在某场竞选集会的舞台上跳舞后，努南得出结论 ： “ 这真令人尴尬 … … 如果一个人无法假装严肃，难道还不能尝试装得认真点吗 ？ ” 但这个选择本身是谬误的。 没有人能比特朗普总统更让美国感到尴尬了，共和党也没多少经济管理上的政绩。 正如经济学家艾伦·S·布林德（Alan S.Blinder）和马克·W·沃森（Mark W.Watson）在2015年发表的一篇论文中指出的那样： “民主党领导下的美国经济表现几乎处处优于共和党；无论你是如何定义成功，这一点都能成立。 这一差距从许多方面看来都是惊人地大 — — 甚至大到让人感觉不太真实 。 ” 例如就实际年度（排除通胀后）GDP增长而言，布林德和沃森发现，民主党人在“战后涵盖16个完整总统任期的数据（从杜鲁门到奥巴马）都比共和党人高出1.8个百分点 。 ” 而如果进一步上溯到赫伯特·胡佛（Herbert Hoover）和富兰克林·D·罗斯福（Franklin D. Roosevelt）的时代，那么这一差距将增大到年均3%左右。 但值得留意的是，特朗普在新冠危机爆发之前的三年任期间实现了异常强劲的增长（相对共和党政府而言 ） ， 带领美国经济达到了平均2.4％的年增长率，与奥巴马的第二任期相仿。 布林德和沃森对造成这种表现差距的原因感到困惑。 他们考虑了固定投资增加，消费者乐观度提升（从而增加了耐用品支出 ） ， 油价冲击降低以及海外增长加快所起的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One hopes that the recent agreement concerning Iran’s nuclear program portends a return to a more flexible Iranian policy toward Afghanistan – essential if there is to be a regional solution to Afghanistan’s problems. Given America’s looming departure, such a solution is becoming increasingly urgent. But reaching a regional consensus will not be easy, given the disparate nature and interests of the regimes involved. Iran, China, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan are all dictatorships – one religious, one market-communist, and two personal. India is a democracy, and Pakistan a wayward democracy. Nearby Russia is increasingly a one-man-show under President Vladimir Putin, who seems intent on refighting the Cold War with the US, rather than constructing viable strategic relationships that reflect Russia’s diminished reality. Nonetheless, all of these countries (perhaps with the admittedly large exception of Pakistan) can agree on certain core objectives. First, Afghanistan must not become a safe haven for terrorists. Mullah Mohammed Omar – the Taliban’s leader, who is reportedly in hiding in Pakistan – must understand that if the Taliban uses any formal political influence it gains in Afghanistan to support terrorist activities, it will face united regional opposition. Second, given their limited leverage, Afghanistan’s neighbors must lean hard on countries that can influence any future Afghan government.", "zh": "人们希望，有关伊朗核计划的最新协议预示着伊朗对阿富汗政策回归到一个更灵活的局面 — — 如果要以区域性方案去解决阿富汗问题，这是至关重要的。 鉴于美国即将离开，这样的解决方案也就变得越来越迫切。 但由于这些政权在本质和利益上的巨大差别，要达成区域共识并不容易。 伊朗，中国，塔吉克斯坦，以及乌兹别克斯坦都是专政国家 — — 一个是宗教国家，一个是共产主义国家，两个是个人独裁国家。 印度是一个民主国家，而巴基斯坦则是一个刚愎自用捉摸不定的民主国家。 临近的俄罗斯则越来越像总统弗拉迪米尔·普京的个人秀，此人似乎有意重燃与美国之间的冷战，而不是构建反映俄罗斯不断衰落现实的可行性战略关系。 然而，所有这些国家（也许公认的巴基斯坦除外）可以围绕一定的核心目标达成一致。 首先，阿富汗不能成为恐怖分子的安全港。 穆罕默德·奥玛尔（Mullah Mohammed Omar ） — —塔利班领导人，据报目前躲藏在巴基斯坦 — — 必须明白，如果塔利班利用其从阿富汗获得的任何形式的政治影响来支持恐怖活动，它将面临整个区域各国的联合反对。 第二，鉴于其有限的力量，众阿富汗邻国必须依靠那些可以影响任何未来阿富汗政府的国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The virus was thus a wedge that intervened vertically between the demand curve and the supply curve. When this happens, trading quantity will be reduced, and there will be a difference between the demand price and the supply price. The difference is the vertical length of the wedge, which represents the cost of making trade possible and safe. The higher price that consumers must pay is the symptom of inflation. Usually, this inflationary situation is combined with smaller (or, in extreme cases, nonexistent) trading opportunities. That brings us to the question of when COVID-induced inflation will retreat. The short answer is that it will abate when the disease or the factors blocking the market from normal matchings disappear. If governments view reduced trade as undesirable, they will try either to increase consumption by stimulating demand or to keep supply chains intact by subsidizing producers – as many governments have done. But such spending will be inflationary for the economy as a whole, and it may well become a source of full-fledged demand-pull inflation. Moreover, the public may develop higher price expectations that will feed back into the inflation process. Jason Furman of Harvard University recently warned of this possibility and characterized the US situation as being largely a case of demand-pull inflation. Prices have increased alongside the recovery of trading opportunities in many markets, he observes, and he worries about the continuing effects of a buildup in demand from US President Joe Biden’s huge pandemic response and recovery packages.", "zh": "由此可见，病毒相当于一个垂直插入了需求曲线和供应曲线之间的楔子。 一旦出现这种情况，交易量会减少，同时需求价格和供应价格之间会出现一个差额，而这个差额就是楔子的垂直长度，它代表了安全地实现贸易的成本。 消费者必须支付的较高价格就是通胀的症状。 通常这种通胀状况会与较小的（或在极端情况下不存在的）交易机会相结合。 这给我们带来了一个问题，即新冠疫情引起的通胀会在何时退去。 对此的简短回答是它在疾病或阻碍市场正常匹配的因素消失时就将减弱。 如果政府不愿意看到贸易减少，它们就会试图通过刺激需求来增加消费或者补贴生产者来维持供应链完整性 — — 正如许多政府已经实施的那样。 但这样的支出对整个经济来说是通胀性的，而且很可能成为全面需求拉动型通胀的来源。 此外公众可能会形成更高的价格预期并反馈到通胀进程中。 哈佛大学教授杰森·富尔曼（Jason Furman）最近对这种可能性提出了警告，同时认为美国的通胀状况在很大程度上是需求拉动型的。 他观察到价格随着许多市场交易机会的恢复而上升，也担心美国总统拜登的超大规模新冠应对和复原一揽子计划所带来的需求积聚的持续影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rhymes from Central Europe LONDON – On December 3, 2018, the Central European University announced that from September 2019 it would relocate most of its teaching from Budapest to Vienna. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s government had, in effect, closed down the CEU, founded by Orbán’s favourite bogeyman, George Soros. “Arbitrary eviction of a reputable university is a flagrant violation of academic freedom,” declared the university’s rector, Michael Ignatieff. “It is a dark day for Europe and a dark day for Hungary.” But not for Orbán, who, as The New York Times reported, “has long viewed the school as a bastion of liberalism, presenting a threat to his vision of creating an ‘illiberal democracy.’” And Orbán’s “desire to shut it down was only deepened by its association with Mr. Soros,” whom he “has spent years demonizing.” In particular, he accuses Soros, who was born in Hungary and survived the Nazi occupation and the Holocaust, “of seeking to destroy European civilization by promoting illegal immigration.” Mark Twain is often quoted as saying, “History doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes.” Sadly, we are a history-blind generation. Most people who read history do so for fun, not for instruction. The European Union is a symbol of overcoming the past, marking out a future guided by insights from science and economics, not from history. Yet disturbing recent developments, not just in Hungary, rhyme with ideas and discourses that most thought had been discarded decades ago. Norman Stone’s sparkling new book, Hungary: A Short History, is a warning against ignoring history. It presents a country that never quite “caught up” with the West, and therefore never “settled down” to a calm post-nationalist existence. The modernizing influence of industrialization has always been subsumed in the problem of borders, religions, languages, and nationalities. Hungary dreamed of nationhood long before it became a nation.", "zh": "来自中欧的韵律 伦敦—2018年12月3日，中欧大学（CEU）宣布，从2019年开始，大部分教学活动将从布达佩斯迁往维也纳。 匈牙利总理欧尔班政府已经事实关闭了由欧尔班最喜欢的妖魔化人物乔治·索罗斯（George Soros）创立的中欧大学。 “任性地驱逐 一家著名大学公然破坏了学术自由 ， ” 中欧大学校长迈克尔·伊格那提也夫（Michael Ignatieff）说 ， “ 这是欧洲黑暗的一天，也是匈牙利黑暗的一天 。 ” 但不是欧尔班的黑暗的一天。 《纽约时报》报道 ， “ 他早已将中欧大学视为自由主义的堡垒，是其建立‘反自由民主’的愿景的威胁 。 ” 欧尔班“渴望关闭中欧大学将加深它与索罗斯先生的联系 ， ” 后者是他“多年来妖魔化”的对象。 特别是，他指责生于匈牙利、从纳粹占领和大屠杀中幸存下来的索罗斯 “试图通过推动非法移民摧毁欧洲文明 。 ” 马克·吐温有一句常被引用的名言 ： “ 历史不会重复，但常常会押韵 。 ” 悲哀的是，我们是历史盲的一代。 大部分人读历史是为了找乐子，而不是为了以史为鉴。 欧盟是克服过去的象征，它代表着用来自科学和经济学，而非来自历史的洞见指引未来。 但令人不安的最新发展态势（不仅限于匈牙利）却与大部分人认为几十年前就已经遭到唾弃的思想和话语遥相呼应。 诺曼·斯通（Norman Stone）的耀眼的新著《匈牙利：一部简史 》 （ Hungary: A Short History）便是对忽视历史的警告。 它描写了这样一个国家，它从未大步“赶超”西方，因此从未“安顿”于平静的后民族主义存在。 工业化的现代化影响永远会被裹挟进边境、宗教、语言和民族问题。 匈牙利梦想国家地位远早于它成为一个国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "实施共建“一带一路”倡议，发起创办亚洲基础设施投资银行，设立丝路基金，举办首届“一带一路”国际合作高峰论坛、亚太经合组织领导人非正式会议、二十国集团领导人杭州峰会、金砖国家领导人厦门会晤、亚信峰会。 倡导构建人类命运共同体，促进全球治理体系变革。 我国国际影响力、感召力、塑造力进一步提高，为世界和平与发展作出新的重大贡献。 全面从严治党成效卓著。 全面加强党的领导和党的建设，坚决改变管党治党宽松软状况。 推动全党尊崇党章，增强政治意识、大局意识、核心意识、看齐意识，坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导， 严明党的政治纪律和政治规矩，层层落实管党治党政治责任。 坚持照镜子、正衣冠、洗洗澡、治治病的要求，开展党的群众路线教育实践活动和“三严三实”专题教育， 推进“两学一做”学习教育常态化制度化，全党理想信念更加坚定、党性更加坚强。贯彻新时期好干部标准，选人用人状况和风气明显好转。 党的建设制度改革深入推进，党内法规制度体系不断完善。", "en": "We have jointly pursued the Belt and Road Initiative, initiated the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, set up the Silk Road Fund, and hosted the First Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, the 22nd APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, the G20 2016 Summit in Hangzhou, the BRICS Summit in Xiamen, and the Fourth Summit of the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia. China champions the development of a community with a shared future for mankind, and has encouraged the evolution of the global governance system. With this we have seen a further rise in China’s international influence, ability to inspire, and power to shape; and China has made great new contributions to global peace and development. We have achieved remarkable outcomes in ensuring full and strict governance over the Party. We have made sweeping efforts to strengthen Party leadership and Party building, and taken strong action to transform lax and weak governance over the Party. We encourage all Party members to hold the Party Constitution in great esteem. We urge them to strengthen their consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment, and to uphold the authority of the Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership. We have tightened political discipline and rules to ensure that political responsibility for governance over the Party is fulfilled at each level of the Party organization. We have committed to “examining ourselves in the mirror, tidying our attire, taking a bath, and treating our ailments,” launched activities to see members command and act on the Party’s mass line, and initiated a campaign for the observance of the Three Stricts and Three Earnests. We have regularized and institutionalized the requirement for all Party members to have a solid understanding of the Party Constitution, Party regulations, and related major policy addresses and to meet Party standards. As a result, the ideals and convictions of all Party members have been strengthened and their sense of Party consciousness has deepened. We have adopted standards fitting for a new era to assess the caliber of officials, and achieved a notable improvement in the way officials are selected and appointed. Further advances have been made in the reform of the institutional framework for Party building, and continuous improvements have been made to the system of Party regulations."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The second question that the referendum poses for Europeans is the same one that the British are addressing: Is EU membership worthwhile? Centrifugal forces in the EU are stronger today than ever before, not only across the English Channel, but throughout the continent. Many countries have political movements and parties – some stronger than others – that are seeking to “recover” elements of sovereignty, to the detriment of common action. Some governments have even taken unilateral measures contrary to EU decisions. Simply put, the lack of solidarity among member states has fueled efforts to weaken the values and principles on which the EU was founded, with many favoring a view that holds out the nation-state as the solution to every problem. Brexit would reinforce this trend, bolstering Europe’s nationalist and Euroskeptic forces. With a presidential election in France and federal elections in Germany next year, the potential political boost to anti-European forces could have serious long-term consequences. In this sense, Germany’s recent regional elections should serve as a warning. Let us be clear: The view driving these movements – that the EU is at the root of Europe’s myriad problems, from economic hardship to the refugee crisis, and that withdrawal (or unilateral action) is the only way to resolve them – is patently false. The problems we are facing did not arise because of European integration. Global economic challenges and the flood of migrants and asylum-seekers will continue to reach Europe’s borders, whether it is united or not. What matters is how Europe responds to them. The rationale for integration is that collective action is far more effective than unilateral efforts. Of course, it would not take long for the folly in the nationalistic approach to become apparent. But the damage caused by then could be severe. Given this, campaigns for European integration should not be limited to a rote affirmation of the benefits the EU has brought to its members, much less to efforts to appease Euroskeptics. Rather, the EU should be reaffirmed as an attractive political project. This delicate moment for the EU demands decisive progress toward a more effective, more integrated, and more desirable union.", "zh": "全民公决给欧洲人带来的第二个问题和英国正在解决的问题一样：欧盟成员资格值得追求吗？ 如今，欧盟中的离心力比以往任何时候都要大，不但英吉利海峡两岸是如此，欧洲大陆也是如此。 许多国家都存在寻求“恢复”主权要素的政治运动和政党 — — 尽管势头不尽相同 — — 给共同行动在成掣肘。 一些政府甚至采取了与欧盟决定相悖的单边措施。 简言之，成员国之间缺乏团结助长了削弱作为欧盟立盟基础的价值观和原则，许多人支持将民族国家作为一切问题解决办法的观点。 英国退出将强化这一趋势，提振欧洲民族主义和欧元怀疑派力量。 明年，法国和德国将举行大选，反欧洲力量可能在政治上得势或许将带来严重的长期影响。 从这个意义上讲，德国的最新地区选举是一个警告。 必须弄清楚：推动这些运动的观点 — — 欧盟是从经济困难到难民危机的欧洲诸多问题的根源，退盟（或单边行动）是解决这些问题的唯���办法 — — 大错特错。 我们所面临的问题不是因为欧洲一体化而产生的。 全球经济挑战和移民和寻求避难者浪潮将继续朝欧洲边界涌来，不管欧洲是不是统一。 重要的是欧洲如何应对它们。 一体化的理由是集体行动远比单边行动有效。 当然，要不了多久，民族主义方针的愚蠢性就会表露无遗。 但它们造成的危害可能十分严重。 因此，欧洲一体化运动不应该局限于机械地重申欧盟给其成员国带来的好处，更不能安抚欧元怀疑派。 相反，欧盟应该作为有吸引力的政治工程得到重申。 这一欧盟的微妙时刻需要欧洲果断朝更有效、更一体化、更令人渴望的联盟迈进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "韦小宝跳起身来，颤声道：“小……小玄子来找我了。”公主道：“小玄子是谁？”韦小宝道：“是……是……”“小玄子”三字，只他一人知道就是康熙，他从来没跟谁说过，康熙自己更加不会让人知道，忽然有人叫了起来，而声音又如此响亮？他全身颤抖，只觉此事实在古怪之极，定是康熙死了，他的鬼魂记挂着自己，找到了通吃岛来。霎时之间，不禁热泪盈眶，从山洞中奔了出去，叫道：“小玄子，小玄子，你找我么？小桂子在这里！”只听那声音又叫：“小桂子，小桂子，你在哪里？小玄子记挂着你哪！”声音之巨，直不似出自一人之口，倒如是千百人齐声呼叫一般，但千百人同呼，不能喊得这般整齐，而一人呼叫，任他内力如何高强，也决不能这般声若雷震，那定是康熙的鬼魂了。韦小宝心中难过已极，眼泪夺眶而出，心想小玄子对我果然义气深重，死了之后，鬼魂还来找我。他平日十分怕鬼，这时却说甚么也要和小玄子的鬼魂会上一面，当下发足飞奔，直向声音来处奔去，叫道：“小玄子，你别走，小桂子在这里！”", "en": "Trinket stood up. That's Misty!' he cried, and his voice trembled. 'He's come to find me!' 'And who is Misty?' asked the Princess. Trinket was trembling from head to foot. The only person in the world (apart from Trinket) who knew of Kang Xi's secret name was Kang Xi himself. Something very weird was going on. Most probably Kang Xi was dead, and this was his ghost, come all the way to Potluck Island to find him. Tears started to his eyes, and he rushed to the entrance of the cave. 'Misty!' he yelled out into the night. 'It's me, Laurie! I'm here! I'm coming!' The same words echoed back' 'Laurie! Laurie! Where are you' Misty misses you!' It sounded like a giant's voice, or, to be more precise, like the voices of a thousand men all shouting the same thing but shouting it with one huge voice. It must surely be a ghost, thought Trinket, the ghost of Kang Xi. All his life Trinket had been frightened of ghosts. But if this was his old friend, he must go and see him, come what may! He ran out into the cold night, in the direction of the great voice. 'Misty! Don't go! I'm on my way!'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Most of all, it needs much more energy, now: Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, excluding South Africa, currently generates less electricity than Spain. The state of education in Africa is one telling consequence of the continent’s energy crisis. I have worked in education most of my life, as a teacher and minister of education in Mozambique. Experience has taught me that a country’s schools are the key to its success and prosperity. Yet in many African countries, 80% of primary schools do not have electricity, severely compromising the quality of instruction. Shortages of electricity also cost lives. Almost four in five Africans rely for cooking on solid biomass, mainly wood and charcoal. As a result, more than 600,000 people die each year from household air pollution. Efficient cooking stoves would save them, liberate millions of girls and women from the chore of gathering firewood, and generate wide-ranging environmental benefits. The steps that Africa’s leaders need to take are clear. Long-term national interest must take precedence over short-term political goals, vested interests, and political patronage. African leaders need to root out graft, make the governance of energy utilities – some of which have been centers of corruption and inefficiency – more transparent, strengthen regulations, and increase public spending on energy infrastructure. They also need to redirect the $21 billion spent in Africa on subsidies for loss-making utilities and electricity consumption – which mainly benefit the rich – toward connection subsidies and renewable-energy investments that deliver energy to the poor. There is also a clear course of action for the leaders of major CO2-emitting countries. They need to put a proper price on their emissions by taxing them, instead of continuing to subsidize them by spending billions on fossil-fuel exploration. G-20 countries must set a timetable for phasing out such subsidies. And rich countries need to mobilize international development finance, which can play a key role in helping African countries meet their energy needs. The fragmented, under-resourced and ineffective system for financing climate policy has failed Africa. It needs wholesale reform. Unfortunately, the world’s largest emitters have shown little commitment to the United Nations’ Green Climate Fund. Corporate leaders have a responsibility to act as well. They should demand a price on carbon, drive innovation, and seek opportunities to fund low-carbon development across Africa.", "zh": "最重要的是，非洲现在就需要更多能源：除南非外的撒哈拉以南非洲加在一起，目前发电量还不如西班牙多。 非洲的教育状况是这块大陆能源危机的一个显著后果。 我以莫桑比克一名老师和教育部长的身份将一生的大部分精力投入了教育工作。 经验告诉我一个国家的学校是其成功和繁荣的关键。 但在许多非洲国家，80%的小学没有电，而这严重影响了教育的开展。 非洲人还为电力短缺付出了生命的代价。 近五分之四的非洲人依赖固体生物质，主要是木材和木炭做饭。 结果导致每年超过60万人死于室内空气污染。 节能炉灶能让这些人幸免于难，将数百万妇女和女童从砍柴等琐事中解放出来，并产生大范围的环境效益。 非洲领导人需要采取的步骤非常明确。 必须将长期的国家利益置于短期政治目标、既得利益和政治庇护之上。 非洲领导人需要铲除贪污，加强能源公用事业治理（其中某些已经成为腐败和效率低下的核心）透明度、强化法律法规并加大对能源基础设施的公共投入。 他们还需要将非洲210亿美元的亏损公用事业及电费补贴（主要由富人享受）转移到能为穷人提供能源的接入补贴和可再生能源投资领域。 主要二氧化碳排放国领导人同样���明确的行动路线。 他们要通过征税对排放收费，而不是以耗费数十亿美元从事化石燃料勘探等方式继续为上述行业提供补贴。 二十国集团必须为逐步淘汰上述补贴订出时间表。 富国需要调动国际发展资金，从而在帮助非洲国家满足其能源需求方面发挥关键的作用。 非洲现在实行的零散、资源不足和无效的气候政策筹资体系并不成功。 它需要进行大规模改革。 但不幸的是，世界最大的碳排放国表示对联合国绿色气候基金不承担任何义务。 企业领导人有责任采取相应的行动。 他们应当要求制定碳价、推动创新，并寻找在非洲进行低碳发展投资的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Bipartisanship is Good Politics LONDON – Bipartisanship seems to have taken a drubbing in Washington since President Barack Obama got to the White House. Like most recent American presidents, Obama campaigned on a promise to work with his political opponents for the greater good of the country. Bill Clinton said much the same thing before he was elected, and then spent his first term in a knockdown fight with Newt Gingrich’s Republican majority in Congress, and his second term fighting off impeachment. George W. Bush also said that he would reach out to those who disagreed with him. He then turned into the most partisan and ideological president of modern times, egged on by his vice-president, Dick Cheney. Obama already appears to have gone further in the pursuit of bipartisanship than his predecessors. His selection of Republicans for key posts – including retaining Robert Gates as Secretary of Defense – has raised a few eyebrows among his supporters. But, above all, he has tried hard to secure Republican support for his efforts to prevent the economy from disappearing into a deep recessionary hole. Only three maverick Republican Senators went along with Obama’s proposals to get the plan accepted. And in the House of Representatives, the Republicans unanimously rejected every amendment, every compromise, and every courtesy that he offered. Some commentators suggest that Obama made a bad mistake. First, he promised bipartisanship, but got heavily rebuffed.", "zh": "为什么两党合作是治国良方 伦敦-自奥巴马入主白宫以来，在华盛顿的两党合作似乎遭到了重创。 像最近几任美国总统一样，奥巴马竞选中承诺说为了更大的国家利益要与他的政治对手们合作。 克林顿在他当选之前也说了同样的话，然而在他当选后的第一任期中对纽特·金里奇领导的在国会占多数的共和党进行打击，在他的第二个任期中忙于击退对他的弹劾。 布什也曾说，他将和不同意见的人合作。 但后来他却变成了现代史上最具有党派观念和善于空谈的总统，并和他的副总统切尼一唱一和。 比起他的前任们来，奥巴马似乎在追求两党合作方面走得更进了一步。 他选择的担任重要职位的共和党人-包括保留罗伯特·盖茨担任国防部长-着实让一些他的支持者吃惊。 但是，最重要的是，在为了防止经济滑向衰退的无底洞的努力上，他已尽力地争取共和党对他的支持。 只有三位特立独行的共和党参议员同意奥巴马的方案被通过。 在众议院，全体共和党人一致拒绝奥巴马提出的每一项修正方案、每一个妥协的方案以及每一个礼貌的姿态。 一些评论家认为，奥巴马犯了严重的错误。 首先，他承诺要进行两党合作，但却遭遇了沉重的挫折。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While it has pledged to cap its profits, its loose-fitting structure limits investors’ returns to 10,000%. ChatGPT is powered by a GPT-3, a powerful LLM trained on vast amounts of text to generate natural-sounding, human-like answers. While it is currently the world’s most celebrated generative AI, other Big Tech companies such as Google and Meta have been developing their own versions. While it is still unclear how these chatbots will be monetized, a paid version of ChatGPT is reportedly forthcoming, with OpenAI projecting $1 billion in revenues by 2024. To be sure, bad actors could abuse these tools for various illicit schemes, such as sophisticated online scams or writing malware. But the technology’s prospective applications, from coding to protein discovery, offer cause for optimism. McKinsey, for example, estimates that 50-60% of companies have already incorporated AI-powered tools like chatbots into their operations. By expanding the use of LLMs, companies could improve efficiency and productivity. But the massive, immensely costly, and rapidly increasing computing power needed to train and maintain generative AI tools represents a substantial barrier to entry that could lead to market concentration. The potential for monopolization, together with the risk of abuse, underscores the urgent need for policymakers to consider the implications of this technological breakthrough. Fortunately, competition authorities in the United States and elsewhere seem to be aware of these risks. The United Kingdom’s communications regulator, Ofcom, launched an investigation of the cloud computing market, on which all large AI models rely, late last year, while the US Federal Trade Commission is currently investigating Amazon Web Services (AWS), which, along with Google and Microsoft Azure, dominates the market. These investigations could have far-reaching implications for AI-powered services, which rely on enormous economies of scale. But it is not clear what, if anything, policymakers should do. On one hand, if regulators do nothing, the generative-AI market could end up dominated by one or two companies, like every digital market before it. On the other hand, the emergence of open-source LLMs, such as the text-to-image tool Stable Diffusion, could ensure that the market remains competitive without further intervention.", "zh": "虽然它承诺会对其利润设置上限，但其宽松的架构将投资者的回报限制在10000 % 。 ChatGPT由强大的GPT-3驱动，后者是一个通过海量文本训练得出的大型语言模型，可以生成看似自然流畅、类似人类的答案。 它是目前全球最受追捧的生成性人工智能，不过谷歌和Meta等其他大型科技企业也一直在开发自己的版本。 虽然目前还不清楚这些聊天机器人将如何盈利，但据说ChatGPT即将推出付费版本，而OpenAI则预测会在2024年实现10亿美元收入。 可以肯定的是，一些不怀好意者可能会滥用这些工具去实施各种非法行为，比如精心编织的在线诈骗或编写恶意软件。 但该技术从编程到蛋白质发现的应用前景都让人感到乐观。 麦肯锡估计有50~60%的企业已经将人工智能驱动的工具（如聊天机器人）纳入其业务，通过扩大使用大型语言模型来提高效率和生产力。 但是训练和维护生成性人工智能工具所需的巨量成本和快速增长算力是一个巨大的准入障碍，可能导致市场集中。 而垄断的可能性再加上滥用的风险则凸显出了政策制定者考量这一技术突破影响的迫切需要。 所幸美国和其他地方的竞争管理机构似乎都意识到了这些风险。 英国通信监管机构通讯传播办公室（Ofcom）在去年年底对所有大型人工智能模型所依赖的云计算市场进行了调查，而美国联邦贸易委员会目前正在调查亚马逊网络服务（AWS ） — —该公司与谷歌和微软Azure共同占据市场主导地位。 这些调查可能会对依赖庞大规模经济的人工智能驱动型服务产生深远影响。 但目前还不清楚政策制定者（如果有需要的话）应该做些什么。 一方面如果监管机构袖手旁观，生成性人工智能市场可能最终由一两家公司主导，就像以往各个数字市场那样。 另一方面文本到图像工具Stable Diffusion这类开源大型语言模型的涌现可以确保市场保持竞争而无需进一步干预。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Three Surprises in 2017 LONDON – Economic pundits traditionally offer their (traditionally inaccurate) New Year predictions at the beginning of January. But global conditions this year are anything but traditional, so it seemed appropriate to wait until US President Donald Trump settled into the White House to weigh in on some of the main surprises that might shake up the world economy and financial markets on his watch. Judging by current market movements and conditions, the world could be caught off guard by three potentially transformative developments. For starters, Trump’s economic policies are likely to produce much higher US interest rates and inflation than financial markets expect. Trump’s election has almost certainly ended the 35-year trend of disinflation and declining rates that began in 1981, and that has been the dominant influence on economic conditions and asset prices worldwide. But investors and policymakers don’t believe it yet. The US Federal Reserve Board’s published forecasts suggest only three quarter-point rate hikes this year, and futures markets have priced in just two such moves. As Trump launches his policies, however, the Fed is likely to tighten its monetary policy more than it had planned before the inauguration, not less, as the markets still expect. More important, as Trump’s policies boost both real economic activity and inflation, long-term interest rates, which influence the world economy more than the overnight rates set by central banks, are likely to rise steeply. The rationale for this scenario is straightforward. Trump’s tax and spending plans will sharply reverse the budget consolidation enforced by Congress on Barack Obama’s administration, and household borrowing will expand dramatically if Trump fulfills his promise to reverse the bank regulations imposed after the 2008 financial crisis. As all this extra stimulus fuels an economy already nearing full employment, inflation seems bound to accelerate, with protectionist trade tariffs and a possible “border tax” raising prices even more for imported goods. The only uncertainty is how monetary policy will respond to this “Trumpflation.” But whether the Fed tries to counteract it by raising interest rates more aggressively than its current forecasts imply, or decides to move cautiously, keeping short-term interest rates well behind the rising curve of price growth, bond investors will suffer. As a result, yields on ten-year US bonds could jump from 2.5% to 3.5% or more in the year ahead – and ultimately much higher.", "zh": "2017年的三大惊奇 伦敦—传统上，经济专家总是在1月伊始进行新年预测（传统上，这样的预测总是不正确的 ） 。 但今年的全球环境一点都不传统，因此，似乎应该等到美国总统特朗普入主白宫再来掂量在他任内可能震动世界经济和金融市场的主要冲击。 从目前的市场波动和条件看，世界可能被三大潜在变革性发展趋势搞得猝不及防。 首先，特朗普的经济政策有可能大幅提高美国的利率和通胀，远高于金融市场的预期。 特朗普的当选几乎肯定结束了1981年以来35年的无通胀利率下行趋势，而这给全球经济条件和资产价格带来了重大影响。 但投资者和决策者尚未信服。 美联储发布的预测显示今年的升息将以四分之三个百分点为节奏进行，期货市场价格则只体现了两次如此幅度的升息。 但是，随着特朗普政策的公布，美联储可能会比就职演说前所计划的幅度更大地收紧货币政策，而不是如市场仍然预期的那样幅度更小。 更重要的是，随着特朗普的政策刺激实体经济活动和通胀，长期利率 — — 比央行设定的隔夜利率更能影响世界经济 — — 有可能剧烈上升。 这一情景背后的逻辑很简单。 特朗普的税收和支出计划将强烈逆转国会强迫奥巴马政府采取的预算整合，而如果特朗普兑现其取消2008年金融危机后所实施的银行监管措施的承诺，家庭借贷将大幅扩张。 随着这一额外的刺激助推已经接近充分就业的经济，通胀必然会加速，而保护主义贸易关税和可能的“边境税”将更进一步推高进口商品价格。 唯一的不确定性是货币政策如何对这一“特朗普通胀”发生反应。 但不论美联储是通过比其当前预测所暗示的更激进地提高利率，还是通过保持短期利率大大落后于物价增长的上升曲线来应对，债券投资者都将遭受损失。 因此，未来一年十年期美国国债收益率可能从2.5%上升到3.5%或以上，并最终进一步大幅提高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reinventing Photosynthesis PASADENA – For decades, the development of renewable energy – and the policy debates that surround it – has focused largely on electricity generation. But more than 60% of the world’s energy is provided directly by chemical (mainly fossil) fuels, with no intermediate conversion to electricity. No realistic effort to combat global warming by cutting carbon emissions can ignore this fundamental constraint. Indeed, in the United States and other industrialized countries, many applications that rely on fossil fuels (such as air transport or aluminum production) cannot be reconfigured to use electrical power. Moreover, fossil fuels are required to produce electricity as well, both to meet demand and to compensate for the intermittency of renewable energy systems such as wind or solar power. Is there really a scalable, low-carbon alternative? One promising approach is artificial photosynthesis, which uses non-biological materials to produce fuels directly from sunlight. The sun is a nearly inexhaustible energy source, while energy stored in the form of chemical bonds – like those found in fossil fuels – is accessible, efficient, and convenient. Artificial photosynthesis combines these features in a viable technology that promises energy security, environmental sustainability, and economic stability. While natural photosynthesis provides a complex, elegant blueprint for the production of chemical fuels from sunlight, it has significant performance limitations. Only about one-tenth of the sun’s peak energy is used; annualized net energy-conversion efficiencies are less than 1%; significant amounts of energy are expended internally to regenerate and maintain the exquisite molecular machinery of photosynthesis; and the energy is stored in chemical fuels that are incompatible with existing energy systems. However, artificial photosynthesis, inspired by its natural variant, has demonstrated a potential for far superior performance, and provides energy in a form that can be used in our current energy infrastructure. Moreover, a fully artificial system would not require arable land or potable water, nor would it force a choice between food and fuel production in land use. Existing energy technologies already can be combined to generate chemical fuels efficiently, though indirectly, from sunlight, but not yet in a configuration that is simultaneously practical, scalable, and economically feasible. Likewise, the overall efficiency of a fully integrated sunlight-to-fuel energy-conversion system can be more than ten times greater than the most energy-efficient biological systems, but the capital costs are too high for commercial deployment.", "zh": "再造光合作用 帕萨迪纳—几十年来，可再生能源的开发 — — 以及围绕这一话题的政策争论 — — 大体上集中于发电。 但全世界超过60%的能量由化学（主要是化石）燃料直接供应，并没有经过电能中转。 只要是通过减少碳排放对抗全球变暖的现实努力，都无法绕过这一根本性约束条件。 事实上，在美国和其他工业化国家，许多依赖化石燃料的应用（如航空运输和生产铝）无法靠电能实现。 此外，发电也需要化石燃料，这既是为了满足需求，也是为了克服风能和太阳能等可再生能源系统的间断问题。 果真存在大规模的低碳替代方案吗？ 一个大有希望的方向是人造光合作用，该技术用非生物材料直接从阳光中生产燃料。 太阳是几乎永不耗竭的能量源，而储藏在化学介质 — — 如化石燃料 — — 中的能量易得、有效、方便。 人造光合作用以一种可靠技术结合了这些优点，能够带来能源安全、环境可持续性以及经济稳定。 自然光合作用为从阳光中生产化学燃料提供了复杂而优雅的蓝图，但其表现存在重大局限。 太阳峰值能源中只有大约十分之一得到了利用，年化净能量转换效率还不足1 % ； 大量能量被向内输入用于再造和维持复杂的光合作用分子机制；存储能量的化学燃料与现有能源体系也不兼容。 尽管如此，受大自然启发而生的人造光合作用仍显示出表现卓越的潜力，并有望生产能用于当前能源基础设施的能量形式。 此外，完全人工的系统不需要占用适耕土地和饮用水，也不必被迫在将土地用于粮食还是燃料生产上做出选择。 现有能源技术已经可以结合起来用于从阳光中高效地（尽管是间接地）生产化学燃料，但同时实现实用、上规模和经济可行仍无法做到。 类似地，充分一体化的阳光-燃料能源转换系统的总体效率可能比最有能量效率的生物系统高出十倍以上，但其商业开发的资本成本太高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Removing barriers to the free movement of people, goods, services, and capital has brought greater prosperity to people across the Continent, hones our skills internally, and gives us weight internationally. When we made the big push for the single market 20 years ago, there were just 12 member states. Now there are 27. Europe is a very different place. We have also undergone a communications and technological revolution that has touched every aspect of our lives. While immense new opportunities have opened up for Europe's citizens and businesses, global competition for trade and investment has never been tougher. Later this year, the Commission will bring forward a review of the single market to ensure that Europe is ready for what lies ahead. This is an important opportunity for reform and renewal. A modern single market should reflect modern needs, and we should concentrate our efforts where they can have most effect. We need a set of priorities that responds to what people want and expect – jobs, growth, and security. To cope with rapid change, we need to be flexible when it comes to regulation. We need to accept that not everything can be run from the center, which means more trust and more partnership, but also more willingness to shoulder responsibility further down the line. Indeed, if we are to succeed in creating a single market that is open to the world, builds on its internal strengths, and is at the cutting edge when it comes to shaping the international environment, our efforts at the EU level have to be matched by efforts at the national level. I commend the member states for the efforts they have made, but we can all do better.", "zh": "为人员、商品、服务和资本的自由流动扫清障碍给整个欧洲大陆上的人们带来了伟大的繁荣，锤炼了我们内部的实力，增加了我们在国际上的份量。 当我们在20年前大力推动单一市场时，只有12个成员国。 现在我们有了27个。 欧洲发生了巨变。 我们还经历了一场影响到生活方方面面的通信与技术革命。 在众多的新机遇为欧洲公民和公司开启的同时，在贸易和投资方面的全球竞争也更为严酷。 今年晚些时候，欧盟委员会将开展一次单一市场评估以确保欧洲有足够的准备面对未来。 这是一次改革和更新的重要机遇。 一个现代的单一市场应该反映现代的需求，我们应该将努力投入到最有成效的领域。 我们需要一套优先战略以应对人们的需求和期望—工作、成长和安全。 为了适应快速的变化，我们需要在监管方面保持灵活。 我们必须接受并不是所有事物都可以集中管理的事实，这就意味着更多的信任和伙伴关系，但还要有更强的担当未来责任的意愿。 的确，如果我们要成功地建立一个向世界开放，能不断提升内部实力，并在国际环境形成方面举足轻重的单一市场，那么我们在欧盟层面上的努力就必须要有各成员国层面上的努力来配合。 我赞扬个成员国已经付出的努力，但我们还能做得更好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since Xi has centralized power in his hands, China’s economic policy has also lost its flexibility and inventiveness. To make matters worse for Xi, the Trump administration has developed a comprehensive and bipartisan policy declaring that China is a strategic rival. This is the only bipartisan policy that Trump has been able to produce and there is only one man who can violate it with impunity: Trump himself. Unfortunately, from an open society point of view, he is capable of doing so, as he has demonstrated by putting Huawei on the bargaining table with Xi. This month, Trump abruptly shifted focus from China to Iran. Trump didn’t have a strategic plan when he authorized the drone strike that killed the leader of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard’s Quds Force, Qassem Suleimani, and an Iraqi pro-Iranian militia commander, but Trump does have an unfailing instinct for how his faithful followers will respond to his actions. They are jubilant. This makes the task of the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives, which has impeached Trump, extremely difficult. The trial in the Senate is shaping up to be a strictly pro forma affair, because the Senate’s Republican majority is united behind Trump – although Chief Justice John Roberts, who is presiding, may surprise us. At the same time, Trump’s economic team has managed to overheat an already-buoyant economy. The stock market, celebrating Trump’s military success, is once again reaching new heights.", "zh": "鉴于习近平将所有权力都集中到了自己手上，中国的经济政策因此也失去了灵活性和创造力。 而令习近平日子更难过的是特朗普政府制定了一个全面且获得两党一致支持的政策，将中国定义为战略竞争对手。 这是特朗普政府唯一一个能得到两党同意的政策，而且只有一人可以不受惩罚地违反该政策 — — 那就是特朗普总统本人。 但遗憾的是，从开放社会的角度来看特朗普有能力做到这一点，正如他把华为公司摆在习近平的谈判桌上所展现的那样。 就在本月，特朗普忽然间将目光从中国转移到了伊朗身上。 他在授权无人机发射导弹击杀伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队圣城旅指挥官卡西姆·苏莱曼尼（Qassem Suleimani）和另一个伊拉克亲伊朗民兵组织头目时并未制定任何明确的战略计划。 但特朗普可靠的直觉告诉他那些忠实追随者会对该行为作何反应。 这些人欣喜若狂，也使民主党控制的众议院对特朗普的弹劾议案变得极为艰难。 参议院的对弹劾案的审理也越来越流于形式，因为参议院中的共和党多数派都团结一致支持特朗普 — — 尽管主持审判的首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨（John Roberts）也许会给我们带来一些惊喜。 与此同时，特朗普的经济团队设法使本已繁荣的经济陷入过热。 被特朗普军事成就所鼓舞的股市再创新高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another is financial regulation, with US banks preferring EU rules to the more stringent framework emerging at home (such as the much higher capital standards for large banks recently proposed by America’s financial regulators). Several other serious disagreements also stand in the way of a comprehensive deal. For example, US pharmaceutical companies have stronger intellectual-property protection at home than in the EU. Entertainment will become increasingly contentious with online distribution of films. And the anachronistic 1920 Jones Act requires cargo carried between US ports to be shipped only on American ships (recall the confusion about the possibility of foreign ships coming to help during the BP Gulf oil spill). Safety regulations and restrictions on foreign control of companies in sensitive industries are further points of contention. The TTIP is not just about the US and the EU. Mexico already has an FTA with the EU, and Canada is negotiating one. At some point, NAFTA and TTIP will need to be harmonized. Meanwhile, the world’s other countries – still accounting for more than half of world GDP and the bulk of global trade and FDI – are wondering how the TTIP would affect each of them. One possibility, suggested by my ex-colleague, former US Trade Representative Carla Hills, is that a successful TTIP would be a major impetus for rekindling the moribund Doha Round of global free-trade talks. The Uruguay Round received a similar boost soon after NAFTA was signed. Everyone everywhere has an interest in how the TTIP talks develop and in what ultimately results from them. To take a simple example, more reasonable EU rules on genetically modified agricultural imports from North America, if translated with appropriately careful monitoring to Africa, could be a tremendous boon to African agriculture. Failure to make any inroads on this score in the TTIP negotiations would almost certainly block genetically modified food in Africa. Analogous issues arise in sector after sector, and in one regulation after another. We can hope, but in no way guarantee, that the details agreed at the end of the TTIP negotiations justify the enthusiasm at their start.", "zh": "另一个是金融监管，美国银行偏好欧盟规则，而本国的框架更加严格（比如，最近美国金融监管者提出显著提高大银行的资本标准 ） 。 其他几个严重分歧也阻碍着全面协议的达成。 比如，与在欧盟相比，美国制药公司在国内拥有更强的知识产权保护。 随着院线的增加，娱乐业的争议也将越来越多。 而早已过时的1920年琼斯法案（Jones Act）要求在美国港口之间开行的货运只能由美国船只进行（想象一下英国石油墨西哥湾漏油事件发生时外国援助船可能引起的混淆 ） 。 敏感行业外国控股公司的安全监管和限制也是潜在的争论点。 TIIP并不只事关美国和欧盟。 墨西哥已经与欧盟签署了自由贸易协定，加拿大也在谈判中。 总有一天，NAFTA和TIIP不得不协调起来。 与此同时，世界其他国家 — — 它们仍占据世界GDP的一大半和全球贸易和外国直接投资的大头 — — 质疑TTIP能对它们产生多大影响。 我的前同事、前美国贸易代表希尔斯（Carla Hills）提出了一个可能：成功的TTIP是重启奄奄一息的多哈回合全球自由贸易谈判的重要推动力。 NAFTA签署后不久，乌拉圭回合就获得类类似的提振。 TTIP谈判如何发展，最终结果如何，这事关所有国家的所有人。 举个简单的例子，更合理的欧盟北美转基因农产品进口规则如果借鉴用于对非洲的合理仔细的检测，将能极大地造福非洲农业。 无法削弱TTIP这方面的谈判将必然阻碍非洲的转基因食品发展。 类似的问题将在各个部门和各项监管中逐渐出现。 我们可以希望，但不能保证TTIP谈判最终形成一致的细节与一开始的热情相符。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "高效节能电器，主要包括空调、冰箱等高效压缩机及驱动控制器、高效换热及相变储能装置等。高效照明产品及系统，主要包括发光二极管（LED）用大尺寸开盒等。高效节能产业，主要包括高效节能锅炉窑炉、电机及拖动设备、余热余压余气利用、高效储能、节能监测和能源计量、高效节能电器、高效照明产品及系统、绿色建筑材料、采矿及电力行业高效节能技术和装备、信息节能技术与节能服务等。绿色建筑材料，主要包括高效节能新型墙体材料、保温隔热材料、高性能建筑玻璃等。采矿及电力行业高效节能技术和装备，主要包括综采工作面高效机械化充填开采技术、无人工作面智能化采煤技术、地下气化采煤技术、高效干法选煤技术等机械化自动化开采装备等。信息节能技术与节能服务，主要包括钢铁等高耗能行业的能源管理、节能项目方案编制和设计、项目投融资、工程施工和调试、设施运营和维护、人员节能培训、节能量测量与验证等合同能源管理服务等。", "en": "High-efficiency energy-saving appliances mainly include efficient compressors and drive controllers such as air conditioners and refrigerators, as well as efficient heat exchange and phase change energy storage devices. High-efficiency lighting products and systems mainly include large-size open-boxes for light-emitting diodes (LEDs). The high-efficiency energy-saving industry mainly includes efficient energy-saving boilers, kilns, motors and drive equipment, waste heat, pressure and gas utilization, efficient energy storage, energy-saving monitoring and energy metering, high-efficiency energy-saving appliances, high-efficiency lighting products and systems, green building materials, efficient energy-saving technologies and equipment for mining and power industries, information energy-saving technologies and energy-saving services, etc. Green building materials mainly include efficient energy-saving new wall materials, insulation materials, high-performance architectural glass, etc. Efficient energy-saving technologies and equipment for mining and power industries mainly include efficient mechanized backfilling mining technology for fully mechanized mining faces, intelligent mining technology for unmanned mining faces, underground gasification mining technology, efficient dry coal selection technology, and other mechanized automated mining equipment. Information energy-saving technologies and energy-saving services mainly include energy management, energy-saving project planning and design, project investment and financing, engineering construction and commissioning, facility operation and maintenance, personnel energy-saving training, energy measurement and verification, and other contract energy management services for high-energy-consuming industries such as steel."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But what happens when the welfare of local residents comes into conflict with the wellbeing of foreigners – as it often does? Isn’t disregard of their compatriots in such situations precisely what gives so-called cosmopolitan elites their bad name? Global citizens worry that the interests of the global commons may be harmed when each government pursues its own narrow interest. This is certainly a concern with issues that truly concern the global commons, such as climate change or pandemics. But in most economic areas – taxes, trade policy, financial stability, fiscal and monetary management – what makes sense from a global perspective also makes sense from a domestic perspective. Economics teaches that countries should maintain open economic borders, sound prudential regulation and full-employment policies, not because these are good for other countries, but because they serve to enlarge the domestic economic pie. Of course, policy failures – for example, protectionism – do occur in all of these areas. But these reflect poor domestic governance, not a lack of cosmopolitanism. They result either from policy elites’ inability to convince domestic constituencies of the benefits of the alternative, or from their unwillingness to make adjustments to ensure that everyone does indeed benefit. Hiding behind cosmopolitanism in such instances – when pushing for trade agreements, for example – is a poor substitute for winning policy battles on their merits. And it devalues the currency of cosmopolitanism when we truly need it, as we do in the fight against global warming. Few have expounded on the tension between our various identities – local, national, global – as insightfully as the philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah. In this age of “planetary challenges and interconnection between countries,” he wrote in response to May’s statement, “the need has never been greater for a sense of a shared human fate.” It is hard to disagree. Yet cosmopolitans often come across like the character from Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s The Brothers Karamazov who discovers that the more he loves humanity in general, the less he loves people in particular.", "zh": "但如果本地居民的福祉与外国人的福祉发生冲突 — — 这样的情况经常发生 — — 会怎样？ 在这种情况下漠视同胞不是败坏所谓的大同主义精英的名声吗？ 全球公民担忧全球共同利益可能会因为各国政府追求狭隘的自身利益而受损。 这绝对是真正的全球共同担忧，比如气候变化和传染病。 但在大部分经济领域 — — 税收、贸易政策、金融稳定、财政和货币管理等 — — 从全球角度看有意义的政策从国内角度看也有意义。 经济学教育我们，国家应该保持经济开放，采取可靠的审慎监管和充分就业政策，这不是因为它们对其他国家有利，而是因为它们有利于做大国内经济蛋糕。 当然，政策失灵 — — 比如保护主义 — — 在这些领域中都会发生。 但这反映了国内治理不当，而不是缺少大同主义。 失灵的原因要么是政策精英不能说服本国选民采取其他措施能带来收益，要么是他们不愿意采取调整措施以确保每个人都能真正获益。 在这些例子中 — — 比如在推进贸易协定时 — — 躲在大同主义身后是凭借自身“硬”赢得政策战斗的拙劣替代品。 并且这会降低大同主义在我们真正需要它时 — — 比如在遏制全球变暖时 — — 的价值。 在解释不通身份 — — 地方的、国家的、全球的 — — 之间的冲突方面，最有洞见的也许是哲学家基瓦姆·安东尼·阿皮亚（Kwame Anthony Appiah ） 。 在这个“地球挑战和各国互联”的时代，他针对梅的演讲写道 ： “ 感受人类共同命运的需要从未如此强烈 。 ” 无法反驳。 但大同主义者常常遇到陀思妥耶夫斯基的小说《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》中的角色的困境，他们发现，自己越是热爱普通意义上的人，就越少热爱特定的人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "No to Academic Normalization of Trump CAMBRIDGE – The University of Virginia recently faced a storm of protest after its Miller Center of Public Affairs appointed President Donald Trump’s former Director of Legislative Affairs, Marc Short, to a one-year position as Senior Fellow. Two faculty members severed ties with the center, and a petition to reverse the decision has gathered nearly 4,000 signatures. A similar protest erupted at my home institution last year, when Corey Lewandowski, a one-time campaign manager for Trump, was appointed a fellow at Harvard’s Institute of Politics. The Trump administration confronts universities with a serious dilemma. On one hand, universities must be open to diverse viewpoints, including those that conflict with mainstream opinion or may seem threatening to specific groups. Students and faculty who share Trump’s viewpoint should be free to speak without censorship. Universities must remain fora for free inquiry and debate. Moreover, schools and institutes of public affairs must offer student and faculty opportunities to engage with the policymakers of the day. On the other hand, there is the danger of normalizing and legitimizing what can only be described as an odious presidency. Trump violates on a daily basis the norms on which liberal democracy rests. He undermines freedom of the media and independence of the judiciary, upholds racism and sectarianism, and promotes prejudice. He blithely utters one falsehood after another. Those who serve with him are necessarily tainted by the experience. Trump’s close associates and political appointees are his enablers – regardless of their personal merits and how much they try to disassociate themselves from Trump’s utterances.", "zh": "杜绝特朗普的学术道德化 坎布里奇—弗吉尼亚大学最近面临着一场示威风暴，它的米勒公共事务中心（Miller Center of Public Affairs）任命特朗普的前立法事务主管马克·肖特（Marc Short）为高级研究员，任期一年。 两位教员因此辞职，近4,000人联署请愿书要求收回成命。 去年我的大学也爆发了一场类似示威，当时，曾任特朗普竞选经理的科里·莱万多夫斯基（Corey Lewandowski）被任命为哈佛政治研究所研究员。 特朗普政府面对大学时遇到了严重的困难。 一方面，大学必须对多样化的观点开放，包括与主流相冲突的观点或可能威胁到特殊群体的观点。 与特朗普观点相近的师生有不受审查自由发声的权利。 大学必须一直是自由研究和争论的场所。 此外，公共事务学院和研究所必须为师生提供议论国是的机会。 另一方面，存在让明明面目可憎的总统道德化、合法化的危险。 特朗普每天都要违背作为自由民主基础的规范。 他破坏媒体自由和司法独立，支持种族主义和门户之见，还推动偏见。 他谎话连篇。 为他做事的人也免不了染上了人生污点。 特朗普的亲信和政治任命对象都是他的“恩人 ” — —不管他们个人资质如何，也不管他们如何与特朗普的言辞划清界限。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "These grievances relate mostly to what economists call non-tariff barriers, including issues such as intellectual property theft, the weaponization of economic and development tools, forced technology transfer, insufficiently effective and credible multilateral institutions, and a less-than-stable global economic and financial order. Lastly, fixing these problems has proven frustratingly slow. That is where the major areas of disagreement begin. How should the accumulating set of problems that undermine free and fair trade be addressed? Over the years, conventional wisdom has stressed that the best option is to maintain an approach focused on cooperative resolution. This implies negotiations that are best conducted free of actual or threatened punishment such as tariff imposition, and it favors reliance on the rules-based framework established by existing multilateral institutions. The other approach is that adopted by the US President Donald Trump’s administration. Noting that past efforts to reverse the growth of non-tariff barriers have not worked and will not work, this strategy is more open to the use of tariff penalties to influence behavior modification, and the threat of escalation in response to any and all retaliation by trading partners. First widely dismissed as an unfortunate policy pivot, more people now are beginning to wonder whether the new US approach – provided it’s not used repeatedly – could in fact serve as a beneficial disruption that helps reset international trade relationships and place them on a firmer footing.", "zh": "这些怨气大多来自经济学家所谓的非关税壁垒，包括窃取知识产权、经济和发展工具的武器化、强制性技术转移、多边机构效率和信誉不足，以及有欠稳定的全球经济和金融秩序。 最后，解决这些问题的进度过于缓慢。 这就引出了最主要的分歧领域。 破坏自由公平贸易的不断累积的问题如何解决？ 多年来，传统智慧强调最佳选择是保持聚焦于合作方案的方针。 这意味着要进行谈判，最好杜绝征收关税等威胁性或实际的惩罚，促进根据已有多边机构建立的基于规则的框架。 另一种方针便是美国总统特朗普政府所采取的方针。 该策略认为过去扭转非关税壁垒增长的努力是无效的，未来也将是无效的，因此它更开放性地使用关税惩罚来影响行为改变，使用冲突升级威胁来应对贸易伙伴的一切报复行为。 一开始，人们广泛认为这是不幸的政策转向，但现在更多的人开始怀疑美国的新方针 — — 如果偶尔为之的话 — — 事实上也许是有益的破坏，有助于重置国际贸易关系，巩固其根基。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe's Anchor of Stability FRANKFURT – At less than ten years old, the euro is by all measures a young currency. Yet it has become a reality of daily life for almost 320 million people in 15 European countries. In the wake of the euro’s performance during this year’s global financial crisis, even its strongest critics cannot deny that the euro is an astounding success. This past summer, millions of travelers avoided paying cumbersome and expensive charges to change their currency. But the advantage for trade and investment implied by the absence of foreign-exchange risks within the euro area is of greater economic importance. The common currency completes the single market for the euro area’s member states. Since 1999, members of the European Monetary Union (EMU) have experienced a number of severe exogenous shocks: the rise in the price of a barrel of oil from around $10 to $150; the collapse of equity markets after the dot-com bubble imploded; the spreading risk of terrorism after the September 11, 2001, and two wars. Starting last summer, the breakdown of the market for US sub-prime mortgages triggered turbulence in financial markets, with no end in sight. From past experience with national currencies, Europeans could have expected that any of these shocks would trigger a severe crisis in foreign-exchange markets. It is not difficult to imagine what would have happened during the recent financial-market crisis if the euro-area countries still had all their national currencies: immense speculation against some currencies, heavy interventions by central banks, and finally a collapse of the parity system. The years 1992-1993 witnessed a dramatic crisis in the European Exchange Rate System. Since that period the amount of capital ready to exploit any opportunity in foreign exchange markets has multiplied, which would make any comparable situation today much more dangerous. Indeed, the crisis of the early 1990’s put the status quo within the EU common market at risk. It is hard to believe that, with today’s vast capital flows, the single market would have survived a series of sharp and abrupt exchange-rate changes. Changes in exchange rates of the type seen in 1991-1992 have a strong impact on relative prices for goods traded between different countries. In countries that experienced strong currency appreciation, companies (and unions, for that matter) are exposed to a sudden and severe loss in competitiveness.", "zh": "欧洲稳定的定针 法兰克福 – 对于诞生不到十年的欧元来说，无论从何种角度来看，它都是一个年轻的币种。 但是，它已经成了15个欧洲国家的近三亿二千万人们日常生活中实实在在的一部分。 对于欧元在今年全球金融危机中的表现，即使是其最强烈的批评者也不能否认欧元获得了令人吃惊的成功。 刚刚过去的这个夏天，数以百万计的旅行者避免了的兑换本国货币的高昂的收费。 但是，由于少了外汇兑换的风险而给贸易和投资带来的好处，在经济上的意义远比这更为重要。 统一的货币促成了欧元成员国的单一市场。 自从1999年以来，欧洲货币联盟（EMU）的成员国经历了一系列的外部打击：油价从每桶10美元左右上升到150美元；互联网泡沫破裂后股票市场的崩盘；2001年911事件后不断扩大的恐怖主义威胁以及两场战争。 从去年夏天以来，美国次贷危机的市场的问题引起了金融市场的震荡，至今仍不见底部。 以过去各国本币的经验，上述任何一项冲击都会让欧洲人预期外汇市场将引发严重的危机。 如果欧元区的国家仍然各自使用本国货币的话，是不难想象在近来的金融市场危机中会发生什么样的情况的：对一些币种的巨大的投机，央行重大的干预，以及平衡机制最后垮台。 1992和1993年见证了欧洲汇率机制的巨大危机。 自从那个时期以来，虎视眈眈准备利用外汇市场机会的资本量成倍地增加，如果今天出现当时类似的危机，这些资金会让情况更加危急。 1990年代初的危机确实把欧盟共同市场的现状推到了危险的境地。 很难相信，以目前的巨大的流动资本量，这一单边市场还能度过一系列的巨大并突发的汇率变化。 1991-1992年出现的那样的汇率变化，对在不同国家间进行贸易的货物的相对价格，产生了重要影响。 在那些货币升值强劲的国家中，公司（也包括工会，也为了同样的原因）遭遇了突现的严重的竞争力的丧失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "看来我刚才的大喊起了效果，不一会儿，我被学员们团团围住。 “这家伙是谁，以前没见过啊，竟然敢挑战风凉。” “好长时间没人挑战学院十大高手了，今天又有好戏看了。” “他行不行啊，看上去到是挺帅的，不知道魔法怎么样。” 围观的学员们议论纷纷。 马克从人丛中钻了近来，他跑到我身边，低声道：“老大，你怎么挑战风凉·日啊。” 我愕然道：“怎么，不行吗？ 我可是为了你啊，我帮你出口气还不好。” 马克急的围着我团团转，道：“老大，这回我可被你害死了，海月一定以为是我让你挑战风凉的，她更恨我了。”", "en": "It looked like my previous shouting had had an effect; in a short period of time, I was surrounded by students. \"Who is that? I've never seen him before and he actually dares to challenge Feng Liang!\" \"It's been a long time since someone last challenged the top ten rankers. This match will be exciting to watch.\" \"Will he even be able to win? He looks quite handsome, but I'm not sure about his magic power.\" The surrounding students discussed amongst themselves. Ma Ke pushed his way through the crowd and ran to my side. He whispered. \"Boss, why are you challenging Feng Liang Ri?\" I was stunned and said, \"Why can't I challenge him? I am challenging him for you. I want to help you get your revenge. Is that bad?\" Ma Ke hurriedly circled around me. \"Boss, you've caused me severe trouble this time. Hai Yue will definitely think that I asked you to challenge Feng Liang. She'll hate me even more now!\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mexico Gets Its Own Trump MEXICO CITY – US President Donald Trump has been the world’s worst headache for the past 18 months, and arguably no country has suffered more than Mexico. Of the three main contenders in Mexico’s just-completed presidential election, none was as ill-prepared as the winner, Andrés Manuel López Obrador – AMLO, as he is known – to manage the bully in the White House. Nonetheless, the Mexican people have chosen him, and he will have to deal with Trump for much (if not all) of his six years in office. Mexico’s relations with the United States were not a central campaign topic, nor will they figure among AMLO’s priorities. But they will surely affect Mexicans more than most other issues. There are similarities between AMLO and Trump. Both appear to be sincere economic nationalists: Trump hopes to make the US self-sufficient in aluminum and steel, while AMLO seeks the same for Mexico in corn, wheat, beef, pork, and lumber. Both disapprove of trade treaties, although they temper their aversion with pragmatic selectivity: Trump left the Trans-Pacific Partnership, but not the North American Free Trade Agreement (for now), while AMLO says he will continue to re-negotiate NAFTA with the US and Canada along the lines pursued by the current president, Enrique Peña Nieto.", "zh": "墨西哥选出了自己的特朗普 墨西哥城 — — 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普过去18个月来一直是令世界最头疼的问题，而且可以说没有哪个国家比墨西哥受害更重。 在墨西哥刚刚进行完的总统大选的三个主要候选人中，没有哪个像人称AMLO的获胜者安德烈斯·马努艾尔·洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔那样在应对来自白宫的恶霸方面准备不足。 但无论如何，墨西哥人民选择他成为总统，而他在自己六年任期的绝大部分（甚至全部）时间内都不得不与特朗普打交道。 墨美关系并非核心竞选议题，也不会成为奥夫拉多尔的优先事项。 但其对墨西哥人所造成的影响肯定会超过其他多数事务。 奥夫拉多尔和特朗普之间有许多相似之处。 二者似乎都是真正的经济民族主义者：特朗普希望美国在钢铝方面实现自给自足，而奥夫拉多尔则力争在玉米、小麦、牛肉、猪肉和木材等领域为墨西哥实现相同的目标。 特朗普和奥夫拉多尔都不赞成贸易协定，但都能克制自己的厌恶情绪而作出务实的选择：特朗普退出了跨太平洋伙伴关系协定，但至少到目前为止还没有退出北美自由贸易协定，而奥夫拉多尔则表示将继续与美国和加拿大展开北美自贸协定的重新谈判，完成现总统恩里克·培尼亚·涅托所追求的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Designer Diets? Throughout our lives, we are exposed to a complex mixture of food compounds. Intricate biochemical processes extract from food the energy and other useful components that enable us to grow and function. Many compounds, seemingly unimportant in the past, are now recognized as influencing our health. For example, lycopene from cooked tomato sauces may help prevent prostate cancer. Everyone, indeed, knows that food can have a positive or negative impact on health. Food may never cure any particular disease, but diets rich in fruits and vegetables, cereals and plant-sourced oils offer protection from many cancers, cardiovascular disease, and other illnesses associated with old age. The problem, for scientists and consumers alike, is that the benefits are not the same for everyone. So we need to understand how what we eat interacts with our bodies – or, more specifically, our genes – to affect our health. This is the science of nutrigenomics. The long-term aim of nutrigenomics is to define how the whole body responds to food using so called “systems biology.” Every cell in your body (except mature red blood cells) – there are about 50 trillion in an adult – contains copies of your DNA, which are coiled up tightly to form 46 separate bundles called chromosomes. These chromosomes are stored in the core of the cell (nucleus), and there are 22 matching pairs, one of each pair from each of your biological parents, plus an X-chromosome from your mother and either an X- or Y-chromosome from your father; XX makes you a girl and XY a boy. DNA stores information that is vital to the growth, repair, replacement, and correct functioning of our cells. It consists of two strings – formed from phosphate and sugar – along which four unique chemical compounds (DNA bases) are attached. There are about three billion bases, and the sequences in which they occur is our genetic code, or human genome. Within the genetic code, there are 30,000-40,000 highly organized regions called genes. Genes are the basic unit of heredity, and, unless you are an identical twin, the combination of genes inherited from your parents is unique to you. The genes that you have make up your genotype.", "zh": "饮食设计？ 在我们的生活中，处处都有食物化合物的复杂综合体。 深奥的生化程序从食物中提取能量以及其它供我们成长生长及活动的有效化合物。 许多过去被认为并不重要的化合物，现在被确认为对我们健康有影响。 比如，从煮熟的番茄沙司中提取的茄红素（lycopene）对防止前列腺癌大有帮助。 实际上，每个人都知道食物对健康可能有益也可能有害。 食物无法治疗某一种疾病，但是大量摄入水果、蔬菜、谷类和植物油能有效防止多种癌症、心血管疾病和其他老年病。 对科学家和消费者来说，同样的问题是，每个人的受益程度各有区别。 所以，我们需要了解，我们的饮食与我们的身体 — — 或者，更确切地说是我们的基因 — — 是如何相互作用并对我们的健康产生影响的。 这就是营养基因学。 营养基因学的长期目标是使用所谓的“系统生物学”来确定身体如何对饮食做出反应。 一个成人体内有50万亿细胞，你身体中的每一个细胞（除了成熟的红血球）都包含着你的DNA数据。 DNA分子紧密地盘旋而上组成了46条染色体。 这些染色体存储在细胞的中央（细胞核 ） ， 配成22对染色体。 每对分别来自你的生身父母双方，由你母亲提供一条X染色体，父亲提供一条X或者Y染色体。 DNA存贮着对我们细胞的成长、修复、新老更替以及更正功能至关重要的信息。 它由两条由磷酸盐和糖形成的单链组成，带有四个独一无二的化学合成物（DNA碱基 ） 。 这样的碱基大约有三十亿个，它们的排列顺序组成了我们的遗传密码，或者说人类基因组。 在遗传密码中，有30,000-40,000个排列高度整齐的区域叫做基因。 基因是遗传的基本单位，除非你是同卵双生，否则你从父母那里遗传的基因组合是独一无二的。 你所拥有的基因组成了你的基因型。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Global Jobs Challenge NEW YORK – Over the past three decades, hundreds of millions of new workers have entered the global economy. They arrived with various levels of education and skill, and over time have generally gained in terms of “human capital” – and in terms of value added and income. This has brought a tremendous, and ongoing, growth in income levels, opportunities, and the size of the global economy. But these new workers have also brought more employment competition and significant shifts in relative wages and prices, which is having profound distributional effects. These massive structural changes in the global economy present three great employment challenges worldwide, with different countries facing their own variants. The first challenge is to generate enough jobs to accommodate the inflow of new entrants into the labor market. Clearly, a wide range of advanced and developing countries is failing to do so. Youth unemployment is high and rising. Even in fast-growth developing countries, surplus labor is awaiting inclusion in the modern economy, and the pressure is on to sustain job creation. The second challenge is to match skills and capabilities to the supply of jobs – an adjustment that takes time. It is also a moving target. Globalization and major labor-saving technologies have thrown labor markets in many countries into disequilibrium. Skills mismatches abound. Moreover, with continuing rapid growth in developing countries, the global economy’s structure is far from static, and it seems clear that the pace of market adjustment is lagging that of structural change. The third challenge is distributional. As the tradable part of the global economy (goods and services that can be produced in one country and consumed in another) expands, competition for economic activity and jobs broadens. That affects the price of labor and the range of employment opportunities within all globally integrated economies. Subsets of the population gain, and others lose, certainly relative to expectations – and often absolutely. Many advanced countries – in fact, most of them – have experienced limited middle-income growth.", "zh": "全球就业挑战 纽约 — — 过去30年来，数以亿计的新工人进入了全球经济中。 他们教育程度和技能水平各不相同，但随着时间的推移，从“人力资本 ” — —以及附加值和收入 — — 的角度来说，他们都获得了好处。 这带来了收入水平、机会和全球经济规模的持续大升。 但这些新工人也带来了更多的就业竞争以及相对工资和价格的剧变，产生了深远的分配效应。 全球经济的这些重大结构性变化表明，全世界面临着三大就业挑战，当然每个国家的具体实际各不相同。 第一大挑战是创造足够的就业岗位来容纳劳动力市场新军。 显然，众多发达国家和发展中国家在这方面都失败了。 年轻人失业率高企，而且在不断上升。 即使是高增长发展中国家，也有剩余劳动力等待着现代经济的吸收，如何保持就业岗位创造趋势成了一个大问题。 第二大挑战是将技能和能力与岗位供给相匹配 — — 一个需要时间来完成的调整。 这也是一个移动目标。 全球化和节约劳动力的重大技术进步使许多国家的劳动力市场陷入了不均衡状态。 技能错配大量出现。 此外，在发展中国家经济持续快速增长的背景下，全球经济结构早已不再是静态的了，现在看来，市场调整显然大大落后于结构性变化。 第三大挑战是分配挑战。 随着全球可贸易部分（可以在甲国生产但在乙国消费的商品和服务）的扩张，经济活动和就业岗位的战场也扩大了。 这使得整个全球一体化经济内的劳动力价格和就业机会都受到了重大影响。 有的地方得到了好处，有的地方受到了打击 — — 从相对于预期的角度看是如此，但通常从绝对数量上看也是如此。 许多（事实上，是绝大多数）发达国家经历了有限的中等收入增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Overestimating the EU Economy ABU DHABI – The European Commission, the International Monetary Fund, and the OECD predict that, on average, the European Union’s economy will grow by 1.9% next year, a rate that is broadly consistent with the average of 2% expected for this year. But the picture this paints may prove to be overly optimistic, not only because the growth rate itself is likely to disappoint, but also because there is significant downward pressure on the EU’s growth potential beyond 2019 – pressure that, at present, European leaders seem unprepared to counter effectively. If the EU were a soccer team, it would not lose games for lack of a game plan or due to inadequate capacity. Worth nearly $19 trillion, the EU’s economy remains the world’s second largest, constituting about one-fifth of the global output. The problem is that the team as a whole is not playing cohesively, and all of the top players are struggling individually, owing to messy problems at home. Over the last year, small steps – such as strengthening the collective financial safety net – have been taken to enhance the EU’s overall capacity to handle bumps in the road. But the economy’s overall architecture remains incomplete. The problems are particularly notable in the eurozone, which is challenged by slow progress on banking union, inadequate fiscal-policy coordination, and political divisions. And the forces of fragmentation will only strengthen. For starters, populist political parties and leaders are increasingly influential, having capitalized on widespread anxieties about identity and migration, together with frustration with mainstream elites, to win support, and even power, in many countries. But the transition from campaigning to decision-making – whether within parliament or, as in Italy, within the governing coalition – has proved to be difficult for several of the anti-establishment parties, given their lack of comprehensive policy platforms. Together with the election for the European Parliament scheduled for next year, this added layer of uncertainty complicates region-wide coordination and decision-making, at a time when many policymakers are already preoccupied with the as-yet-unresolved issue of Brexit. As a result, they have even less capacity to dedicate to removing impediments to productivity growth and building a more agile economy capable of responding to rapid technological advances and changes in the global economic environment.", "zh": "高估欧盟经济 阿布扎比—欧盟委员会、国际货币基金组织（IMF）和经合组织预测，明年欧盟平均经济增长率将为1.9 % ， 总体与今年的预期水平平均2%保持一致。 但这一预测局面有可能过于乐观，因为增长率本身可能令人失望，也因为欧盟2019年后的增长潜力承受着巨大的下行压力 — — 而目前欧洲领导人似乎还没有准备好营销应对这些压力。 如果把欧盟比作一支足球队，它不会因为缺少比赛计划或因为实力不济而输掉比赛。 欧盟经济目前价值近19万亿美元，仍然是世界第二，贡献了大约五分之一的全球产出。 问题在于这支队伍作为一个整体，无法团结比赛，各位顶级球星因为家里情况一团糟而各自为政。 在过去的一年中，欧盟采取了一些小措施 — — 如加强共同金融安全网 — — 来增强抵御一路颠簸的总体实力。 但欧盟经济整体构架仍不完善。 欧元区问题尤其令人关注，银行联盟进展缓慢，财政政策协调哦不力，政治也陷入分裂。 而分裂的力量还会进一步加强。 首先，民粹主义政党和领导人影响力越来越大，他们利用广泛存在的身份和移民焦虑，以及对主流精英的失望，在许多国家赢得支持甚至权力。 但从选战到决策的转型 — — 不管是在议会中还是（如意大利）在联合政府中 — — 对于一些反建制政党来说十分困难，因为它们缺少全面的政策平台。 这一新增的不确定因素，以及明年举行的欧洲议会选举，让地区协调和决策变得复杂化，而与此同时，许多决策者又被悬而未决的英国退欧问题分散了精力。 结果，他们可用来消除生产率增长障碍、构建结构更合理的经济以应对迅速的科技进步和全球经济环境变化的能力雪上加霜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since the global crisis erupted in the fall of 2008, both Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy have been faced with threats that their political majorities might disappear if they put aside their national interests in favor of a European compromise. France has no chance of meeting Germany’s stabilization objectives unless Sarkozy wants to forget about re-election. Merkel would cause outrage among her conservative voters (as well as court defeat at the German Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe) should she agree to a more free-spending policy, including any direct financial assistance for Greece. Soon, Helmut Kohl, Europe’s Honorary Citizen and Germany’s Chancellor of Reunification, will be celebrating his 80th birthday. As is usual on such occasions, there will be a lot of lofty speeches about Europe. But, in view of the current situation, we can safely ignore these. What Europe needs in this serious crisis are statesmen and women of Kohl’s caliber, not domestic politicians! As the big economic and political winner of the eurozone, Germany, in particular, cannot let a serious crisis of confidence threaten the European project, because nearly two-thirds of its exports go to the EU. Ever since the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, it has been clear that the global crisis would challenge the EU and the euro, because Europe lacks a common government and fiscal policy. Coordination within the eurozone – above all between its most important economies, France and Germany – is therefore all the more important.", "zh": "由于本轮全球危机爆发于 2008 年秋天，当时默克尔和法国总统尼古拉·萨尔科齐都不得不为了国家利益而牺牲欧盟层面上的妥协，否则有可能会丧失政治上的多数优势。 除非萨尔科齐忘掉连选连任这回事儿，否则法国绝不会在欧元稳定目标上附和德国。 而默克尔如果支持更宽松的支出政策，包括向希腊直接提供资金援助，就会惹恼她的保守派选民，并且有可能被卡尔斯鲁厄的德国宪法法院裁定为违宪。 很快就是赫尔穆特·科尔的 80 大寿了。 在这位欧洲荣誉公民、德国统一总理的寿辰，我们肯定能听到一大堆关于欧洲的崇高言辞。 但鉴于当前形势，我们完全不必把那些话当真。 在严峻的危机面前，欧洲需要的是像科尔一样有能力的治国贤才，而不是擅于搞国内政治的政客！ 作为欧元区在经济和政治上的最大受益者，德国尤其不能坐视欧洲一体化进程陷入信心危机，因为它有三分之二的出口是销往欧盟市场的。 自从 2008 年 9 月雷曼兄弟倒闭以来，欧盟和欧元势必受冲击的事实已经变得很清楚，因为欧洲缺乏统一的政府和财政政策。 因此，欧元区内部的协作，尤其是法国与德国之间的协作已变得前所未有地重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“等他们出去以后，会遗忘这里生的所有事，顶多有一点模糊的印象。”普罗米道。 “巫师的伟力，真是无处不在。” 安格尔略微感慨，便与普罗米道别，自己走入了幽深的街道。 普罗米远远望着安格尔的背影，直到消失才转头离开。 在夜魔城中央权贵聚居的城区，一座靠近王宫的贵族宅邸内。 昂着头的骄傲青年走了进来，年迈的长臂族管家为他引路，带着他来到了书房中。 “你怎么来了？” “找到惠比顿了吗？” 书房中有坐着一个影仆族的中年人，仔细看的话，会现他与昂头的青年长相极为相似。 “父亲，我在一条小巷中闻到惠比顿的味道了，但他似乎被某个巫师大人带走了。” 与父亲说话时，青年却是低下了头。 “巫师大人？你仔细说说。”中年影仆道。 青年细细将看到的事情说了出来， 中年影仆思索了片刻：“你看到的冰霜地面，应该是霜降术。” “你不了解巫师的世界，那位应该不是正式巫师，只是个学徒。” 正式巫师可不是太多……” “不过就算是学徒，我们也惹不起啊。”青年道。", "en": "“When their job’s done, they’ll forget almost everything that happened in here as if it was a dream.” “Wow. Wizardry never ceases to amaze.” Angor bid farewell to Prome and entered another path on his own. Prome watched Angor’s back with a meaningful look until the boy disappeared from sight. Nobility houses gathered near the center of Midnight Sovereign. Inside a luxurious manor near the palace, a young man walked inside with his head lifted high proudly. An aged butler led him into a study of the family. “Why are you here?” “You found Hobbiton yet?” A middle-aged Phantom Servant inside the study spoke. This man shared a similar look with the young man who just came in. “Father, I found his smell in a small alley, but a wizard took him away.” The young man lowered his head when speaking to his father. “A wizard? Do tell me.” The young man described what he saw at the scene. “It was a spell called Frost.” “And whoever did it was still a mere apprentice.“ ”You don’t find real wizards often.” “But apprentices are still someone we can’t offend,” the young man commented."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "刘云杉 南京师范大学教育学博士，曾在北京师范大学从事博士后研究，现任北京大学教育学院副院长。 主要研究领域为教育社会学，重点研究高等教育社会学和微观教育社会学（教师与学生发展、课程与教学、学校文化与学校改革）。 发表中英文学术论文五十余篇，其中多篇被《人大复印报刊资料》转载。 出版专著《学校生活社会学》和《从启蒙者到专业人——中国现代化进程中的教师角色演变》，合作出版著作一部。 获教育部第六届中国高校人文社会科学研究优秀成果奖三等奖。 教育部“新世纪人才”（2013）；主持多项国家级、省部级课题，兼任全国教育社会学专业委员会副理事长、全国教育人类学专业委员会常务理事、中国教育学会理事；江苏省哲学社会科学重点基地南京师范大学教育社会学研究中心学术委员、华东师范大学教育高级研究院兼职教授等职。 所授课程：教育导论：理论、制度与历史；教育原理、教育社会学；知识分子理论与大学人的社会学分析。", "en": "Yunshan Liu Liu received his Ph.D. in Education from Nanjing Normal University and worked as a Postdoctoral Researcher at Beijing Normal University, and is currently the Associate Dean of the School of Education, Peking University. His primary research area is Sociology of Education and focuses on Sociology of Higher Education and Sociology of Micro-Education (Teacher and Student Development, Curriculum and Teaching, School Culture and School Reform). Over 50 English academic papers have been published and of which many have been reprinted by Copied Materials from Newspapers & Journals by China People's University. And he has independently published monographs such as Sociology of School Life and From Initiator to Professional—The Evolution of Teachers' Role in the Process of China's Modernization and co-published one monograph. Liu has won the Third Prize of The 6th Chinese University Humanities and Social Science Research Outstanding Achievement Award of the Ministry of Education. Liu was selected as the New Century Talents by the Ministry of Education in 2013. He has presided over several national, provincial and ministerial projects, and holds concurrent posts as Vice Chairman of National Educational Sociology Professional Committee, Standing Director of the National Educational Anthropology Professional Committee, Director of China Education Association. Academic Member of Educational Sociology Research Center, Nanjing Normal University, Key Base of Philosophy and Social Sciences of Jiangsu Province, Adjunct Professor of the Institute of Advanced Education, East China Normal University. Courses Taught: Introduction to Education: Theory, System and History, Principles of Education, Sociology of Education, and the Theory of Intellectuals and the Sociological Analysis of University People."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "高效节能电气机械器材制造，主要包括发电机及发电机组制造、电动机制造、变压器、整流器和电感器制造、电线、电缆制造、其他电工器材制造、家用制冷电器具制造、家用空气调节器制造、家用通风电器具制造、家用厨房电器具制造、家用清洁卫生电器具制造、家用美容、保健护理电器具制造、家用电力器具专用配件制造、太阳能器具制造、电光源制造、照明灯具制造、灯用电器附件及其他照明器具制造等。其他电工器材制造，主要包括节能型起动电机、节能型起动发电机、节能型其他与内燃机配用发电机、节能型电磁铁及电磁性装置。家用制冷电器具制造，主要包括节能冰箱、冰柜（能效等级为1、2级）。家用空气调节器制造，主要包括节能空调（能效等级为1、2级）。家用通风电器具制造，主要包括节能抽油烟机、电风扇、排风扇（能效等级为1、2级）。家用厨房电器具制造，主要包括节能烤箱、微波炉、电磁炉、电饭锅（能效等级为1、2级）。", "en": "The translation of the Chinese text to English is as follows:The manufacturing of efficient and energy-saving electrical machinery and equipment mainly includes the production of generators and generator sets, electric motors, transformers, rectifiers and inductors, electrical wires, cable manufacturing, other electrical equipment manufacturing, household refrigeration appliances manufacturing, household air conditioning appliances manufacturing, household ventilation appliances manufacturing, household kitchen appliances manufacturing, household cleaning and hygiene appliances manufacturing, household beauty, health care appliances manufacturing, household power appliance special accessories manufacturing, solar appliances manufacturing, electric light source manufacturing, lighting fixtures manufacturing, lamp electrical accessories and other lighting fixtures manufacturing, etc. Other electrical equipment manufacturing mainly includes energy-saving starting motors, energy-saving starting generators, energy-saving generators used with other internal combustion engines, energy-saving electromagnets and electromagnetic devices. The manufacturing of household refrigeration appliances mainly includes energy-saving refrigerators, freezers (energy efficiency grades 1 and 2). The manufacturing of household air conditioning appliances mainly includes energy-saving air conditioners (energy efficiency grades 1 and 2). The manufacturing of household ventilation appliances mainly includes energy-saving range hoods, electric fans, exhaust fans (energy efficiency grades 1 and 2). The manufacturing of household kitchen appliances mainly includes energy-saving ovens, microwave ovens, induction cookers, rice cookers (energy efficiency grades 1 and 2)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In particular, reason enables us to see that others, previously outside the bounds of our moral view, are like us in relevant respects. Excluding them from the sphere of beings to whom we owe moral consideration can then seem arbitrary, or just plain wrong. Steven Pinker’s recent book The Better Angels of Our Nature lends weighty support to this view. Pinker, a professor of psychology at Harvard University, draws on recent research in history, psychology, cognitive science, economics, and sociology to argue that our era is less violent, less cruel, and more peaceful than any previous period of human existence. The decline in violence holds for families, neighborhoods, tribes, and states. In essence, humans living today are less likely to meet a violent death, or to suffer from violence or cruelty at the hands of others, than their predecessors in any previous century. Many people will doubt this claim. Some hold a rosy view of the simpler, supposedly more placid lives of tribal hunter-gatherers relative to our own. But examination of skeletons found at archaeological sites suggests that as many as 15% of prehistoric humans met a violent death at the hands of another person. (For comparison, in the first half of the twentieth century, the two world wars caused a death rate in Europe of not much more than 3%.) Even those tribal peoples extolled by anthropologists as especially “gentle” – for example, the Semai of Malaysia, the Kung of the Kalahari, and the Central Arctic Inuit – turn out to have murder rates that are, relative to population, comparable to Detroit, which has one of the highest murder rates in the United States. In Europe, your chance of being murdered is now less than one-tenth, and in some countries only one-fiftieth, of what it would have been had you lived 500 years ago. Pinker accepts that reason is an important factor underlying the trends that he describes. In support of this claim, he refers to the “Flynn Effect” – the remarkable finding by the philosopher James Flynn that since IQ tests were first administered, scores have risen considerably. The average IQ is, by definition, 100; but, to achieve that result, raw test results have to be standardized.", "zh": "特别是理性可以使我们发现，那些原本处于自身道德观之外的其他事物其实在相关方面与我们非常相似。 于是将它们排除在我们应当进行道德考虑的领域之外会被认定是蛮横固执，或者简直就是错的。 史蒂文·平克（Steven Pinker）最近出版的《我们本性中的好天使》一书对这一观点提供了极大支持。 这位哈佛大学心理学教授借鉴了在历史，心理学，认知科学，经济和社会学方面的新近研究成果，证明我们的时代其实已经比人类出现以来的任何时代都更少暴力，更不残忍，也更平和。 在家庭，邻里，部族和国家中的暴力行为都有所减少。 基本上当今的人们比他们过往的祖先更少机会被暴力杀害，或者遭受他人施加的暴力或残酷行为。 许多人会对这个观点有所怀疑。 有些人认为从前那种男打猎女采果的生活更简单也似乎更平和，也与自己当前的生活相近。 但通过检测那些从考古遗址发掘出来的骨骼，我们发现有15%的史前人类是死于他人的暴力打击之下的（相比之下在20世纪上半叶，两次世界大战在欧洲导致的死亡率还不足3 % 。 甚至连那些被考古学家称赞为尤其“温和”的部族族群 — — 比如马来西亚的瑟买人（Semai ） ， 非洲卡拉哈里（Kalahari）沙漠地区的坤族人（Kung）以及生活在北极圈中部地区的因纽特人 — — 其谋杀数量相对于人口总量的比率来说都可以跟底特律 — — 美国谋杀率最高的城市之一 — — 不相上下。 平克同意理性是支撑他所阐述的趋势的一项重要因素。 为了支撑这一观点，他引用了“弗林效应 ” — —哲学家詹姆斯·弗林（James Flynn）的一项重大发现：自从智商（IQ）首次进行测试以来，人们的得分取得了相当大的提升。 在定义上平均智商值应该是100，但为了取得这一结果，原始的测试数据必须进行标准化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if there is a problem, it can easily be fixed; spending a fraction of the money that went into Bush’s two tax cuts would have fixed Social Security for 75 years; slight benefit cuts, adjusting the age of retirement, or minor adjustments in the level of contributions could fix the system permanently. Moreover, Bush’s proposals won’t fix social security – unless they are accompanied by drastic benefit cuts. For how could they? He proposes diverting almost a third of the Social Security tax to private accounts. That means less money coming in. If benefits are not reduced, the gap between receipts and expenditures will increase. One doesn’t need a Nobel Prize to figure that out. So privatization would not protect retirees against the Social Security system’s insolvency; it would merely add enormously to today’s fiscal deficit, because partial privatization entails diverting money to private funds that would have been used to close the gap between government expenditures and revenue. The anticipated increase in the fiscal deficit is striking: the central plan discussed by Bush’s Council of Economic Advisers would – according to the Council’s own estimates – increase America’s fiscal deficit by $2 trillion over the next decade. Advocates of privatization claim to believe in markets, but they are proposing budget gimmickry that would move those losses off the books, as if markets could be easily fooled. America and the world should remember: Argentina’s privatization of its pension system was at the center of its recent fiscal woes.", "zh": "即使有，也能轻而易举地解决，只要动用一小部分布什在两次降税方案中所得的钱就足以维持社会保障体系75年；微调下降福利，调整退休年龄，或者小幅度调整捐款标准就能永久性保持该体系。 此外，除非同步大幅降低福利，否则，布什的提议也不能解决社会保障问题。 为什么呢？ 他建议将几乎三分之一的社会保障税转移到私人账户。 那意味着入帐资金越发减少。 如果不降低福利，收入与开销之间的差距将越拉越大。 就算没有拿过诺贝尔奖的人也能明白这其中的道理。 因此，私有化并不能保护退休者们不受社会保障体系功能恶化的影响，它只会为如今的财政赤字再添一笔巨大的负担，因为一部分私有化牵涉到资金到私人基金的转移，而这笔资金正是原本用以填平政府开销和国家收入之间的鸿沟的。 财政赤字的预期增长是惊人的：根据布什的经济顾问委员会估计，他们所讨论的中心计划将在今后十年中增加2万亿美元财政赤字。 私有化的拥护者们宣称他们相信市场，但是他们却提议使用可以移走账面损失的预算伎俩，似乎市场可以就这样被容易地愚弄。 美国和全世界都应该记得：阿根廷的养老金体系私有化是导致其近期财政恶化的核心。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Founded in 2014 – following the murders of Jim and three other American journalists (Steven Sotloff, Marie Colvin, and Luke Somers) in conflict zones – the ACOS Alliance is an international coalition of media outlets, press freedom organizations, and journalists championing safe and responsible journalistic practices for freelance and local reporters worldwide. The ACOS Alliance urges news organizations and journalists to adopt the Freelance Journalist Safety Principles. Recommendations include securing adequate medical insurance; carrying out a careful risk assessment before traveling to hostile or dangerous environments; and ensuring sustained access to expert safety information. Moreover, the principles emphasize that news organizations must “show the same concern for the welfare of local journalists and freelancers that they do for staffers.” The James W. Foley Legacy Foundation – a US-based non-profit that Jim’s family founded a month after his murder – supports the ACOS Alliance, as part of our mission to promote the safety of journalists worldwide. For example, in line with the safety principles, we are working to expand access to Hostile Environment and Emergency First Aid Training (HEFAT) courses. Because HEFAT courses can be prohibitively expensive for freelancers, we collaborate with ACOS partners to provide grants covering the full cost. We must continue to find creative ways to deliver HEFAT to the journalists who need it most. But the need for education on safety arises long before a journalist receives an assignment in a dangerous environment. That is why our foundation, in partnership with the Medill School of Journalism at Northwestern University, has also developed a safety guide for graduate schools to use to educate journalism students on how to protect themselves. We are now piloting a similar guide for undergraduate journalism students at Marquette University’s Diederich College of Communication. These modules identify the potential dangers of reporting not only in conflict zones, but also in ostensibly non-threatening environments. And they provide aspiring young journalists with the risk-assessment and digital-security skills they need to keep themselves safe as they perform a range of tasks, from interviewing subjects to meeting with sources. That way, when they start their careers, they will already be in the habit of taking the necessary precautions.", "zh": "ACOS成立于2014年 — — 因为吉姆和其他三名美国记者史蒂文·索特洛夫（Steven Sotloff ） 、 玛丽·科尔文（Marie Clovin）和卢克·索莫斯（Luke Somers）被杀而成立 — — 它是一家国际媒体组织、言论自由组织和记者组成的联盟，致力于为全世界自由职业和本地记者实现安全而负责任的新闻报道。 ACOS联盟敦促新闻组织和记者采用自由职业记者安全原则。 建议包括确保充足的医保；在前往敌对或危险环境前做足风险评估；以及确保始终能够获得专业安全信息。 此外，原则还强调新闻组织必须“向关心编制职员那样关心本地记者和自由职业记者的福利 。 ” 詹姆斯·弗雷遗产基金会（James W. Foley Legacy Foundation ） — —吉姆的家人在他被害后一个月所成立的美国非营利组织 — — 支持ACOS联盟，这是我们促进全世界记者安全的使命的一部分。 比如，作为安全原则的补充，我们也致力于扩大敌意环境和紧急救助训练（HEFAT）课程的普及度。 HEFAT课程对于自由职业记者来说过于昂贵，我们与ACOS合作伙伴合作提供费用全免优惠。 我们必须不断寻找创新性办法，让最需要HEFAT的记者能够获得它。 但安全教育的需要必须在记者接受危险环境任务之前就开始。 因此，我们的基金会在西北大学梅迪尔新闻学院（Medill School of Journalism）的合作下，还为研究生院校开发了安全指南，可用于教育新闻学学生如何保护自己。 我们正在马奎特大学迪特里希传播学院（Diederich College of Communication）的新闻学本科试点类似的指南。 这些课程辨别报道活动的潜在的危险 — — 不仅包括冲突地区，也包括表面上没有威胁的环境。 它们还向有抱负的年轻记者提供风险评估和数字安全技能，以便他们在从事各种报道任务时保持自身安全，包括调查报道和与线人碰面。 如此，当他们开启职业生涯时，便已经习惯于做好必要的准备。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈凉川抽了抽嘴角，所有的耐心都耗尽了，额头青筋直冒，恨不得撬开这个女人的脑袋，看看里面都塞了什么。 可对着乔恋努力瞪大，却因为肿起来而眯缝的清澈眼睛，他所有的情绪，最后只能化作无奈：“小乔，我是你的丈夫。” 乔恋一下子愣住了。 她错愕的望着面前的男人。 他的神色是那么的坚决，而那句话，也带着让人无法抗拒的命令。 所以……是她想的那个意思吗？ 她咬住了嘴唇。 在沈凉川说第一句话的时候，她其实就已经有这个想法了。 可是她不敢妄想。 此刻，听着沈凉川这么说出来，她还是觉得不可思议。 她盯着面前的男人，盯着盯着，忽然想笑。 这么一动，又扯动了伤口，她只好绷住了自己的脸，然后缓缓开口：“沈先生，其实……您没必要这么客气。” 她低下了头，“我之所以去救宋原希，是因为我喜欢这个小姑娘。 不是想要得到你的怜悯。”", "en": "Shen Liangchuan twitched his lips, Shen Liangchuan’s lips twitched as he felt his patience draining away. The veins on his forehead started to pop, as he desperately wished to prise open this woman’s skull to see what exactly was stuffed inside it. However, when he saw Qiao Lian desperately try to widen her eyes, but fail due to the swelling keeping them shut, he finally said resignedly, “Xiao Qiao, I am your husband.” Qiao Lian instantly froze. She looked dumbfoundedly at the man in front of her. His expression was quite determined, and his words carried an irresistibly commanding tone. So… did he actually mean what she thought he meant? She bit her lip. When Shen Liangchuan started this topic, she had already considered this. However, she did not dare to dream big. At this moment, even after she had heard Shen Liangchuan say the word ‘husband’, she could still scarcely believe it. She stared at the man in front of her. The more she stared, the more she wanted to laugh. As her mouth twitched, her injuries stretched in pain. Thus, she had to keep her face straight. Then, she said tentatively, “Mr. Shen, actually… you don’t have to be so polite.” She lowered her head and continued, “I only went to rescue Song Yuanxi because I really like her. I did not mean to got your pity.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In four cabinet positions and a lifetime of advising American political leaders at the federal and state level, he profoundly affected policies on labor strikes and racial inequities; budgets, debt management, and tax reform; trade and exchange rates; regulation; money and interest rates; entitlements and education; and drugs and the environment. Our many personal interactions began in 1973, when as US Treasury Secretary, he asked Martin Feldstein and me to advise the Filer Commission, which he and Wilbur Mills, then the chair of the powerful House Ways and Means Committee, promoted to recommend policies toward private philanthropy. George and I often ruminated that the large role of private philanthropy relative to government was an important factor underlying America’s success. Our research found that the tax deduction for charitable giving had a sizable impact on the level of philanthropy, and the commission’s report was essential to fending off abolition of the deduction. Soon thereafter, George and I met with California Governor Jerry Brown, who wanted advice on his budget. He tried to convince us to support building an ever-larger surplus. We advised him that doing so would invite trouble, given that high inflation was driving people into higher tax brackets and sending property tax assessments soaring. Structural tax reform and reduction made more sense. California’s famous Proposition 13, which capped property taxes, ended Brown’s plan. In 1979, George invited a few economists to his home for dinner with Reagan, who was seeking the Republican Party’s presidential nomination. He wanted me to push Reagan on the nuances of supply-side economics, while Milton Friedman pressed him to back a potentially painful disinflation. Reagan responded that lower tax rates would recover all revenue only if rates were high enough or were on activities extremely responsive to taxation, but that they would unleash the economy’s dynamism well before that. And he pledged firm support for disinflation. His answers were perfect, and he realized them as president. George and the economist Martin Anderson then asked me to join Reagan’s campaign.", "zh": "他历任4个内阁职位，终生为联邦和州级别的政治领袖提供建议，并借此深刻影响了劳动力罢工和种族不平等、预算、债务管理和税务改革、贸易和汇率、监管法规、货币和利率、权利和教育以及毒品和环境等领域的各项政策。 我们两人的大量私交始于1973年，当时他任职美国财政部长，邀请马丁·菲尔德斯坦和我为他和当时手握重权的众议院筹款委员会主席威尔伯·米尔斯所积极推动的为私人慈善事业建言献策的法勒委员会提供咨询服务。 乔治和我经常反复思考，私人慈善事业相对于政府所起的重要作用是导致美国成功的一个重要因素。 我们的研究结果发现，对慈善捐赠实行税收减免在很大程度上影响着慈善事业，而委员会报告则在阻止取消这种税收抵免时发挥了重要作用。 不久之后，乔治和我会见了加州州长杰里·布朗，他希望我们就该州预算案提出建议。 他试图说服我们支持积累不断增加的盈余。 我们劝他这样做会惹来麻烦，因为高通胀正不断将人们推向更高的税率等级，同时大幅拉高房地产评估税率。 结构性税制改革和减免其实更有意义。 加州著名的第13号提案规定房产税封顶，并由此导致了布朗计划的终结。 1979年，乔治邀请几位经济学家到他家与里根共进晚餐，里根当时正在争取共和党的总统候选人提名资格。 他希望我向里根讲解供给侧经济学的细微差别，而此时米尔顿·弗里德曼则向其施压，支持可能带来痛苦的通货紧缩。 里根回答说降低税率只有在税率足够高或对税收极其敏感的活动上才能收回全部收入，但在那之前，却早已达到了释放经济活力的效果。 他还承诺坚定支持反通胀政策。 他的回答相当完美，并在担任总统期间一直以此为准则。 乔治和经济学家马丁·安德森而后邀请我加入里根的竞选活动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fiscal Challenges and Fiscal Follies BERKELEY – Where is America’s economy headed in 2013? Will the recovery continue at its frustratingly slow pace? Or will it accelerate as the housing sector rebounds, bank lending expands, household balance sheets improve, and state and local government budgets strengthen? With economic headwinds dissipating, the United States’ prospects for faster GDP growth appear promising. But there is also a significant risk that a large and unnecessary dose of fiscal austerity will weaken demand, undermine confidence, and tip the economy back into recession. Since 2010, annual GDP growth has averaged about 2.1%, less than half the average of recoveries from previous US recessions over the last 60 years. Slow GDP growth has meant slow employment growth. The unemployment rate remains about two percentage points higher than what most economists consider consistent with a full recovery, and the labor-force participation rate is hovering near historic lows. The economy is still operating far below its potential: GDP is about 6% below what the economy is capable of producing at full capacity without higher inflation. Tepid growth reflects weak demand. Housing prices are rising, and, while residential investment is increasing, it remains depressed as a share of GDP. Households have cut their debt and rebuilt their balance sheets, but the large loss in household wealth, weak growth in wages and income, the concentration of most income gains at the top, and a decline in labor’s share of national income to record lows continue to constrain consumption.", "zh": "财政挑战与财政愚昧 发自伯克利 — — 2013年美国经济将会走向何处？ 经济复苏的速度还会慢得像现在这么令人沮丧么？ 还是会随着楼市反弹，银行信贷扩张，家庭资产负债表改善和州及地方政府预算状况增强而加速复苏？ 随着经济逆风消散，美国GDP加快增长的前景似乎很有希望。 但也存在这样一个风险：大幅且无必要的财政紧缩可能会削弱需求，打击信心，并使经济重陷衰退。 2010年以来，GDP年增长率平均约为2.1 % ， 这比过去60年以来经济萧条的平均复苏增长率的一半还要低。 GDP增长缓慢意味着就业增长也缓慢。 现在的失业率比经济学家认为符合全面复苏的水平高出2 % ， 而劳动力参与率则徘徊在历史最低点附近。 当前经济正在远低于其潜力的水平运行：GDP规模约比发挥全部潜能而不引起通胀的水平要小6 % 。 温和增长反映了需求疲软。 房价正在上升，尽管住宅投资也在增长，然而其所占GDP比例仍然很低迷。 家庭减少了其债务并重建资产负债表，但是家庭财富的巨大损失，工资收入增长疲软，大部分收入集中在高层，国民收入中劳动的比例降到历史低点，这一切都抑制了消费。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It refers to “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group.” The emphasis is on “intent,” not on the numbers of people whose lives are destroyed. Mao Zedong murdered up to 40 million Chinese, but did he intend to destroy them as a group? Surely not. We know that Hitler did intend to destroy every last Jewish man, woman, and child. Even though mass killings are not rare in history, Hitler’s extermination plan was, if not unique, certainly highly unusual. However, the laudable effort to prevent such a thing from recurring has had unfortunate consequences. For, in our zeal to learn lessons from history, we often learn the wrong ones, or distort history towards dubious ends. In a way, the killings at Srebrenica also were affected by the memories of World War II. The United Nations’ Dutch battalion promised to protect the Muslims there, even though it was in no position to do so. It was a promise that partly reflected the feeling of guilt that still haunts the Dutch for looking the other way as the Germans rounded up and deported two-thirds of their country’s Jewish population to death camps. This time, it would be different. This time, they would act. Alas, outnumbered and outgunned by Mladić’s forces, the Dutch surrendered Srebrenica to its fate. Because of the trauma of Hitler’s intention to murder all of the Jews, genocide has become the one compelling reason for military action, including armed invasion of other countries. But what constitutes genocide? Bernard Kouchner, the founder of Doctors Without Borders, wanted the world to intervene in Nigeria in 1970, because he saw the killing of Ibos by Nigerian troops as a genocidal echo of Auschwitz. Others saw a brutal civil war, and cautioned that intervention would make things worse. For some, we are forever living in 1938, or rather, 1942, when the Nazis approved what Hitler called “the final solution of the Jewish question.”", "zh": "它被定义为“蓄意整体或部分消灭某一民族、人种，种族或宗教团体的行动 ” ， 而其重点则是“蓄意”而非被杀害者的数目。 毛泽东令4000万中国人丧命，那可否认定他是蓄意把这些人作为一个群体而消灭之？ 答案显然是否定的。 我们知道希特勒确实想消灭每一个犹太成年男女和儿童。 虽然大屠杀在历史上并不鲜见，但希特勒的灭绝计划即便不是特例，也是极不寻常的。 然而试图阻止这类事件重演的善行却带来了不幸的后果。 因为在努力从历史中取经的时候，我们常常会学到了错的东西，或者歪曲了历史并导致不可预知的结局。 在某种程度上，斯雷布雷尼察屠杀也受到了二战记忆的影响。 虽然实际上无能为力，但驻当地的荷兰派驻联合国部队却依然承诺会保护当地的穆斯林。 事实上荷兰人一直被一种负罪感所困扰着，因为当年他们坐视德国人将本国2/3的犹太人口抓起来并押解到死亡集中营，而这一承诺恰恰也反映了这一种困扰。 他们认为这次会跟以往不同，决心这次不会无动于衷。 谁知在姆拉迪奇的优势兵力威胁下，荷兰人只得拱手将斯雷布雷尼察送上了死路。 由于希特勒试图屠杀所有犹太人所造成的心理创伤，种族灭绝已经成为了一个采取军事行动 — — 包括武装侵略其他国家 — — 的最有力理由。 但种族灭绝究竟如何定义？ 1970年时“无国界医生”组织的创始人贝尔纳·库什内（Bernard Kouchner）希望国际社会干涉尼日利亚事务，因为他看见尼日利亚政府军杀害伊博族人，就跟当年在奥斯维辛集中营发生的那样。 而其他人则将其视为一场血腥内战，并警告国际干涉可能会令事态继续恶化。 对于某些人来说，我们永远活在《慕尼黑协定》签订的1938年，或是纳粹党批准通过希特勒所谓“犹太问题最终解决方案”的1942年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, while supply eventually would increase and price pressures would ease, there would still be problems. If export restrictions persisted, the high-cost production facilities now being built would divert precious resources from programs to help the poor. And because these facilities remain under construction, they won’t add any productive capacity during the period of acute price increases, just when it is needed most. In the long run, the completion of these facilities would mean that more efficient producers in advanced economies could not resume the same level of sales to poorer countries. Those countries would have their own less-efficient medical supply industries, exporting countries would be left with excess capacity, and everyone would be worse off. Avoiding such a wasteful outcome requires a mechanism for rationing scarce medical equipment until supplies have increased. Rich countries should not simply extend cash or loans to poorer countries to purchase what they need, because they will effectively be financing a bidding war against themselves. Instead of money, countries that need medical supplies and equipment should receive goods in kind. The international community, for its part, will need to agree on the criteria for allocating medical supplies, and then enforce them to prevent black markets from developing. Obviously, infection rates and public-health capacity (or the lack thereof) should be the major factors guiding allocation decisions. But recipient countries also will need to agree to refrain from wasting scarce resources on building their own productive capacity. Given that it already has most of the necessary data, the World Health Organization should take the lead on coordinating medical-supply allocation. In an ideal world, everyone would receive the supplies they need without regard to their ability to pay. In the real world, vaccine developers and PPE producers must be able to count on some reward for their efforts, or they won’t undertake them in the first place. With an allocation mechanism, at least such rewards would not be supercharged by a bidding war. More important, governments in developing and emerging-market countries would be better positioned to resist protectionist pressures, and to expend their scarce resources on programs to ameliorate the pandemic and recession. If these governments have a voice at the table, the road to recovery will be much smoother, and the global production of medical supplies will be more efficient and equitable both now and over the long term.", "zh": "此外，尽管供应最终会增加，价格压力会缓解，但问题仍然存在。 如果出口限制继续存在，目前用于正在建设的高成本生产设施的宝贵资源将分流用于帮助贫困人口的项目。 由于这些设施仍在建设中，因此在价格急剧上涨的时期，也就是最需要产能的时候，它们不会增加产能。 从长期来看，这些设施的建成将意味着，发达经济体中效率更高的生产商无法恢复对较贫穷国家同等水平的销售。 这些国家自身的医疗供应行业效率会较低，出口国家就会出现产能过剩，所有人的情况都将变得更糟。 为了避免这种浪费，我们需要一种在供应增加之前对稀缺的医疗设备实行定量配给的机制。 富国不应简单地向穷国提供现金或贷款，以购买它们所需的东西，因为它们实际上是在为一场针对自己的竞购战融资。 需要医疗用品和设备的国家应该得到实物，而不是金钱。 国际社会需要就分配医疗用品的标准达成一致，然后予以执行，防止黑市的发展。 显然，感染率和公共卫生能力(或缺乏公共卫生能力)应是指导分配决定的主要因素。 但受援国还必须同意，不要将稀缺资源浪费在提高本国生产能力上。 鉴于世界卫生组织已经掌握了大部分必要数据，它应在协调医疗供应分配方面发挥带头作用。 在一个理想的世界里，每个人都能得到他们所需要的物资，而不考虑他们的支付能力。 在现实世界中，疫苗开发人员和个人防护装备生产者必须能指望他们的努力得到一些回报，否则他们一开始就不会承担这些责任。 有了分配机制，至少这样的奖励不会因为一场竞购战而增加。 更重要的是，发展中国家和新兴市场国家的政府将能更好地抵御保护主义压力，并将其稀缺的资源用于改善疫情和衰退的计划。 如果这些国家的政府能够在谈判桌上发出声音，复苏之路就会顺利得多，全球医疗用品的生产现在和长期都将更加有效和公平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Growth Conundrum BERKELEY – The world faces a major dilemma. While rapid economic growth, such as that realized over the past 50 years, is critical to support development, we now also know that it can have serious adverse consequences, particularly for the environment. How can we balance the imperatives of growth and development with the need to ensure sustainability? The unprecedented growth of per capita income during the last 20 years has lifted more than one billion people out of extreme poverty. In developing countries, life expectancy has increased by 20 years since the mid-1970s, and the illiteracy rate among adults was almost halved in the last 30 years. But rapid economic growth has placed enormous pressure on the environment. Moreover, it has been accompanied by rising income inequality, which has now reached historic highs within many countries (though, across countries, such inequality has declined). Given this, one might argue that slower growth would be good for the world. In that case, the solution would be at hand. According to a new report by the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI), aging populations and declining fertility rates in many parts of the world could dampen global growth considerably over the next 50 years. Indeed, even if productivity were to expand at the same rapid rate as during the last half-century, global growth would fall by 40%, far below the anemic rate of the last five years. Employment growth is also set to slow significantly. As a result, even with slower population growth, per capita income growth would fall by about 19%.", "zh": "增长难题 伯克利 — — 世界正面临一个重大难题。 虽然过去50年经济快速增长对支持经济发展至关重要，但我们现在已经了解增长也能带来严重的不良后果，特别是在环境领域。 我们该如何平衡必要的增长与可持续性之间的关系？ 超10亿人已在过去20年来人均收入前所未有的增长中脱贫。 发展中国家预期寿命自20世纪70年代中期以来延长了20年，且过去30年来成人文盲率几乎降低了一半左右。 但经济快速发展已经给环境造成了巨大的压力。 此外，经济发展还造成收入差距不断拉大，现在在很多国家已经达到历史高位（尽管世界各国间缩小了这种收入差距 ） 。 有鉴于此，有人可能认为经济增长放缓对世界有利。 经济增长放缓已经近在咫尺。 麦肯锡全球研究院（MGI）新近发布的报告显示，全球诸多国家人口老龄化及生育率下降可能会在今后50年显著抑制全球经济。 事实上，即便生产率仍以与近半个世纪相同的速度增长，全球经济增长仍将下降40 % ， 上述状况还远比不上过去5年本已乏力的增长率。 就业增长也将显著放缓。 这样一来，即便人口增长速度放缓，人均收入增长也将下降约19 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Size zero models still dominate our catwalks. Airbrushing is now routine. And trends like #thinspiration, #thighgap, #bikinibridge and #proana. For those who don't know, #proana means pro-anorexia. These trends are teamed with the stereotyping and flagrant objectification of women in today's popular culture. It is not hard to see what girls are benchmarking themselves against. But boys are not immune to this either. Aspiring to the chiseled jaw lines and ripped six packs of superhero-like sports stars and playboy music artists. But, what's the problem with all of this? Well, surely we want our kids to grow up as healthy, well balanced individuals. But in an image-obsessed culture, we are training our kids to spend more time and mental effort on their appearance at the expense of all of the other aspects of their identities. So, things like their relationships, the development of their physical abilities, and their studies and so on begin to suffer. Six out of 10 girls are now choosing not to do something because they don't think they look good enough. These are not trivial activities. These are fundamental activities to their development as humans and as contributors to society and to the workforce. Thirty-one percent, nearly one in three teenagers, are withdrawing from classroom debate. They're failing to engage in classroom debate because they don't want to draw attention to the way that they look. One in five are not showing up to class at all on days when they don't feel good about it. And when it comes to exams, if you don't think you look good enough, specifically if you don't think you are thin enough, you will score a lower grade point average than your peers who are not concerned with this. And this is consistent across Finland, the U.S. and China, and is true regardless of how much you actually weigh. So to be super clear, we're talking about the way you think you look, not how you actually look. Low body confidence is undermining academic achievement. But it's also damaging health.", "zh": "\"零号尺寸\"模特仍然统治着T形台。 修饰照片现在也很常见。 现在的趋势是#励瘦、#大腿间距、 #比基尼桥和#安娜运动。 要跟那些不明白这些的人提一下，#安娜运动的意思是支持厌食。 这些趋势与今天的流行文化中对女性的刻板印象 和公然物化结合在一起。 从中不难看出女孩子们是怎样定位自己的。 但是男孩子们对此也不能幸免。 他们渴望拥有轮廓分明的下巴线条和像英雄般的体育明星 以及花花公子音乐艺术家所拥有的六块腹肌。 但是, 所有的这些表现的问题是什么呢? 我们当然希望我们的孩子成长为一个健康、均衡发展的个人。 但是在这样一个对相貌着迷的文化中，我们正将我们的孩子训练成 将更多的时间和精力花在外貌上， 而对于其他方面的身份认同关注更少的人。 因此，他们会在人际关系、体能发展 和学习等方面开始受挫。 现在10个女孩中有6个会因为她们觉得自己不够好看 而不去做某事。 这些都不是琐事。 作为人类以及社会和职场的参与者的发展来说， 这些都是基本的。 有31%，也就是说将近三分之一的青少年 会从课堂辩论中退出。 他们退出是因为 不想让别人注意到他们的长相。 有五分之一的青少年在感觉不是很好的时候 甚至都不会在班级里露面。 考试的时候， 如果你觉得自己不够好看， 特别是如果你觉得自己不够苗条的话， 那么跟那些不关心这些的同学比起来 你可能得到的平均分数要比他们低。 这一点不管是在芬兰、美国 还是中国都是一致的，而且不管你真实的体重是多少。 所以非常清楚，我们是在讨论 你所认为的自己的长相，而不是你的真实长相。 对身体的信心不足会削弱学业成绩。 而且也会有损健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "North Korea has been pressing for a declaration of the end of war, an aspirational statement that would signal a common desire to replace the armistice that has existed since the Korean War ended 65 years ago with a formal peace treaty. Again, the question arises as to what North Korea would require in return. Already, its suspension of nuclear and missile testing has brought about an end to large US-South Korea military exercises. At some point, North Korea is likely to ask for a reduction in US troop levels in South Korea. This risk is related to the focus on denuclearization. Achieving it is an understandable priority for the US, but South Korea must worry as much, if not more, about North Korea’s non-nuclear or conventional military forces that threaten Seoul, home to roughly 20% of South Koreans. The danger is that differing priorities drive a wedge between the two allies, benefiting North Korea. Despite Trump’s tweets and statements, denuclearization is neither a fact nor a certainty. On the contrary, it remains a distant and unlikely goal. The challenge for the US and South Korea is to bring the goal closer without growing apart. The best way to achieve this is through close consultation, a commitment to avoid surprising each another or entering into separate deals, and the forging of a comprehensive agreement on what diplomacy must achieve and what it would require in return. Existing military exercises and economic sanctions should be sustained, until there are significant changes that reduce the North Korean threat. Think of it as defining diplomacy up.", "zh": "朝鲜一直在要求宣布停战。 停战是一个很有企图的宣言，将表明用正式和平条约取代65年前朝鲜战争结束以来的休战，是共同的愿望。 这里的问题也在于朝鲜要求什么回报。 目前，其中止核和导弹试射的政策让美国和韩国停止了大规模联合军演。 总有一天，朝鲜可能要求减少美国在韩国的驻军。 风险在于专注于去核化。 不难理解，实现这一目标是美国的重点，但韩国同样还要担心（甚至更加担心）朝鲜威胁首尔的非核或常规军力。 韩国20%的人口都居住在首尔。 危险在于不同的重点将造成两个盟友之间的裂痕，让朝鲜渔利。 尽管特朗普发了很多推特和声明，但去核化既非事实，也不确定。 相反，它仍然是一个可望不可即的目标。 美国和韩国的挑战是在不发生分歧的情况下接近这个目标。 实现这一点的最好办法是通过紧密磋商、承诺避免做出令对方意外的举动或各自签署协议，以及形成全面协定，规定哪些外交目标必须实现，为了实现它们需要怎样的回报。 现行军事演习和经济制裁应该保持，除非发生了减小朝鲜威胁的重大变化。 我们可称之为外交的升华。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "其他合成材料制造，主要包括光敏树脂材料（集成电路、印刷线路板制作及电子器件等）、新型发光材料（用于仪表、电子学设备、电视及计算机制作的发光材料等）、导电高分子材料（可充电池、二或三极管、电致变色及显示、传感器等）、抗静电高分子材料（电子信号处理器件抗静电干忧等）、有机高分子磁性材料（用于电讯和仪器仪表等）、高分子光导材料（用于复印、全息记录、摄像、光敏元件等）、高分子太阳能转换材料（太阳能电池等）、高分子驻极体材料（电声转换、电机械能转换、电子照相、人工脏器等）、高分子压电材料（音频换能器、红外及光学器件等）、高分子非线性光学材料（光通信、光计算、光开关、光记忆等技术领域）、高分子光导纤维（用于通信领域光纤等）、高分子屏蔽材料（电子信号屏蔽处理等）、高分子隐身材料（雷达波、可见光及声纳隐身材料等）、高分子OLED材料（新型OLED显示器等）。", "en": "Other synthetic materials manufacturing mainly includes photosensitive resin materials (used in integrated circuits, printed circuit board production, and electronic devices, etc.), new luminescent materials (used in instruments, electronic equipment, television, and computer production, etc.), conductive polymer materials (rechargeable batteries, diodes or triodes, electrochromic and display devices, sensors, etc.), antistatic polymer materials (antistatic protection for electronic signal processing devices, etc.), organic polymer magnetic materials (used in telecommunications and instrumentation, etc.), polymer optical waveguide materials (used in photocopying, holographic recording, imaging, photosensitive devices, etc.), polymer solar conversion materials (solar cells, etc.), polymer ferroelectric materials (electroacoustic conversion, electromechanical energy conversion, electronic photography, artificial organs, etc.), polymer piezoelectric materials (audio transducers, infrared and optical devices, etc.), polymer nonlinear optical materials (optical communication, optical computing, optical switches, optical memory, etc.), polymer optical fiber (used in the field of communication, optical fibers, etc.), polymer shielding materials (electronic signal shielding processing, etc.), polymer stealth materials (radar waves, visible light, and sonar stealth materials, etc.), polymer OLED materials (new OLED displays, etc.)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I would like to talk to you about a story about a small town kid. I don't know his name, but I do know his story. He lives in a small village in southern Somalia. His village is near Mogadishu. Drought drives the small village into poverty and to the brink of starvation. With nothing left for him there, he leaves for the big city, in this case, Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. When he arrives, there are no opportunities, no jobs, no way forward. He ends up living in a tent city on the outskirts of Mogadishu. Maybe a year passes, nothing. One day, he's approached by a gentleman who offers to take him to lunch, then to dinner, to breakfast. He meets this dynamic group of people, and they give him a break. He's given a bit of money to buy himself some new clothes, money to send back home to his family. He is introduced to this young woman. He eventually gets married. He starts this new life. He has a purpose in life. One beautiful day in Mogadishu, under an azure blue sky, a car bomb goes off. That small town kid with the big city dreams was the suicide bomber, and that dynamic group of people were al Shabaab, a terrorist organization linked to al Qaeda. So how does the story of a small town kid just trying to make it big in the city end up with him blowing himself up? He was waiting. He was waiting for an opportunity, waiting to begin his future, waiting for a way forward, and this was the first thing that came along. This was the first thing that pulled him out of what we call waithood. And his story repeats itself in urban centers around the world. It is the story of the disenfranchised, unemployed urban youth who sparks riots in Johannesburg, sparks riots in London, who reaches out for something other than waithood. For young people, the promise of the city, the big city dream is that of opportunity, of jobs, of wealth, but young people are not sharing in the prosperity of their cities. Often it's youth who suffer from the highest unemployment rates.", "zh": "我想跟大家讲一个故事 是关于一个小镇孩子的 我不知道他的名字，但我知道他的故事 他住在索马里南部的一个小村庄里 这个村庄离首都摩加迪休很近 这个小村庄因为干旱所以一直很贫穷 人民食不果腹 留在那里实在没什么出路 所以他去了大城市 在这个故事里，索马里的首都摩加迪休，就是大城市 他刚到的时候，没有什么机遇 没工作，没前途 最后只能住在帐篷城里 就在摩加迪休的郊外 大概一年过去了，也还是一无所有 有一天，他遇到一个贵人 贵人带他去吃了午餐 还有晚餐和早餐 他接触了一帮很有活力的人 然后他也得到了休息 他还得到一些钱 可以给自己买新衣服 可以给自己老家寄钱 有人给他介绍了个年轻的姑娘 然后他们结婚了 他开始了新的生活 他的生活也有了目标 在摩加迪休的某一天 在碧蓝的天空下 发生了一场汽车炸弹事件 这个有着城市梦的小镇男孩 就是那个人体炸弹 而当初那帮充满活力的人 都是\"青年党\"，一个和基地组织有联系的 恐怖组织 这个小镇男孩 只是想去城市闯一闯 为什么他的故事是以自杀式袭击为结尾呢？ 他其实在等待 他在等待一个机会 等待开启他的未来 等待一条可以往前走的路 而这是他一路走来的第一次遭遇 这是将他从等待成年期中解脱出来的 第一次遭遇 而他的故事还在重复着 在世界不同的市中心 这是一个关于被剥夺权利的， 失业城市青年的故事。 他们在约翰尼斯堡发起暴动 在伦敦发起暴动 他们想得到等待成年期之外的东西 对于年轻人，城市带来的希望 大城市梦，就意味着机遇 工作，财富 但年轻人并没有享受到他们所在城市的繁荣 更多的，是年轻人在忍受着最高的失业率"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Until then, markets will keep pressure on sovereign spreads, making a self-fulfilling crisis likely. Today, Spain and Italy are at risk of losing market access. Official resources need to be tripled – through a larger European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF), Eurobonds, or massive ECB action – to avoid a disastrous run on these sovereigns. Fifth, debt burdens that cannot be eased by growth, savings, or inflation must be rendered sustainable through orderly debt restructuring, debt reduction, and conversion of debt into equity. This needs to be carried out for insolvent governments, households, and financial institutions alike. Sixth, even if Greece and other peripheral eurozone countries are given significant debt relief, economic growth will not resume until competitiveness is restored. And, without a rapid return to growth, more defaults – and social turmoil – cannot be avoided. There are three options for restoring competitiveness within the eurozone, all requiring a real depreciation – and none of which is viable: · A sharp weakening of the euro towards parity with the US dollar, which is unlikely, as the US is weak, too. · A rapid reduction in unit labor costs, via acceleration of structural reform and productivity growth relative to wage growth, is also unlikely, as that process took 15 years to restore competitiveness to Germany. · A five-year cumulative 30% deflation in prices and wages – in Greece, for example – which would mean five years of deepening and socially unacceptable depression; even if feasible, this amount of deflation would exacerbate insolvency, given a 30% increase in the real value of debt. Because these options cannot work, the sole alternative is an exit from the eurozone by Greece and some other current members. Only a return to a national currency – and a sharp depreciation of that currency – can restore competitiveness and growth. Leaving the common currency would, of course, threaten collateral damage for the exiting country and raise the risk of contagion for other weak eurozone members.", "zh": "到目前为止，市场将继续对主权利差施压，自我实现的危机的风险还没有消除。 如今，西班牙和意大利正在面临无法从市场上融资的风险。 官方资金渠道必须三管齐下 — — 更大规模的欧洲金融稳定基金（EFSF ） 、 欧元债券以及欧洲央行呃大动作 — — 以避免这些国家遭遇灾难性的主权债务挤兑。 第五，无法用增长、储蓄和通胀纾解的债务负担必须通过有序债务重组、债务削减和债权-股权转换让其变得可持续。 资不抵债的政府、家庭和金融机构都需要经历这样一个过程。 第六，即使希腊和其他欧元区外围国家获得了大面积债务豁免，经济增长仍将保持低迷，除非它们重新获得竞争力。 此外，如果增长不能迅速复苏，那么更多的违约 — — 甚至社会动荡 — — 将成为不可避免之事。 在欧元区内重塑竞争力有三条途径，这三条途径都必须经过实际贬值才能实现，而且没有一条目前是可行的： · 欧元对美元大幅贬值，这是不可能的，因为美元目前也很弱势。 · 单位劳动力成本大幅下降，可以通过加速结构改革、让生产力增长快于工资增长来实现。 这也是不可能的，因为德国走完这一重塑竞争力之路花了足足15年。 · 在五年内让价格和工资累计降低30 % （ 以希腊为例 ） ， 这将意味着为期五年的深度的、不为社会所接受的萧条；即使这条路可行，如此幅度的通缩也将进一步破坏偿债能力，让债务实际价值扩大30 % 。 由于这三条途径都起不了效果，于是就只剩下一条路：希腊和其他一些成员国退出欧元区。 只有回归国家货币 — — 并且对其实施大幅贬值 — — 才能重塑竞争力和经济增长。 当然，摆脱共同货币会造成附带伤害：威胁到留在欧元区内的国家，还会给其他疲软的欧元区成员国造成传染风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There are twice as many Europeans studying in the US as there are Americans studying in Europe. Europe’s “education gap” doesn’t stop at the Atlantic. China and India represent more than mushrooming factories and low-cost semi-skilled labor. Just as in Europe, the industrial revolution in “Chindia” is also creating an ambitious new middle class that is willing and able to send its children to university. But in today’s world, students and researchers choose a university much as consumers shop in the international marketplace. Europe has made some modest efforts to regain university competitiveness. In March 2000, EU leaders meeting in Lisbon set the goal of making Europe the world’s most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010, and two years later they agreed that investment in R&D must reach 3% of GDP by 2010.", "zh": "Il y a deux fois plus d’Européens étudiant aux États-Unis que d’Américains étudiant en Europe. Le “fossé de l’éducation” européen ne s’arrête pas à l’Atlantique. La Chine et l’Inde ne se limitent pas à des usines-champignons et à de la main d’œuvre à bas prix et peu qualifiée. Tout comme en Europe, la révolution industrielle en Chine et en Inde crée une nouvelle classe moyenne ambitieuse, désireuse et capable d’envoyer ses enfants à l’université. Seulement, dans le monde actuel, les étudiants et les chercheurs choisissent une université comme les consommateurs font leurs courses : sur le marché international. L’Europe a fait quelques modestes efforts pour rendre ses universités compétitives à nouveau. En mars 2000, la rencontre des dirigeants de l’UE à Lisbonne s’est fixé le but de faire de l’Europe l’économie basée sur le savoir la plus compétitive et la plus dynamique du monde d’ici 2010, et deux ans plus tard ces mêmes pays se sont mis d’accord pour que l’investissement en R&D atteigne 3 % du PIB d’ici 2010."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So, more than ever before, we need global solidarity in support of the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility (COVAX), the international initiative that aims to make the vaccines available everywhere in the world. COVAX represents the only viable way to achieve an international economic recovery and avoid a global vaccine divide. With 190 participating governments, the initiative has already secured an initial 2.3 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses for 2021. Next week, it will start to distribute the first 1.3 billion doses to people in 92 lower-income countries that otherwise would be unable to afford them. Given current global supply constraints, COVAX expects to distribute around 120 million doses by the end of March, and 340 million by mid-2021. This means that even in a supply-constrained world, COVAX remains on track to meet its original vaccine-delivery schedule. But while this is good news, speed of access is key – and the world could act even faster. In particular, higher-income countries can help accelerate the equitable distribution of vaccines by donating any surplus doses they have to COVAX. French President Emmanuel Macron and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau have already committed to do just that. The generosity of G7 donors, from the United Kingdom and the United States to Japan, is also most welcome. And Germany, under Chancellor Angela Merkel, has shown true leadership in this struggle both within the EU and at a global level. By working together instead of seeking bilateral deals with pharmaceutical companies, governments can reduce the immediate pressure on global supplies of new doses.", "zh": "因此，我们比以往任何时候都更加需要全球团结，支持COVID-19疫苗全球普及便利（COVAX，旨在让疫苗分发到全世界各地的国际计划 ） 。 COVAX是实现国际经济复苏、避免全球疫苗分裂的唯一可行办法。 该计划有190个参与国，目前已确保2021年的第一批23亿剂COVID-19疫苗。 下周，COVAX将开始向92个低收入国家分配第一批13亿剂疫苗，否则这些国家将难以承担疫苗成本。 考虑到目前的全球供给问题，COVAX准备在3月底分发大约1.2亿剂疫苗，到2021年年中分发3.4亿剂疫苗。 这意味着即使在供给困难的情况下，COVAX仍能实现初始疫苗分发计划。 但尽管有这样的好消息，普及的速度仍是关键 — — 而世界可以行动得更快一些。 特别是，高收入国家可以帮助加快平等分配疫苗，将本国盈余疫苗捐赠给COVAX。 法国总统马克龙和加拿大总理特鲁多已经承诺这样做。 从英国和美国到日本，G7捐赠国的慷慨也是最值得欢迎的。 而德国在总理默克尔的领导下，在欧盟内部和全球层面都表现出在这场斗争中的领导力。 政府团结合作，而不是寻求与制药公司的双边协议，能够缓解新疫苗全球供应的紧迫压力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "你知道的，还没我知道的多呢！ 她换了鞋，正要出门，就听到高佑明又开口：“唉，你这是什么表情？偷偷给你说个秘密。” 乔恋回头。 高佑明神经兮兮的开口，“我是不认识子川，可是我认识小乔啊！” 乔恋：……！ 乔恋差点就要一口水喷出来了。 “什么？” 这家伙……认出自己来了？ 高佑明得意洋洋的笑，“哈哈，震惊住了吧！”我给你说，我跟小乔可熟了！” 一句话，让乔恋抽了抽嘴角，这家伙吹牛皮的本事真是越来越强了。 她呵呵笑了两下，转身往外走。 “你不好奇小乔的事儿吗？” 高佑明看着乔恋的背影，“真的不想知道小乔现在在干什么吗？” 乔恋挥了挥手，进入了电梯。 小乔现在在干什么？ 她当然是在做记者了。 难不成，还在继续玩游戏吗？ 继续玩游戏……这个念头一出，乔恋的眉眼，就是一沉。 子川……是因为那件事儿，所以才怨恨了自己吗？ 这个念头一出，就像了疯了一样的盘旋在她的脑海中。 她摇了摇头，将脑子里的思绪挥走，这才再次看向前方。", "en": "After she changed her shoes, she was about to make her way out, but she heard Gao Youming’s voice again, “Eh, what are you talking about? Let me tell you a secret.” Qiao Lian turned back. Gao Youming secretively said, “I don’t know Zi Chuan, but I know Xiao Qiao!” Qiao Lian was stumped. Qiao Lian almost spitted her saliva out. “What?” This dude… had he recognized her? Gao Youming smiled smugly and said, “Haha, you’re stunned right? Let me tell you, I’m really familiar with Xiao Qiao!” His words made Qiao Lian twitch her lips. The boasting skills of this dude were indeed becoming stronger. She laughed and turned around, walking towards the door. “Aren’t you curious about what happened to Xiao Qiao?” Gao Youming looked at Qiao Lian’s back and asked again, “Do you really not want to know what Xiao Qiao is doing now?” Qiao Lian waved her hand and entered the elevator. What was Xiao Qiao doing now? She had obviously became a reporter. Otherwise, should she still be gaming? Continue gaming… When this thought appeared, Qiao Lian’s expression dimmed. Zi Chuan… Did he hate her because of that matter? Had he tricked her because… When that thought appeared, it spiraled around her brain crazily. She shook her head, waved away the thoughts and once again looked forward."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I had dipped my head not once, but twice  in that snot-inducing baptism pool. I had believed. Now what? I got home just in time to turn on the television  and watch Peter Jennings announce the new millennium  as it rolled in around the world. It struck me that it would have been strange anyway,  for Jesus to come back again and again  based on the different time zones. And this made me feel even more ridiculous --  hurt, really. But there on that night, I did not stop believing. I just believed a new thing:  that it was possible not to believe. It was possible the answers I had were wrong,  that the questions themselves were wrong. And now, where there was once a mountain of certitude,  there was, running right down to its foundation,  a spring of doubt,  a spring that promised rivers. I can trace the whole drama of my life  back to that night in that church  when my savior did not come for me;  when the thing I believed most certainly  turned out to be, if not a lie,  then not quite the truth. And even though most of you prepared for Y2K in a very different way,  I'm convinced that you are here  because some part of you has done the same thing that I have done  since the dawn of this new century,  since my mother left and my father stayed away  and my Lord refused to come.", "zh": "我不是一次，而是两次， 一头栽到那个让人感冒的洗礼池里。 我曾相信过。 现在怎么办？ 我回家打开电视， 刚好赶上彼得·詹宁斯宣布新千年， 全世界都在欢庆新年。 我突然发觉，无论怎么想都很奇怪， 耶稣要一次又一次复临人间， 只是因为各地的时区不一样。 这让我心里感觉更加难受了， 挺受伤的，真的。 但就在那一夜，我没有停止相信。 我只是相信了另一件事： 就是“不相信也是可能的”。 很可能我所知的答案都是错的， 很可能问题本身就是错的。 现在，曾经耸立着的信仰的山峰， 有一股泉水一直流到山脚， 一股质疑的清泉， 它注定会成为大江大河。 我人生中所有的戏剧性故事， 都可以追溯回教堂里那一晚， 那时我的救世主没有到来； 我无比确信的事物， 如果不叫作“谎言”的话， 至少也不是什么真理。 虽然你们大部分人 迎接千禧年的方式大不相同， 我相信你们在这里， 就是因为你们有些人 做过与我一样的事情， 新世纪的开端之后的事， 我的母亲去世， 父亲离家出走之后的事， 我的救世主没来之后的事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The European Economic Model Lives Back in the early 1990's, American officials like me who were making long-term forecasts for the Clinton administration cautioned that it would be rash to forecast an average long-run growth rate of more than 2.5% per year - and that actual growth might turn out to be even slower. Now we look back at a decade during which the American economy has grown at an average rate of 3.4% per year. Indeed, the United States today is 9% richer than we would have dared forecast a decade ago, and that is true despite labor-market slack and thus the largest production shortfalls below potential output in two decades. In America, the \"new economy\" has proven to be real, and there is every reason to think that growth in the next decade will be faster than it was in the past. The acceleration of US economic growth in the late 1990's posed a puzzle for those of us who looked across the Atlantic at Western Europe: where was Europe's \"new economy\"? We could see it in Scandinavia, and in scattered pockets elsewhere, but the strong imprint of improved computer and communications technologies on the growth rates of output and productivity economy-wide seemed to be missing. Europe seemed to be falling further and further behind the US. Yet today, if we look at transatlantic comparisons, Western Europe appears to be doing much better than one would expect if one were to judge from the past decade's business press. Western Europe's productivity per hour worked, for example, is now only 10% or so below America's. Northwestern University economist Robert Gordon points out several interesting features of America's GDP that should give cheerleaders of the US model and critics of Europe cause for greater circumspection. For example, Americans must buy cars because public transport is so lousy. The value of the cars is calculated in American GDP, but European public-transport systems are counted not at their value to passengers but as a cost to government. Similarly, Americans keep two million of their fellow citizens in jail: the cost of building the prisons and paying the jailers is also included in GDP.", "zh": "欧洲的经济模式仍具活力 在上世纪90年代初，像我这样的美国官员在为克林顿政府作长期预测时都警告说长期平均2.5%的年增长率预测过于轻率-实际的增长率可能比这一数字还要低。 现在回顾过去的十年，美国经济的平均年增长率达到了3.4 % 。 的确，如今美国的富裕程度比我们10年以前最大胆的预测还要高出9 % ， 而且这还是在劳务市场疲软的情况下实现的。 其结果就是20年来美国的实际产出以最大差额低于潜在产能。 在美国 ， \" 新经济\"是实实在在的，并且人们完全有理由相信未来10年的经济增长速度会再创新高。 把美国经济在上世纪90年代末的提速与大洋彼岸的西欧对照令人迷惑：欧洲当时的\"新经济\"究竟在何方？ 我们在北欧和其它一些零星的地方能看到新经济的火花，但从整个经济领域来看，计算机和通讯技术的进步似乎并没有对生产量和生产率的增长产生强大的推动作用。 当时的欧洲似乎正被美国越抛越远。 然而今天，如果我们再将大西洋两岸的情况进行对比，从过去十年商业新闻报道中所提供的信息来看，西欧的表现似乎比我们预期的要好。 例如西欧每工作小时的劳动生产率现在只比美国低10 % 。 美国西北大学的经济学家罗伯特戈登指出了美国GDP中的几个有趣之处。 这些特点应该让美国模式的鼓吹者和欧洲模式的批评者们都有理由更谨慎。 例如，由于公共交通太糟糕，所以美国人不得不买车。 车辆的价值被算入了美国的GDP， 但欧洲的公交系统却不是以它们对乘客的价值来计算而是被算做了政府的成本。 同样，美国将两百万人关在监狱里：建造监狱的成本和狱警的薪酬也被计入GDP。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even as he reached for his wand, Harry knew it was no good, there were too many of them, but as he tried to stand, ready to die fighting, a loud, long note sounded, and a blaze of light flamed through the hollow.Mr. Weasley's car was thundering down the slope, headlights glaring, its horn screeching, knocking spiders aside; several were thrown onto their backs, their endless legs waving in the air. The car screeched to a halt in front of Harry and Ron and the doors flew open.\"Get Fang!\" Harry yelled, diving into the front seat; Ron seized the boarhound around the middle and threw him, yelping, into the back of the car - the doors slammed shut - Ron didn't touch the accelerator but the car didn't need him; the engine roared and they were off, hitting more spiders. They sped up the slope, out of the hollow, and they were soon crashing through the forest, branches  whipping the windows as the car wound its way cleverly through the widest gaps, following a path it obviously knew.", "zh": "哈利虽然在掏他的魔杖，但他知道这是无济于事的。它们数量太多了。但就在他挣扎着站起来、想拼死一搏时，突然响起了一个高亢悠长的声音，一道耀眼的光照亮了整个凹地。‘韦斯莱先生的汽车轰隆隆地开下斜坡，前灯闪耀着，喇叭尖叫着，把蜘蛛们撞到一旁；有几只蜘蛛被撞得仰面倒下，无数只长腿在空中舞个不停。随着一阵刺耳的声音，汽车在哈和和罗恩面前停下，车门猛地敞开了。“带上牙牙!”哈和喊道，一边钻进前座；罗恩拦腰抓住大猎狗，把狂吠的它扔到后座上。车门砰地关上了。罗恩没有碰油门，但汽车也并不需要他做什么；发动机轰响起来，他们出发了，又撞倒了更多的蜘蛛。他们飞快地驰上斜坡，离开了凹地。很快，他们在树林里横冲直撞地穿行。汽车沿着一条它显然很熟悉的路线，机灵地左拐右拐，寻找最宽的豁口。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "在党中央领导下，中央应对疫情工作领导小组及时研究部署，中央指导组加强指导督导，国务院联防联控机制统筹协调，各地区各部门履职尽责，社会各方面全力支持，开展了疫情防控的人民战争、总体战、阻击战。 广大医务人员英勇奋战，人民解放军指战员勇挑重担，科技工作者协同攻关，社区工作者、公安干警、基层干部、新闻工作者、志愿者坚守岗位，快递、环卫、抗疫物资生产运输人员不辞劳苦，亿万普通劳动者默默奉献，武汉人民、湖北人民坚韧不拔，社会各界和港澳台同胞、海外侨胞捐款捐物。 中华儿女风雨同舟、守望相助，筑起了抗击疫情的巍峨长城。", "en": "Under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, the central leading group for covid-19 response has made timely decisions and plans; the central guidance group has provided effective guidance and supervision; the State Council inter-departmental task force has coordinated the response efforts; all local authorities and all government departments have fulfilled their respective duties, and people from every walk of life have given their full support. Together, we have waged an all-out people’s war against the virus. Our medical workers have fought with courage. Our servicemen and women have shouldered heavy responsibilities. Our scientists and researchers have joined forces in order to find a cure. Our community workers, policemen and women, officials working at the primary level, media personnel, and volunteers have stood fast at their posts. Our deliverymen and women, our sanitation workers, and all who make and transport emergency supplies have continued their work with dedication. Hundreds of millions of other workers outside of the spotlight have also made their own contributions. In Wuhan City and Hubei Province the people have carried on with fortitude and resilience, while people from all sectors of society and our fellow compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan, and overseas have made generous donations, both monetary and in-kind. Through all these efforts, we, all the sons and daughters of the Chinese nation, have stood together in the most trying of times and built a Great Wall of solidarity against the epidemic."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Furthermore, women are the subjects of fewer news stories, and female experts are outnumbered as sources by their male counterparts in nearly every field. But it’s not all doom and gloom. Over the past few years, some high-profile media outlets have acknowledged their failings and sought to fix systemic imbalances. Bloomberg and The Wall Street Journal, among others, are committed to increasing the number of women in leadership roles, as well as improving the conditions of female staff and editorial coverage of women. Elsewhere, the Women’s Media Center runs SheSource, an online database of female experts for journalists. Poland-based NewsMavens produces a weekly round-up of news chosen by women to counterbalance the media’s prevailing male-dominated perspective, while France 24’s The 51% is a weekly show that almost entirely features women and how they are reshaping the world. But for every news outlet working to change the gender narrative, there are others that remain woefully sexist. We still have a long way to go until the media cover women in a balanced way and finally put hoary stereotypes to rest. The media have a responsibility to reflect society not only as it is, but also as it should be. This means more reporting about women – particularly in male-dominated industries – and portraying them in the same light as the men they cover. Otherwise, these successful women will not be perceived as role models to emulate. After all, we can’t be what we don’t see.", "zh": "此外，女性较少成为新闻报道的对象，而男性专家在几乎所有领域的数量均远非女性专家可比。 但世界也并非一片灰暗。 过去几年来，一些知名媒体已经承认自己的失误，并着手解决系统性的失衡问题。 彭博社和华尔街日报等机构致力于增加女性领导层数量，同时改善女性员工的工作条件和针对女性的评论内容。 在其他领域，女性媒体中心运营着SheSource，这是一个为记者提供女性专家的在线数据库。 总部位于波兰的NewsMavens每周制作一组由女性挑选的新闻概要，目的是对媒体盛行的男性主导观点进行平衡。 而法国二十四电视台每周播出的节目The 51%是一档几乎完全聚焦女性的节目，反映她们如何重塑这个世界的平衡。 但尽管有媒体渠道致力于改变性别陈述，却有其他一些媒体由于坚持性别歧视而表现得非常可悲。 要想实现媒体平衡报道女性、最终消除那些过时的陈词滥调还有很长的路要走。 媒体不仅有责任反映社会现状，同时也有责任反应社会理想。 这意味着更多关于女性的报道 — — 尤其是在由男性主导的行业 — — 并且以与男性相同的视角来描绘她们。 否则，这些成功女性就不会被视为应当仿效的榜样。 归根结底，我们无法成为没有见过的人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋迷迷糊糊中，感觉胸口像是被一块温热的大石头压住似得。 鼻翼间充斥着一股阳刚又熟悉的男性气息，让她努力想要睁开眼睛看看到底是怎么回事儿。 可是熬了半夜，她实在是困极了。 正在跟自己的眼皮抗战时，她听到一道虚无缥缈的声音，像是从记忆深处传来，又像是响彻在耳边，“小乔，你为什么对我这么好？” 一个熟悉的称呼，再加上那乔字总是被他念出特殊的韵味，让她即便是过了这么多年，依旧难以忘怀。 她猛地睁开眼睛，入目就是沈凉川那双幽深的眸。 她茫然的盯着他，只觉得眼前的人熟悉的让她有点想哭。 可还没回过神来，口腔就被人占领，他的舌头，温柔的不像样子，慢慢吸允着她口腔里的空气，缱绻纠缠，让人很快缴械投降。 乔恋不自觉的搂住他的脖子，回应这个吻。 第二天，乔恋再次醒过来，却发现自己已经在主卧的大床上。 身上的酸软，让她想到昨晚的美梦，一时间脸色通红。 她在床上躺了一会儿，然后这才起身，洗漱完毕，下楼的时候，眼角余光瞥到了餐厅里的身形，脚步一顿。 不可置信看过去，果然就发现沈凉川坐在餐厅里，正在吃饭。 这家伙还没出去？ 她似乎记得昨天宋城提了一句，今天他有个活动的。 难道是……昨天的事情影响了他？", "en": "In a daze, Qiao Lian felt as though her chest was pinned under a large piece of warm rock. A familiar masculine scent wafted into her nostrils, causing her to try and open her eyes, in an attempt to see exactly what was happening. However, since she had stayed awake late into the night, she was currently extremely tired. As she waged a war with her eyelids, she heard a soft voice. It was as though the voice was emanating from the deepest parts of her memories, and it was loud enough for her to think that it was being spoken right beside her ear. The voice said, “Xiao Qiao, why are you so good to me?” The familiar greeting, in addition to the unique way the word ‘Qiao’ was spoken, caused her to reminiscence events from the past, even if they had happened so many years ago. She abruptly opened her eyes. The first thing she saw was Shen Liangchuan’s bottomless gaze. She stared at him blankly. The familiar person that she saw was starting to make her want to cry. However, before she could regain her composure, her mouth got overwhelmed by his tongue. It was gentle, like nothing else she had ever experienced, and it was slowly sucking out all the air in her mouth. Twisting and turning, it would make any person rapidly surrender to its persistence. Qiao Lian unconsciously hugged his waist and reciprocated the kiss. The next day, Qiao Lian awoke and found herself on the large bed inside the master bedroom. The soreness spreading across her body reminded her of last night’s wonderful dream. Immediately, her face turned bright red. She laid for a while on the bed before getting up to bathe. Once she had finished, she went downstairs. But when she spotted a figure in the kitchen in the corner of her eye, she abruptly stopped. She looked over in disbelief and saw Shen Liangchuan sitting in the dining room. He was eating. This guy hadn’t left the mansion yet? She seemed to recall that Song Cheng had reminded her yesterday that he had to go to an event today. Could it be that… yesterday’s events had affected him after all?"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, recent research suggests that increased government spending can be effective in temporarily raising output and employment during deep, long-lasting recessions when the central bank has reduced its short-term policy interest rate to zero. But the same research suggests that the government spending multiplier is likely to be small or even negative in a variety of circumstances and, in any event, would quickly shrink. Such circumstances include, first, a high debt/GDP ratio, with rising interest rates impeding growth. Likewise, during expansions, higher government spending is more likely to crowd out private spending. Spending on transfer payments and/or nonmilitary purchases – which can become entrenched or be procured more cheaply from abroad (for example, solar panels and wind turbines, respectively, in America’s 2009 fiscal stimulus) – is also likely to yield only a small multiplier. And, when the economy has flexible exchange rates, if government spending raises interest rates, the currency will strengthen, leading to a decrease in investment and net exports. Finally, the effects of additional government spending may be offset by people’s expectations of higher taxes once the central bank exits the zero lower bound on interest rates (causing them to spend less now). These considerations apply to the US and some European countries today. Together with poor design, they explain why America’s 2009 stimulus cost several hundred thousand dollars per temporary job created.", "zh": "诚然，最新的研究表明，当经济陷入长期深度衰退，而央行已将短期政策利率降至零水平时，增加政府支出能有效地暂时增��产出和就业。 但同样的研究还表明，在很多环境下，政府支出乘数很小甚至为负，而且在任何情况下都会迅速衰减。 这些环境包括哪些？ 第一，高债务/GDP比率，同时利率较高妨碍增长时。 类似地，在扩张期，增加政府支出更有可能挤出私人支出。 转移支付和非军事采购支出 — — 这类支出不易削减，或从海外获取成本更低（比如美国2009年财政刺激中的太阳能面板和风力涡轮机 ） — —也容易产生较小的乘数。 此外，当经济的汇率变动灵活时，如果政府支出推高了利率，货币将会走强，导致投资和净出口下降。 最后，增加政府支出的效果可能因人们预期一旦央行退出零利率下限就将出现增税（导致他们削减当下支出）而被抵消。 这些情况在如今的美国和一些欧洲国家都适用。 它们与糟糕的设计一起，可以解释为何美国2009年的支出需要耗费好几十万美元才能创造一个就业岗位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他擦了擦自己的嘴，两边脸颊肿的像是个猪头似得。 动了动嘴巴，指着沈凉川询问道：“沈影帝，你干什么打人？” 沈凉川淡淡的抬起头来，瞥了他一眼，然后说出了一句让众人都吐血的话：“看你不顺眼。” 说完这句话，他直接转身往外走。 宋城屁颠屁颠跟在他的身后往外走，“沈哥，你说你，要动手打人你直接说啊，干什么要亲自动手？ 不过你要打他你怎么不早说？ 沈凉川听着身后人絮絮叨叨的声音，缓缓垂下了眼帘。 为什么要亲自动手？ 因为……他是她男朋友。 不，他们现在已经更近一步。 他是她的丈夫。 #沈凉川PK王文豪#这个话题，再次上了热门。 乔恋盯着上面的消息，看到沈凉川打过去的位置，呆呆的忍不住伸出了手，摸向自己脸上。 为什么，她有一种感觉，像是沈凉川照着王文豪打她的样子，打了回去？ 这是……自己的错觉吗？ 正在发呆间，微信里面又有人找她聊天。 【川流不息：乔恋，你有没有觉得……沈影帝是在给你报仇啊？", "en": "He wiped his mouth, his face was so swollen he resembled a pig’s head. He moved his mouth and pointed at Shen Liangchuan, asking, “Best Actor Shen, why did you hit me?” Shen Liangchuan nonchalantly looked up and gave him a glance. Then, he said something that would make everyone puke blood, “Your looks annoy me.” After he finished speaking, he just turned around and walked out. Song Cheng eagerly followed after him. “Brother Shen, if you wanted to punch someone, you should’ve just told me. Why do you have to do it personally? But why didn’t you say that you wanted to punch him earlier?” Hearing the long-winded speech his friend was giving behind him, Shen Liangchuan slowly closed his eyes. Why must he do it personally? Because… He was her boyfriend. No, they were even closer now. He was her husband. The topic of #Shen Liangchuan PK Wang Wenhao# started trending again. Qiao Lian read through the news articles, and realized where Shen Liangchuan had hit him. She couldn’t help but touch her face. Why did she have the feeling that Shen Liangchuan had hit Wang Wenhao the same way Wang Wenhao had hit her? Was this… her imagination? Just as she was in her daze, someone messaged her on WeChat once again. [Chuanliu Buxi: Qiao Lian, don’t you feel like… Best Actor Shen is taking revenge for you?]"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Cold War II NEW YORK – The Cold War lasted four decades, in many ways both beginning and ending in Berlin. The good news is that it stayed cold – largely because nuclear weapons introduced a discipline missing from previous great-power rivalries – and that the United States, together with its European and Asian allies, emerged victorious, owing to sustained political, economic, and military effort that a top-heavy Soviet Union ultimately could not match. A quarter-century after the end of the Cold War, we unexpectedly find ourselves in a second one. It is both different and familiar. Russia is no longer a superpower, but rather a country of some 145 million people with an economy dependent on the price of oil and gas and no political ideology to offer the world. Even so, it remains one of two major nuclear-weapons states, has a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and is willing to use its military, energy, and cyber capabilities to support friends and weaken neighbors and adversaries. This state of affairs was anything but inevitable. The end of the Cold War was expected to usher in a new era of friendly Russian ties with the United States and Europe. It was widely thought that post-communist Russia would focus on economic and political development. And relations got off to a good start when Russia, rather than standing by its long-time client Iraq, cooperated with the US in reversing Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait. The goodwill did not last. Just why will be a matter of debate among historians for decades to come. Some observers will blame successive US presidents, pointing to a lack of economic support extended to a struggling Russia, and even more to NATO enlargement, which, by treating Russia as a potential adversary, increased the odds it would become one. It is true that the US could and should have been more generous as Russia made its painful transition to a market economy in the 1990s. Nor is it clear that NATO enlargement was preferable to other security arrangements for Europe that would have included Russia. That said, the lion’s share of the responsibility for the emergence of a second Cold War is Russia’s, and above all Vladimir Putin’s.", "zh": "第二次冷战 纽约 — — 冷战持续了40年，在许多方面始于柏林，也止于柏林。 好消息是它始终保持了冷战的状态 — — 这在很大程度上是因为核武器造就了此前大国对抗一直欠缺的自律 — — 而且因为一个头重脚轻的苏联归根结底无法匹敌西方的政治、经济和军事力量，美国及其欧洲和亚洲的盟友最终取得了胜利。 冷战结束1/4世纪后，我们意外地发现新一轮冷战又再次来临。 这场冷战既陌生又熟悉。 俄罗斯不再是超级大国，这个拥有1.45亿人口的国家经济依赖油气价格，也不再向世界传播政治领域的意识形态。 即便如此，它仍然是两大核武国家之一，拥有联合国安理会常任理事席位，并且乐于利用其自身的军事、能源和网络实力来支持盟友并削弱对手和邻国。 这样的现状绝对不是不可避免的。 人们曾经预测冷战结束将带来俄国与美国和欧洲友好关系的新时代。 人们普遍认为，后共产主义时代的俄罗斯会把经济和政治发展作为重中之重。 而且开始时关系也曾朝着好的方向发展，俄罗斯非但没有支持其长期附属国伊拉克，反而与美国合作逆转了萨达姆·侯赛因入侵科威特。 但这样的善意并没有维持多久。 今后几十年，历史学家都将探讨究竟是什么原因导致了这种结果。 某些观察人士会责怪连续几任美国总统，指出是他们吝于为身处困境的俄国提供经济援助、甚至推行北约东扩。 他们通过将俄罗斯视为潜在的竞争对手，从而让俄罗斯更有可能成为敌对国家。 的确，在俄罗斯20世纪90年代向市场经济转型的痛苦过程中，美国原本可以、而且也应当表现得更加慷慨大度。 而且北约东扩对欧洲而言是否真的胜于将俄罗斯涵盖在内的其他安全安排也是一个未知数。 即便如此，第二次冷战爆发的绝大部分责任应当归咎于普京领导的俄国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gap Report, Sub-Saharan Africa has closed the disparity in economic empowerment by only 68%, with women still far more likely to be unemployed, underemployed, or hold precarious employment in the informal sector. But while the barriers to women’s leadership are formidable, they are not insurmountable. Whether in politics or health, law, or engineering, African women are showing the world how to unleash their fellow women’s leadership potential. In Uganda, Favourite Regina is keeping refugee girls out of early marriage and pregnancy, as part of an initiative led by CIYOTA, a youth-led, volunteer-based organization established in the Kyangwali refugee settlement. In Nigeria, Blooming Soyinka employs a half-dozen economically disadvantaged and disabled artisans at Africa Blooms, creating conditions for those employees and their families to thrive and educate their children. In Kenya, Fanice Nyatigo is developing MammaTips, an app that will provide timely information on pregnancy, breastfeeding, immunization, and other important health matters to new mothers. These are young people – all Mastercard Foundation Scholars – to watch, as they are only just beginning to demonstrate the breadth of their potential as leaders. Africa needs more such remarkable woman leaders. And, though research on how to champion female African leadership is sparse, early findings from the scholars program suggest that there are several pathways that young African women can take – and that we can support – to assume their rightful place among the continent’s leaders. For starters, while education plays an important role, experience shows that it is not enough. Deliberate investment in leadership programs for young women are also essential. Young women need opportunities to practice leadership, whether in school, the workplace, or the community. And they need supportive spaces where they can hone these skills, build networks, and obtain support.", "zh": "据世界经济论坛的《性别差距报告 》 （ Gender Gap Report ） ， 撒哈拉以南非洲只缩小了68%的经济赋权差异，妇女失业、无全职工作或从事非正式部门的危险工作的可能性仍比男性大得多。 但女性领导的障碍固然令人生畏，并非不可克服。 不管在政治界还是卫生界，在法律界还是工程界，非洲妇女正在向全世界示范如何释放她们的妇女同胞的领导潜力。 在乌干达，费福里特·雷吉纳（Favourite Regina）致力于将女童救出童婚和早孕。 她是CIYOTA组织领导的一项计划的一部分。 CIYOTA是一个位于克扬瓦力（Kyangwali）难民安置营的由年轻人领导的志愿组织。 在尼日利亚，布鲁明·索因卡（Blooming Soyinka）的非洲花朵（Africa Blooms）组织雇用了六位经济困难的残疾工匠，为这些雇员和她们的家庭创造不断改善和教育子女的条件。 在肯尼亚，法尼丝·尼亚蒂格（Fanice Nyatigo）正在开发一个叫做母亲贴士（MammaTips）的应用，向新妈妈们及时提供关于怀孕、母乳、接种和其他重要健康问题的信息。 这些都是值得关注的年轻人 — — 也都是万事达卡基金会学者（Mastercard Foundation Scholars ） — —而她们只不过才刚刚开始崭露出广泛的领导潜力的头角。 非洲需要更多醒目的女领导人。 而尽管关于如何支持非洲女性领导力的研究十分稀少，但学者计划的早期发现表明，非洲妇女可以通过 — — 以及支持 — — 多种方法在非洲领导人群体中找到一席之地。 首先，教育起着重要作用，但经验表明仍不足够。 有意识地投资于年轻女性领导力计划也十分关键，年轻女性需要实践领导力的机会，不管是在校园、职场还是社区。 她们还需要支持性的空间磨练技能、构建网络、赢得支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Secret Bailout MUNICH – While the world worries about Donald Trump, Brexit, and the flow of refugees from Syria and other war-torn countries, the European Central Bank continues to work persistently and below the public radar on its debt-restructuring plan – also known as quantitative easing (QE) – to ease the burden on over-indebted eurozone countries. Under the ECB’s QE program, which started in March 2015 (and will likely be extended beyond its scheduled end in March 2017), eurozone members’ central banks buy private market securities for €1.74 trillion ($1.84 trillion), with more than €1.4 trillion to be used to purchase their own countries’ government debt. The QE program seems to be symmetrical, because each central bank repurchases its own government debt in proportion to the size of the country. But it does not have a symmetrical effect, because government debt from southern European countries, where the debt binges and current-account deficits of the past occurred, are mostly repurchased abroad. For example, the Banco de España repurchases Spanish government bonds from all over the world, thereby deleveraging the country vis-à-vis private creditors. To this end, it asks other eurozone members’ central banks, particularly the German Bundesbank and, in some cases, the Dutch central bank, to credit the payment orders to the German and Dutch bond sellers. Frequently, if the sellers of Spanish government bonds are outside the eurozone, it will ask the ECB to credit the payment orders. In the latter case, this often results in triangular transactions, with the sellers transferring the money to Germany or the Netherlands to invest it in fixed-interest securities, companies, or company shares. Thus, the German Bundesbank and the Dutch central bank must credit not only the direct payment orders from Spain, but also the indirect orders resulting from the Banca de España’s repurchases in third countries. The payment order credits granted by the Bundesbank and the Dutch central bank are recorded as Target claims against the euro system. At the end of September, these claims amounted to €819.4 billion, with the Bundesbank accounting for €715.7 billion, which was 46% of Germany’s net external assets at midyear. Since the beginning of the year, both countries’ combined claims have increased by €180.4 billion, or €20 billion per month, on average.", "zh": "欧洲的秘密援助 慕尼黑—在世界担心唐纳德·特朗普、英国退欧和来自叙利亚和其他战争摧残国家的难民流之际，欧洲央行一直在公众视线之外进行着其债务重组计划 — — 又称为量化宽松（QE ） — —以缓解欧元区过度负债国的负担。 欧洲央行的量化宽松计划始于2015年3月，并且有可能在2017年3月计划到期时延期。 在该计划下，欧元区成员国央行买入1.74万亿欧元私人市场证券，其中1.4万亿多欧元被用于购买本国政府债务。 量化宽松计划貌似对称，因为各央行都根据国家规模依照比例回购本国政府债务。 但其影响是不对称的，因为南欧国家在过去十年中大量举债并且存在经常项目赤字，它们主要靠海外回购。 比如，西班牙银行在全世界回购西班牙政府债券，从而降低西班牙对私人债权人的负债。 在这方面，它要求其他欧元区成员国央行 — — 以德国联邦银行为甚，在一些案例中也包括荷兰央行 — — 对德国和荷兰债券卖家的支付指令（payment orders）授信。 很多时候，如果西班牙政府债券的卖家位于欧元区之外，它将要求欧洲央行对支付指令授信。 后一种情况往往造成三角交易，卖家将钱打给德国和荷兰投资于固定利息证券、公司或公司股票。 因此，德国联邦银行和荷兰央行不但要为来自西班牙的直接支付指令授信，还必须给因西班牙银行在第三国的回购所产生的间接指令授信。 德国联邦银行和荷兰央行所发出的支付指令授信被记录为对欧元系统的Target债权。 截至9月底，这些债权已达8,194亿欧元，其中德国央行占了7,157亿欧元，或德国年中净对外资产的46 % 。 自年初以来，德国和荷兰Target债权总和增加了1,804亿欧元，平均每个月增加200亿欧元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Last June, we led a delegation of nine US law school deans to a two-day summit with ten peers from China’s top law schools, which culminated in a joint statement declaring that both sides recognize and support the rule of law, and agree on the importance of promoting the integrity of the legal profession. The Chen case provides another reminder that the integrity of the profession is under pressure. Activist lawyers in China pursue their cases with little explicit support from the legal academy or the profession. They are not able to speak at law schools, much less teach or recruit students to work for them. Many Chinese lawyers and legal academics wish that the rule of law in China were more robust, and a few of them, such as Jiang Ping, have warned about backsliding. But, in cases like that of Chen, even sympathetic legal colleagues are often afraid to speak out, much less take action. China’s top law deans and professors now have a chance to turn rhetoric into reality. Law schools should be a place where students and professors can engage with the full range of Chinese law and legal activity. That means studying how Chinese law is developing and being deployed in the protection of rights, and creating opportunities to interact with those who are at the forefront of these movements in all areas of law. Not long after Chen left the US embassy for Beijing’s Chaoyang hospital, China’s government issued its usual denunciation of US interference in its internal affairs.", "zh": "去年六月，我们带领一支由9所美国法学校的院长组成的代表团与来自中国顶级法学院的同行们参加了为期两天的研讨会，会议最终发布联合声明，双方承认并支持法治，同意完善法律界的重要性。 陈光诚的案子再次提醒我们法律界的完整性面临着巨大的压力。 中国的维权律师们在接手处理案件时，很少从法学院或法律界获得明确支持。 他们不能在法学院发表演说，更不能招收学生为他们工作。 许多的中国律师和法律学者希望中国的法治更加健全，他们中有些人（如江平）警告中国法制的倒退。 但是，在诸如陈光诚这样的案例中，即使有同情心的法律人士往往也不敢站出来说话，更不要说采取行动了。 中国顶级法学院的院长和教授现在有机会将说辞变成现实。 法学院应该是学生和教授可以从事全方位中国法律和法律活动的地方。 这意味着学习中国法律是如何发展，如何用于保护公民的权利，并创造机会与那些在所有法律领域的前沿工作的人士交流。 陈光诚离开美国大使馆，前往北京朝阳医院后没多久，中国政府发布了其一贯谴责美国干涉其内政的公告。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The $4.3 Billion Shrug LONDON – In November, the United Kingdom’s Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) announced a settlement in which six banks would be fined a total of $4.3 billion for manipulating the foreign-exchange market. And yet share prices barely reacted. Why? The nefarious practices and management failings uncovered during the yearlong investigation that led to the fines were shocking. Semi-literate email and chat-room exchanges among venal traders revealed brazen conspiracies to rig the afternoon exchange-rate “fix” for profit and personal gain. Senior managers were so disengaged that they allowed their employees to act like vulgar, overpaid children. Using nicknames like “the three musketeers” and “the A-team,” they did whatever they liked, at an enormous cost to their institutions. But, despite the huge FCA fine, no top executive was forced to fall on his or her sword, and investors did little more than shrug. One reason, of course, is that the settlement was known to be coming; only the details of the offenses and the scale of the fines were news. The more important reason, though, is that even $4.3 billion is small change when compared to the total fines and litigation costs incurred by the major banks over the last five years. Morgan Stanley analysts estimate that the top 22 banks in the United States and Europe have been forced to pay $230 billion since 2009 – more than 50 times the cost of the FCA settlement. This is over and above the heavy losses that banks incurred from bad lending and overambitious financial engineering.", "zh": "43亿美元一耸肩 伦敦—11月，英国金融市场行为监管局（Financial Conduct Authority，FCA）宣布与六家银行和解。 这六家银行被FCA指控操纵外汇市场，将支付总共43亿美元的和解金。 但股价并未因此起反应。 原因何在？ 为期一年、导致如此巨大罚金的调查所揭露的恶劣行为和管理失灵令人震惊。 贪婪的交易员之间半真半假的电子邮件和聊天室记录表明，他们无耻地操纵午后汇率的“固定 ” （ fix ） ， 以获得利润和个人好处。 高级管理人员形同虚设，放任手下如同手里钱太多的孩子一样做出任性下流的行为。 他们用“三个火枪手 ” 、 “A队”等绰号为所欲为，给所在机构造成沉重代价。 但是，尽管FCA对它们课以巨额罚款，但没有一位高管被迫为此负责，投资者对此也只是一耸肩。 当然，一个原因是和解是必然的；只有罪名的细节和罚金的规模有待确定。 但是，更重要的原因是，即使罚金高达43亿美元，与大银行在过去五年来所支付的总罚金和诉讼成本来说也只是九牛一毛。 摩根士丹利分析师估算，2009年以来美国和欧洲银行被迫支付了2,300亿美元 — — 是FCA和解金的50多倍。 这个数字比银行因不良贷款和过度宏大的金融工程所蒙受的损失还要大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mr. Attorney-General now signified to my Lord, that he deemed it necessary, as a matter of precaution and form, to call the young lady’s father, Doctor Manette. Who was called accordingly. “Doctor Manette, look upon the prisoner. Have you ever seen him before?” “Once. When he called at my lodgings in London. Some three years, or three years and a half ago.” “Can you identify him as your fellow-passenger on board the packet, or speak to his conversation with your daughter?” “Sir, I can do neither.” “Is there any particular and special reason for your being unable to do either?” He answered, in a low voice, “There is.” “Has it been your misfortune to undergo a long imprisonment, without trial, or even accusation, in your native country, Doctor Manette?” He answered, in a tone that went to every heart, “A long imprisonment.” “Were you newly released on the occasion in question?” “They tell me so.” “Have you no remembrance of the occasion?” “None. My mind is a blank, from some time—I cannot even say what time—when I employed myself, in my captivity, in making shoes, to the time when I found myself living in London with my dear daughter here. She had become familiar to me, when a gracious God restored my faculties; but, I am quite unable even to say how she had become familiar. I have no remembrance of the process.” Mr. Attorney-General sat down, and the father and daughter sat down together.", "zh": "检察长此时向法宫大人表示，为了预防意外，也为了形式上的需要，他认为应当要求这位小姐的父亲曼内特医生作证。于是曼内特医生被要求出了庭。 “曼内特医生，你看看囚犯。你以前见过他么？” “见过一次。他到我伦敦的寓所来看过我。那大约是三年或三年半以前。” “你能认出他就是跟你一起乘过邮船的旅客么？你对他跟你女儿的谈话有什么看法？” “对两个问题我都无法回答，大人。” “你无法回答有什么确切的特别的原因么？” 他低声回答说，“有。” “你在你出生的国家曾经遭到过不幸，未经审判，甚至未经控告就受到了长期监禁，是么，曼内特医生？” 他回答的口气打动了每一颗心，“受过长期监禁。” “刚才谈到的那个时候你是刚刚放出来么？” “他们是那样告诉我的。” “你对当时情况已经没有记忆了么？” “没有了。从某个时候起--我甚至说不清是什么时候--从我坐牢时让自己学着做鞋起，到我发现自己已在伦敦，跟现在在我身边的我亲爱的女儿住在一起为止，我心里是一片空白。仁慈的上帝让我的官能恢复时，我女儿跟我已很熟悉；可我连她是怎样跟我熟悉起来的也说不清了。那整个过程我都没有记忆。” 检察长坐下，父女俩也坐下。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We are determined to eradicate Ebola by exchanging information, sharing technical expertise, creating innovative and accessible community health systems, and intensifying public education strategies, including steps that can be shared in families, such as applied water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) standards. Only then can investment by the private sector – the engine of employment and stable livelihoods – begin to recover. The spread of the Ebola virus has been facilitated by our countries’ shared history and culture, which has enabled the disease to cross borders easily and move quickly from remote rural areas to urban centers. Unfortunately, the epidemic forced us to close some of our borders, preventing access to relatives and care. We want our infrastructure, health policies, and economic strengths to benefit people across borders through links – community support systems and development corridors – that encourage collaboration and job creation. And we ask our international partners to support a common economic stimulus plan, with an emphasis on practical solutions that can enhance growth and increase employment. Four elements are essential to our recovery effort. The first component is the creation of resilient public health systems, which requires trained community health workers in order to expand coverage in rural areas. It also requires nationwide water and sanitation programs and well-equipped centers for the control of infectious diseases in each country. Second, we need to focus on infrastructure, particularly roads and electricity and telecommunication networks.", "zh": "我们决心通过交换信息、共享技术专业知识、建立创新性普及型社区医疗体系、加强公共教育战略等手段根除埃博拉，包括家庭可以共享的措施，如用水、环境卫生和预防卫生（WASH）标准。 惟其如此，私人部门投资 — — 就业和稳定生活的引擎 — — 才会开始恢复。 埃博拉病毒的传播因为我们三国的共同历史和文化变得更加方便 — — 疾病轻易地跨境传播，迅速地从偏远农村地区向城市中心地区蔓延。 不幸的是，埃博拉迫使我们关闭部分边境，这阻止了人们与亲人的接触和获得看护。 我们希望我们的基础设施、卫生政策和经济优势能够通过鼓励合作和就业创造的联系 — — 社区支持系统和发展走廊 — — 惠及各国人民。 我们也呼吁我们的国际伙伴支持共同经济刺激计划，并以可以强化增长、增加就业的务实方案为重点。 对我们的恢复措施来说，四个要素至关重要。 首先是建立恢复力强的公共卫生体系，而这需要训练有素的社区卫生工作者以扩大农村地区覆盖面。 这还需要每个国家建立全国性供水和环境卫生计划和设施良好的传染病控制中心。 其次，我们需要以基础设施为重点，特别是道路和电力和通讯网络。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Furthermore, if relative labor costs are an important driver of America’s terms of trade (the relative price of exports in terms of imports), more labor-intensive sectors should have experienced a larger decline. But the data provide little evidence of this. The only solid evidence of an increase in US competitiveness stems from the sharp rise in output of shale gas. Industries with large energy requirements, like chemical manufacturing, have experienced a much smaller increase in import share than less energy-intensive industries like computers and electronic products. This suggests that energy-intensive sectors are more likely to experience onshoring. More broadly, the data on US domestic production seem to be inconsistent with the behavior of the REER and its suggestion of a significant increase in competitiveness. To a large extent, this discrepancy reflects a low and delayed exchange-rate pass-through into US import prices, linked to America’s unique advantage of having more than 90% of its imported goods priced in its own currency, with dollar prices remaining unchanged for ten months at a time. Even conditional on prices being renegotiated, the pass-through is quite low, with a 10% depreciation of the dollar appearing as a cumulative 3% increase in import prices after two years. The disconnect between America’s terms of trade and the far more volatile REER is also consistent with low and delayed exchange-rate pass-through. The evidence is clear: Claims that manufacturing is returning to the US simply do not hold water. Of course, given that the increase in emerging economies’ labor costs and the decline in American energy prices are recent developments, import shares could begin to decline in a few years. But, with that outcome far from certain, the US cannot rely on a rapid increase in manufacturing competitiveness to underpin its economic recovery.", "zh": "此外，如果相对劳动力成本是美国贸易条件（出口品与进口品的相对价格比）的重要推动力，那么劳动密集程度更大的部门应该经历更大程度的下降。 但数据并未表现出这一点。 美国竞争力上升的唯一可靠证据来自页岩气产出的大幅增加。 化工业等能源需求巨大的行业进口比例减小幅度远大于计算机和电子等能源密集度较低的行业。 这表明能源密集型部门更有可能出现在岸化。 更广泛地说，美国国内生产数据与实际有效汇率走势不一致，也没有表现出竞争力的大幅提高。 从很大程度上说，这一差异反映出从汇率到美国进口价格的传递过程轻微而缓慢，这是因为美国有一个独特优势：90%以上的额进口商品是由本国货币定价的，而美元价格十个月才会变化一次。 即使价格条件重新商定，传递效应也很低，10%的美元贬值只能在两年后带来进口价格累计3%的升幅。 美国贸易条件与波动更大的实际有效汇率之间联系不大，这与汇率传递的轻微和缓慢现象一致。 证据是明确的：制造业正在回流美国的说法站不住脚。 当然，当前趋势是新兴经济体劳动力成本的上升和美国能源价格的下降，因此进口比例可能在几年时间里开始下降。 但是，这一结果远非板上钉钉，美国不能依靠制造业竞争力的快速提高作为其经济复苏的根基。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The French Disconnection PARIS – Dire conditions can permit what was once unthinkable to push its way into public debate. In France, the idea that now dares to speak its name is that the country will sink into an ever-deeper economic malaise unless it regains its monetary sovereignty. Two striking statements on economic policy by France’s leaders in the first weeks of this year have highlighted the force of this logic. First, President François Hollande, worried about the euro’s appreciation against other major world currencies, called for an exchange-rate target. Then, Pierre Moscovici, the finance minister, said that Europe might grant France a delay in meeting the 3%-of-GDP budget-deficit target mandated from this year onward under the eurozone’s newly ratified fiscal compact. These positions imply a desire to exercise sovereign power over the Economic and Monetary Union’s rules and decisions. Back in 1989-1991, exactly the same motive underlay President François Mitterrand’s imposition of the euro on Germany – that is, to harness the Bundesbank’s monetary power to a framework in which France could be confident of wielding decisive influence. Since the single currency was France’s condition for accepting German reunification, Germany played along. Two decades later, Germany may be in a different mood.", "zh": "法国的单飞 发自巴黎 — — 极端的情况可以让原本不可想象的事情变成公众议题。 而在法国，一个大胆出格的说法就是除非恢复其货币主权，否则就将陷入比以往任何时候都更深层次的经济萎缩之中。 法国领导人在今年最初的那几周里发表的两个引人注目的经济政策声明突显了上述逻辑的力量。 首先，总统弗朗索瓦·奥朗德（François Hollande）担心欧元会对其他世界主要货币升值，并呼吁设定汇率目标。 然后财政部长皮埃尔·莫斯科维奇（Pierre Moscovici）说虽然欧元区最近通过的财政契约规定从今年开始各国预算赤字都不得超过GDP的 3 % ， 但欧洲也许会允许法国推迟兑现这一目标。 这些声明意味着法国有意对经济与货币联盟的规则和决策行使主权权力。 回顾1989~1991年间，时任法国总统的弗朗索·密特朗（François Mitterrand）基于同样的动机强行向德国推销欧元 — — 就是要用法国有信心发挥起决定性影响的框架来束缚住德国央行的货币实力。 由于单一货币是当年法国接受德国统一的条件，德国只好照办。 时隔二十年后，德国人的想法可能已经不一样了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Globalization with Chinese Characteristics BERKELEY – US President Donald Trump’s erratic unilateralism represents nothing less than abdication of global economic and political leadership. Trump’s withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement, his rejection of the Iran nuclear deal, his tariff war, and his frequent attacks on allies and embrace of adversaries have rapidly turned the United States into an unreliable partner in upholding the international order. But the administration’s “America First” policies have done more than disqualify the US from global leadership. They have also created space for other countries to re-shape the international system to their liking. The influence of China, in particular, is likely to be enhanced. Consider, for example, that if the European Union perceives the US as an unreliable trade partner, it will have a correspondingly stronger incentive to negotiate a trade deal with China on terms acceptable to President Xi Jinping’s government. More generally, if the US turns its back on the global order, China will be well positioned to take the lead on reforming the rules of international trade and investment. So the key question facing the world is this: what does China want? What kind of international economic order do its leaders have in mind? To start, China is likely to remain a proponent of export-led growth. As Xi put it at Davos in 2017, China is committed “to growing an open global economy.” Xi and his circle obviously will not want to dismantle the global trading system. But in other respects, globalization with Chinese characteristics will differ from globalization as we know it.", "zh": "中国特色的全球化 发自伯克利 — — 美国总统特朗普摇摆不定的单边主义行径完全等同于放弃全球经济和政治的领导权。 他退出巴黎气候协议，否决伊朗核协议，发动关税战争以及经常在抨击盟国的同时向敌人示好的做法使得美国迅速沦为一个不可靠的国际秩序维护者。 而该政府的“美国优先”政策所造成的影响可远远不限于让美国丧失全球领导地位。 它们还为其他国家根据自身偏好重塑国际体系提供了空间，尤其是中国的影响力可能会因此提升。 试想如果欧盟认为美国是一个不可靠的贸易伙伴，它也将因此具备更大的动力去依照习近平政府可接受的条件与中国达成贸易协议。 更宏观地说，如果美国背弃了全球秩序，那么中国将有条件去牵头改革国际贸易和投资规则。 因此世界面临的关键问题就在于：中国想要什么？ 该国领导人心目中的国际经济秩序又是什么样的？ 首先，中国很可能仍然是出口导向型增长的支持者。 正如习近平在2017年达沃斯论坛上所指出的那样，中国致力于“发展一个开放的全球经济 。 ” 可见习近平及其领导团队显然不想分拆整个全球贸易体系。 但在其他方面，具有中国特色的全球化将与我们所知道的全球化有所不同。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That is not to say that bigger and richer countries lack advantages over smaller and poorer countries. Countries like the US can allocate more staff and specialists to support their own producers in complicated trade negotiations, while also pursuing parallel (back-channel) diplomacy. Legally, however, the WTO is a grouping of equals. The “most favored nation” provision means that an advantage extended to one country’s producers must be extended to all. Perhaps most important, the WTO has a dispute-settlement mechanism (DSM) that provides for the timely resolution of disagreements between member states. Though the US has won most of the cases that it has brought before the WTO’s arbitration panel, it has also lost some. With the ability to hand down binding judgments, the DSM is a unique feature of the WTO system. No other multilateral body has such a mechanism. There are many ways that the multilateral system could be improved, of course. The WTO, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund should be devising new approaches to address the growing influence of Big Tech; and competition policy needs to be brought into the twenty-first century. It might also be appropriate for the WTO to adopt a form of weighted voting, similar to the procedure used by the IMF and World Bank. As for the criticism that globalization produces both winners and losers, this is not an argument against trade; it is an argument for policies to compensate those who have been left behind. On that basis, those who have rightly criticized the WTO in the past should join forces with its supporters. Both sides have an interest in defending this key institution of global governance from the xenophobic unilateralism embodied by Trump’s policies.", "zh": "但这并不是说较大和较富裕的国家缺乏对较小和较贫穷国家的优势，比如美国这样的国家就可以在复杂的贸易谈判中部署更多的人员和专家以支持本国生产者，同时也寻求平行（背后渠道）外交。 但至少从法律意义上WTO是一个平等的群体。 “最惠国”条款意味着一个国家的生产者所享有的优势必须扩展到所有国家。 也许最重要的是，WTO有一个争端解决机制，可以及时解决成员国之间的分歧。 虽然美国已经赢得了其提交世贸组织仲裁小组的大部分案件，但它也输掉了一些。 具有履行约束力判决能力的争端解决机制是WTO体系的一个独特特征。 没有其他多边机构有这样的机制。 当然，多边体系也有很多可以改进的地方。 世界贸易组织，世界银行和国际货币基金组织应该设计出新的方法来应对大科技企业不断增长的影响力；竞争政策需要在二十一世纪与时俱进。 世界贸易组织采用类似于国际货币基金组织和世界银行那样加权投票形式也可能是适当的。 至于那种全球化同时产生赢家和输家的批评，这不是反对贸易的论据，而是补偿那些被抛弃者的政策论据。 在此基础上，那些过去曾正确批评WTO的人应该与其支持者联手，因为从特朗普政策所体现的仇外单边主义中捍卫这一关键全球治理机构符合双方的利益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Providing Vitamin A and zinc to 80% of the 140 million or so undernourished children in the world would require a commitment of just $60 million annually. For $286 million, we could get iron and iodine to more than 2.5 billion people. The choice is stark: for a few hundred million dollars, we could help almost half of humanity now. Compare this to the investments to tackle climate change – $40 trillion annually by the end of the century – which would save a hundred times fewer starving people (and in 90 years!). For every person saved from malnutrition through climate policies, the same money could have saved half a million people from micronutrient malnutrition through direct policies. Some argue that the choice between spending money on carbon cuts and on direct policies is unfair. But it is a basic fact that no dollar can be spent twice. Rich countries and donors have limited budgets and attention spans. If we spend vast amounts of money on carbon cuts in the mistaken belief that we are stopping malaria and reducing malnutrition, we are less likely to put aside money for the direct policies that would help today. Indeed, for every dollar spent on strong climate policies, we will likely do about $0.02 of good for the future.", "zh": "每年只需花6000万美元就能向全球1亿4千万营养不良儿童中的80％提供足够的维他命A和锌。 而只需花2亿8千6百万，我们便能给超过25亿人口提供铁和碘。 这简直是想都不用想的选择：只用区区的几亿美元，我们就能救助全球过半的人口。 这样的投资与解决气候变化的成本相比 — — 每年需耗费40万亿美元直到本世纪末 — — 同样一笔钱则可以在未来90年内把那些挣扎于饥饿线上的人们拯救近百次。 都是那么多钱，花在气候政策上只能够使一个人摆脱营养不良，而用在更直接有效的政策上却能使50多万人口免于遭受微量营养素不足的折磨。 不过，有人认为对减少碳排放和直接政策两者所耗费的成本作比较是不合理的。 但我们不能忽视一个基本的事实：一笔钱只能用在一个地方。 发达国家和富裕的捐献者的预算和精力都是有限的。 如果我们被那些错误的信念牵着鼻子走，自以为在对抗疟疾和减少营养不良而把大量的资金花在削减碳排放上，那么当然也拿不出什么钱投放到那些效果立竿见影的直接性政策上了。 而事实上，我们扔在强力气候控制政策上的每1个美元，在未来大概只能收到相当于0.02美元的回报。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "杜平武，中国科学技术大学教授，博士生导师。 归国前在美国阿贡国家实验室任阿贡学者（院长奖研究员）。 杜平武教授于 2001 年在武汉大学化学与分子工程学院获得理学学士学位，2001-2004 年在中科院理化技术研究所硕士研究生学习，于2004 年赴美攻读博士学位，2009 年博士毕业于美国罗彻斯特大学(University of Rochester)，导师是无机化学家，美国科学院院士Richard Eisenberg 教授；随后2009-2011 年在麻省理工学院（MIT）跟随美国科学院院士Stephen J. Lippard 教授做博士后研究。 杜平武教授目前是“ISRN Physical Chemistry”杂志编委，两次获得美国国家级奖励，包括American Chemical Society (ACS) Nobel Laureate Signature Award （美国化学会诺贝尔签名奖，美国化学会颁发的博士生最高荣誉，每年仅颁发一人及其导师）和ACS Young Investigator Award (美国化学会青年科学家奖，每年仅颁发5-6 人)。 同时，在2008 年获得中国政府颁发的海外留学生奖－国家优秀自费留学生奖学金。", "en": "Pingwu Du, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, University of Science and Technology of China. Before returning to China, he worked as an Argonne Scholar at the Argonne National Laboratory in the United States. Dr. Du received a Bachelor Degree in Science from the School of Chemistry and Molecular Engineering of Wuhan University in 2001, studied at the Institute of Physics and Chemistry, Chinese Academy of Sciences for a Master's Degree from 2001 to 2004, went to USA for the Doctorate in 2004, graduated from the University of Rochester in 2009 with a Ph.D., under the instruction of an inorganic chemist, Professor Richard Eisenberg, a member of the National Academy of Sciences, and carried out his postdoctoral research with Prof. Stephen J. Lippard, an academician of the American Academy of Sciences, at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dr. Du currently serves as the Editorial Board Member of ISRN Physical Chemistry, and he has won two American national level awards, including American Chemical Society (ACS) Nobel Laureate Signature Award (the highest honor for a doctoral student awarded by the American Chemical Society, only one person and his mentor are awarded each year) and ACS Young Investigator Award (only 5-6 people are awarded each year). At the same time, in 2008, he won the National Scholarship for Outstanding Self-financed International Students issued by the Chinese government."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Our visit to this opulent giant clam came to an end. Captain Nemo left the cave, and we climbed back up the bank of shellfish in the midst of these clear waters not yet disturbed by divers at work. We walked by ourselves, genuine loiterers stopping or straying as our fancies dictated. For my part, I was no longer worried about those dangers my imagination had so ridiculously exaggerated. The shallows drew noticeably closer to the surface of the sea, and soon, walking in only a meter of water, my head passed well above the level of the ocean. Conseil rejoined me, and gluing his huge copper capsule to mine, his eyes gave me a friendly greeting. But this lofty plateau measured only a few fathoms, and soon we reentered Our Element. I think I’ve now earned the right to dub it that. Ten minutes later, Captain Nemo stopped suddenly. I thought he’d called a halt so that we could turn and start back. No. With a gesture he ordered us to crouch beside him at the foot of a wide crevice. His hand motioned toward a spot within the liquid mass, and I looked carefully.", "zh": "看完了这个胖大的车渠，尼摩船长离开石洞，我们走到小纹贝礁石上。在这些清澈的海水中间，还没有采珠人来工作，把水搅浑，我们真像闹着无事来此散步的人，我们各走各的路，随自己的意思，或停下，或走开。至于我自己，我已经不把那件由于空想所引起的十分可笑的事放在心上了。海底这时显然接近海面，不久，我的头离水面只有一米了。康塞尔走近我身边，把他的铜球帽贴着我的铜球帽，他挤弄眼睛，向我作个友谊的敬礼。不过这水底高原只有几米长，不久我们又回到“我们的”深水中。我想现在我有权利可以这样讲。十分钟后，尼摩船长忽然停住了。我以为他是停一下就要转回去。然而不是。他做个手势，要我们在一个宽大的窝里面，挨近他身边蹲下来。他用手指着水中的一点，我很注意地观察。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "No. They were all by that time choking the Hall of Examination where this old man, ugly and wicked, was, and overflowing into the adjacent open space and streets. The Defarges, husband and wife, The Vengeance, and Jacques Three, were in the first press, and at no great distance from him in the Hall. “See!” cried madame, pointing with her knife. “See the old villain bound with ropes. That was well done to tie a bunch of grass upon his back. Ha, ha! That was well done. Let him eat it now!” Madame put her knife under her arm, and clapped her hands as at a play. The people immediately behind Madame Defarge, explaining the cause of her satisfaction to those behind them, and those again explaining to others, and those to others, the neighbouring streets resounded with the clapping of hands. Similarly, during two or three hours of drawl, and the winnowing of many bushels of words, Madame Defarge’s frequent expressions of impatience were taken up, with marvellous quickness, at a distance: the more readily, because certain men who had by some wonderful exercise of agility climbed up the external architecture to look in from the windows, knew Madame Defarge well, and acted as a telegraph between her and the crowd outside the building.", "zh": "再也没有人了。他们此时已挤满了那个丑陋、邪恶的老头儿所在的审判厅，并往外面漫溢，进入了附近的场地和街道。德伐日夫妇、复仇女神和雅克三号第一批到达，站在大厅里距离那老头儿不远处。 “看呀：”老板娘用刀指着叫道，“看那老流氓捆在那几。对，在他背上捆上一捆草。哈！哈！捆得好。现在就让他吃草！”老板娘把刀夹在腋下好像看戏似地鼓起掌来。 德伐日太太背后的人把她满意的理由告诉了自己背后的人，他们背后的人又向别人解释，别人又再向别人解释，于是附近的街道便也响起了掌声。同样，在两三个钟头的吵闹中筛了不知道几大箩的话里|Qī|shu|ωang|，德伐日太太常有些不耐烦的意见曾以惊人的速度在远处得到响应，因为有几个身手矫捷得惊人的人爬到了建筑物外面，从窗上往里瞧。他们很熟悉德伐日太太，便充当了她跟外面的人群之间的活电报。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他们可是知晓帝北宸原本的身份，只是这三年来帝北宸一直低调隐忍，他们也觉得帝北宸回去无望，因而对帝北宸的态度愈发不在意。 帝北宸此刻突然一改以往的态度，难道只是因为想护着百里红妆？ 又或者……他有了回去的资本？ 想着后一种可能，轩辕御天和江瑾盈皆是心头一震。 “宸王妃，此事可当真如李丞相所言？” 轩辕御天不动声色地问道。 李承乾在风博国地位不凡，将来又是未来的国丈，可百里红妆是帝北宸的妻子，身份同样不简单。 百里红妆眼底漫着讽刺的光，反问道：“李丞相避重就轻，怎么不说说你为何要来宸王府？” 此话一出，众人不禁好奇地望着李承乾，直到现在他们都很好奇李承乾为何要带着李钰玥前往宸王府，这实在太奇怪了。 李承乾的脸色变化了几分，原本他就一直在为李钰玥不能参加皇室狩猎赛而寻找理由。 虽然昨日李钰玥受伤一事让他羞愤异常，但正好找到了一个极好的理由。", "en": "But they knew Dibei Chen’s original identity. However, for the past three years, Dibei Chen had always been low-key and enduring it silently. They had thought Dibei Chen no longer had any prospects, so they grew more and more careless about him. Now Dibei Chen’s attitude suddenly changed back to his original mannerisms. Is it because he wanted to protect Baili Hongzhuang? Or could it be……. He finally had the resources to go back? Thinking what might happen, Xuanyuan Yutian and Jiang Jinying’s hearts trembled. \"Is this true?\" Xuanyuan Yutian asked, remaining calm and collected. Li Chengqian’s status in Feng Bo country wasn’t ordinary. Baili Hongzhuang’s eyes shined with scorn, asking, “Prime Minister Li avoided the important and only spoke of trivial things. Why don’t you say why you came to the Prince’s palace in the first place?” Hearing her words, everyone couldn’t help but look at Li Chengqian curiously. Even now, they all thought it was very strange that Li Chengqian and Li Yuyue had gone to Chen Palace. It was just too odd. Li Chengqian’s face changed slightly, his brain continually thinking of excuses why Li Yuyue couldn’t come to the royal hunting competition Although he was ashamed and resentful about Li Yuyue getting wounded yesterday, it gave him a very good excuse for him to cover everything up."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the same time, the “maximum pressure” campaign has effectively ended, with calls to relax sanctions and a reluctance to enforce fully those on the books. The US and South Korea have also canceled military exercises and relaxed their force posture, respectively, easing the pressure on the Kim regime. This is what defining diplomacy down is all about. This reluctance to press North Korea, however, points to the danger that Kim’s regime will be allowed not just to keep but to increase its nuclear arsenal. Indeed, North Korea could close or destroy facilities yet never denuclearize if it continues to build capacity at the same time. North Korea will perhaps understandably resist a negotiation in which it is asked to do everything before it receives anything. It will demand compensation, most likely in the form of relaxing economic sanctions, if it were to eliminate any nuclear capacity. China and Russia would surely support such a request. But rewarding North Korea generously for partial measures reduces its incentive to take additional steps, much less complete the process of denuclearization. The Kim regime is also certain to want to avoid being forced to choose between giving up its nuclear and missile programs, which it sees as essential for its security, and improving its economy, which is essential for social and political stability. It wants to have its cake and eat it: both continued security and greater prosperity.", "zh": "与此同时 ， “ 最大压力”运动已基本结束，现在的呼声是放松制裁，不要照章充分实施。 美国和韩国还取消了军事演习，分别放松了兵势，缓解了朝鲜政权的压力。 这就是外交的堕落。 但不愿向朝鲜施压带来了一项危险：朝鲜政权不但能够保有、还能扩大它的核武库。 事实上，朝鲜只要在关闭或销毁核设施的同时能够继续建造新设施，朝鲜就永远不会去核化。 也许朝鲜将抵制要求它先做好一切才能得到回报的谈判，这是不难理解的。 如果想要它销毁核能力的话，它会要求补偿，最有可能是以放松经济制裁的形式。 中国和俄罗斯肯定会支持这样的要求。 但因为小小的妥协就慷慨奖励朝鲜会降低它采取更多动作的激励，更不用说完成去核化了。 金氏政权肯定还希望避免被迫在放弃核和导弹计划（它视之为安全之本 ） ， 以及改善经济状况（社会和政治稳定之本）之间做出选择。 它想要安全和繁荣兼得。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So let me place my bet - which I think is only 60% likely - and say that my best guess is that world real interest rates will be high over the next generation, and that current bond prices (and real estate prices) are not sustainable. Four features of modern politics in the world's post-industrial core lead me to this conclusion: · In the US, the collapse of \"grownup\" Republicans in Congress - the extraordinary failure of fiscal conservatives to mount any effective opposition to the Bush administration's renewed destabilization of American government finances. The deficit orgy of the Reagan era is looking less like a freak political accident and more like a structural feature of Republican Party governance - what the modern Republican governing coalition tends to do whenever it gains power; · The parallel collapse of a grownup Republican presence in the executive branch. As Ron Suskind reports in his recent biography of Bush's first Treasury Secretary, Paul O'Neill, former Bush Budget Director Mitch Daniels once whispered to himself at the end of a disastrous meeting, \"Not a typical Republican package. Definitely not.\" But Daniels decided he would rather run for office in Indiana than take a stand in support of sound fiscal finance; · The failure of Western European governments to even begin to think about how to address the coming fiscal crisis of the social-insurance state as a result of their aging populations;", "zh": "那么就让我来预测一下-我认为这一预测结果成为现实的可能性只有60 % - -我认为最大的可能性是全世界的利率在未来二十五到三十年会保持在较高的水平，且现有的债券价格（和不动产价格）是不可持续的。 世界后工业核心国家的现代政治的四大特点让我得出了这一结论： n 在美国 ， \" 成熟的\"共和党在国会倒台-财政保守派们面对布什政府重新扰乱美国财政居然束手无策。 里根时代对财政赤字的放纵现在看起来越来越不像是一种古怪的政治事故而更像是共和党治理的结构性特点-现代共和党执政联盟只要大权在握就会这样做； n 与前者并行的是成熟的共和党人在行政领域的失势。 正如罗恩·萨斯凯德在最近为布什的第一任财政部长保罗·奥尼尔所著的传记中描述的那样，布什的前预算委员会主任米奇·丹尼尔斯在一次灾难性的会议结束后自言自语道 ： \" 这不是典型的共和党的一揽子方案。 绝对不是 。 \" 可丹尼尔斯宁可去竞选印第安那州州长也不愿出面支持一个合理的财政方案； n 西欧各国的政府甚至未能开始考虑如何应对人口老龄化即将给它们的社会保障国家带来的财政危机；"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, according to the independent Global Trade Alert observatory, since 2008, China has introduced only 25 measures (referred to as “state interventions”) per year, on average, that might restrict trade with the US. Meanwhile, China enacted about the same number of new measures that liberalize trade with the US. Overall, then, China has not become more protectionist against the US; on the contrary, the opening process is continuing, albeit very slowly. By contrast, the US has enacted between 80 and 100 restrictive measures against China every year, and far fewer liberalizing measures. Other indicators confirm China’s gradual move toward liberalization. This is the case even for foreign investment – an issue about which both US and European companies complain. Although China remains far less open to foreign direct investment than most advanced economies, the OECD’s composite indicator shows that there has been continuous, albeit sluggish, improvement. In short, even if China’s non-tariff barriers (both formal and informal) remain high, they are lower than in the past. So, why are the US, Europe, and Japan pushing back now? The answer lies in the increased competitiveness of Chinese producers. When Western companies had a near-monopoly on know-how and technology, their competitive edge more than compensated for distortions created by Chinese barriers to trade and investment. But, as Chinese enterprises have become increasingly serious competitors in their own right, Western countries’ capacity to bear the extra costs of non-tariff barriers has diminished.", "zh": "但根据独立的《全球贸易预警 》 （ Global Trade Alert）的观察，自2008年以来，中国平均每年只采取了25项措施（称之为“国家干预 ” ） 可能限制与美国的贸易。 与此同时，中国还会采取差不多数量的新措施放松与美国的贸易。 因此，总体而言，中国并未针对美国而变得更加保护主义；相反，其开放过程是持续的，尽管速度缓慢。 相反，美国每年都会实施80到100项针对中国的限制措施，而放松措施数量要少得多。 其他指标也确认中国在逐渐迈向自由化。 即使是外国投资也是如此 — — 美国和欧洲公司都抱怨外国投资问题。 尽管中国对外国直接投资的开放程度仍比不上大部分发达经济体，但经合组织综合指标表明，中国在这一方面一直在改善，尽管速度缓慢。 简而言之，即使中国非关税壁垒（包括正式的和非正式的）仍然严重，但较之过去已经有所降低。 那么，为何美国、欧洲和日本现在要发起反击？ 答案在于中国生产商竞争力的提高。 在西方公司在知识和技术方面拥有近乎垄断的地位时，它们的竞争优势能够补偿中国的贸易和投资壁垒所带来的扭曲。 但随着中国企业日益崛起成为难对付的竞争对手，西方公司承受非关税壁垒成本的能力有所下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "省里分管扶贫的负责同志要选优配强、原则上保持稳定，对不合适、不胜任的要做一些调整。 各行业部门要围绕脱贫攻坚目标任务，按照尽锐出战要求，切实履职尽责、合力攻坚，对责任不落实、政策不落实、工作不落实影响任务完成的要进行问责。 第二，攻克坚中之坚。 深度贫困地区贫困程度深、基础条件差、致贫原因复杂，民族、宗教、维稳问题交织，是决定脱贫攻坚战能否打赢的关键。 2017年6月，我在山西主持召开深度贫困地区脱贫攻坚座谈会，要求集中力量攻克“三区三州”等深度贫困堡垒。 会后，党中央制定了支持深度贫困地区脱贫攻坚的实施意见，各方面都加大了力度，但不能放松。 “三区三州”外的一些深度贫困县要加大工作力度，逐一研究细化实化攻坚举措，攻城拔寨，确保完成脱贫任务。 第三，认真整改问题。", "en": "Each province should select and appoint capable officials to take charge of poverty alleviation efforts. Leadership should remain stable in principle, but adjustments should be made where officials are found to be unsuited to their post or incapable of performing their duties. All industries and government departments must put their utmost effort toward our poverty alleviation objectives, working together and ensuring that they perform their duties. Those who hinder the fulfillment of our goals due to their failure to assume responsibilities, implement policies, and carry out initiatives must be held to account. Second, we must overcome the most difficult challenges in poverty alleviation. Our efforts to address problems in areas with extreme poverty, poor basic conditions, complex causes of poverty, and overlapping ethnic, religious, and stability issues are the key in determining whether we can win the battle against poverty. In June 2017 in Shanxi, I presided over a symposium on poverty alleviation in deeply impoverished areas, calling for concentrated efforts to lift deeply impoverished areas such as the “three regions and three prefectures” out of poverty. After the meeting, the CPC Central Committee formulated guidelines for supporting poverty alleviation in these areas. Though various sectors have intensified their efforts in this regard, we must make sure that efforts do not slacken. There are certain deeply impoverished counties aside from the “three regions and three prefectures” where we need to redouble our efforts and work out specific and pragmatic measures through a step-by-step approach so that we may overcome difficult obstacles and ensure that poverty alleviation tasks are completed. Third, we must work earnestly to rectify problems."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Recent research shows that just a handful of institutional investors, including BlackRock and Vanguard, have amassed a massive amount of economic power; and some economists have found evidence that this consolidation is leading to higher prices in other sectors, such as the airline industry. Others disagree, and the institutional investors claim to be using their power for good, by pressuring corporations to behave more responsibility. And that is the question – not whether these giants have power, but how they are using it. Are they really pursuing strategies of noblesse oblige, or are they simply trying to maximize profits, as one would normally expect? Whatever the answer to this question, there is no doubt that the US economy is oligopolistic and increasingly sclerotic. A few lawsuits against Big Tech will not revive competition. Nor can Klobuchar’s bill be regarded as more than an admirable first step. Congress also must clear away various hurdles to antitrust enforcement that the Supreme Court has erected over the years. Employing a death-by-a-thousand-cuts strategy, the Court has introduced procedural barriers to antitrust litigation, limited the scope of class actions, eliminated presumptions that previously helped plaintiffs, and instilled a culture of suspicion toward antitrust claims among lower courts. It will take a concerted effort by Congress and the Biden administration to reverse decades of antitrust neglect. And their biggest challenge may lie in an unexpected place: public opinion. While many progressives like to evoke the Gilded Age – when a grassroots anti-monopoly movement helped get the first antitrust laws passed – there are big differences between then and now.", "zh": "最近的研究表明，包括贝莱德集团和先锋集团在内的少数机构投资者集结了大量的经济实力。 一些经济学家搜集的证据表明，这种联合正导致航空业等其他行业的价格上涨。 但也有人对此表示质疑，如机构投资者声称自己正在善用权力，迫使企业承担更多责任。 实际上，问题的核心并不在于这些巨头是否拥有权力，而是如何行使权力。 这些巨头是否真的在追求崇高的目标，还是如人们普遍预想的那样，仅仅只是在追求利润最大化？ 无论答案是什么，美国经济确实被寡头垄断，并且越来越僵化。 光靠几起针对大型科技企业的诉讼不能重启竞争，克洛布查尔提出的法案也仅仅只是值得赞扬的起步。 就此，国会需克服最高法院多年来设置的各种反垄断执法障碍。 最高法院通过采取“千刀万剐”的策略，为反垄断诉讼引入程序障碍，限制集体诉讼的范围，取消以往有助于原告的推定，并导致下级法院对反垄断诉讼产生质疑。 国会和拜登政府需戮力同心，方能扭转数十年来对反垄断执法的忽视。 令人意外的是，他们面临的最大挑战可能来自公众舆论。 许多进步人士喜欢提起镀金时代，当时第一部反垄断法在基层反垄断运动的助力下得以通过。 然而，如今已不同以往。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“‘灵枢丸’又称作‘锁灵丹’，主要可以帮助先天期的修士稳固周天灵气方便加吸收，‘红露丸’是增加灵气的浓稠度。” “那中品的‘龙云丹’就厉害许多了，可以汇聚灵气同时加真元在经脉里的流动，对化神期就有不俗的助力。” “‘八极丹’则并非修炼用的丹药，它可以短时间内拓宽经脉，让修士的真元力运转威力甚，算是争斗的时候一种奇招，当然，如果你的修为太低，真元本就不够，那就等于快自杀”。 被萧芷晴这么一番解释，杨辰才明白原来灵丹并非只能用来修炼，不由期待以后能不能炼制一些特殊的丹药。 只可惜，这几种丹药都只能对女人们的修炼起作用，自己的渡劫期修为却是没半分效果的。 既然不用急着赶回中海，杨辰也就让萧芷晴陪着自己，在地下室里开始第一次的炼丹，也好有不懂的可以快询问。", "en": "“The spiritual pill, also known as the ‘Energy retention pill’, whose role was to assist Xiantian cultivators with solidifying and utilizing the surrounding qi, while the Red dewdrop pill increases the viscosity of the divine energy.” “The mid-tier Dragon cloud pill was far superior as it gathers divine energy while simultaneously heightening the flow of true yuan from within the veins of the cultivators, supplementing Transformed God’s cultivators with decent assistance.” “As for the ‘Eight extremities pill’, it was by no means used for cultivation. Instead, it expanded all pulses and veins within the body, instantly hyper-charging the cultivator’s true yuan energy and massively increasing their ability during battle. Naturally, if the user’s cultivation is not up to par, there wasn’t enough true yuan to be channeled which meant they would die!” After a point to point explanation by Xue Zhiqing, Yang Chen finally understood that divine pills could be utilized for more than just cultivation which left him with anticipation for what he could create along the way. Unfortunately, the refined pills were only useful for the cultivations of his women. They did not help him at all Since he was not in a hurry to return to Zhonghai, Yang Chen kept Xue Zhiqing close by his side for his first attempt in pill refining. He needed her to assist him in order to perfect the technique."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, the TPP’s emphasis on regulatory policies suggests that business interests will trump human rights. While some proposals (against shark-finning, for example) would benefit certain advocacy groups, many more items are likely to cause widespread hardship. Leaked drafts of intellectual-property proposals show an obstinate US effort to require patent protections for plants and animals, thus going beyond the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. The US stance could further restrict farmers’ access to productive resources, thus affecting the right to food. And such proposals would limit governments’ options when addressing wider food-related human-rights issues. This clash of interests contravenes basic principles of international law, namely that countries’ trade deals must not conflict with their obligations under human-rights treaties. That is why a human-rights impact assessment must be conducted – and necessary additional safeguards added – before any TPP deal is signed. An assessment would also galvanize public debate on the issues being discussed. Although trade negotiations require discretion to avoid political grandstanding by participants, the secrecy that currently surrounds the TPP talks is preventing important human-rights arguments from being aired. That entitlement to be heard – especially on a subject with such far-reaching significance – is also fundamental. Transparency and inclusiveness should be prerequisites of any deal. In fact, a human-rights impact assessment would not be difficult to conduct: guiding principles presented to the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2011 explain how to do it. The matter is urgent. As the current round of TPP negotiations winds down, the opportunity for an open and rigorous impact assessment is diminishing. Yet, even at this late stage, the negotiating countries could still commission a follow-up assessment that could be linked to reporting requirements. The delay in reaching a final agreement should be viewed as a last chance to correct potentially profound injustices. It is the bare minimum that must be expected of negotiators. If they truly want the TPP to be a model for the twenty-first-century global economy, as they claim, then they should show real leadership. The TPP negotiators should consider the rights of everyone affected by the deal and act in the public interest, not just the special interests of the economic players that stand to benefit the most.", "zh": "事实上，跨太平洋伙伴关系注重调控政策显示各成员国会牺牲人权来换取商业利益。 虽然某些提案（比方说反对割取鱼翅）有利于某些利益团体，但还有更多条款有可能造成更广泛的问题。 目前透露的知识产权建议草案显示美国固执地要求为动植物提供专利保护，这种做法超越了世贸组织与贸易相关知识产权协议的���关规定。 美国的立场有可能进一步限制农民获得高产资源，进而影响到粮食权利。 这样的提案还将限制在解决大范围粮食相关人权问题时政府的选择方案。 上述利益冲突违反国际法的基本原则，即国家的贸易协议不得与他们的人权条约义务相矛盾。 这就是为什么要在跨太平洋伙伴关系协议签署前进行人权影响评估 — — 并补充必要的额外保障条款。 评估还将引发对正在探讨问题的公开辩论。 虽然贸易谈判需要谨慎从事以避免参与者在政治上哗众取宠，但跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判目前的遮遮掩掩妨碍了人们了解重要的人权观点。 公众对上述问题的知情权 — — 特别当涉及如此深远意义的决策时 — — 也是一项基本原则。 透明度和包容性理应是任何协议的先决条件。 其实，人权影响评估应当不难进行：2011年提交给联合国人权理事会的指导原则详细说明了评估的具体方法。 这个问题已经非常紧迫。 随着这轮跨太平洋伙伴关系谈判接近尾声，进行公开严谨影响评估的机会正在消失。 但即使着手偏晚，谈判国家仍可以委托进行与报告要求挂钩的后续评估。 延迟达成最终协议理应被视为纠正潜在深刻不公平现象的最后一次机会。 这是谈判代表必须达到的最低预期。 如果他们真像自己所说的那样希望跨太平洋伙伴关系成为二十一世纪全球经济的榜样，那么他们必须表现出真正的领导力。 跨太平洋伙伴关系的谈判代表不仅要考虑到受益最多的经济团体的特殊利益，还必须照顾受协议影响的所有人的权利并保护公众利益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Successful education and integration policies take time to work and thus will not bring clear-cut results in time for the next election. To stigmatize immigrants, Muslims in particular, or to destroy the camps in which Roma live, is a much easier task, even if it reveals the truly opportunistic and amoral nature of both Sarkozy and those who surround him. For nearly 60 years, universal suffrage has made successive French presidents the modern equivalents of elected monarchs, men who have concentrated in their hands more power than their counterparts in any other democratic country. Chirac’s shortening of the presidential term from seven to five years has, paradoxically, resulted in an even greater concentration of presidential power. The problem with this omnipotent presidency is that the qualities needed in order to be elected are not necessarily those required to master the art of government, with its mixture of distance, patience, serenity, and modesty, in addition to energy and activism. The French presidency combines both the symbols and the realities of power – the equivalent of both the Queen of England and the British prime minister. But an office designed bespoke for a giant like Charles de Gaulle may simply be too much for any single man or woman. Indeed, it could very well be that the failures of recent French presidents point to a structural problem at the heart of the French constitution, and not just to the shortcomings of its various incumbents.", "zh": "成功的教育和融合政策需要时间执行，因此也不会在下次大选之前就取得立竿见影的效果。 因此侮辱移民（尤其是穆斯林）或者捣毁吉卜赛人聚居地就成为了最得心应手的做法，即便这暴露出了萨科齐及其党羽的机会主义和道德沦丧。 近60年以来，普选权都赋予了历届法国总统帝王般的权威，他们手中握有的权力比其他各国领袖都要多。 讽刺的是，希拉克将总统任期从7年缩短到5年的做法反而令权力更加集中到总统手中。 这种权倾一时的总统制的问题就在于拿到了大多数选票并不意味着当选人就掌握了治理的艺术 — — 这是一种矜持，耐心，宁静以及温和的混合体，再加上政治能量以及行动主义。 法国总统同时拥有了权力的表象及其实质 — — 形同于英国女皇和内阁首相的联合体。 但一个为夏尔·戴高乐这样的伟人度身订做的政府无法适用于任何凡人。 事实上，现今法国总统的所谓失败，��不仅仅是由于那些当选者的不称职，而都应归因于一个涉及法国宪法核心的架构问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Will the IMF Stand Up to Europe? CAMBRIDGE – As the eurozone crisis continues to deepen, the International Monetary Fund may finally be acknowledging the need to reassess its approach. New Managing Director Christine Lagarde’s recent call for forced recapitalization of Europe’s bankrupt banking system is a good start. European officials’ incensed reaction – the banks are fine, they insist, and need only liquidity support – should serve to buttress the Fund’s determination to be sensible about Europe. Until now, the Fund has sycophantically supported each new European initiative to rescue the over-indebted eurozone periphery, committing more than $100 billion to Greece, Portugal, and Ireland so far. Unfortunately, the IMF is risking not only its members’ money, but, ultimately, its own institutional credibility. Only a year ago, at the IMF’s annual meeting in Washington, DC, senior staff were telling anyone who would listen that the whole European sovereign-debt panic was a tempest in a teapot. Using slick PowerPoint presentations with titles like “Default in Today’s Advanced Economies: Unnecessary, Undesirable, and Unlikely,” the Fund tried to convince investors that eurozone debt was solid as a rock. Even for Greece, the IMF argued, debt dynamics were not a serious concern, thanks to anticipated growth and reforms. Never mind the obvious flaw in the Fund’s logic, namely that countries such as Greece and Portugal face policy and implementation risks far more akin to emerging markets than to truly advanced economies such as Germany and the United States. As the situation deteriorated, one might have guessed that the IMF would mark its beliefs to market, as it were, and adopt a more cautious tone. Instead, at the IMF’s April 2011 interim meeting, a senior official declared that the Fund now considers troubled Spain to be a core eurozone country like Germany, rather than a peripheral country like Greece, Portugal, or Ireland. Evidently, investors were supposed to infer that for all practical purposes they should think of Spanish and German debt as identical – the old hubris of the eurozone.", "zh": "IMF会力挺欧洲吗？ 坎布里奇 — — 随着欧元区危机的继续深化，IMF或将不得不承认有必要反思其作为了。 新总裁拉加德最近提出应该对欧洲已经破产的银行体系强行予以重组，这是个不错的开始。 欧洲官员被激怒了，他们坚持说，银行们一切都好，需要的只是流动性支持。 欧洲官员的态度应该能够支持IMF对欧洲的判断的可靠性。 到目前为止，对于欧洲所提出的任何救助债务深重的欧元区外围国家的方案，IMF无不大力支持，其热情程度甚至有阿谀奉承之嫌。 希勒、葡萄牙和爱尔兰已经获得了超过1000亿美元援助承诺。 不幸的是，IMF这么做不仅是在拿其成员国的钱冒险，更严重的是，归根到底，它所押上的赌注是自己的机构名誉。 一年前，在IMF华盛顿年会上，只要你愿意听，高级官员就会告诉你，整个欧洲主权债务危机纯属小题大做。 IMF制作了精美的PPT，打着《今日发达经济体的违约：没有必要、不受欢迎、断无可能》之类的标题，试图让投资者相信，欧元区坚如磐石。 即使对于希腊，IMF也认为其债务动态并无值得深虑的必要，因为该地区增长强劲，而且会实施改革。 IMF这么说存在明显的逻辑漏洞：希腊和葡萄牙这样的国家，它们所面临的政策和实施政策的风险更接近于新兴市场，而不是德国和美国这样的真正发达国家。 但那又怎么样呢。 随着情况的恶化，你也许会认为IMF将向往常一样信赖市场，并在放话时采取更加谨慎的语调。 但是，在2011年4月的IMF中期会议上，一位高级官员宣称，IMF将陷入困境的西班牙视为和德国同等的欧元区核心国家，而不是像希腊、葡萄牙和爱尔兰这样的外围国家。 显然，他们认为务实的投资者会因此推断，西班牙和德国债务完全等价 — — 此乃欧元区固有的傲慢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公主一双眼水汪汪地如要滴出水来，昵声道：“韦爵爷，我是你奴才，我来服侍你。”双臂一伸，紧紧将他抱住了。韦小宝笑道：“不，不可以！”公主道：“好，我去跟皇帝哥哥说，你在路上引诱我，叫我阉了吴应熊那小子，现下又不睬我了。”伸手在他腿上重重扭了一把。过了良久良久，两人才从寝宫中出来。公主满脸眉花眼笑，说道：“皇上吩咐你说罗刹国公主的事给我听，怎么还没说完，就要走了？”韦小宝道：“奴才筋疲力尽，再也没力气说了。”公主笑道：“下次你再来跟我说去辽东捉狐狸精的事。”韦小宝斜眼相睨，低声道：“奴才再也说不动了。”公主格格一笑，一反手，拍的一声，打了他一记巴掌。建宁宫的太监宫女都是旧人，素知公主又娇又蛮的脾气，见她出手打人，均想：“公主嫁了人，老脾气可一点没改。韦伯爵是皇上最宠爱的大臣，她居然也是伸手便打。”", "en": "Her eyes were swimming. She looked as if at any moment she would burst into tears. 'Dearest lord and master,' she said finally, squeezing the words out in her sweetest and most seductive voice. 'I am your willing slave. Your word is my command.' And so saying, she threw her arms around him in a passionate embrace. Trinket gave a panicky laugh. 'No! Not here!! Please!!!' 'All right then, I'll tell my brother the Emperor all about what happened on the way to Yunnan; how you seduced me, how you made me cut off poor Wu's ding'dong, and how you've, now gone and abandoned me!' And by way of punctuation, she dug her fingers into his thigh and gave him a good pinch. It was quite some time before the two of them finally emerged from her bedchamber. The Princess was all smiles, her face a picture of contentment. But she still managed to find cause to grumble and tease. 'My brother said you'd tell me all about that Russian Princess of yours. Come on-' 'I'm much too tired now,' returned Trinket. 'You've quite exhausted me.' 'Next time, then. I want to know all about her.'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "（1）新构型新能源通用航空飞机技术。针对包括轻型水陆两栖飞机在内的通航轻型飞机使用环境恶劣，作业任务多样性、复杂性及危险性高于大飞机等使用特点和技术特点，开展高效绿色轻型多用途通用飞机总体综合设计、系列化、模块化设计技术，通用飞机新概念布局设计技术；研究新能源电动飞机电推进系统技术，通用飞机轻质、高效整体化结构设计与制造技术，研制新能源电动飞机和先进通航轻型飞机，提升高效绿色轻型多用途通用飞机型号研发水平，发展我国通用航空战略新兴产业。（2）新概念新布局无人运输机及现有机型无人化技术。针对翼身融合布局/支撑翼布局等新构型与燃料电池、氢燃料、混合动力等新能源无人运输机概念方案，突破无人运输机模块化、轻量化结构设计与制造技术，开展新概念新布局无人运输机方案探索与产品集成研究，完成新概念新布局无人运输验证机；同时在既有技术集成和研发必要技术基础上，针对现有机型开展无人自主起降等技术研究，使其升级改造为无人运输机产品。", "en": "(1) New configuration and new energy general aviation aircraft technology. In response to the harsh operating environment, diverse and complex operational tasks, and higher risks compared to large aircraft, including light amphibious aircraft, in general aviation light aircraft, efficient and green light multi-purpose general aircraft overall integrated design, serialization, and modular design technology are carried out. General aircraft new concept layout design technology; research on new energy electric aircraft electric propulsion system technology, general aircraft lightweight, efficient integrated structural design and manufacturing technology, development of new energy electric aircraft and advanced general aviation light aircraft, improvement of the research and development level of efficient and green light multi-purpose general aircraft models, and development of China's general aviation strategic emerging industry. (2) New concept and new layout unmanned transport aircraft and existing model unmanned technology. In response to new configurations such as blended wing-body layout/supporting wing layout and new energy unmanned transport aircraft concepts such as fuel cells, hydrogen fuel, and hybrid power, breakthroughs are made in modularization, lightweight structural design, and manufacturing technology of unmanned transport aircraft. Exploration and product integration research of new concept and new layout unmanned transport aircraft schemes are conducted, and a verification aircraft for new concept and new layout unmanned transport is completed. At the same time, based on existing technology integration and necessary research and development technology, research is conducted on unmanned autonomous takeoff and landing technology for existing models to upgrade and transform them into unmanned transport aircraft products."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile, retailers stepped up online investments and created more product and delivery options for consumers, including click-and-collect shopping for those averse to delivery fees. The increase in user numbers has so far mostly held up. Regulatory policy changes also supported online consumption. The US government, for example, eased restrictions on where those receiving food assistance payments could use them, a small adjustment that enhanced convenience and brought business benefits. Other new behaviors may not stick if digital tools and market practices do not sufficiently adapt to provide a better user experience. For that reason, online education, particularly for younger students, is likely to ebb. The often-unsatisfactory experience of students, teachers, and parents with distance learning, especially among families that lacked digital tools or adequate connectivity, suggests that remote education will continue only selectively, and mostly in higher education and job training. The stickiness of changed spending habits is reinforced by people’s upfront investments in new consumption patterns. Consumers who engaged in “home nesting” during the pandemic, for example, made significant investments in furnishings, durables, and gaming and exercise equipment. They will likely continue to spend more time on home-based activities such as cooking and watching the latest hit shows on the big-screen TVs they bought while cooped up inside. A similar pattern of stickiness holds true for workers. For some, working from home during the pandemic satisfied a long-standing desire for greater flexibility and freedom from commuting, among other benefits. In a recent McKinsey survey of more than 5,000 full-time employees in nine countries, 52% said they would like a hybrid remote-work plan in the future, a 22-percentage-point increase compared to before the pandemic, and 11% preferred a fully remote working arrangement. Our analysis of 2,000 activities across more than 800 occupations suggests that as many as one-quarter of workers in advanced economies could work remotely 3-5 days per week without loss of productivity. In some places, therefore, employers are confronting the question of how much remote work to allow. Should such changes in work and consumption patterns endure, they could have knock-on effects on other behavior. For example, we expect demand for leisure air travel to return to its pre-pandemic growth rates in the near term.", "zh": "同时零售商加大了在线业务投资并为消费者创造了更多的产品和送货选项，包括为那些不愿支付送货费用的人提供网上下单到店取货服务，到目前为止相关用户数量基本实现了稳步增长。 监管政策的变化也支持在线消费，比如美国政府就放宽了对食品援助金领取者的消费场所限制，这一小小的调整不但提高了便利性，也带来了商业上的好处。 如果数字工具和市场实践不能充分适应并提供更好的用户体验，其他新行为就可能无以为继。 因此在线教育（特别是针对低年龄段学生的在线教育）可能会退潮。 学生、教师和家长对远程教育的体验往往不尽如人意（特别对于那些缺乏数字设备或顺畅网络的家庭 ） ， 这表明远程教育将有选择性地延续下去，而且主要集中在高等教育和就业培训领域。 而人们对新消费模式的前期投资也会强化变革后消费习惯的粘性。 例如，在疫情期间“家里蹲”的消费者在家具、耐用消费品、游戏和运动设备方面进行了大量投资，因此他们可能会继续花更多时间在以家庭为基础的活动上，比如做饭和在不可外出时用买来的大屏幕电视观看最新热门节目。 类似的粘性模式也出现在了劳动者身上。 对一些人来说，在疫情期间居家办公满足了他们一直渴望的更高灵活性、免于上下班舟车劳顿以及其他好处。 在麦肯锡最近对9个国家5000多名全职员工进行的调查中，52%的人表示希望未来能有一个混合式远程工作计划，比疫情前增加了22个百分点，还有11%的人倾向于完全远程工作。 我们对800多个职业的2000项活动的分析表明发达经济体中有多达1/4的劳动者可以每周远程工作3~5天而不损失生产力。 因此一些地方的雇主当前要面对的问题就是应当安排多大份额的远程工作。 如果这类工作和消费模式变化持续下去，它们可能会对其他行为产生连锁反应。 例如我们预计休闲航空旅行的需求增速将在短期内恢复到疫情前水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Instead, the German economy has barely grown; indeed, weaker world trade threatens to put it in recession. The current-account surplus, which was supposed to decline sharply, has actually increased, as savings have remained higher – and investment lower – than expected. Another problem, at least from the point of view of the rest of the eurozone, is that inflation in Germany remains too low. With German prices rising at less than 1% annually, the eurozone periphery needs falling prices in order to regain the competitiveness lost during the pre-2008 boom years. This lack of dynamism at the core of the eurozone has now become its key problem. With no growth in Germany, the rest of the eurozone might not be able to reduce debt via external surpluses. And there might be no solution short of a magic button to increase German domestic demand. Obviously, the German government is in charge of the country’s public finances. But fiscal policy has been roughly neutral in recent years, and thus cannot be blamed for the German economy’s lack of dynamism. This year, the public-sector budget might move from a small deficit to what German officials call a “black zero” – a very small surplus. But this tightening by a fraction of a percentage point of GDP implies no adverse effect on growth. The root cause of Germany’s sluggish economic performance in recent years is the continuing unwillingness of its households and enterprises to consume and invest. And it is difficult to see what the government can do about this. Indeed, investment has fallen despite financing conditions for enterprises that have never been easier, both in terms of ultra-low interest rates and banks’ willingness to lend. Yet Germany’s corporate sector remains reluctant to borrow and invest in the country, because it sees little reason to expect long-term economic growth, given that the population is set to decline and productivity gains remain anemic. With investment unlikely to become a motor for the German economy, consumption holds the key to stronger demand growth in Germany. Its weakness is somewhat surprising: real incomes are up, and the coalition government that came to power last year has introduced a series of generous welfare measures, including a large increase in the minimum wage, a reduction of the retirement age, and a special top-up pension for women with children.", "zh": "相反，德国经济几无增长；事实上，国际贸易的走弱有可能导致德国陷入衰退。 被认为会暴跌的经常项目盈余实际上有所增加，因为储蓄保持比预期更高的水平（而投资保持着比预期更低的水平 ） 。 另一个问题 — — 至少从欧元区其他部分看来 — — 是德国的通胀水平仍然太低。 德国物价每年升高不到1 % ， 这意味着欧元区外围需要价格下降才能重新获得2008年危机前的几年中所失去的竞争力。 欧元区核心活力不振已成为关键问题。 德国不增长，欧元区其他部分也许就无法通过外部盈余减少债务。 而要增加德国内需，目前看来似乎只能寄希望于魔术了。 显然，德国政府控制着德国的公共财政。 但财政政策在近几年中基本上保持中性，因此不能把德国经济缺少活力归咎于财政政策。 今年，德国公共部门预算可能从略有赤字变为德国官方所谓的“零或略有盈余 ” （ black zero ） 。 但这一相当于零点几个百分点GDP的紧缩对增长没有什么消极影响。 德国经济近几年表现呆滞的根源在于德国家庭和企业一直不愿消费和投资。 我们也看不到政府可以就此做些什么。 事实上，尽管企业的融资条件堪称史上最宽松（不管从超低的利率还是银行的放贷意愿看都是如此 ） ， 但投资仍在下降。 而德国公司部门仍不愿再国内借钱和投资，因为它们看不到长期经济增长的希望，这又是因为人口即将减少且生产率增长停滞不前。 在投资不可能成为德国经济引擎的情况下，消费就成为提高德国内需的关键。 从某种程度上说，消费的疲软令人惊奇：真实收入水平在上升，去年上台的联合政府也引入了一系列慷慨的福利措施，包括大幅增加最低工资、降低退休年龄以及面向有孩妇女的特别追加养老金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Building a Safe Nanotechnology Future We are living – according to some – on the brink of a nanotechnology revolution, where matter is engineered at a scale thousands of times smaller than the eye can see, and familiar materials behave in unexpected ways. This revolution, if successful, will turn our world upside down. Nanotechnology gives us increasing control over the material world, providing opportunities to enhance existing technologies and develop new ones. The opportunities seem endless, from building stronger, lighter materials and manufacturing tremendously powerful yet incredibly small computers, to developing new sustainable energy sources and devising personalized cures for cancer. More than 500 manufacturer-identified nanotechnology consumer products are now on the market, from cosmetics to car parts to tableware. By 2014 an estimated $2.6 trillion in manufactured goods around the world (or 15% of total global output) will use this technology, building on the research of scientists in some 100 nations around the world. If current projections are right, nanotechnology has the potential to have an impact on nearly every industry and virtually every aspect of our lives. Yet nanotechnology is also shaking up our understanding of what makes something harmful. At the nanometer scale (about 50,000 times smaller than the width of a human hair), matter behaves in unusual ways: weak materials become strong, inert materials become active, and benign materials become harmful. In the same way that iron can be made into products as different as skillets and swords, the usefulness or harmfulness of nanotechnology products depends on how they are crafted at the nanometer scale. As a result, we can no longer rely on conventional ways of managing risk that are based on the raw materials alone. As the number of products using nanotechnology continues to grow, we need new scientific information on the risks that they might present. Experts in government, industry, academia, and elsewhere agree that a long list of questions needs to be addressed if we are to develop nanotechnology as safely as possible. The challenge we face is to find answers that will enable producers and regulators to make sound, science-based decisions, and to develop an oversight system that inspires consumer confidence. Unfortunately, the global response to this challenge has not been overwhelming. In 2005, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Project on Emerging Nanotechnologies looked closely at government-funded research addressing the environmental, health, and safety impact of nanotechnology.", "zh": "构建一个安全的纳米技术的未来 根据某些人的观点我们即将迎来一场纳米技术革命，在那里物体被以比人眼所能看到的小几千倍的尺寸制造，而我们熟悉的材料将会有令人意外的表现。 这场革命如果成功的话，将会颠覆整个世界。 纳米技术提高了我们对材料的控制以及提供了提高现有技术和开发新技术的机会。 从建造更强、更轻的材料和制造功能极强但难以置信地小的电脑到开发新的可持续能源和设计个人化的癌症治疗方案，这里看上去有无限的机会。 现在市场上有超过500种不同制造商宣称生产的纳米技术消费产品，从化妆品到汽车零件以及餐具，应有尽有。 如果现在的预测正确，那么纳米技术将有可能对每一个行业以及我们生活中的方方面面都产生影响。 然而纳米技术也在颠覆着我们对什么东西是有害的认识。 在纳米范围（大约比人的头发丝的宽度小5万倍）上，物体的表现并不像寻常那样：弱的物质变强了，惰性的物质变得活跃了，而良性的物质变得有害了。 以同样的方式铁可以被制造成像长柄平底煎锅和剑这样不同的产品，纳米技术产品的有用或有害完全要看它们在纳米范围上是怎样被制作的。 其结果是，我们不能再依赖传统上单单根据原材料来界定危险的方式了。 随着使用纳米技术的产品越来越多，我们需要了解它们可能带来的危险的新的科学信息。 政府、工业、学术界和其他地方的专家认为如果我们想尽可能安全地开发纳米技术那就要解决一长串的问题。 我们面临的挑战是寻找到能够使生产者和管理者作出合理的、有科学依据的决策以及建立一个能让消费者放心的监管体系的答案。 不幸的是，迄今为止全球对于这一挑战的回应并不那么积极。 2005年，伍德罗威尔逊国际学者中心新兴纳米技术计划考察了由政府资助的对于纳米技术的环境、健康和安全影响的研究项目。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though there is a consensus that the retirement age should be raised from 60 to 65, there is strong resistance to cutting benefits. Again, the government can minimize time-wasting political entanglements – this time, by focusing on the public sector. Brazil’s government currently spends roughly the same amount on 950,000 retired public servants that it spends on 28 million retired private-sector workers, meaning that the bigger problem is also the one that will be less politically difficult to address. Finally, Brazil needs to reinsert itself into the global economy. To that end, it must revive productivity growth, expand exports, open its economy to international competition, and forge new bilateral and regional trade deals with major economic players. If Temer’s government succeeds in the first three areas, building up its credibility in the process, it will be in a strong position to fulfill these objectives, as well. This four-point agenda is crucial to restoring Brazil’s economy and bringing public spending under control. But it will not be enough to stop the vicious boom-and-bust cycles to which Brazil has long been vulnerable. For that, Brazilians must take a hard look at the attitudes and expectations that have placed them in this situation. Real change means breaking the addiction to a paternalistic and interventionist state and supporting needed policy adjustments, even when they are unpleasant. Brazilians still have a long way to go to eliminate corruption, reform or rescind populist policies, and create efficient and responsible state institutions. But the combination of popular indignation, courageous and independent judges, and a dynamic free press seems to be propelling the country along a promising path, as the irresponsible actions of politicians and businessmen are not only brought to light, but also punished. By itself, Rousseff’s likely impeachment will solve nothing. But if it helps to bury beliefs and values that have been holding Brazil back, the country, to paraphrase Winston Churchill, may find itself at the end of the beginning.", "zh": "尽管已有共识认为退休年龄应该从60岁提高到65岁，但削减福利的阻力很大。 在这里，政府也可以通过将注意力集中在私人部门而让浪费时间的政治纠纷最小化。 目前，巴西政府在大约950,000名退休公职人员身上的支出与2,800万私人部门工人相当，这意味着更大的问题解决起来的政治难度更小。 最后，巴西需要重回全球经济。 在这方面，巴西必须重振生产率增长，扩大出口，向国际竞争开放经济，并与主要经济大国签订新的双边和地区贸易协议。 如果特梅尔政府首先在前三个方面取得成功，并在此过程中构建信誉，那么这些目标也大有希望实现。 这一四点日程对于重塑巴西经济、控制公共支出至关重要。 但它仍不足以阻止长期以来巴西常常陷入的恶性枯荣循环。 在这方面，巴西必须认真审视让它陷入这一境地的看法和预期。 真正的变化意味着打破对家长统治和干涉主义国家的依赖，支持所需要的政策调整，即使这些调整并不令人愉快。 巴西在根除腐败、改革或取消民粹主义政策，以及建立高效负责的国家机构方面还有很长的路要走。 但民意、富于勇气的独立法官以及充满活力的自由媒体似乎正在联手推动巴西走向光明的道路，政客和商人的不负责任的行为不但被曝光，还受到了惩罚。 罗塞夫可能遭到弹劾，这本身解决不了任何问题。 但如果这能葬送拖住巴西后退的信念和价值，那么，借用丘吉尔的话说，巴西终将启动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "姚海龙 于2007年8月至2009年8月，到美国加州大学圣迭戈分校（UCSD）计算机科学与工程系进行博士后研究，与 Andrew B. Kahng教授合作，于2009年9月到清华大学计算机系任教。 至今已发表60余篇国际学术论文，获得2项美国专利授权，10项中国专利授权，6项软件著作权登记。 发表的论文包括10余篇IEEE/ACM国际期刊论文，以及10余篇DAC/ICCAD/ISPD/ASP-DAC国际顶级会议论文。 于2016年获得SASIMI最佳论文奖（1%），分别于2006和2008年两次荣获ICCAD最佳论文提名奖，于2011年荣获国际会议ISQED最佳论文提名奖。 所取得的科研成就获得国际同行的认可，通过国际同行的评议，于2015年被推选为国际电气和电子工程师学会（IEEE）高级会员。 受邀担任ISPD、DATE、ASP-DAC、DAC博士生论坛、ICCAD SRC、FPT等重要国际会议的程序委员会委员，以及Elsevier Heliyon国际期刊副编辑、Microelectronic Journal国际期刊客座编辑等职务。", "en": "Hailong Yao Yao worked with Prof. Andrew B. Kahng as a postdoctoral scholar at Department of Computer Science and Engineering, U.S. San Diego from August 2007 to August 2009. In Septermber 2009, Yao started teaching at the Department of Science, Tsinghua University. He has published over 60 academic papers and obtained 2 U.S. patents, 10 Chinese patents and 6 software copyright registrations. Published papers included more than 10 IEEE/ACM international journal papers and over 10 DAC/ICCAD/ISPD/ASP-DAC international top conference papers. Yao won the SASIMI Best Paper Award in 2016, the ICCAD Best Paper Nomination Award in 2006 and 2008 respectively and the ISQED Best Paper Nomination Award in 2011. Yao's academic achievements were recognized by international counterparts and he was elected as a Senior Member of the IEEE in 2015 through international peer review. And he was invited to serve as a member of procedural committee of international conferences such as ISPD, DATE, ASP-DAC, DAC, ICCAD SRC, FPT. And he is the Associate Editor of Elsevier Heliyon and the Guest Editor of Microelectronic Journal."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What they fail to grasp is that the 1980 Jerusalem Law, which declared the city – “united in its entirety” – to be Israel’s capital did not actually result in unity. The subsequent effort to “Israelize” the city, by building a network of Jewish neighborhoods in Palestinian-dominated East Jerusalem, has failed to secure a solid Jewish majority, largely owing to the unwillingness of middle-class Israelis to settle there. Indeed, not only has the settlement project turned East Jerusalem into a hub of political and social tension, but the high financial cost – more than $20 billion in total – forced the diversion of limited resources from growth-oriented investment in West Jerusalem. As a result, Jerusalem has become Israel’s poorest city. Unsurprisingly, the 200,000 members of Israel’s liberal and prosperous middle class that abandoned the city in the last 20 years find Tel Aviv – Israel’s economic capital, and a center of technology-driven growth – far more appealing. Complicating the situation further is the division between secular Israelis and the fanatic Orthodox communities whose rejection of the secular state and yearning for a society based on the strictest interpretation of Halacha (Jewish religious law) epitomize a deep-seated fear of Arabs and an uncompromising distrust of gentiles. Such communities, which comprise 30% of Jerusalem’s population, make the notion of a united, peaceful Jerusalem farfetched, at best. In 1966, a year before Israeli paratroopers ostensibly united Jerusalem, the composer Naomi Shemer sang of, “the city that sits solitary, and in its heart a wall.” Today, the wall dividing Jerusalem is not made of concrete or brick – but that does not make it any less real. This enduring division is exemplified in the contrast between municipal services and infrastructure in the city’s Jewish and Arab neighborhoods. Of course, to some degree, Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents benefit from Israel’s advanced social-security and health-care systems, the likes of which their brethren in the Palestinian Authority can only imagine. Nonetheless, they continue to identify themselves as Palestinian, with only 10,000 of Jerusalem’s 300,000 Palestinian residents having agreed to apply for Israeli citizenship. But the Jerusalem issue is subject to an even more fundamental confusion: What are Jerusalem’s actual boundaries?", "zh": "他们没有领会1980年耶路撒冷法（Jerusalem Law）的精神。 耶路撒冷法宣布了该市 — — “保持统一完整状态 ” — —成为以色列首都实际上没有带来统一。 随后的耶路撒冷“以色列化”政策 — — 在巴勒斯坦人占多数的东耶路撒冷建立犹太人社区网络 — — 也没有确保巩固犹太人多数，主要是因为中产阶级以色列人不愿住在那里。 事实上，不但定居点工程让东耶路撒冷成为政治和社会紧张的温床，高昂的金融成本 — — 总量超过过200亿美元 — — 迫使有限的资源无法用于西耶路撒冷的增长导向型投资。 结果，耶路撒冷沦为以色列最贫穷的城市。 毫不奇怪，在过去二十年中，有200,000以色列自由繁荣的中产阶级成员抛弃了耶路撒冷，来到吸引力远远胜之的以色列经济首都、科技驱动创新的中心 — — 特拉维夫。 让局面进一步复杂化的是世俗以色列人和狂热正教社区之间的分歧。 后者拒绝接受世俗国家，向往基于最严格的哈拉卡（犹太宗教法）的社会，这给阿拉伯人造成了深深的恐惧，也让非犹太教徒无法妥协和信任。 这些社区占以色列人口的30 % ， 他们心中的统一的耶路撒冷的概念与现实格格不入。 1966年，即以色列伞兵从表面上统一耶路撒冷的前一年，作曲家舍莫尔（Naomi Shemer）唱道 ： “ 这座城市是单独的，在它中心有一堵墙 。 ” 如今，这堵分割耶路撒冷的墙并非由水泥和砖头砌成，但它仍然实实在在地存在着。 这一顽固的分歧可以从犹太社区和阿拉伯社区之间市政服务和基础设施的巨大反差中一窥端倪。 当然，从某种程度上说，耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦居民从以色列的先进社会安全和医疗系统中获益，这些东西对于巴勒斯坦权力机构来说是不可想象的。 尽管如此，他们仍视自己为巴勒斯坦人，在耶路撒冷300,000巴勒斯坦居民中，只有10,000人同意申请以色列居民身份。 但耶路撒冷问题有一个更加根本的困惑：什么是耶路撒冷的实际边界？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, by effectively transforming the economic geography of China, Asia, and the world, liberalization would also lead to significant creative destruction. Furthermore, market forces could reduce inequality in the longer term only if China’s authorities tolerated the short-term inequalities created by fluctuations in prices for housing, stocks, labor, natural resources, and currency. The problem is that the Chinese bureaucracy prefers stability, and it has strong incentives to strengthen its own position relative to the market, thereby exacerbating power inequalities and dampening innovation and growth. Yet the bureaucracy remains integral to the implementation of any policy that promotes social cohesion. To mitigate the serious systemic risks stemming from the power of China’s overweening, corrupt mandarins, Xi must rebalance their incentives. He is already working to eliminate graft, restrict the scope of administrative approvals, reduce the state-owned sector’s advantages, clarify property rights in land, and simplify welfare, tax, and financial regulations. Beyond reducing systemic risks, these efforts – if they are sustained – could generate “reform dividends” over time. But the incentive problem is not confined to the bureaucracy. Systemic reform requires recognizing and atoning for two original sins: not only that of bureaucrats who made money by abusing their power, but also that of capitalists who made money by breaking the rules. This challenge is best illustrated in the competition between state-owned enterprises and private firms. The failure of private firms that lack access to subsidies or affordable financing deters others from innovating and challenging the status quo. Meanwhile, SOEs – which can invest in excess capacity, record net losses (often through corruption and incompetence), and count on government subsidies – never face a reckoning.", "zh": "此外，只有在中国的当权者能够容忍各种短期及局部价格波动时，包括住房、股票、劳动力、自然资源和货币等要素价格的波动， 市场的力量才能通过市场规律的自然实现过程来降低长期的扭曲及不平等。 在市场规律下，短期的价格扭曲正是套利的机会，而短期套利的行动也是导致长期价格趋同及收入平等的动力。 问题在于中国的官员更偏好短期稳定，且相信政府比市场更有能力调控短期经济波动，他们往往将调控短期经济波动的权利保留给政府及市场监管者。 而这往往导致政府宏观调控权力的扩大及市场自然调节过程的弱化，结果往往是阻碍了创新和增长。 另一方面，中国的大量未完成的改革任务仍然需要依靠政府官员领头来实施，特别是需要他们的努力来提出可以凝聚社会共识的改革政策 。 要想遏制由一些自负且腐败的官员导致的滥用权利的系统性风险，习近平必须在制度方面重新平衡官员的激励机制。 他已开始着手根除贪污、限制行政审批权、削减国有部门的权力、明确土地的产权、提升福利、税收和金融监管的透明度及公平性等改革。 这些结构性的制度改革不仅可以降低系统性风险，如果新的制度成功建立并可以保持，还能形成正真的“改革红利 ” 。 但制度性的激励问题并不局限于官员。 系统性制度改革需要承认和弥补两类原罪：一类是官员的以权谋利；另一类是资本家及既得利益团体通过违反、破坏、或改变公平规则来谋利 。 最能说明这一挑战的莫过于国有企业和民营企业之间的竞争。 民营企业无法获得补贴和低成本融资，它们的失败让其他人不敢从事创新和富有挑战的领域。 与此同时，有些国有企业可能因为腐败和能力欠缺而投资过剩产能并产生净损失，可还是可以获得政府补贴而不必面临破产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "重点加强光纤网络和3G网络建设，提高宽带网络接入速率，改善和提升用户上网体验。城市地区着力推进光纤化成片改造，农村地区灵活采用有线和无线方式加快行政村宽带接入网建设，提高接入速度和网络使用性价比。进一步提升城市3G网络质量，扩大农村3G网络覆盖范围，做好时分双工模式移动通信长期演进技术（TD-LTE）扩大规模试验工作。加快下一代广播电视网建设，推进“光进铜退”和网络双向化改造，促进互联互通。同步推进城域网扩容升级。以网间互联为重点优化互联网骨干网。推动网站升级改造，提高网站接入速率。到2013年底，固定宽带用户超过2.1亿户，城市和农村家庭固定宽带普及率分别达到55%和20%。3G/LTE用户超过3.3亿户，用户普及率达到25%。行政村通宽带比例达到90%。城市地区宽带用户中20Mbps宽带接入能力覆盖比例达到80%，农村地区宽带用户中4Mbps宽带接入能力覆盖比例达到85%。城乡无线宽带网络覆盖水平明显提升，无线局域网基本实现城市重要公共区域热点覆盖。全国有线电视网络互联互通平台覆盖有线电视网络用户比例达到60%。", "en": "Focus on strengthening the construction of fiber optic networks and 3G networks, improving broadband network access speed, and enhancing user internet experience. In urban areas, efforts should be made to promote the transformation of fiber optic networks, while in rural areas, flexible wired and wireless methods should be used to accelerate the construction of broadband access networks in administrative villages, improving access speed and cost-effectiveness. Further improve the quality of urban 3G networks, expand the coverage of rural 3G networks, and carry out large-scale trials of time-division duplex long-term evolution (TD-LTE) technology for mobile communication. Accelerate the construction of the next-generation broadcasting and television network, promote the transformation from copper to fiber and the two-way transformation of networks, and promote interconnection. Simultaneously expand and upgrade the urban area network. Optimize the backbone network of the internet with interconnection as the focus. Promote website upgrades and improve website access speed. By the end of 2013, the number of fixed broadband users will exceed 210 million households, with fixed broadband penetration rates reaching 55% in urban areas and 20% in rural areas. The number of 3G/LTE users will exceed 330 million households, with a penetration rate of 25%. The proportion of administrative villages with broadband access will reach 90%. In urban areas, 80% of broadband users will have access to 20Mbps broadband, while in rural areas, 85% of broadband users will have access to 4Mbps broadband. The coverage level of wireless broadband networks in urban and rural areas will significantly improve, and wireless LAN will be basically covered in important public areas in cities. The coverage of the national cable television network interconnection platform will reach 60% of cable television network users."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In a hungry and poor rural economy, as China was in the 1970’s and as most of Africa is today, a key starting point is to raise farm productivity. Peasant farmers need the benefits of fertilizer, irrigation, and high-yield seeds, all of which were a core part of China’s economic takeoff. Two other critical investments are also needed: roads and electricity, without which there cannot be a modern economy. Farmers might be able to increase their output, but it won’t be able to reach the cities, and the cities won’t be able to provide the countryside with inputs. The officials stressed how the government has taken pains to ensure that the power grid and transportation network reaches every village in China. Of course, the African leaders were most appreciative of the next message: China is prepared to help Africa in substantial ways in agriculture, roads, power, health, and education. And the African leaders already know that this is not an empty boast. All over Africa, China is financing and constructing basic infrastructure. During the meeting, the Chinese leaders emphasized their readiness to support agricultural research as well. They described new high-yield rice varieties, which they are prepared to share with their African counterparts. All of this illustrates what is wrong with the World Bank, even aside from Wolfowitz’s failed leadership. Unlike the Chinese, the Bank has too often forgotten the most basic lessons of development, preferring to lecture the poor and force them to privatize basic infrastructure, rather than to help the poor to invest in infrastructure and other crucial sectors. The Bank’s failures began in the early 1980’s, when, under the ideological sway of President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, it tried to get Africa and other poor regions to cut back or close down government investments and services. For 25 years, the Bank tried to get governments out of agriculture, leaving impoverished peasants to fend for themselves. The result has been a disaster in Africa, with farm productivity stagnant for decades. The Bank also pushed for privatization of national health systems, water utilities, and road and power networks, and grossly underfinanced these critical sectors. This extreme free-market ideology, also called “structural adjustment,” went against the practical lessons of development successes in China and the rest of Asia.", "zh": "对于饥渴而贫困的农村经济，比如中国20世纪70年代以及现在非洲的大部分地区，一个主要的出发点是提高农业生产力。 农民们需要的是化肥、灌溉、高产种子带来的好处，所有这些都是中国经济腾飞的核心组成部分。 还有两项特别重要的投资：道路和电力，没有这两项就没有现代经济。 农民也许能够提高产量，但他们无法接触到城市，而城市也无法向乡村投资。 中国官员们强调政府如何努力确保电力和交通网络可以到达中国的每个乡村。 当然，非洲领导人最欣赏的还是下面这个信息：中国将在农业、道路、供电、卫生和教育等方面向非洲提供大量援助。 而且非洲领导人业已知道这并非空头支票。 在会谈中，中国领导人强调了他们同时乐于对农业研究提供资助。 他们还描述了新的高产水稻，他们准备与非洲领导人分享。 所有这些都表现了世界银行的错误之处，即便不去考虑沃尔福威茨的失职领导。 和中国不同，世界银行经常忘记发展的最基本的经验，他们喜欢教育贫困国家，并强迫他们将基础设施私有化，而不是帮助这些贫困国家对基础设施以及其他关键领域进行投资。 世界银行的失败是从20世纪80年代早期开始的，当时在里根总统以及撒切尔首相的意识形态理念的影响下，世界银行竭力劝说非洲及其他贫困地区减少或者关闭政府投资或者政府提供的各种服务。 25年来，世界银行竭力使政府与农业分离，让这些贫困的农民自给自足。 其结果是引发了非洲的灾难，使得其农业生产力几十年持续走低。 世界银行同时也推动国家卫生体制、水力、道路、电力网络的私有化，使这些重要部门得不到足够的经济支持。 这种极端的自由市场理念，也称为结构调整，与���国及亚洲其他地区经济的成功发展是相背离的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Which Wealth Tax? MILAN – Proposals for a broad tax on wealth are not new, but they are receiving renewed attention in the United States. Steadily increasing income and wealth inequality has raised social and ethical concerns, even among a subset of the wealthy. This trend, along with declining social mobility, is contributing to political polarization, which in turn leads to poor and erratic policy choices. And we know from history that rising inequality and intensifying social and political polarization can lead to more dramatic and even violent outcomes. Fortunately, there is a growing body of first-rate research on the magnitude, dimensions, history, and trajectories of income and wealth inequality. If there is growing demand for some type of tax-policy response to the problem, we have ways to determine which measures would be most effective, depending on the specific objective. Listening to the contenders for the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination, it would seem that different wealth-tax proponents have quite different objectives indeed. Bernie Sanders, who has said, “Billionaires should not exist,” seems to regard extreme inequality as offensive in and of itself. But others focus more on what inequality means for those in the bottom half or two-thirds of the income and wealth distribution. Elizabeth Warren, for example, wants to tax wealth to pay for an ambitious expansion of social security and other services. A wealth tax is essentially a levy that reduces investment returns. A 3% tax on wealth would bring a 10% pre-tax return on investment down to 7%, amounting to a 30% tax on investment returns, to be paid when those returns are converted into income. However, the same tax on a 5% pre-tax return would be equivalent to a 60% tax, whereas on a 20% pre-tax return, it would be equivalent to a 15% tax. That is a very big difference. As these examples show, when a wealth tax is held constant, the magnitude of the tax on investment returns declines proportionately as the pre-tax return increases. Moreover, wealthy individuals generally have access to a broad range of asset classes, many of them illiquid. Owing to various regulatory restrictions and the illiquidity premium, the pre-tax returns on these asset classes tend to be higher.", "zh": "哪种财富税？ 米兰—对财富广泛征税早已不是新主意，但它们在美国受到了全新的关注。 稳步升高的收入和财富不平等性引起了社会和伦理担忧，哪怕是在富人群体中也是如此。 这一趋势，再加上社会流动性的下降，正在导致政治极化，而政治极化反过来又导致糟糕而反覆的政策选择。 我们从历史中知道，不平等性的升高和社会和政治极化的加剧可能导致更加重大甚至暴力的结果。 幸运的是，关于收入和财富不平等性程度、维度、历史和趋势的一流研究在日益增加。 如果关于用税收政策来应对这一问题的要求增加，我们将有办法确定针对具体的目标，哪种措施最为有效。 听一听民主党总统提名人竞争，你会发现不同的财富税方案确实有着截然不同的目标。 伯尼·桑德斯（Bernie Sanders）说 ， “ 亿万富翁就不应该存在 ， ” 他似乎认为极端不平等本身便十分令人生厌。 但其他人更关注不平等性对收入和财富分布的底层50%或三分之二人群的含义。 比如，伊丽莎白·沃伦（Elizabeth Warren）希望对富人征税来支付雄心勃勃的社会安全和其他服务的扩张计划。 财富税本质上是一种降低投资回报的税收。 3%的财富税将把10%的税前投资回报拉低到7 % ， 相当于投资回报在兑现为收入时要被征税30 % 。 但是，对税前回报征收5%的同种税相当于60%的税率，如果税前回报达到20%的话，相当于15%的税率。 这是一个巨大的差别。 这些例子表明，当财富税恒定时，对投资回报的征税幅度随着税前回报的增加而成比例地下降。 此外，富人一般能够持有相当广泛的资产类别，其中不少流动性很差。 拜各种监管限制和无流动性溢价所赐，这些资产类别的税前回报一般较高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "His agenda appears to aim at domestic liberalization – moving beyond the 35-hour week, ending the special pension regimes accorded to particular professions, increasing incentives to work and gain wealth. But it also seeks protection from the dizzying effects of globalization, which probably will mean strong support for the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy, skepticism toward further trade liberalization and the will to improve European Union’s economic government. Nevertheless, precisely because they care about the future of their numerous children, the French are much more amenable to some wise reforms than most commentators (and politicians) generally assume. Secondary and higher education are rightly near the top of the agenda list of the new government. But so are measures aimed at harnessing the state to efforts to encourage entrepreneurship and boost economic dynamism such as public guaranties for housing and start-ups, and fiscal rebate for investment in small enterprises. France is also in desperate need of a reality check on the nature of its current cultural diversity. And no one should forget that, despite his campaign rhetoric and his apparent unpopularity with many immigrants, Sarkozy himself is an immigrant’s son who favors bold affirmative action policies. Besides, the nomination of a woman with a North-African ascent as minister of Justice made that clear from the start. Most French understand that their public spaces – the labor market, the workplace, housing, and educational institutions – are corroded by discrimination. France’s impoverished suburbs, the notorious banlieues , make the ideal of “fraternité” sound like an insult on top of an injury. There is no greater task for Sarkozy than to open, from the inside, all doors to the offspring of others who, like his father, immigrated to France. Nicolas Sarkozy has not been elected to adapt France to an elusive globalization. His mandate is much more demanding: he must reconcile France’s public interests with its private passions.", "zh": "他的日程表似乎直指国内的自由化，从一周工作35小时开始，结束特定行业的特殊养老金体制，增加工作和获得财富的动力。 但是它同时也期望在全球化带来的令人眩晕的结果上获得保护，这可能意味着对欧盟共同农业政策强有力的支持，以及对贸易的进一步自由化和强化欧盟经济管理的意愿持反对的态度。 不过，正因为他们关心他们大量孩子的未来，法国人对于一些聪明的改革方案要比大多数评论家（以及政治家）通常所认为的更经得起考验。 中等和高等教育是新政府最优先要考虑的问题之一。 但是他们同时也会采取措施把政府的努力集中在鼓励企业主以及提高经济活力上，比如对于住房和新开张企业的公共担保机制，以及对于小企业投资的财政优惠。 法国同时也迫切需要认真检视他们目前的文化多元性。 人们不应该忘记，尽管有他在竞选过程所说的那些话，以及在许多移民中不受欢迎，但是萨科奇本人就是一个移民的儿子，他正是受益于对移民持勇敢地肯定态度的政策。 此外，把一个北非裔后代的女人挑选为司法部长也使事情一开始就显得很明朗。 大多数法国人认为他们的公共空间，即劳工市场、工作场所、住房以及学校受到了歧视态度的侵蚀。 法国贫困的近郊和臭名远扬的郊区使“兄弟友爱”的理想听上去更像是伤害外加羞辱。 对于萨科奇来说没有比从其内部向那些像他的父亲一样移民来法国的人的后代打开所有的大门更重要的事情了。 所以我们必须清楚萨科奇的当选不是为了让法国去适应令人难以捉摸的全球化，他更为迫切的使命是必须将法国的公共利益与个人的热情调和起来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Vietnam and the Dilemma of New Wealth HANOI – Five days before US President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un met in Hanoi for their second summit, two former Vietnamese ministers of communications were arrested and charged with “violations related to management and use of public capital.” The two officials are alleged to have approved a state-owned telecom company’s purchase of a private television provider for over four times its estimated value, at a loss to the state of around $307 million. Similarly, a few months ago, two police vice ministers, a minister of transportation, and a former head of the state petroleum corporation were all brought to court on charges of selling state property to private companies at a loss. Taken together, these cases point to a high level of state capture – a form of corruption, rife in former Soviet-bloc countries, in which powerful private actors use insiders to gain control of public institutions and assets. Like North Korea, Vietnam started opening its economy while allowing little to no private ownership. However, after three decades, Vietnam – like many developing countries – is not immune to the detrimental effects of extractive elites. There is evidence of powerful private companies’ undue influence over domestic policies. According to a commentary in People’s Daily by former Vietnamese President Trương Tấn Sang, corruption is worse now than at any other time in the Communist Party of Vietnam’s 70-year history. “There is collaboration between those in power and rent-seekers to abuse state policies,” he wrote. “They arrange business deals that benefit some individuals and groups greatly, but cause immeasurable damage to the state budget and disrupt the economy.” Nonetheless, Vietnam’s hybrid model of socialist governance and market economics has been widely touted as an example for Kim to follow. Between 2007 and 2017, Vietnam’s wealth grew by 210%, and according to the real-estate consultancy Knight Frank, more than 200 Vietnamese have investable assets of at least $30 million. Having expanded by 320% between 2000 and 2016, Vietnam’s “super-rich” class is growing faster than that of India (290%) and China (281%).", "zh": "越南与新财富困境 河南 — — 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普与朝鲜领导人金正恩在河内举行第2次峰会5天前，两位前越南通讯部长被捕 ，并以“涉及管理和公共资本滥用的违法行为被起诉 。 ” 据称，这两名官员以超过估值4倍的价格批准一家国有电信公司收购一家私营电视制作机构，并因此给国家造成了约3.07亿美元的损失。 同样，几个月前，两名警察部副部长、一名交通部长和一名前任国家石油公司负责人均因向私营企业亏损出售国有财产而遭到起诉。 总体而言，上述案例反映了高水平的国家占领 — — 这是一种在前苏联国家普遍存在的腐败现象，势力庞大的私人主体利用内部人员来获得对公共机构和资产的控制。 越南开始开放经济时几乎不允许私人所有权，这一点与朝鲜非常相像。 但在30年后，像许多发展中国家一样，越南同样无法避免追求财富的精英们所产生的不利影响。 有证据显示，强势私人企业对国内政策产生了过度的影响。 越南前主席 Trýõng Tấn Sang在人民日报刊发的一篇评论文章显示，越南现在面临比共产党执政70年历史上任何时候都更严重的腐败现象。 “执政者和寻租者相互勾结滥用国家政策 ， ” 他写道。 “他们所安排的商业交易非常有利于某些个人和团体，但却在扰乱经济的同时对国家预算造成不可估量的损失 。 ” 即便如此，越南社会主义治理与市场经济的混合模式已经被广泛赞誉为金正恩应当学习的榜样。 在2007~2017年间，越南的财富总量增长了210 % ， 而房地产咨询企业莱坊国际的数据显示，拥有3，000万美元以上可投资资产的越南人超过200名以上。 仅2000至2016年间，越南的“超富阶层”就扩大了320 % ， 这一速度超过了印度（290 % ） 和中国（281 % ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Trump Administration’s Epic COVID-19 Failure BERKELEY – Even to US President Donald Trump’s most ardent critics, his administration’s disastrous response to the COVID-19 pandemic has come as a surprise. Who would have guessed that Trump and his cronies would be so incompetent that merely testing for the disease would become a major bottleneck? When the Chinese government shut down Wuhan on January 23, quarantined another 15 cities the next day, and then extended a nationwide social-distancing mandate until the end of the Lunar New Year, it was clear that the world was in trouble. By as early as January 31, Western health officials – including Anthony Fauci, the director of the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases – had acknowledged that the coronavirus could be transmitted by people without symptoms. As officials at the US Centers for Disease Control and other public-health bodies surely must have recognized, asymptomatic transmission means that the standard method of quarantining symptomatic travelers when they cross national (or provincial) borders is insufficient. It also means that we have known for almost two months that we were playing a long game against the virus. With its spread more or less inevitable, the primary task was always to reduce the pace of community transmission as much as possible, so that health-care systems would not be overwhelmed before a vaccine could be developed, tested, and deployed. In the long game against a contagious virus, how to mitigate transmission is no secret.", "zh": "特朗普政府的史诗级COVID-19失败 伯克利—即使是最热衷于批评美国总统特朗普的人，都会对其政府灾难性的COVID-19流行应对措施感到惊讶。 谁能想到，特朗普和他的亲信们会如此无能，光是疾病检测就能成为一个巨大的障碍？ 1月23日中国政府封闭武汉，并在第二天隔离其他15城，然后又将全国保持社交距离的指令延长到农历新年假期结束时，很显然世界已经麻烦了。 早在1月31日，西方卫生官员 — — 包括美国国家过敏和传染病研究所（National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases）主任安东尼·弗奇（Anthony Fauci ） — —便已认识到新冠病毒可经由无症状人员传播。 美国疾病控制中心和其他公共卫生机构官员可定已经知道，无症状传播意味着隔离有症状跨国（或跨省）旅行者的标准手段是不够的。 这也意味着我们在近两个月前便已经知道，我们陷入了一场漫长的病毒对抗战。 其传播或多或少是不可避免的，主要的任务只能是尽可能降低社区传播速度，以便卫生体系坚持到疫苗得到开发、测试和使用。 在与传染性病毒的持久战中，如何减少传播早已不是秘密。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At this “T-junction,” the current, increasingly unsustainable path will give way either to a much worse outcome involving recessions, financial instability, and rising political and social tensions, or, more optimistically, to a pick-up in inclusive growth and genuine financial stability as the governance system finally responds to popular pressure. Moreover, the journey to the neck of this T-junction is itself increasingly uncertain. In particular, the protracted use of unconventional monetary policies has entailed costs and risks that have intensified over time. These include attacks on the operational autonomy of central banks, the excessive decoupling of asset prices from their underlying economic and corporate fundamentals, and systemic overpromising of liquidity to end users (particularly in the non-bank sector). Today, a policy mistake or a market accident could make the journey much faster and a lot bumpier. To avoid a nasty outcome for the global economy and financial system, China and America need to resolve their differences in the context of a more comprehensive policy compact that also involves other leading economies (especially Europe). Efforts to revitalize free but fairer trade should start by addressing genuine US and European grievances vis-à-vis China regarding intellectual-property theft, forced transfer of technology, excessive subsidization, and other unfair trade and investment practices. And this in turn should serve as the foundation for a comprehensive multilateral effort to remove constraints on actual and potential growth. Such an initiative would include infrastructure rehabilitation and modernization in Europe and the US, more balanced fiscal policies in Europe and a stronger regional economic architecture, stronger social safety nets around the world, and targeted liberalization and deregulation in China and Europe. With concerted global action of this type, the world economy could navigate the upcoming T-junction favorably. Without it, current complaints about economic and financial instability and insecurity could pale in comparison to what comes next.", "zh": "在这样一个“丁字路口 ” ， 目前越来越不可持续的道路或者将被衰退、金融动荡、政治和社会紧张局势加剧等更糟糕的结果所取代，或者，从更乐观的角度看，随着执政制度最终对民众压力做出回应，从而重拾包容性增长和真正金融稳定的结果。 此外，通往这个丁字路口瓶颈的道路本身不确定性也越来越高。 尤其是，长期使用非常规货币政策所带来的成本和风险随时间的推移而不断加剧。 其中包括对央行操作自主权的攻击、资产价格与潜在经济和企业基本面过度脱钩以及对最终用户（尤其是非银行业最终用户）流动性的全面过度推销。 今天，一旦发生政策失误或市场事故，均有可能导致这一过程突然加速，难度也突然加大。 为避免全球经济和金融系统产生不好的结果，中美两国需要在更全面的政策契约背景下解决分歧，而且需要邀请其他主要经济体参与（尤其是欧洲 ） 。 振兴自由、但更公平贸易的努力应当首先解决美欧对中国在知识产权盗窃、强制技术转让、过度补贴和其他公平贸易和投资行为方面确实存在的不满。 而这反过来又应当成为消除实际和潜在增长限制的全面多边努力的基础。 上述举措将包括欧美基础设施修复和现代化，欧洲采用更加均衡的财政政策以及更为强劲的地区经济构架、世界各国建立更强大的社会安全网，以及中国和欧洲有针对性的放松管制和自由化。 通过采取上述类型的全球统一行动，将更有利于世界经济在即将到来的丁字路口顺利导航。 如果不采取行动，关于经济和金融动荡和不安全的现有抱怨可能在未来产生的恶果面前相形见绌。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "话还没说完，就被沈凉川冷冷打断：“妈，你们吃早饭了吗？” 夏叶华回答，“吃过了。”回头，愣住了，“我刚说到哪儿了？” 沈凉川指着沙发，“坐下说。” 三个人落座，乔恋就忍不住看向宋原希。 夏叶华刚刚话语里的意思很明显，她不是沈凉川的初恋，而且……沈凉川对宋原希应该没有那种感觉，他们认识八年了，如果他会喜欢宋原希，他们早就在一起了。 可……乔恋看了沈凉川一眼，为什么她感觉，刚刚夏叶华想要说什么重要的信息，却被沈凉川给打断了？ 她再次看向宋原希，她对沈凉川，是什么感觉？ 哪怕小时候不懂爱情，可长大后，面对沈凉川，不动心也难吧？ 宋原希乖巧的坐在夏叶华身边，此刻正低着头，给夏叶华揉着肩膀，说话声音细细的，低低的，很温柔很羞涩的样子。 许是察觉到乔恋在看她，于是抬头看了乔恋一眼，与她眼神对视，脸颊一下子就涨得通红。 她羞涩的笑了笑，然后继续低头，不敢看她。 胆子小的，就跟兔子一样。 乔恋正这么思考着，沈凉川开口了，“大学毕业了，接下来你准备干什么？ 考研深造，还是工作？” 宋原希抬起小鹿般的眼睛，对上沈凉川的眼神后，立马吓得缩了一下，她嘴巴张了张，似乎想说什么，到嘴的话却变成了：“哥，我听你的。”", "en": "Before she could finish speaking, she was interrupted by Shen Liangchuan, who said, “Mom, have the both of you eaten breakfast yet?” Xia Yehua answered, “We’ve eaten.” Turning her head back, she froze and said, “Where was I?” Shen Liangchuan pointed at the sofa and said, “Sit down before you continue talking.” The three of them sat down. Qiao Lian couldn’t help but look at Song Yuanxi. Xia Yehua’s intent behind what she had said earlier was clear—Yuanxi was not Shen Liangchuan’s first love and… Shen Liangchuan had never looked at Song Yuanxi in that way. They had known each other for eight years. If he were in love with Song Yuanxi, they would have been together by now. However… Qiao Lian glanced at Shen Liangchuan. Why did she feel like Xia Yehua was about to reveal some important news before she had been interrupted by Shen Liangchuan? She looked at Song Yuanxi again. What kind of feelings did she harbor for Shen Liangchuan? Even if she hadn’t understood love when she was young, now that she had grown up, it would be difficult for her to not be smitten with Shen Liangchuan, right? Song Yuanxi obediently sat at Xia Yehua’s side and kept her head down. She was rubbing Xia Yehua’s shoulders with a soft and gentle voice. She seemed quite shy. Perhaps she had felt Qiao Lian looking at her, because she raised her head and glanced at Qiao Lian. When their eyes met, Yuanxi’s face immediately became bright red. She shyly smiled and lowered her head again, as though she did not dare to look at her. She was as timid as a rabbit. As Qiao Lian thought of this, Shen Liangchuan said, “Now that you’ve graduated, what are you going to do next? Embark on further studies or start working?” A doe-eyed Song Yuanxi met Shen Liangchuan’s gaze and immediately retreated in fear. Her mouth was agape and she looked as though she wanted to say something. However, what she actually said was, “Brother, I’ll listen to you.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This view that a president is above the law is unique (so far as is known) among serious legal scholars. Its appeal to Trump is obvious. Moreover, Kavanaugh’s views are far to the right on other issues as well, and in his confirmation hearings he expressed them with no doubt. On other matters, including abortion rights, he was slippery in his responses, and there is credible evidence that he lied to the Senate Judiciary Committee on other matters. But almost all of the Republicans on the committee were prepared to push his nomination through quickly: though he was an unpopular choice, he had the support of the Republican base, including much of the Christian right. This core support remained firm even after Christine Blasey Ford, a professor in California, came forward and alleged that a drunken Kavanaugh had sexually assaulted her when they were in high school. Republican leaders were desperate to get Kavanaugh confirmed before the midterms, lest their voters stay home out of disappointment and even anger if he wasn’t confirmed – in which case their worst nightmare, a Democratic takeover of the Senate as well as the House of Representatives, could come true. That was the situation when reports emerged about another woman alleging sexual misbehavior on Kavanaugh’s part, though her story was less well grounded, at least at first. Adding to the turmoil was the publication of Bob Woodward’s latest book, Fear, which (like previous books on Trump, but to a greater extent and with more depth) offers a devastating portrait of a dysfunctional White House. In particular, the book – together with an anonymous New York Times op-ed by a senior administration official – showed how far aides would go to keep an incurious, ignorant, and paranoid president from impulsively doing something disastrous. A Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll issued on Sunday, September 23, found Democrats leading Republicans for election to the House by 12 percentage points, an extraordinary differential. And it was looking increasingly possible that the Democrats could also retake control of the Senate. Trump had hoped not to be an issue in these races, but that outcome was inescapable. The Republicans had little else to run on.", "zh": "至少从目前所掌握的严肃法律学者的情况看，这种将总统置于法律之上的见解极为独特。 他对特朗普的吸引力是显而易见的。 此外，卡瓦诺在其他问题上的观点迄今为止也偏向右翼，这些观点他在自己的确认听证会上毫不含糊的进行了表述。 在包括堕胎权在内的其他问题上，他的回答闪烁其词，而且有可靠证据显示他曾在其他问题上向参议院司法委员会撒谎。 但几乎委员会所有共和党人都准备迅速推进他的提名：尽管他算不上一个受欢迎的选择，但他却得到了共和党选民的支持，包括绝大部分基督教右翼人士。 即使是在加利福尼亚州一位教授克里斯蒂娜·布拉西·福特站出来指控高中时期的卡瓦诺曾在醉酒后对她进行性侵后，基督教右翼人士仍然坚定的支持他。 共和党领袖迫切希望在中期选举前确认卡瓦诺的候选人身份，以避免其选民因失望甚至愤怒而拒绝出门投票。 如果真是这样，他们最糟糕的噩梦 — — 民主党人全面接管参议院和众议院 — — 就可能发生。 当有报道称另一名女性指控卡瓦诺有不当性行为时情况就是如此，尽管这位女士的故事证据并不那么充分，至少在一开始是这样。 鲍勃·伍德沃德的最新著作恐惧的出版导致局面更加混乱，这本书（与此前描写特朗普的著作并无本质不同，但只不过内容和程度都更加深入）描绘了一幅运行失常的白宫的毁灭性画像。 特别值得一提的是，这本书 — — 再加上一篇由高级政府官员匿名撰写的纽约时报评论文章 — — 展示了助手们为阻止一位冷漠、无知和偏执的总统因一时冲动而作出某些灾难性举动可以无所不为到何种程度。 9月23日发表的一份华尔街日报/全国广播公司新闻民调显示民主党在众院中期选举上领先共和党12个百分点，如此之大的差异的确有些非同寻常。 而且民主党重新夺回参议院控制权的可能性也越来越大。 特朗普曾希望不要成为中期选举的焦点，但那样的结果其实是无可避免的。 共和党除特朗普之外几乎没有其他人可用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, at least 50% of all energy could come from renewables (solar, wind, tidal, and more), including through the use of advanced storage technologies, some of which are currently under development. The bulk of long-haul transmission lines would be shielded or buried, and an information strategy that deploys sensors appropriately would detect losses, whatever their source. Such a grid would stabilize costs for existing businesses, likely reducing the single biggest cost for most small and medium-size enterprises. And it would create conditions for truly innovative future scenarios. Imagine Puerto Rico becoming the electric vehicle capital of the world, with well-apportioned recharging stations, near-zero emissions, and car sharing for the tourism sector. Puerto Rico could even become an energy exporter, supplying excess capacity to nearby neighbors in the US and British Virgin Islands. All of this (with the exception of large-scale storage for renewables) is achievable with existing technology. The key issues are strategic, organizational, and regulatory. With government support, and an understanding of the proper governance structure and processes for effective regulation, this vision could be executed within the coming decade. And building this grid would generate plenty of good jobs. The federal government’s role should be to make Puerto Rico a hub for investing in clean, renewable energy that is resilient to weather shocks. New technology that results from this investment could be commercialized and sold to a world that is struggling to adapt to climate change and extreme weather.", "zh": "此外，至少50%的能源可以来自可再生资源（太阳能、风能、潮汐能等 ） ， 包括通过先进的储存技术（一些技术目前还在开发阶段）实现。 大部分长途输电线将实现屏蔽和埋设，合理部署传感器的信息策略能够更好地监测损失，不论来自什么原因。 这样一套电网将稳定现有企业的成本，有望减轻大部分中小企业的最大成本负担。 它也能为真正的创新性未来情景创造条件。 想象一下，波多黎各将成为世界电力资本之都，遍布充电站，几乎零排放，旅游业可共享汽车。 波多黎各甚至可能成为能源出口国，向临近的美国和英属维京群岛输出过剩产能。 所有这些（除了可再生资源的大规模储存）都可以用现有技术实现。 关键问题在于策略、组织和监管。 有了政府的支持，并认识到有效的监管需要怎样的合理治理结构和流程，这一愿景可以在十年内实现。 而建设这一电网还可以产生大量优质工作岗位。 联邦政府应该确保波多黎各成为不惧天气冲击的清洁、可再生能源的投资枢纽。 投资所产生的新技术可以商业化，出售给疲于适应气候变化和极端天气的世界。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "You could apply that to the human brain in explaining some of the behaviors and the functions of the human brain as emergent phenomena: how we walk, how we talk, how we play chess, all these questions about behavior. But when it comes to consciousness, questions about behavior are among the easy problems. When it comes to the hard problem, that's the question of why is it that all this behavior is accompanied by subjective experience? And here, the standard paradigm of emergence, even the standard paradigms of neuroscience, don't really, so far, have that much to say. Now, I'm a scientific materialist at heart. I want a scientific theory of consciousness that works, and for a long time, I banged my head against the wall looking for a theory of consciousness in purely physical terms that would work. But I eventually came to the conclusion that that just didn't work for systematic reasons. So I think we're at a kind of impasse here. We've got this wonderful, great chain of explanation, we're used to it, where physics explains chemistry, chemistry explains biology, biology explains parts of psychology. But consciousness doesn't seem to fit into this picture. On the one hand, it's a datum that we're conscious. On the other hand, we don't know how to accommodate it into our scientific view of the world.", "zh": "你可以把它应用到人类的大脑上 去解释为什么人类大脑的某些行为 和功能 跟涌现现象很像： 我们如何走路，如何谈话，如何下象棋， 所有这些问题都是关于行为的。 但是当谈到意识时， 关于行为的问题 只是一个简单的问题。 当涉及到困难问题时， 问题就变成了为什么 所有的这些行为 都伴随着主观体验。 对此，涌现现象 的标准范例， 甚至神经科学的标准范例， 到目前为止都没有太多可以说的。 现在，我本质上是一个科学唯物主义者。 我希望某种关于意识的科学理论 能够奏效， 在过去很长一段时间里， 我埋头苦干， 努力寻找一种有效的 单从物理的角度去解释的 关于意识的理论。 但我最终得出一个结论， 那就是它不起作用只是因为系统性的原因。 因此我想我们进入了僵局。 我们已经有了一套美妙的、伟大的解释链， 我们已经习惯了它，那就是用用物理解释化学， 用化学解释生物， 用生物解释部分心理学。 但是意识 似乎并不符合这种情形。 一方面，它是一个已知数 即我们是有意识的。 另一方面，我们却并不知道 如何使它与我们的科学的世界观相适应。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This new infrastructure will boost property values in Barra da Tijuca, while doing nothing to improve Rio’s horrendous street traffic. The bulk of Rio’s workers living north and west of downtown will have just as difficult a commute as ever. Examples like this abound. The city built a new golf course on the protected wetlands of the Marapendi Natural Reserve, which will degrade the ecosystem and consume vast amounts of water – a preciously scarce resource in Rio. It also built bus lanes that run between Olympic venues, which will ease travel for IOC executives but only further congest the city’s now-narrower roadways for everyone else. Along with pointless and disruptive infrastructure, the Rio Games have exacted a human cost. To make room for the 32 sport venues, the athletes’ Olympic Village, the broadcasting and media center, the ceremonial green space, and to beautify the surrounding landscape, the Rio government has evicted more than 77,000 residents from shantytowns or favelas since 2009, the year the city was awarded the Games. Ultimately, hosting the Olympic Games is a big economic gamble for any city. Less developed cities with inadequate infrastructure must spend more to meet the IOC’s transportation, communications, and hospitality requirements; more developed cities have the infrastructure, but not necessarily the land, and risk disrupting thriving industries to bring the Games to fruition.", "zh": "它将提振Barra da Tijuca的房价，但对改善里约可怕的道路交通状况无济于事。 里约大部分工人生活在市中心北部和西部，他们的通勤和以往一样困难。 类似的例子不胜枚举。 里约在Marapendi自然保护区内的受保护��地建造了一座高尔夫球场，该球场会破坏当地生态系统并消耗巨量在里约十分宝贵的稀缺水资源。 里约还建造了多条在奥运会场馆间运行的公交线路，国际奥委会官员的出行是因此方便了不少，但也将进一步挤占对其他所有人来说越来越窄的道路。 除了无用和破坏性的基础设施，里约奥运会还有人力成本。 为了给32座比赛场馆、奥运村、转播和媒体中心、仪式性绿色空间腾出空间和美化周边景观，里约政府从2009年（里约赢得主办权当年）开始将77,000居民赶出了贫民窟和棚户区。 说到底，主办奥运会对任何城市来说都是一场经济豪赌。 基础设施不足的欠发达城市必须花费更多才能满足国际奥委会的交通、通讯和接待要求；较发达城市具备了基础设施，但未必有足够的土地，并且还要冒着为落实奥运会破坏繁荣产业的风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe Against the Ropes MADRID – On November 8, as Donald Trump was sealing his shocking victory in the United States presidential election, a conference in Brussels commemorated the legacy of the late Václav Havel, the first post-communist president of Czechoslovakia (and later the Czech Republic). As the world enters the Trump era, that legacy could not be more important, especially for Europe. It is hard to imagine two figures more different than Havel and Trump. The former was an artist and intellectual who fought his entire life for truth, working tirelessly to bring out the best in people and societies. The latter is a self-obsessed huckster who rose to power by playing on people’s basest emotions. Havel’s values have much in common with those that drove, after World War II, the creation of the liberal world order, which has brought unprecedented peace and prosperity. Trump’s election, however, suggests that the US may no longer uphold those values, much less continue to fulfill its post-WWII role in maintaining international order. The resulting strategic lacuna creates an opportunity – indeed, a desperate need – for some other global actor to take up the mantle of leadership. The European Union – which, more than any other global actor, has internalized and operationalized the ideals and principles that undergird the liberal world order – should be the one to do it. The problem is that, for now at least, the EU does not look like it can. The EU has made valuable contributions to the liberal world order, from setting an example on climate change to helping push forward a workable deal to contain Iran’s nuclear program. But, so far, it has not shown a capacity for real global leadership. Consider the disastrous 2009 Copenhagen climate-change conference, the bungled Libya intervention, or, most painful, its inadequate response to the ongoing migration crisis. In short, while Europe has been a solid team player, it has not been a very good team captain. This is not for lack of hoping. Establishing the EU as a pole of global power was the goal of the much-maligned 2003 EU security strategy, to cite one example. Following Trump’s victory, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini declared that the EU is becoming an “indispensable power.”", "zh": "欧洲破网而出 马德里 — — 11月18日，当唐纳德·特朗普在美国总统竞选中奠定令人震惊的胜势之际，布鲁塞尔正在举行纪念已故捷克斯洛伐克（后更名为捷克共和国）首任后共产主义总统瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔政治遗产的会议。 随着世界进入到特朗普时代，尤其是在欧洲，这种遗产的重要性可谓无与伦比。 很难想象两个人的不同能超过哈维尔和特朗普。 前者是一生为真理而奋斗的艺术家和知识分子，不知疲倦地希望发掘民众和社会最好的潜质。 而后者则是自恋的骗子，通过利用人们最原始的情绪来获得权力。 哈维尔的价值观与二战后带来前所未有和平及繁荣的推动自由世界秩序的发明创造非常相似。 但特朗普的当选表明美国可能不再奉行这些价值观，更不要说继续履行其在二战后维持国际秩序的义务。 由此带来的战略空白创造出由其他某种全球势力接过领导责任的机遇 — — 事实上也是一种不顾一切的必需。 欧盟能比其他任何全球势力更准确地把握和践行支撑自由世界秩序的理想和原则，因此应当成为接过自由世界衣钵的继任者。 问题在于，至少从现在的情况看，欧盟似乎无法完成这样的任务。 欧盟曾为自由世界秩序做出过宝贵贡献，从树立气候变化榜样到合作推进遏制伊朗核计划的可行协议。 但到目前为止，它还没有表现出真正的全球领导力。 想想灾难性的2009年哥本哈根气候变化会议、拙劣的利比亚干预行动或者更痛苦的是，其对持续移民危机严重不足的反应能力。 总之，虽然欧洲是位可靠的球员，但却从未出色地担任过队长职务。 究其原因，并不是因为缺少希望。 举例来讲，确立欧盟全球权力的核心地位曾经是备受争议的2003欧盟安全战略目标。 特朗普获胜后，外交和安全政策高级代表费德里卡·莫盖里尼宣布欧盟正在成为“不可或缺的力量 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If, in the seventeenth century, you wanted to watch Macbeth in your house, you had to be named James Stuart, have William Shakespeare and his acting company on retainer, and have a full-sized theater in your royal palace. We spend, on average, two hours a day with our audio-video devices. Assume for a minute that the opportunities provided by the rollout of broadband Internet has at least doubled the utility – the pleasure – that we get during that time. That is the equivalent of receiving an extra two hours of free time every day, on top of the ten hours on average that we spend awake and not at work. Put in economic terms, that is an extra rise of 0.6% per year in standards of living since 1990, a far larger increase than the 0.2% per year that reliance on conventional measures would lead us to conclude. The question then becomes whether our smartphones, Kindles, tablets, and computers actually do provide us that extra utility. Do we value what we get from Netflix, YouTube, Facebook, and the Internet’s online library of humanity far more than what we previously learned, listened to, watched, or gossiped about through traditional means? Is watching television on demand more rewarding than visiting a movie theater? Is your Twitter stream more illuminating than a trip to a nearby library? Are Facebook friends more valuable than, well, friends? Whatever the answer to those questions, there is an even bigger wrinkle. We do not consume goods and services in a vacuum. Part of the pleasure we receive from them derives from a feeling that our status is rising relative to that of our peers. The information age has not only provided us with new entertainment options; it has opened new vistas into our neighbors’ lifestyles – and what we have noticed is that some of them are getting much, much richer. If I were to hazard a guess, I would say that, as a society, the benefits we have received from information-age technology have been neutralized by the envy and spite that results from living in a world that is ever more unequal.", "zh": "在十七世纪，如果你想在家中观赏《麦克白 》 ， 你必须名叫詹姆斯·史都华（James Stuart ） ， 有莎士比亚和他的演艺公司当你的家佣，还得在你的皇宫中拥有全尺寸剧院。 平均而言，我们每天要花两小时用于视听享受。 假设互联网宽带在一分钟内所提供的机会让你在这段时间的效用 — — 即你得到的乐趣 — — 至少增加一倍。 这相当于每天活得额外的两小时自由时间。 平均而言我们每天保持清醒又不需工作的时间为十小时。 用经济学行话讲，这相当于1990年以来每年生活水平额外增加0.6 % ， 远远高于常规衡量手段的计算结果0.2 % 。 于是，问题变成了我们的智能手机、Kindle阅读器、平板电脑和计算机是否真的给我们提供了额外效用。 我们认为我们从Netflix、YouTube、Facebook和互联网上的在线人类图书馆中获得的价值远远高于我们此前通过传统方式所学到、听到、看到和“八卦”到的东西吗？ 看电视点播比看电影更值得吗？ 你的Twitter流比前往附近的图书馆对你的启发更大���？ Facebook朋友比真实世界的朋友更有价值吗？ 不论这些问题的答案如何，都有一个更大的问题。 我们不是在真空中消费商品和服务的。 我们从商品和服务中所获得的乐趣中有一部分来自一种感觉，即我们相对于周边人群的地位有所上升。 信息时代不但给我们提供了新的越来选择；他还打开了窥探邻里生活方式的镜头 — — 而我们看到的是，他们中有些人变得比以前富了很多很多。 如果我冒险猜测一下，我会说，作为一个社会，我们从信息时代技术中获得的好处被我们生活在前所未有地不平等的世界中所带来的嫉妒和怨气所中和了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How the West Enabled War in Ukraine BERLIN – Contrary to what Russian President Vladimir Putin has claimed, and what political scientists like John Mearsheimer believe, NATO enlargement did not cause Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Nor did a sudden descent into irrationality by Putin, who, starting with his Munich Security Conference speech back in 2007, has long telegraphed his irredentist intentions. The key enabler of Russia’s invasion was European division and ambivalence, which left a void where there should have been a strategy. The contest for Ukraine commenced in early 2008. With oil prices high and Putin’s rule entrenched, Russia began to turn to its near abroad. The summer war in Georgia demonstrated the Kremlin’s resolve and ambition, but the strategic prize was always Ukraine. At the same time, the West moved to attract Ukraine into its orbit, with the launch of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership and US encouragement for a NATO membership bid. From this point on, tensions over Ukraine were always likely to mount. But over the next 14 years, the EU and its member states pursued a dangerously confused set of initiatives. Their failure to align legal, security, and financial policy created the context in which war became possible. In legal terms, the EU pursued a strategy of attraction. Through its Eastern Partnership, the Union encouraged slow but steady convergence of Ukraine’s legal, political, and economic order toward European standards.", "zh": "西方是如何促成乌克兰战争的 柏林—与俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京所称以及约翰·米尔斯海默等政治学家所认为的恰恰相反，北约东扩并非导致俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的元凶。 普京也并未突然陷入到非理性状态，他从2007年慕尼黑安全会议的演讲开始，就一直在传递自己的统一主义意图。 促成俄罗斯入侵的关键是欧洲的分裂和矛盾心理，这种状况在本应形成战略的情况下留下了真空。 2008年初爆发了对乌克兰的争夺。 在油价高企和普京统治根深蒂固的情况下，俄罗斯开始把眼光转向其近邻。 格鲁吉亚夏季战争展示了克里姆林宫的壮志和决心，但乌克兰始终是战略奖品。 与此同时，西方开始行动将乌克兰引入其轨道，启动了欧盟东部伙伴关系，同时美国也鼓励乌克兰争取加入北约。 从那时开始，乌克兰的紧张局势一直可能愈演愈烈。 但在接下来的14年里，欧盟及其成员国采取了一系列危险而混乱的行动。 而他们无法协调法律、安全和金融政策最终导致战争成为可能。 欧盟在法律方面奉行吸引战略。 通过东部伙伴关系，欧盟鼓励乌克兰在法律、政治和经济秩序方面缓慢但稳步地朝着欧洲标准靠拢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "支持工会、共青团、妇联等群团组织更好发挥作用。 深入推进党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争，锲而不舍落实中央八项规定精神。 政府工作人员要自觉接受法律监督、监察监督和人民监督。 加强廉洁政府建设，持续整治不正之风和腐败问题。 中国经济社会发展已经取得了辉煌的成就，但全面实现现代化还有相当长的路要走，仍要付出艰苦努力。 必须立足社会主义初级阶段基本国情，着力办好自己的事。 要始终把人民放在心中最高位置，坚持实事求是，求真务实谋发展、惠民生。 要力戒形式主义、官僚主义，切忌在工作中搞“一刀切”，切实为基层松绑减负。 要居安思危，增强忧患意识，事不畏难、责不避险，有效防范化解各种风险隐患。 要调动一切可以调动的积极因素，推进改革开放，更大激发市场主体活力和社会创造力，用发展的办法解决发展不平衡不充分问题。要担当作为，实干苦干，不断创造人民期待的发展业绩。 Fellow Deputies, 我们要坚持和完善民族区域自治制度，全面贯彻党的民族政策， 铸牢中华民族共同体意识，促进各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展。 全面贯彻党的宗教工作基本方针，坚持我国宗教的中国化方向，积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应。", "en": "We will support trade unions, Communist Youth League organizations, women’s federations, and other people’s organizations in better playing their roles. We will work harder to improve Party conduct, ensure clean government, and root out corruption, and continue to implement the central Party leadership’s eight-point decision on conduct. We in government must readily subject ourselves to the oversight of the law, supervisory bodies, and the people. We will intensify efforts to build a clean government and continue to prevent misconduct and corruption. Although remarkable achievements have been made in China’s economic and social development, we still have quite a way to go and a lot of hard work to do before we can achieve modernization in all respects. We must bear in mind the reality that China is still in the primary stage of socialism and run our affairs well. For all of us in government, the people must always be uppermost in our minds. We must take a fact-based approach, and pursue development and improve people’s lives in a realistic and pragmatic way. We must guard against pointless formalities and bureaucratism and one-size-fits-all approaches in our work, so as to truly lighten the burden on all those working on the ground. We need to remain vigilant, be prepared for adversity, face difficulties squarely, and shoulder responsibility bravely to effectively prevent and defuse various risks and potential dangers. We should keep everyone motivated in advancing reform and opening up, and further energize market entities and unlock social creativity. In the course of pursuing development, we will take steps to address imbalances and inadequacies in development. We must take on responsibility, work hard, and continue creating achievements to meet the expectation of our people. 各位代表！ We will continue to apply and improve the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and fully implement the Party’s policies on ethnic affairs. We will forge a strong sense of community among the Chinese people and encourage all China’s ethnic groups to work in concert for common prosperity and development. We will fully implement the Party’s basic policy on religious affairs, uphold the principle that religions in China must be Chinese in orientation, and work to guide religions in adapting to socialist society."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Furnace Cities COPENHAGEN -- It’s possible to see, right now, what global warming will eventually do to the planet. To peek into the future, all we have to do is go to Beijing, Athens, Tokyo, or, in fact, just about any city on Earth. Most of the world’s urban areas have already experienced far more dramatic temperature hikes over the past few decades than the 2.6°C increase expected from global warming over the next hundred years. It’s simple enough to understand. On a hot day in New York, locals sprawl out on the grass fields of Central Park, not on asphalt parking lots or concrete sidewalks. Bricks, concrete, and asphalt – the building blocks from which cities are made – absorb much more heat from the sun than vegetation does in the countryside. Across an entire city, there’s much more tarmac than there is grass. So the air above the city heats up. This effect, called an “urban heat island,” was discovered in London in the early 1800’s. Today, the fastest-growing cities are in Asia. Beijing is roughly 10°C hotter than the nearby countryside in the daytime and 5.5°C warmer at night. There are even more dramatic increases in Tokyo. In August, temperatures there climbed 12.5oC above the surrounding countryside, reaching 40oC – a scorching heat that affected not only the downtown area, but also covered some 8,000 square kilometers. Looking at a fast-growing city like Houston, Texas, we can see the real effect of the urban heat island. Over the last 12 years, Houston grew by 20%, or 300,000 inhabitants. During that time, the night time temperature increased about 0.8°C. Over a hundred-year period, that would translate to a whopping 7°C increase. But, while celebrity activists warn about the impending doom posed by climate change, a more realistic view is offered by these cities’ ability to cope. Despite dramatic increases over the past 50 or 100 years, these cities have not come tumbling down. Even as temperatures have risen, heat-related deaths have decreased, owing to improved health care, access to medical facilities, and air-conditioning.", "zh": "火炉之城 哥本哈根 — — 现在应该可以看到全球变暖最终将会给这个星球带来怎样的后果了。 要想知道未来会是怎样一种景象，我们只须到北京、雅典、东京，或者，事实上，地球上几乎任何一个城市去看一看就明白了。 世界上绝大多数的城区在过去几十年间都经历了远比因为全球变暖而导致未来百年间气温预计将提高2.6℃的幅度高出很多的气温的上升。 这一点很容易理解。 在纽约的一个大热天里，当地人躺在中央公园的绿地上，而不是沥青地面的停车场或混凝土路面的人行道上。 砖头、混凝土和沥青这些建造城市的材料比农村的植被从太阳那儿吸收了更多的热量。 在整座城市里，沥青路面比绿地多得多。 所以城市上空的气体就变热了。 这种被称为“城市热岛”的效应是在十九世纪初在伦敦被人们发现的。 今天，人口增长最快的城市都在亚洲。 北京与其邻近的农村相比，白天的温度大概要高出10℃，而夜间的温度大概要高5.5℃。 而东京的温度甚至还要更高。 八月份，那里的温度比周围的农村高出12.5℃，达到了40℃。 这种灼热的温度不仅影响了闹市区，还覆盖了大约8000平方公里的范围。 看看人口快速增长的城市，像德克萨斯州的休斯顿，我们会看到城市热岛效应的真正影响。 在过去12年间，休斯顿的人口增长了20 % ， 或者说30万居民。 在这段时间内，夜间温度上升了大约0.8℃。 照此推算，经过100年，温度就会惊人地上升7℃。 但是，当一些著名的活动家警告气候变化即将带来的灾难时，我们看到的更真实的情景是这些城市应对这些变化的能力。 尽管过去50或100年间气温的剧烈上升，这些城市并没有摇摇欲坠。 即便气温上升了，但是因为健康护理水平的提高、医疗设施的便利以及空调而使因为天气热而死亡的人数反而下降了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The European Union had joined an agreement initiated by the two Koreas and the US within the Korean Energy Development Organization program, the objective being to persuade North Korea to freeze and later dismantle its nuclear program. In exchange, two light-water nuclear reactors would be built to generate electric energy, and 500,000 metric tons of oil would be supplied annually until the first reactor began operating. In turn, the EU initiated an extensive humanitarian aid project. The talks with Kim Jong-il and his collaborators seemed promising. Unfortunately, the agreement did not last long. In 2003, North Korea abandoned the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. From that moment, all optimism was lost, until contacts were subsequently reinitiated in a complex six-party format (China, Russia, the US, Japan, and the two Koreas) that continued, with ups and downs, until the end of 2007. Since the maritime incidents of 2009 and 2010, in which North Korean forces attacked South Korean assets, there has been virtually no contact at all between the two sides. Given North Korea’s behavior over the last decade, the sudden change of leadership increases the threat of unexpected incidents. In order to limit the risk, it is essential to keep relations with China as transparent as possible. It is China that has the most direct contact with North Korea, and that could best catalyze resumption of the six-party talks. China recognizes that North Korea cannot continue in its present form, and would like to see its leaders transform the economy without undertaking substantial political change. Is that possible? Could it be done quickly enough to boost other regional players’ confidence that the country’s evolution will be predictable? For China, problems are judged according to the country’s own history and from the standpoint of domestic policy – all the more so the closer the problem is to its borders. For the West, especially the US, every problem should have a solution within a finite period of time. While the US breaks down problems and tries to find solutions for each part, China considers political problems unhurriedly, as an extended process that might have no resolution. Beyond the six-party talks, it is necessary to create a framework from which a cooperative dialogue between the US and China might emerge.", "zh": "欧盟参与了由朝韩双方和美国发起的朝鲜能源发展组织（Korean Energy Development Organization）计划，该计划的目标是说服朝鲜冻结其核计划并在日后拆除核弹。 作为交换，朝鲜将获得两座用于发电的轻水核反应堆，外加每年50万吨原油供应，直到第一座反应堆开始运转发电为止。 欧盟还发起了扩大的人道主义援助计划。 与金正日集团的谈判似乎颇为鼓舞人心。 不幸的是，协定并没有维持太长时间。 2003年，朝鲜废除了核不扩散条约。 从此，所有的乐观都随之烟消云散，直到后来错综复杂的六方会谈（中国、俄罗斯、美国、日本、朝鲜、韩国）开始才有所改变。 六方会谈几经起伏，于2007年结束。 自2009年和2010年的海上事故（朝鲜军队袭击韩国设施 ） ， 朝韩双方便再未有过任何联系。 从朝鲜在过去10年的表现看，领导层的猛然更迭将增加意外事件的威胁。 为了限制这一风险，最重要的是尽可能地与中国保持透明关系。 中国与朝鲜的直接联系最为密切，而这可以成为重启六方会谈的最佳催化剂。 中国认为，朝鲜的现状是无法维持的，其领导层可能在没有重大政治变化的情况下开始经济转型。 这可能发生吗？ 转型的节奏是否可以足够快到让该地区的其他国家有信心朝鲜的革命将是可预测的？ 中国对朝鲜问题的判断取决于其自身的历史和国内政策立场 — — 问题越接近于其自身边界越是如此。 至于西方（特别是美国 ） ， 所有问题都应该有一个存在明确时间限制的解决方案。 美国喜欢将问题分解，为各个部分逐一找出解法，而中国喜欢慢条斯理地解决政治问题，把过程拉长，最后可能不了了之。 除了六方会谈之外，应该建立一个有助于中美展开合作对话的框架。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unemployment in the US now stands at nearly 10% of the labor force, in part because more new jobs are being created in the emerging economies, and many of the jobs now being created in the US pay less than in the past, owing to greater global competition. Unless the US steps up its investment in education, science, technology, and infrastructure, these adverse trends will continue. But Obama’s message lost touch with reality when he turned his attention to the budget deficit. Acknowledging that recent fiscal policies had put the US on an unsustainable trajectory of rising public debt, Obama said that moving towards budget balance was now essential for fiscal stability. So he called for a five-year freeze on what the US government calls “discretionary” civilian spending. The problem is that more than half of such spending is on education, science and technology, and infrastructure – the areas that Obama had just argued should be strengthened. After telling Americans how important government investment is for modern growth, he promised to freeze that spending for the next five years! Politicians often change their message from one speech to the next, but rarely contradict it so glaringly in the same speech. That contradiction highlights the sad and self-defeating nature of US budget policies over the past 25 years, and most likely in the years to come. On the one hand, the US government must invest more to promote economic competitiveness. On the other hand, US taxes are chronically too low to support the level of government investment that is needed. America’s fiscal reality was made painfully clear two days after Obama’s speech, in a new study from the Congressional Budget Office, which revealed that the budget deficit this year will reach nearly $1.5 trillion – a sum almost unimaginable even for an economy the size of the US. At nearly 10% of GDP, the deficit is resulting in a mountain of debt that threatens America’s future. The CBO study also made clear that December’s tax-cut agreement between Obama and the Republican opposition willfully and deliberately increased the budget deficit sharply. Various tax cuts initiated by George W. Bush were set to expire at the end of 2010.", "zh": "目前美国失业率持续在10%附近徘徊，部分原因是新兴经济体分得更多的新增就业机会，同时由于全球竞争日趋激烈，现在美国创造的许多工作机会薪酬都与过去不可同日而语。 除非美国加大对教育、科学、技术和基础设施的投入，否则这样的不利趋势将会继续下去。 可当转向预算赤字问题时，奥巴马的讲话便开始脱离现实。 在承认近期财政政策导致公共债务不可持续膨胀的同时，奥巴马表示争取预算平衡是实现财政稳定的关键问题。 因此他呼吁在五年内冻结美国政府所谓“有决定权”的公众开支。 问题在于上述开支的超过半数用于教育、科技和基础设施领域 — — 奥巴马刚刚提出要加大对上述领域的投资力度。 就在告诉美国人政府投资对现代化发展何等重要后，他承诺要在今后五年内冻结这笔开支！ 政治家经常在不同演讲中变换不同的观点，但在同一次讲话中却极少出现如此明显矛盾的命题。 这种矛盾凸显了25年来美国预算政策适得其反的无奈特点，而今后这种特点仍有可能持续下去。 一方面，美国政府必须加大投资推动经济竞争力的发展。 而另一方面，美国长期过低的税收却又无法支持必需的政府投资。 奥巴马讲话两天后，国会预算办公室发表的最新研究���告显示今年的预算赤字将达1.5万亿美元，如此庞大的赤字即使就美国的经济规模而言也远超人们的想象力。 近国内生产总值10%的巨额赤字让政府债台高筑，严重威胁到今后的美国经济。 国会预算办公室研究报告进一步表明，十二月奥巴马和共和党反对派达成的减税协议明知故犯地大幅度增加了财政预算赤字。 乔治·W·布什实行的各项减税政策原定于2010年底到期终止。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We ask the African Development Bank to take the initiative in creating an infrastructure fund, an extension of the Mano River Initiative, launched in 2013, with the objective of furthering regional integration. And we ask our partners to recognize that programs originally planned on a ten-year time horizon, must be implemented urgently. Third, we need to support economic recovery by encouraging confidence within the private sector, which has been hit by rising costs in the region. Specifically, the region would benefit from grants to local entrepreneurs, concessional financing and loans to foreign investors, and budgetary support from the government. Finally, in line with the recommendation of the Commission for Africa, the United Nations, and the African Union, we ask for a total cancellation of our foreign debt. This would allow us to recover the fiscal flexibility we need to enable us to co-finance the reconstruction of our health systems. We urge our international partners to support our economic recovery in the same spirit of cooperation, and with the same sense of urgency, that helped us fight the Ebola virus. Together, we can build health care systems, infrastructure, and regional institutions that will be stronger than before the start of the epidemic. Together, we can build a lasting legacy of health and progress for our peoples.", "zh": "我们呼吁非洲开发银行成立一个基础设施基金、扩展2013年启动的马诺河计划（Mano River Initiative ） ， 以深化地区一体化为目标。 我们还呼吁我们的伙伴国要认识到，最初以十年为着眼点的项目必须尽快实施。 第三，我们需要通过鼓励私人部门的信心支持经济复苏。 私人部门信心因为该地区成本上升而大受打击。 具体而言，该地区可以从地方企业家补贴、外国投资者优惠融资和贷款、政府预算支持等措施中获益。 最后，按照非洲委员会（Commission for Africa ） 、 联合国和非洲联盟的建议，我们呼吁完全豁免我们的外债。 这将使我们能够恢复财政灵活性，从而让我们能够共同出资重建我们的卫生体系。 我们敦促我们的国际伙伴以与帮助我们对抗埃博拉病毒同样的合作精神、同样的紧迫感支持我们的经济复苏。 齐心协力的我们能够建立比埃博拉疫情爆发前更加强大的医疗体系、基础设施和地区机构。 齐心协力的我们能够为我们的人民留下持续的卫生和进步遗产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My work focuses on the connection of both thinking about our community life being part of the environment where architecture grows from the natural local conditions and traditions. Today I brought two recent projects as an example of this. Both projects are in emerging countries, one in Ethiopia and another one in Tunisia. And also they have in common that the different analyses from different perspectives becomes an essential part of the final piece of architecture. The first example started with an invitation to design a multistory shopping mall in Ethiopia's capital city Addis Ababa. And this is the type of building we were shown as an example, to my team and myself, of what we had to design. At first, the first thing I thought was, I want to run away. After seeing a few of these buildings -- there are many in the city -- we realized that they have three very big points. First, these buildings, they are almost empty because they have very large shops where people cannot afford to buy things. Second, they need tons of energy to perform because of the skin treatment with glass that creates heat in the inside, and then you need a lot of cooling. In a city where this shouldn't happen because they have really mild weather that ranges from 20 to 25 degrees the whole year. And third is that their image has nothing to do with Africa and with Ethiopia. It is a pity in a place that has such rich culture and traditions. Also during our first visit to Ethiopia, I was really captivated by the old merkato that is this open-air structure where thousands of people, they go and buy things every day from small vendors. And also it has this idea of the public space that uses the outdoors to create activity. So I thought, this is what I really want to design, not a shopping mall.", "zh": "作为一名建筑设计师, 我在设计建筑的时候会同时考虑, 建筑与周围的自然环境,, 以及建筑与周围的人文环境, 即传统文化之间的关系. 今天, 我将与大家分享两个 基于这种理念的案例. 这两个案例都位于新兴国家, 一个在埃塞俄比亚, 另一个在突尼斯. 这两个案例的共同点之一, 在于设计方案的最终成型过程中, 从多个不同的角度 对建筑的分析, 构成了设计方案重要的组成部分. 第一个案例起源与我受到邀请 去为埃塞俄比亚首都亚的斯亚贝巴 设计一个新的多层购物广场. 这就是当时我和我的团队 获得的一个样例, 我们被要求 设计成这种样子. 我刚开始看到这个的感觉是 我真不想干了. 在观察了类似这种风格的建筑之后-- 这个城市有很多这种风格的建筑-- 我们发现了这些建筑最重要的三个问题. 首先, 这些建筑基本上都是空的, 因为他们里面都是一些大的商铺, 当地人是买不起那些大品牌的. 第二个问题, 它们需要大量的能源去调温度, 因为建筑外围铺的都是玻璃, 这种设计将热量困在建筑内部, 这导致我们需要很多制冷设备. 这种情况不应该发生在这座城市, 因为这座城市的气候是相当宜人的, 全年温度稳定在20~25度左右. 第三个问题就是这个建筑看起来跟非洲 或者埃塞俄比亚一点关系都没有. 对于一个文化底蕴如此丰富的城市, 这太叫人失望了. 同时, 在我第一次考察埃塞俄比亚的时候, 我被当地的集贸市场深深的迷住了. 每天, 成百上千的人 聚集在露天的建筑环境中, 从小商贩手里 买到各种想要的商品. 这跟我的想法是一致的, 就是在室外 公共场合创造各种活动的想法. 于是我想, 这才是我想要设计的, 忘掉购物中心吧."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Hidden Stimulus LONDON – When the European Council next meets, on February 7, it should look at private investment as a means to kick-start Europe’s stagnant economy. With the usual drivers of GDP growth constrained across Europe, the one economic sector able to spend is the non-financial corporate sector. Indeed, publicly traded European companies had excess cash holdings of €750 billion ($1 trillion) in 2011, close to a 20-year high. Unlocking that cash would give Europe a much larger stimulus package than any government can provide. In 2011, for example, private investment in Europe totaled more than €2 trillion, compared to government investment of less than €300 billion. And yet, while trends among European economies have varied, private investment was, overall, the hardest-hit component of GDP during the crisis, plunging by more than €350 billion – ten times greater than the fall in private consumption and four times more than the decline in real GDP – between 2007 and 2011. The magnitude of the private-investment downturn was, in fact, unprecedented – and lies at the heart of Europe’s economic malaise. Likewise, by historical standards, the private-investment recovery is running late. In more than 40 past episodes in which GDP fell and private investment declined by 10%, recovery took an average of five years. Europe is four years removed from the onset of recession, but private investment in 2011 was still lower than its 2007 level in 26 of the European Union’s 27 member states.", "zh": "欧洲的隐藏刺激 伦敦—欧洲理事会将在2月7日召开新一次会议，这次会议应该将私人投资视为刺激欧洲停滞的经济的手段。 放眼欧洲，GDP增长得常用引擎无不熄火，有能力支出的经济部门只剩下非金融公司部门了。 事实上，2011年欧洲上市公司手握着7500亿欧元的超额现金，接近20年新高。 让它们花这笔钱相当于对欧洲实施了任何政府所无法给予的刺激方案。 比如，在2011年，欧洲私人投资总量为2万亿欧元，而政府投资还不到3000亿欧元。 此外，尽管欧洲各经济体的趋势各不相同，但总的来说私人投资是危机期间受创最重的GDP要素，2007—2011年间下降了超过3500亿欧元 — — 比私人消费降幅大十倍，比真实GDP降幅大四倍。 事实上，私人投资的如此降幅可谓前所未见，也是欧洲经济不安的核心问题。 类似地，从历史标准看，私人投资的复苏也可谓姗姗来迟。 在过去40多次GDP下降、私人投资收缩超过10%的经验中，平均复苏时间为五年。 如今，欧洲距离衰退开始已经过去了四年，但2011年，27个欧盟成员国中的26个国家，私人投资仍低于2007年的水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now that the boom is over, Panama is still growing at 5%, while Colombia is bordering on a recession. How did Panama do it? After the Panama Canal reverted to national control in 1999, policymakers started to think about how to maximize the Canal’s potential spillover effects. Ultimately, they transformed the US military bases into special economic zones. They granted concessions to build new ports, in order to facilitate logistics activities around the Canal. They developed the airport, to support the local private airline COPA as it became a regional player. They invested 7% of GDP in expansion of the Canal, a project completed in 2016. And they created a special tax and migration regime to attract regional headquarters of multinational companies. Panama’s leaders also authorized a pipeline to transport oil across the isthmus, with port facilities on either side. Together with the pre-existing Colon Free Trade Zone and the International Financial Center, the whole ended up being much more than the sum of its parts. The synergies between the airport, the new ports, the logistics facilities, banks, and the regional headquarters generated a boom in services exports and investment, underpinning rapid economic growth. And with it have come gastronomy, arts, and tourism. The non-residential construction boom this created helped not only to absorb the labor force that was leaving rural areas but also to achieve a remarkable reduction in inequality.", "zh": "现在，这场繁荣已经结束，巴拿马仍能保持5%的增长率，而哥伦比亚已经接近衰退。 巴拿马是如何做到这一点的？ 1999年巴拿马运河收归国有后，决策者开始思考如何最大化运河的潜在溢出效应。 最终，他们将美国军事基地改造为经济特区。 他们颁发特别许可权用于建设新港口，以便利运河周边的物流活动。 他们开发机场以支持根底私营航空公司COPA成为地区性企业。 他们将7%的GDP用于扩建运河，并于2016年完工。 他们还制定了特殊的税收和移民机制以吸引跨国公司前来建立地区总部。 巴拿马领导人还授权建造穿越巴拿马地峡的输油管道，连接两端的港口设施。 再加上已经存在的科隆（Colon）自由贸易区和国际金融中心，所有这些最终形成了整体大于局部之和的效果。 机场、新港口、物流设施、银行和跨国公司地区总部之间的协同效应创造了服务业出口和投资的发繁荣，奠定了经济高速增长的基础。 美食、艺术和旅游业随之繁荣。 由此带来的非住宅建设繁荣不但有助于吸收离开农村地区的劳动力，也大大降低了不平等程度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As long as one was not strong enough to dominate the other, the war continued, causing horrendous suffering among innocent peasants and city dwellers. And just like in the Middle East today, other major powers – France, Denmark, and Sweden, among others – took part, backing one side or the other, hoping to gain advantage for themselves. The similarity to the wars in Syria and Iraq is striking. ISIS is a brutal Sunni rebellion against Shia rulers. The US opposes it, but so do Iran, a Shia power, and Saudi Arabia, which is run by Sunni despots. The main axis of conflict in the Middle East is not religious or sectarian, but geopolitical: the struggle for regional hegemony between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Both have backers among the major powers, and both deliberately whip up religious fanatics; but theological differences are not the key to understanding the escalation of violence. What is to be learned from all this? Some might argue that only a thorough religious reformation will bring about long-term peace in the Middle East. But, though reformation of Islam might be desirable in itself, it will not bring an end to the war at hand. Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad is not fighting for a particular sect of Islam (the Alawites in his case), but for his survival. ISIS is not battling for Sunni orthodoxy, but for a revolutionary caliphate. The struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran is not religious, but political. There were moments during the Thirty Years War when a political settlement might have been possible.", "zh": "只要一方不足以强大到主宰另一方，战争就无法结束，导致无辜农民和城市居民惨遭横祸。 而正如今天的中东，其他主要力量 — — 法国、丹麦、瑞典等 — — 也参与其中，支持其中一方，以期从中渔利。 叙利亚和伊拉克战争有着惊人的相似性。 伊斯兰国是逊尼派对什叶派统治的残酷反抗。 美国反对它，什叶派力量伊朗和逊尼派君主统治的沙特阿拉伯亦然。 中东的主要冲突轴心不是宗教或宗派，而是地缘政治：沙特阿拉伯和伊朗争夺地区霸权。 两国都有主要力量撑腰，都有意识地借助宗教狂热；但神学方面的分歧并不是理解暴力升级的关键。 从所有这些当中我们可以学到什么？ 有人会说，只有彻底的宗教改革能给中东带来长期和平。 但是，即便伊斯兰教改革本身值得追求，但它无法结束当下的战争。 叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德不是在为某个伊斯兰教派而战（他属于阿拉维派 ） ， 而是在为自己的生存而战。 伊斯兰国不是在为逊尼派正统而战，而是在为革命的哈里发而战。 沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间的战争不是宗教战争，而是政治战争。 在三十年战争期间，不乏有可能实现政治和解的时刻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Extremists have targeted all civilized societies across the globe: in New York and Washington; Istanbul; Madrid; Beslan; Bali; and more. They do not seek an armistice with the civilized world. They will not negotiate a separate peace. They would like nothing better than for America and Europe to be at odds, rather than working together. The arrests of numerous terrorist suspects last month by French and German authorities made clear that no one nation can do the critical work necessary to win the struggle against extremists. Often quietly, America and European nations are sharing intelligence, capturing terrorists, and disrupting their finances. As a result, some three-quarters of known al-Qaeda leaders have been killed or captured, and others are on the run. Nor can any one nation stop the proliferation of dangerous weapons. This is why some 60 nations have joined the Proliferation Security Initiative in an effort to keep deadly weapons from dangerous regimes. In 2003, German, Italian, British, and American authorities confiscated nuclear equipment bound for Tripoli, leading to Libya’s decision to open its weapons inventories to inspectors. Every NATO nation has personnel serving in the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, which just changed command from a French to a Turkish general. One of NATO’s newest members, Lithuania, is taking leadership of a Provincial Reconstruction Team – joining other European nations in contributing to Afghanistan’s stability and progress. Indeed, more than half of all NATO nations have had forces in both Afghanistan and Iraq.", "zh": "极端主义分子已经瞄准全球的文明社会：在纽约和华盛顿；伊斯坦布尔；马德里；别斯兰；巴厘等等。 他们所要寻求的不是与文明世界的停战，他们也不愿意商讨一个分立和平。 他们最希望的就是美国和欧洲分歧重重，而不是协力而作。 上个月法国与德国逮捕大量恐怖主义分子嫌疑犯的举动清楚地表明，单靠一个国家难以在反恐怖主义斗争中做到制胜的关键一步。 美国和欧洲通常悄悄共享情报、抓获恐怖分子以及捣毁他们的资金来源。 结果就是，四分之三的已知基地组织领导人被杀或被捕，其余的在逃。 单靠一个国家也无法使任何一个国家停止生产危险武器。 这就是为什么60多个国家加入了《防扩散安全倡议 》 ， 以防止恐怖政权拥有致命性武器。 2003年，德国、意大利、英国和美国政府没收了即将运往黎波利的核武器，此举导致了利比亚决定向联合国原子能机构特派员公开他们的武器清单。 每个北约国家都向驻扎阿富汗的国际安全援助部队派出人员，该部队的司令权刚从一名法国将军手中交到一位土耳其将军手中。 北约最新的成员，立陶宛，正带领着一支省区重建队伍 — — 与其他欧洲国家一起，为阿富汗的稳定和进步作着贡献。 其实，一半以上的北约国家都在阿富汗和伊拉克部署了军力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Tackling Science’s Gender-Parity Problem LONDON – Two years ago, the United Nations designated February 11 the International Day of Women and Girls in Science. As we approach another commemoration, it is worth reflecting on female scholars’ countless contributions to science and technology. But even more important is to consider why the UN acted in the first place. Simply put, women have long suffered in their pursuit of science careers, and the global scientific community must recommit to making them full partners in the quest for human knowledge. Achieving gender parity would yield an enormous payoff for scientific discovery. Last year marked the 150th anniversary of the birth of Poland’s Marie Curie, one of the greatest scientists of all time. Curie was the first woman to win a Nobel Prize, the only woman to win two, and the only person to do so in two different sciences: physics in 1903 and chemistry in 1911. Curie faced immense gender barriers during her career. In 1891, having been blocked from studying or working at universities in Poland, she joined the Sorbonne in Paris. Working with her husband, Pierre Curie, she conducted groundbreaking research on radiation. But when their work was nominated for the 1903 physics prize, her name was omitted. After her husband complained, the Nobel committee made an exceptional concession, and she was added to the award (she and her husband shared it with the French physicist Henri Becquerel). Much has changed since then, and gender equality in the sciences has greatly improved. For example, the L'Oréal-UNESCO For Women in Science awards program, which honors female researchers working in the life and physical sciences, is now in its 20th year. Past winners have included experts in everything from quantum electronics to molecular biology (one of us, Vivian Wing-Wah Yam, won the prize in 2011). Nonetheless, gender parity in the sciences remains a distant goal. Evidence suggests that bias is endemic in nearly every scientific field, and that institutional discrimination is still crippling careers and impeding scientific innovation. The gender gap in science begins at a young age. As early as elementary school, girls are discouraged from pursuing careers in math and science, and this bias continues into university, where fewer women study for PhDs, hold research positions, or join the faculty.", "zh": "解决科学的性别平等问题 伦敦—两年前，联合国将2月11日定为妇女和女童参与科学国际日。 在我们又将迎来这个日子之际，值得思考一下女学者对科学技术的卓越贡献。 但更重要的是想一想联合国为什么要设置这样一个国际日。 简言之，长期以来，妇女在追逐科学生涯的过程中受尽刁难，全球科学界必须做出变化，让妇女成为追求人类知识过程中的全面伙伴。 实现性别平等将给科学发现带来巨大的收益。 去年是史上最伟大的科学家之一、波兰人居里夫人诞辰150周年。 居里夫人是第一位赢得诺贝尔奖的女性，唯一一位两次获得诺贝尔奖的女性，也是唯一一位在两个不同学科获得诺贝尔奖的人：1903年物理学奖和1911年化学奖。 居里夫人在其科学生涯中受尽性别歧视。 1891年，她在波兰大学求学求职无果，只能加入 巴黎索邦大学。 她和丈夫皮埃尔·居里一起在放射性物质的研究中取得突破性成果。 但当他们的工作在1903年被提名诺贝尔物理学奖时，她榜上无名。 经过丈夫的投诉，诺贝尔委员会破例妥协，她也被加入了获奖名单中（和她的丈夫以及法国物理学家贝克勒尔一同获奖 ） 。 此后，情况有了很大变化，科学界的性别平等得到了很大改善。 比如，欧莱雅-联合国教科文组织女性科学奖授予生命科学和物理学领域的女研究人员，迄今已有20年历史。 过去的获奖者包括量子电力学家和细胞生物学家等（作者之一任咏华在2011年获得该奖 ） 。 尽管如此，实现科学界性别平等仍然是一个遥远的目标。 证据表明，几乎在所有科学领域，都存在根深蒂固的偏见，而制度性歧视也仍然在妨碍科学生涯、阻挠科学创新。 科学界的性别歧视在人们年龄很小时便已经开始。 从小学开始，女童便被劝阻追求数学和科学生涯，这一偏见会一直延续到大学，攻读博士学位、获得研究职位或加入教职的女性数量均不如男性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another Nature study shows that although climate change will increase hurricane damage, greater wealth will make us even more resilient. Today, hurricanes cost the world 0.04% of GDP, but in 2100, even with global warming, they will cost half as much, or 0.02% of GDP. And, contrary to breathless media reports, the relative global cost of all extreme weather since 1990 has been declining, not increasing. Perhaps even more astoundingly, the number of people dying each year from weather-related catastrophes has plummeted 95% over the past century, from almost a half-million to under 20,000 today – while the world’s population has quadrupled. Meanwhile, decades of fearmongering have gotten us almost nowhere. What they have done is prompt grand political gestures, such as the unrealistic cuts in carbon dioxide emissions that almost every country has promised under the 2015 Paris climate agreement. In total, these cuts will cost $1-2 trillion per year. But the sum total of all these promises is less than 1% of what is needed, and recent analysis shows that very few countries are actually meeting their commitments. In this regard, the young protesters have a point: the world is failing to solve climate change. But the policy being pushed – even bigger promises of faster carbon cuts – will also fail, because green energy still isn’t ready. Solar and wind currently provide less than 1% of the world’s energy, and already require subsidies of $129 billion per year. The world must invest more in green-energy research and development eventually to bring the prices of renewables below those of fossil fuels, so that everyone will switch. And although media reports describe the youth climate protests as “global,” they have taken place almost exclusively in wealthy countries that have overcome more pressing issues of survival. A truly global poll shows that climate change is people’s lowest priority, far behind health, education, and jobs.", "zh": "另外一项自然研究显示尽管气候变化会增加飓风带来的破坏，但财富的积累将使我们适应性更强。 今天，飓风令世界各国损失GDP的0.04 % ， 但在2100年，即便算上全球变暖的影响，它们所造成的损失也会下降一半，也就是GDP的0.02 % 。 而且与令人窒息的媒体报道相反，自1990年来所有极端天气的相对全球成本就一直从未上升，反而是在下降。 或许更令人惊异的是，过去一个世纪，每年死于气候相关灾难的人口数量已经骤降了95 % ， 从当时的近50万下降到今天的不到2万人 — — 而在此期间世界人口实际却以翻两番的速度增长。 此外，近数10年来传播恐惧言论并未带给我们任何帮助。 它们的作用是促成表面庄严的政治姿态，例如在2015年巴黎气候协议下几乎每个国家都做出了削减二氧化碳排放的不切实际的承诺。 总体而言，上述减排行动将每年耗资1~2万亿美元。 但所有这些承诺的总和还不到实际需要的1 % ， 而最新分析表明很少有国家在实际履行自己的承诺。 在这方面，年轻抗议者有一定道理：世界各国未能解决气候变化。 但正在推行的政策 — — 哪怕是加速削减碳排放的更大规模的承诺 — — 同样将会失败，因为绿色能源仍然没有准备好。 太阳能和风能目前所提供的能源尚不足世界能源的1 % ， 但每年已经需要1290亿美元的补贴。 世界各国必须加大对绿色能源研发的投资，最终实现可再生能源低于化石燃料价格，这样每个人都会用可再生能源来替代化石燃料。 但尽管媒体报道称青年气候抗议活动具有“全球性 ” ， 但他们几乎只发生在已经战胜了更为紧迫的生存问题的富裕国家。 一项真正的全球民调显示气候变化在人们的关注事项中排名垫底，远远落在医疗、健康和就业之后。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Instead, they are founded on a shared frustration with the outmoded entitlements to which the US and Europe are clinging – entitlements that are diminishing the Bretton Woods institutions’ credibility and effectiveness. Most important, Europe and the US continue to resist the full dismantling of a nationality-based appointment system that favors their citizens for the highest leadership positions at the IMF and the World Bank, despite offering the occasional promise of change. Moreover, they have stifled efforts to recalibrate the balance of representation even marginally. As a result, Western Europe enjoys a massively disproportionate level of representation, and emerging economies, despite their increasing systemic importance, barely have a voice. And, during the eurozone’s debt crisis, European leaders showed little hesitation in bullying the IMF into flouting its own lending rules. In this sense, it is the countries that spearheaded the creation of the Bretton Woods institutions that pose the greatest threat to their legitimacy, impact, and, ultimately, relevance. After all, emerging economies cannot reasonably be expected to support institutions that offer unfair advantages to countries that so often preach the importance of meritocracy, competition, and transparency. That is why they are now determined to use their collective economic weight to circumvent these institutions. Another challenge to the international monetary system lies in the proliferation of bilateral payment agreements. By bypassing more efficient and inclusive structures, these arrangements undermine multilateralism. In some cases, they even conflict with countries’ obligations under the Bretton Woods Articles of Agreement. The consequences of this gradual process of fragmentation extend well beyond lost economic and financial opportunities, to include weaker political cooperation, reduced interdependencies, and, in turn, growing geopolitical risks. One need look no further than the current turmoil in Ukraine or Iraq to understand what can happen in the absence of credible multilateral structures capable of shaping developments in crisis situations. So much for the problems. What about the solutions? Simply put, the IMF and the World Bank urgently need self-reinforcing reforms. With a few key measures – none of which is technically complicated – the Bretton Woods institutions can move beyond the mindset of 1944 to reflect today’s realities and enhance tomorrow’s opportunities. Such reforms include the elimination of nationality-based hiring; adjustments to representation, with emerging economies gaining more influence at the expense of Europe; and more equality and evenhandedness in lending and economic-surveillance decisions.", "zh": "相反，它们的基础是因为对美国和欧洲所坚持的过时特权的共同不满 — — 这些特权降低了布雷顿森林机构的信誉和效率。 最重要的是，尽管间或做出改革承诺，但欧洲和美国仍然抵制完全以国籍为标准的人任命制度，这一制度有利于它们的公民把持IMF和世界银行最高领导位置。 此外，它们还扼杀重新平衡代表权的努力，哪怕只是微小的调整。 结果，西欧享有不成比例的代表权，而新兴经济体尽管系统重要性日益突出，却仍然难以发声。 而在欧元区债务危机期间，欧洲领导人毫不犹豫地强迫IMF践踏其自身的贷款规则。 照此看，给布雷顿森林机构的合法性、影响力以及最终的重要性带来最大威胁的正是创建这些机构的先驱国家。 毕竟，你不会指望新兴经济体来支持这些为经常鼓吹精英治理、竞争和透明度的国家提供不公平优势的机构。 正因如此，如今它们决心团结起来，依靠其自身经济实力绕过这些机构。 国际货币体系的另一个挑战在于双边支付协议的兴起。 这些协议绕过更高效、更包容的结构，破坏了多边主义。 有时它们甚至与各国的布雷顿森林协议章程（Bretton Woods Articles of Agreement）所规定的义务冲突。 这一逐渐崩溃的过程所带来的后果绝不止错失经济和金融机会，也包括了政治合作减弱、互相依存度降低，并反过来增加了地缘政治风险。 只需要看一看当前乌克兰和伊拉克的乱象就可以明白，没有可信得的多边结构在危机情形中充当发展的定海神针会带来什么后果。 问题就是这些。 那么解决办法呢？ 简言之，IMF和世界银行继续自我强化的改革。 只要采取几项关键措施 — — 从技术上说，没有一项算得上复杂 — — 布雷顿森林机构就可以超越1944年思维，反映当今现实并增加未来机会。 这些改革包括废除基于国籍的任命、代表权调整（减少欧洲代表权，增加新兴经济体代表权）以及增加贷款和经济监督决定上的平等与公平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though UNRWA has more than 100 donors, almost a quarter of its total budget – nearly $400 million annually – previously came from the US. In fact, for nearly 70 years the US has been UNRWA’s most generous and reliable donor, with both Republican and Democratic administrations recognizing the organization’s value. Now, UNRWA’s other donors – the top ten of which contribute some 80% of the body’s total budget – are under pressure to bridge the funding gap. And some donors are already stepping up. In Germany, UNRWA’s third-largest funder, Foreign Minister Heiko Maas recently announced that the government is “currently preparing to provide an additional amount of significant funds” to the organization. Similarly, the United Kingdom has just added £7 million ($9 million), bringing its total contribution for the current year to £45.5 million. Sweden recently committed $206 million of non-earmarked funding over the next four years. The European Union, UNRWA’s second-largest donor, has provided an advance on this year’s funding, and pledged to maintain its contribution in 2019 and 2020. Other donors – such as Denmark, Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Russia, and Switzerland – have agreed to frontload their funding as well.", "zh": "尽管UNRWA有100多个赞助人，但其总预算中的近四分之一 — — 每年近4亿美元 — — 此前都来自美国。 事实上，近70年来，美国一直是UNRWA最慷慨和可靠的赞助人，共和党和民主党政府都认可该组织的价值。 现在，UNRWA的其他赞助人 — — 前十位赞助人贡献了总预算的80 % — —需要承担填补资金缺口的压力。 一些赞助人已经挺身而出。 德国是UNRWA的第三大出资人，其外交部长赫科·马斯（Heiko Maas）最近宣布德国政府“最近准备大幅增加拨款 ” 。 类似地，英国也追加了700万英镑，其最近年度总资助金额来到恶劣4,450万英镑。 瑞典最近在未来四年投入2,060万美元非专项资金。 UNRWA的第二大赞助人欧盟提前给出了今年的拨款，并承诺保持2019年和2020年的贡献。 其他赞助人 — — 如丹麦、芬兰、卢森堡、荷兰、新西兰、挪威、俄罗斯和瑞士 — — 也都同意提前拨款。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Middle East’s Military Delusions The paradox of the current violence in Israel, Gaza, and Lebanon is that the solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not hard to see. A large majority of Israelis and Palestinians favor a two-state solution essentially along the pre-1967 boundaries. The major Arab states, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and others, share that view. The problem lies not in seeing the solution, but in getting to it, because powerful and often violent minorities on both sides oppose the majority-backed solution. Perhaps three-quarters of Israelis and Palestinians are eager for peace and compromise, while a quarter on each side – often fueled by extreme religious zeal – wants a complete victory over the other. Radical Palestinians want to destroy Israel, while radical Israelis demand control over the entire West Bank, through either continued occupation or even (according to a tiny minority) a forcible removal of the Palestinian population. When peace appears to be close at hand, radicals on one side of the conflict or the other provoke an explosion to derail it. Sometimes this involves overt conflict between moderates and radicals within one side, such as when an Israeli religious zealot assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin when peace negotiations were making progress. Sometimes this involves a terrorist attack by radical Palestinians against Israeli civilians, in the hope of provoking an exaggerated violent response from Israel that breaks the process of trust building among moderates on both sides. The moderates are in a daily battle with their own extremists, who claim that compromise is impossible.", "zh": "中东的军事幻觉 当前以色列、加沙和黎巴嫩暴力的自相矛盾之处是，巴以冲突的解决之道并不难以看到。 以色列和巴勒斯坦的大部分人都赞同基本上沿着1967年之前的边界的建立两个国家的解决途径。 主要的阿拉伯国家，包括埃及、沙特阿拉伯以及其他国家都持有这一观点。 问题并不是发现方案，而是实现方案，因为两方面强大而经常是暴力的少数派反对大多数人支持的方案。 大约四分之三的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人渴望和平和妥协，而各方四分之一的人经常受到极端宗教狂热的怂恿，想要彻底战胜对方。 激进的巴勒斯坦人想要摧毁以色列，而激进的以色列人则要求通过要么继续占领或者甚至是强行驱逐巴勒斯坦人口（极少数人这样认为）而控制整个西岸地带。 当和平看起来垂手可得的时候，冲突一方或者另一方的激进者挑起爆炸性事件进行破坏。 有时候是一方内部温和派和激进派之间的公开冲突，例如正当和平谈判取得进展之际，一名以色列宗教狂热分子暗杀了以色列总理拉宾。 有时候是激进的巴勒斯坦人对以色列的平民进行恐怖主义攻击，籍以挑起以色列的过激暴力性反应，从而打破双方温和派之间建立信任的进程。 温和派每天都在与其自己一方的极端主义者斗争。 这些极端主义者宣称妥协是不可能的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Consequently, to calculate the value of this collection was, I should say, impossible. Captain Nemo must have spent millions in acquiring these different specimens, and I was wondering what financial resources he tapped to satisfy his collector’s fancies, when these words interrupted me: “You’re examining my shells, professor? They’re indeed able to fascinate a naturalist; but for me they have an added charm, since I’ve collected every one of them with my own two hands, and not a sea on the globe has escaped my investigations.” “I understand, captain, I understand your delight at strolling in the midst of this wealth. You’re a man who gathers his treasure in person. No museum in Europe owns such a collection of exhibits from the ocean. But if I exhaust all my wonderment on them, I’ll have nothing left for the ship that carries them! I have absolutely no wish to probe those secrets of yours! But I confess that my curiosity is aroused to the limit by this Nautilus, the motor power it contains, the equipment enabling it to operate, the ultra powerful force that brings it to life. I see some instruments hanging on the walls of this lounge whose purposes are unknown to me. May I learn—” “Professor Aronnax,” Captain Nemo answered me, “I’ve said you’d be free aboard my vessel, so no part of the Nautilus is off-limits to you. You may inspect it in detail, and I’ll be delighted to act as your guide.” “I don’t know how to thank you, sir, but I won’t abuse your good nature. I would only ask you about the uses intended for these instruments of physical measure—” “Professor, these same instruments are found in my stateroom, where I’ll have the pleasure of explaining their functions to you. But beforehand, come inspect the cabin set aside for you. You need to learn how you’ll be lodged aboard the Nautilus.”", "zh": "所以，要估计出这全部物品的价值，可以说是不可能的。尼摩船长一定花了数百万金钱来购买这些珍宝，我心里想，他从哪里弄来这笔款子，来满足他收藏家的欲望呢，我正想的时候，被下面的诺打断了： “教授，您在看我的贝壳吗？当然，这些贝壳会使一位生物学家发生浓厚的兴趣：但在我来说，却另有一种乐趣，就是因为这些东西是我自己亲手！次集起来的，地球上没有一处海能躲过我的搜寻。” “我了解，船长，我了解您在这样稀世宝藏当中走动的时候所感到的喜悦。您是亲手把自己的财宝收集起来的人。欧洲没有一所博物馆能有您这样的关于海洋产物的珍贵收藏。我对于这些收藏固然尽情赞美，可是，对于装载它的这只船，我不知道更要怎样来赞美呢！我并不想完全知道您的秘密！不过，我得承认，这艘诺第留斯号，它内部的动力，使它行动的机器，赋予它生命的强大原动力，所有这一切，都引起我的最大好奇心。我看见在这个客厅的墙壁上挂着许多仪器，它们的用处我完全不懂得，我是不是可以知道呢？……” “阿龙纳斯先生，”尼摩船长回答我，“我跟您说过了，您在我船上是自由的，因此，诺第留斯号的任何一部分您都可以去看。所以，您可以详细参观它，我很高兴，能作您的向导。” “我不知道怎么感谢您才好，先生，但我不能妄用您的美意，随便乱问，我单单想问那些物理仪器是作什么用的。……” “教授，这样的一些仪器，我的房子里也有，到我房中的时候，我一定给您讲解它们的用处.现在请先去参观一下给您留下的舱房。您应该知道您在诺第留斯号船上住得怎么样。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The downward pressure on the renminbi relative to the dollar reflects the US economy's relatively strong recovery, which has prompted the Federal Reserve to end a long period of monetary easing, and China's economic slowdown, which has prompted the PBOC to start a new period of monetary stimulus. Similar economic fundamentals are also at work in other countries. Congressional proposals to include currency provisions in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the mega-regional free-trade agreement currently in the final stage of negotiations, presumably target Japan (as China is not included in the TPP). Congress may also want to target the eurozone in coming negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. But it has been years since the Bank of Japan or the European Central Bank intervened in the foreign-exchange market. Indeed, at an unheralded G-7 ministers' meeting two years ago, they agreed to a US Treasury proposal to refrain from unilateral foreign-exchange intervention. Those who charge Japan or the eurozone with pursuing currency wars have in mind the renewed monetary stimulus implied by their central banks' recent quantitative easing programs. But, as the US government knows well, countries with faltering economies cannot be asked to refrain from lowering interest rates just because the likely effects include currency depreciation. Indeed, it was the US that had to explain to the world that monetary stimulus is not currency manipulation when it undertook quantitative easing in 2010. At the time, Brazilian Finance Minister Guido Mantega coined the phrase “currency wars\" and accused the US of being the main aggressor.", "zh": "人民币相对美元的贬值压力反映出美国经济复苏相对强势和中国经济的减速，这也是美联储结束长期货币放松和人民银行开始新一轮货币刺激的原因。 相似的经济基本面也在其他国家起着作用。 国会建议在跨太平洋伙伴关系（Trans-Pacific Partnership，简称TTP，目前已进入最后谈判阶段的大型地区自由贸易协定）中加入货币条款，目标显然是日本（因为中国不在TTP中 ） 。 国会也许还会在跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系（Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership）的后续谈判中对准欧元区。 但日本银行和欧洲央行干预外汇市场已有多年。 事实上，在两年前一次不为人所注意的G-7部长会议中，它们同意了美国财政部关于不要单方面进行外汇干预的提议。 指责日本或欧盟追求货币战争的人心里想的是，两大央行最近采取的量化宽松计划意味着重启货币刺激。 但是，美国政府十分清楚，不可能仅仅因为会造成货币贬值而要求经济萎靡的国家不降低利率。 事实上，美国才需要在2010年采取量化宽松时向全世界解释货币刺激不是货币操纵。 当时，巴西财政部长曼特加（Guido Mantega）创造了“货币战争”一词，指责美国是主要侵略者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他将车子倒回去，默默停在路边。 心里悲凉的像是空了一大块，怎么也填不满。 他拿起一根烟，点燃，狠狠吸了一口。 大量的尼古丁狠狠冲击到肺部，让他咳嗽一声，久久没有吐出。 一连抽了好几根烟，他想到她骄傲的性格，拿起手机，拨打了一个电话。 乔恋在房间里，正在发愁怎么吃饭。 下楼肯定就会被保姆看到自己的脸，再贴一个面膜，恐怕不太好吧？ 她懊恼的垂着自己的头，手机上就叮咚的响了起来。 打开，发现是微信群里川流不息在@她。 川流不息：乔恋，微博上爆的那个被打的记者是你吗？ 乔恋一愣，急忙打开微博，这才发现上面的视频。 她顿时攥紧了手，这个苏美美！ 被人打了又不是什么光荣的事儿，干什么搞得天下皆知？ 可川流不息是她这么多年的朋友，她不愿意欺骗她。 所以，她想了想，回复了一句：“是的。” 川流不息和群里的人，立马表示对她的关怀。 乔恋正在聊天，房门忽然被叩响了。 然后她就听到外面李管家的声音，“太太，饭菜都做好了，夫人那边有点事儿，我可以带这边的人过去帮忙吗？您一个人，会不会有问题？” 一句话，让乔恋的眼睛刷的一下子就亮了，“没问题！”", "en": "He turned the car around and silently stopped it by the roadside. His heart was desolate, like there was an empty patch in it that could not be filled no matter what. He pulled out a cigarette, lit it and took a draw. The large quantity of nicotine immediately had an impact on his lungs, making him cough. However, for a while, he refused to exhale and kept the smoke in his body. He consecutively smoked several cigarettes. As he thought about her proud personality, he picked up his cell phone and made a call. Qiao Lian was in her room, wondering how she was going to eat. If she went downstairs, the servants would definitely notice her face. Furthermore, it would probably not be good for her face if she applied another facial mask, right? Frustrated, she hit herself on the head. Then, her cell phone suddenly rang. When she opened it, she saw that ‘Chuan Forever’ had messaged her in the WeChat group. Chuan Forever: Qiao Lian, were you the reporter that got hit in the viral video that’s currently trending on Weibo? @QiaoLian] Qiao Lian froze and hurriedly opened her Weibo account. Indeed, she found the video circulating online. She momentarily clenched her fists. Su Meimei! It couldn’t have been considered a victory for her to let the world know that Qiao Lian had been beaten up, so why had she done it? However, Chuan Forever had been her friend for many years, and she did not want to lie to her. Thus, she thought for a while and replied, “Yes.” Chuan Forever and the others in the group immediately showed compassion for her. As Qiao Lian was chatting, she suddenly heard a knock on the door. Then, she heard Caretaker Li’s voice emanating from outside, saying, “Madam, your meal is ready. Something has happened at your mother-in-law’s place, so I’m taking some servants from here over to her place to help. Can you manage things by yourself?” Qiao Lian’s eyes brightened up immediately when she heard this. She said, “Yes, that’s no problem at all!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given that the oil and gas industries are a major primary source of their tax revenue, many cash-strapped governments would be unable to fund essential services, such as health care and education, if those proceeds suddenly disappeared. Price volatility has already devastated economies that grew too dependent on fossil fuels. Following the 2020 crash in oil prices, for example, Nigeria proposed cutting education spending by up to 55%. And in response to the 2014 oil-price crash, Mexico pared public spending by close to 0.7% of GDP. Although high prices may lead to economic booms, they inevitably fall – and often drag down the economy with them. Ultimately, relying on finite resources is no way to fund a twenty-first-century economy. Developing and implementing the right strategies to shift away from fossil fuels will not happen overnight. But policymakers in middle-income energy-exporting countries can already take three immediate steps to ensure that the clean-energy transition does not harm their workers, communities, and economies – and that it lays the groundwork for a more prosperous future. First, governments must engage in long-term planning, particularly when it comes to the economies of regions that would most likely be affected by the green transition. To that end, policymakers should consult various stakeholders, develop inclusive plans to help displaced workers and affected communities, and strengthen social safety nets. Closing data gaps regarding demographics, wages, and skills will be essential to assisting oil and gas workers, especially female workers. Second, given that oil and gas revenues will most likely decline over the long term, middle-income exporters must double down on economic diversification. This would involve studying and developing other promising sectors, such as agricultural processing, manufactured goods, and business services. By developing domestic clean-energy sectors, policymakers could complement their diversification strategies. Given the changing geopolitical landscape and growing demand for energy, renewables could stabilize prices, revenues, and employment. To support these efforts, governments should harness the power of civil society and the private sector, including oil companies. Lastly, governments must provide the funding necessary to complete the clean-energy transition. In the near term, they could use income from fossil-fuel production to diversify their economies and invest in green projects.", "zh": "鉴于石油和天然气行业是税收的初级主要来源，如果这些收入突然消失，许多囿于现金的政府将无法为医疗保健和教育等基本服务拨款。 价格波动已经摧毁了过度依赖化石燃料的经济体。 例如，在 2020 年油价暴跌之后，尼日利亚提出削减高达 55% 的教育支出。 为了应对 2014 年的油价暴跌，墨西哥将公共支出削减了接近 GDP 的 0.7 % 。 尽管高价格可能会带来经济繁荣，但价格难免一跌 — — 并且往往会将经济一起拖下水。 归根结底，依靠有限的资源无法为二十一世纪的经济提供资金。 制定和实施正确的战略以摆脱化石燃料无法在一夜之间达成。 但中等收入能源出口国政策制定者可以立即采取三项措施，确保清洁能源转型不会损害工人、社区和经济 — — 并为更繁荣的未来奠定基础。 首先，政府必须进行长期规划，特别是涉及到最有可能受到绿色转型影响的地区的经济体。 为此，政策制定者应咨询各利益相关方，制定包容性计划帮助失业工人和受影响社区，加强社会安全网。 填补人口统计、工资和技能方面的数据缺口对于帮助石油和天然气工人，尤其是女性工人至关重要。 其次，鉴于石油和天然气收入很可能长期下降，中等收入出口国必须加倍努力实现经济多元化。 这涉及研究和发展其他有前途的部门，例如农业加工、制造品和商业服务。 通过发展国内清洁能源部门，政策制定者可以补充他们的多元化战略。 鉴于不断变化的地缘政治格局和不断增长的能源需求，可再生能源可以稳定价格、收入和就业。 为支持这些措施，政府应利用民间社会和私营部门（包括石油公司）的力量。 最后，政府必须提供完成清洁能源转型所需的资金。 在短期，他们可以利用化石燃料生产的收入实现经济多元化，投资于绿色项目。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "引导产业链上下游合作，突破高端服务器和存储设备核心处理器、内存芯片和输入/输出（I/O）芯片等核心器件，构建完善高端服务器、存储设备等核心信息设备产业体系。研究神经元计算、量子计算等新型计算技术应用。支持发展低功耗低成本绿色计算产品，强化芯片、软件、系统与应用服务适配，开展绿色计算应用示范，丰富应用服务模式，推动绿色计算生态良性发展。创新绿色计算产业合作机制，搭建绿色计算产品创新公共服务平台，开发和完善绿色计算接口标准、应用规范与产品检测认证体系。加快高性能安全工业控制计算机以及可信计算、数据安全、网络安全等信息安全产品的研发与产业化。支持安全可靠工业控制计算机在电网、水利、能源、石化等国民经济重要领域的应用。开发高速光传输设备及大容量组网调度光传输设备，发展智能光网络和高速率、大容量、长距离光传输、光纤接入（FTTx）等技术和设备。积极推进5G、IPv6、SDN和NFV等下一代网络设备研发制造。", "en": "Guide the cooperation between the upstream and downstream of the industrial chain, break through the core devices such as high-end server and storage equipment core processors, memory chips, and input/output (I/O) chips, and build a complete high-end server, storage equipment, and other core information equipment industry system. Research on new computing technologies such as neural computing and quantum computing. Support the development of low-power, low-cost, and green computing products, strengthen the compatibility of chips, software, systems, and application services, carry out green computing application demonstrations, enrich application service models, and promote the healthy development of green computing ecology. Innovate the cooperation mechanism of the green computing industry, build a public service platform for innovative green computing products, develop and improve green computing interface standards, application specifications, and product testing and certification systems. Accelerate the research and industrialization of high-performance secure industrial control computers, as well as information security products such as trusted computing, data security, and network security. Support the application of secure and reliable industrial control computers in important sectors of the national economy such as power grid, water conservancy, energy, and petrochemicals. Develop high-speed optical transmission equipment and large-capacity network scheduling optical transmission equipment, and develop intelligent optical networks and technologies and equipment such as high-speed, large-capacity, long-distance optical transmission and fiber-to-the-x (FTTx). Actively promote the research, development, and manufacturing of next-generation network devices such as 5G, IPv6, SDN, and NFV."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another risk is that, while the emirate has enjoyed a long period of political and economic stability, a significant regional upheaval could cause foreign workers, whatever their skill level, to take flight, regardless of the promise of high salaries and an attractive lifestyle. Dubai’s reliance on foreign labor thus threatens its long-term economic capacity to withstand future shocks. Aware of these potential risks, Dubai’s leadership has just approved a comprehensive plan to overhaul education aimed at developing indigenous human capital. Dubai’s ruler, Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid, said that, “We look forward to developing a new generation of students that is equipped to use the tools of the future.” Educational reforms will likely require a generation or more to bear fruit. Singapore eventually managed to develop a highly skilled base of indigenous talent by making large investments in education and setting completion of post-secondary study as a national priority. The city-state now scores near the top in science and math on international tests. The ABS model explains Dubai’s economic resilience and its quick recovery after the global financial crisis. But it also helps the emirate adjust its strategy to account for new challenges. Just as a car’s ABS makes it easier for a driver to slow down or change course to avoid dangerous obstacles, Dubai’s state-led development apparatus can realign its attraction and branding activities in accordance with its growth goals and changing circumstances in the Middle East and beyond.", "zh": "另外一个危险因素是尽管阿拉伯联合酋长国政治和经济长期稳定，但重大的地区动荡却可能导致外国工人，无论其技术水平如何，不顾高薪承诺和引人入胜的生活方式匆忙逃离。 迪拜对外国劳工的依赖也因此威胁到其抵御未来冲击的长期经济潜能。 正因为意识到这些潜在风险，迪拜领导层全面计划彻底改革教育以开发本土人力资本。 迪拜统治者谢赫·穆罕默德·本·拉希德表示 ， “ 我们期待培养出有能力使用未来工具的新一代学生 。 ” 教育改革可能需要一代人甚至更长时间才能取得成功。 新加坡最终通过大规模投资教育和优先普及国内中学以上教育成功了建立起一座高技能的本土人才库。 这座城市国家现在在科学和数学的国际测试中几乎得到最高分。 ABS模式可以解释迪拜的经济活力以及全球金融危机后该国的迅速复苏。 但它同时可以帮助酋长国为迎接新挑战而对国内领略进行调整。 就像汽车的ABS系统让驾驶者更容易减速或改变航向避开危险障碍一样，迪拜由国家主导的发展架构可以根据增长目标和中东地区及全球不断变化的情况调整其吸引力和品牌建设行为。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The main reasons are the US-China trade war and a financial warning signal: the “inverted yield curve.” The first risk is obvious; the second requires some explanation. An inverted yield curve is a relatively unusual condition that occurs when long-term bond yields fall below short-term interest rates. In the US, the overnight federal funds rate is around 2.4%, but ten-year yields recently fell to below 2%. Such an inversion is often cited as a signal of imminent recession, but it shouldn’t be. The “signal” often comes years before the recession it claims to predict. More important, bond market pricing has drastically changed in the decade since the global financial crisis. Bond yields have become increasingly divorced from real economic conditions, partly because of quantitative easing and regulatory pressures on pension funds to buy bonds regardless of economic conditions, but mainly because inflation seems to have decoupled from unemployment and growth. Even if the decoupling of growth and inflation ultimately turns out to be illusory, the mere fact that the US Federal Reserve and other central banks believe that the old growth-inflation linkage is broken means that they will keep interest rates much lower for much longer than in previous economic cycles. As long as central bankers continue to behave like this, bond yields will continue to reflect investors’ expectations about what central banks will do with short-term interest rates, rather than their expectations about economic prospects or recession risks. The main message from financial markets, as I argued in April, is not that the US is near a recession; it is simply that the Fed is preparing to cut interest rates. If that happens – and it almost certainly will – a US recession will become less likely, not more so. The same is true in China. The Chinese government and central bank have responded to Trump’s trade war, albeit somewhat belatedly, by cutting interest rates and reserve requirements, reducing taxes, ramping up public spending, and easing credit restraints. China’s stimulus measures, like the Fed’s expected easing, will take some time to feed through into economic data, but these measures virtually guarantee that the US-China trade war will cause only limited damage to growth prospects in both countries, at least in the next year or two, which is the time horizon over which macroeconomic policies operate.", "zh": "主要原因是美中贸易战和“利率曲线倒挂”这一金融警示信号。 前一个风险显而易见；而后一个则需要进行某种解读。 利率曲线倒挂是长期债券收益降到短期利率以下的一种相对不寻常状况。 美国的联邦隔夜基金利率约为2.4 % ， 而10年期收益率最近已经跌到2%以下。 这样的倒挂往往被视为即将进入衰退的信号，但上述论断却并不一定是实际情况。 “信号”往往在其据称预测的经济衰退前几年出现。 更重要的是，自全球金融危机爆发以来的十年间，债券市场定价已经发生了巨大变化。 债券收益率越来越脱离经济的实际状况。 部分原因是无论经济状况如何，养老基金均须承受购买债券的量化宽松和监管压力，但主要原因却是通胀似乎已经与失业和经济增长脱钩。 即使经济增长和通胀脱钩最终被事实证明是一种虚幻，但仅凭美联储和其他央行相信原有增长通胀联系已经被打破的事实就意味着他们将在比此前经济周期长得多的一段时期内保持低利率政策。 只要央行行长们继续上述操作，债券收益率就将继续反应投资者对央行将会采纳何种短期利率的预期，而并不反映他们预期中的衰退风险或未来经济状况。 正如我曾在4月所提出的那样，金融市场的主要信息并非美国正在接近经济衰退；而仅仅反应美联储准备降息的情况。 如果这种情况发生 — — 而且几乎肯定会发生 — — 那么美国经济衰退的可能性就会变小，而不是变大。 同样的逻辑也适用于中国。 尽管有些姗姗来迟，但中国政府和央行已经通过降低利率、准备金要求、减税、增加公共开支和放松信贷限制来回应特朗普的贸易战政策。 中国的刺激措施，就像美联储的预期宽松政策，需要经过一段时间才能反映在经济数据当中，但上述举措实际保证了在未来一两年中，美中贸易战只会对两国的增长前景造成有限的损害，而宏观经济政策也只能在未来一两年的区间内发挥作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Closing the Opportunity Gap in the Sahel WASHINGTON, DC – Inundated by bleak headlines and even bleaker forecasts, it is easy to forget that, in many ways, the world is better than it has ever been. Since 1990, nearly 1.1 billion people have lifted themselves out of extreme poverty. The poverty rate today is below 10% – the lowest level in human history. In nearly every country, people are healthier and better educated than ever before. Yet, as a just-released Goalkeepers report underscores, hardship remains the norm for many people worldwide, who continue to face high barriers to building a healthy, productive life. Nowhere is this truer than among the poorest residents of the Sahel region of Sub-Saharan Africa. The countries of the Sahel rank among the world’s lowest on the Human Capital Index, which quantifies the contribution of health and education to the productivity of the next generation of workers. According to the Goalkeepers report, a child in Chad is 55 times more likely to die in the first five years of life than a child in Finland. Nearly half the people living in Chad live below the poverty line, only 50% of children attend school, and just 15% of sixth-graders are able to read a simple story. Poverty is exacerbated by climate change, conflict, and displacement, making it even more difficult for families to invest in their human capital. To ensure that all people – not just those lucky enough to be born into relative geographic, gender, or socioeconomic privilege – can fulfill their potential, governments must invest more in human-capital formation.", "zh": "消除萨勒赫地区的机会缺口 华盛顿—悲观新闻标题无处不在，而预测甚至更加惨淡，这在很大程度上让人容易忘记世界正处在比以往任何时候都更好的时代。 1990年以来，近11亿人口摆脱了极端贫困。 今天的贫困率还不到10 % — —是人类历史上的最低水平。 几乎所有国家，人们都比以往任何时候都更健康，教育程度更高。 但是，刚刚发布的《守门员 》 （ Goalkeepers）报告强调，困难仍是全世界诸多人口的生活主题，他们仍然没面临着打造高生产率的健康生活的壁垒。 最明显的例子莫过于撒哈拉以南非洲萨赫勒地带的最贫困居民。 萨赫勒地带国家在人力资本指数上位居世界末列。 人力资本指数是关于健康和教育对下一代工人的生产率的量化指标。 据《守门员》报告，乍得的孩子死于五岁之前的概率是芬兰孩子的55倍。 乍得近一半人生活在贫困线以下，只有50%的孩子能上学，只有15%的六年级小学生能够阅读简单的故事。 贫困因气候变化、冲突和流离失所而加剧，这让家庭更加难以投资于人力资本。 为了确保所有人 — — 而不仅仅是那些足够幸运生活在拥有相对的地理、性别和社会经济特权群体的人 — — 能够实现潜能，政府必须加大人力资本形成的投资。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As right-wing populists with a deep suspicion of minorities and a barely concealed bias against Muslims, Trump and Modi have developed something of a “bromance.” They have even held joint campaign-style rallies, sharing the stage at a “Howdy, Modi!” event in Texas and a “Namaste Trump” event in Modi’s home state of Gujarat. The Republicans have created a campaign organization called Indian Voices for Trump, as well as various sub-groups to target Hindu, Sikh, and Muslim Indian-American voters separately. And Trump’s handlers recently arranged for their candidate to preside over a rare White House naturalization ceremony featuring a sari-draped Indian-born software engineer. All of this attention has led some observers to suggest that Indian-Americans, who traditionally lean Democratic, may shift their support to Trump this election. There has certainly been a modest realignment from eight years ago, when 84% of them voted to re-elect President Barack Obama. Still, a recent YouGov poll finds that 72% of Indian-American voters support Biden, and, as one recent study concluded, “Indian Americans continue to be strongly attached to the Democratic Party, with little indication of a shift toward the Republican Party.”", "zh": "同为对少数族裔满怀戒心且对穆斯林存在赤裸裸偏见的右翼民粹主义者，特朗普和莫迪俨然发展出了某种“兄弟情 ” 。 两人甚至还联合举办了共享舞台的竞选式集会，得克萨斯州会场的主题是“嗨，莫迪！ （Howdy，Modi！ ） ” ，而在印度古吉拉特邦会场（莫迪老家）的主题则是“向您致意，特朗普（Namaste Trump ） ” 。 共和党人创建了一个名为“印度人为特朗普发声”的竞选组织并分别针对印度教徒，锡克教徒和印度裔穆斯林选民设立了小组。 特朗普的竞选顾问最近还安排他们的候选人罕见地在白宫主持了一场入籍仪式，而其中一位入籍者就是一名出生于印度且身着纱丽的软件工程师。 上述事件使得一些观察家提出以往主要倾向民主党的印度裔美国人可能会在本次大选中转投特朗普。 当然情况与八年前相比显然会有所变化*当时有84％的印度裔美国人投票支持奥巴马连任 ） ， 但尽管如此YouGov最近的一项民意调查依然发现有72％的印度裔选民支持拜登，正如一项最新研究的结论所示 ： “ 印度裔美国人继续与民主党保持着密切联系，几乎不存在转投共和党的迹象 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The China “Constrainment” Doctrine LONDON – It is necessary to know some history in order to draw the right lessons from it. All too often, alleged parallels and similarities seem far-fetched on close examination. So, when it was suggested recently that China’s recent behavior – bullying, lying, and violating treaties – was similar to that of Germany prior to World War I, I was doubtful. In 1911, for example, Germany’s Wilhelm II provoked an international crisis by deploying a gunboat to Agadir, Morocco to try to squeeze concessions out of France and drive a wedge between that country and Britain. Instead, the episode convinced France and Britain of Germany’s aggressive intentions – a conclusion borne out three years later by the outbreak of war. Maybe it is too pessimistic to draw similar conclusions today about the behavior of the Communist Party of China (CPC). But the events of the last few months surely call for a coordinated response by the rest of the world, and especially by liberal democracies. If Chinese President Xi Jinping’s aggressive behavior is to be discouraged, we need to get together and stick together. The list of China’s transgressions is long. While the rest of the world has been distracted by a pandemic that spread in part because of the CPC’s secrecy and lies, China has increased its military threats against Taiwan and reneged on treaty-based promises to respect Hong Kong’s traditional freedoms under the rule of law. Xi’s regime has also harassed other countries’ ships in the South China Sea, which China claims as its own despite rulings against it by an international tribunal in The Hague. And most recently, Chinese forces ambushed and killed Indian soldiers on the countries’ disputed Himalayan border. All the while, China has maintained its policy of economic extortion, issuing mafia-style threats to international companies to accept its own narrative of current and past events as the price of doing business. And when countries have the temerity to cross China’s government (for example, by seeking an independent inquiry into the origins of COVID-19), it imposes economic and trade sanctions against them. So, what should the rest of the world do? First, we should reject the idea that trying to deter or prevent this sort of behavior amounts to Sinophobia.", "zh": "对华“压制”主义 发自伦敦—我们都应该去了解一些历史以便从中汲取适当的教益，而那些貌似相近的历史事件在仔细检验后往往会变得大相径庭。 因此当近期有人指出中国最近的行径 — — 欺压，撒谎和违反条约 — — 与第一次世界大战前的德国类似时，我是对此感到怀疑的。 比如说德皇威廉二世曾在1911年引发过一场国际危机，他将一艘军舰派往摩洛哥阿加迪尔，试图迫使法国让步并挑拨英法关系。 谁知事与愿违，反而使得英法两国确认了德国的侵略意图 — — 而三年后的战争爆发也证实了这一结论。 而目前就中国共产党的行为得出类似结论或许过于悲观了。 但是最近几个月所发生的事件显然要求世界其他地区，特别是自由民主国家作出协调一致的应对。 如果想要阻止中国国家主席习近平的进攻性行为，我们就必须团结起来共同行事。 中国的侵犯行为清单可不短。 尽管世界其他地区的疫情分散了人们的注意力（这场疫情得以扩散的部分原因正是中共的掩盖行径和撒谎行为 ） ， 但中国对台湾的军事威胁有所增加，同时还放弃了基于条约的承诺，不再尊重香港传统拥有的基于法治的自由。 习近平政权还对南中国海上的其他国家船只实施了骚扰，尽管海牙的一个国际法庭已经判决否定了中国的领土诉求，但该国照样我行我素。 最近中国军队还在中印两国存在争议的喜马拉雅山边界地区伏击并杀害了多名印度士兵。 一直以来，中国一直坚持其敲诈勒索政策，向国际企业发出黑手党式的威胁，以接受该国对当前和过去事件的描述作为开展业务的代价。 一旦某些国家胆敢冒犯中国政府时（例如寻求对新型冠状病毒起源实施独立调查 ） ， 它就会对其施加经济和贸易制裁。 那么世界其他国家应当如何应对？ 首先，我们应该拒绝这样一种观念，就是将试图阻止或防止这种行为视同于中国恐惧症。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "None of this discredits the general rule – which forms the basis of modern monetary policymaking – that a lower interest rate tends to stimulate consumption and other expenditure. The impact simply varies according to the economy’s debt position. In a closed economy, there is a debtor for every creditor, so whatever creditors lose from ultra-low interest rates, debtors should gain. But in an economy with a large net-foreign-asset position, there are naturally more creditors than debtors. For a country with large foreign debts, the opposite is true. The effectiveness of monetary policy at the lower bound should thus be different in creditor and debtor economies. Until recently, this condition did not matter, because foreign-asset positions were usually small (as a percentage of GDP). Today, however, these positions in the major industrial economies are large and increasingly divergent, partly owing to the buildup of leverage that led to the global financial crisis of 2007-2008. And, in fact, at the international level, leverage is continuing to grow. Though current-account imbalances have generally fallen since the financial crisis began, they have not reversed. This implies that the surplus countries continue to strengthen their creditor positions, diverging from the deficit economies. Commodity exporters like Russia and Saudi Arabia, which ran large current-account surpluses when oil prices were high, are the main exception to this pattern of diverging foreign-asset positions. With the precipitous decline in world oil prices since June 2014, their fortunes have reversed. Their export earnings have plummeted – falling by half in many cases – forcing them to run deficits and draw on the large sovereign-wealth funds they accumulated during the global commodity boom. A radical reduction in expenditure has now become unavoidable. The industrialized economies face very different challenges. Their problem – in a sense, a luxury problem – is to ensure that their consumers spend the windfall from lower import prices. But in the creditor countries, negative rates do not seem to advance this goal; indeed, some external surpluses are even increasing. This divergence is also playing out within the eurozone. Though it is a creditor economy overall, it comprises debtor countries as well.", "zh": "所有这些都不是在否定一般规则 — — 它构成了现代货币决策的基础 — — 降低利率能够刺激消费和其他支出。 只不过影响因为经济体的债务状况的不同而不同。 在封闭经济中，每个债权人都有一个债务人，因此，不管债权人因为极低利率损失什么，债务人都应该获益。 但在一个存在大量净外国资产头寸的经济中，债权人自然会比债务人多。 对于一个存在大量外国债务的国家来说，情况正好相反。 因此，利率下限货币政策的效果在债权和债务经济体中是不同的。 直到最近，这一条件并不重要，因为外国资产头寸常常较小（以GDP的百分比衡量 ） 。 但是，如今，主要工业化经济体的外国资产头寸很大并且日益多样化，部分是因为导致2007—2008年全球金融危机的杠杆化。 事实上，在国家层面，杠杆仍在继续增加。 尽管经常项目失衡总体而言从金融危机开始后有所减轻，但并未逆转。 这意味着盈余国家继续强化它们的债权人地位，与赤字经济体产生分化。 一些大宗商品出口国，比如俄罗斯和沙特阿拉伯，在石油价格高企时存在大量经常项目盈余，它们成为外国资产头寸分化的主要例外。 2014年6月以来，世界油价发生暴跌，这些国家的财富趋势逆转。 它们的出口收益剧烈减少 — — 很多国家跌去一半 — — ���迫使它们产生赤字，依靠在全球大宗商品繁荣时期积累的庞大的主权财富基金。 如今，大幅降低支出已经不可避免。 工业化经济体面临完全不同的挑战。 它们的问题 — — 从某种程度上说，是一个奢侈的问题 — — 是确保消费者将得自进口价格下降的意外之财花掉。 但在债权国，负利率似乎并没有推进这一目标；事实上，一些外部盈余甚至还在增加。 这一分化在欧元区内部也存在。 尽管作为一个整体，欧元区是债权经济体，但其中也有债务国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thus, an expansion of public investment would automatically reduce the current-account surplus. This is rather convenient, given that public investment also happens to be both popular and sorely needed. The German economy is slowing and on the verge of recession, owing largely to the relative slowdown in China, a leading importer of German manufactured goods. Since the financial crisis, German exports to China have almost tripled. But the same pace of growth cannot be expected to continue. Under today’s macroeconomic conditions, a cautious government would take steps to mitigate the coming economic downturn by investing more. Recent papers on the uses of fiscal policy at the zero lower bound conclude that public investment has become significantly more effective since the financial crisis. When short-term nominal interest rates are at or near zero, private investment is not crowded out, and the multiplier effect for public spending is stronger. On the other side of the trade ledger, Germany also could try to reduce its exports by revaluing its currency. Although Germany has no control over the euro exchange rate, it could achieve the same effect as a currency appreciation through a fiscal revaluation that makes its exports more expensive and imports less so. This could be implemented through changes in tax policy. Research by Emmanuel Farhi and Gita Gopinath of Harvard University and Oleg Itskhoki of Princeton University shows that a reduction in the value-added tax (VAT) combined with an increase in income tax would result in what is effectively a currency appreciation. In Germany’s case, a fiscal revaluation now would be entirely justified, given that it previously pursued a tax-policy fiscal devaluation in the mid-2000s. As Fabio Ghironi of the University of Washington and Benjamin Weigert of the Bundesbank show in Explaining Germany’s Exceptional Recovery, in 2008 Germany raised its VAT from 16% to 19%, but lowered its average income-tax rate from 57% to 47.5%, and its corporate-tax rate from 56.8% to 29.4%. This mix of policies made German exports significantly less expensive, and made imports more so, thereby contributing to the current-account surplus. There is nothing stopping Germany from reversing these policies now. Faced with a choice between expanding public investment and pursuing fiscal revaluation, the first option is preferable.", "zh": "因此，扩大公共投资将自动减少经常项目盈余。 这是相当方便的，因为公共投资恰好既受欢迎，又迫切需要。 主要因为中国相对减速的原因，德国经济正在减速，眼看就要进入衰退 — — 中国是德国制造品的主要进口国。 自金融危机以来，德国对华出口几乎增长了两倍。 但这一增速预计将无法保持。 在当今的宏观经济条件下，谨慎的政府会采取措施，通过增加投资来遏制即将到来的经济衰退。 关于如何在零下限区间运用财政政策的最新文章认为，自金融危机以来，公共投资效果显著增加。 当短期名义利率达到或接近零时，私人投资便无法挤出，公共支出的乘数效应将更强。 在贸易账本的另一端，德国也可以试图通过货币升值减少出口。 尽管德国并不控制欧元汇率，但可以通过财政升值（fiscal revaluation ） ， 让其出口变得更贵，进口变得更便宜，从而达到与货币升值同样的效果。 这可以通过税收政策变化实现。 哈佛大学的艾曼努尔·法希（Emmanuel Farhi）和吉塔·戈平纳斯（Gita Gopinath）以及普林斯顿大学的奥列格·伊茨柯基（Oleg Itskhoki）的研究指出，降低增值税，增加所得税的组合可以实现与货币升值相当的效果。 在德国的例子中，现在进行财政升值是完全合理的，因为其在2005年前后曾进行了税收政策财政贬值（fiscal devaluation ） 。 华盛顿大学的法比奥·吉罗尼（Fabio Ghironi）和德国央行的本杰明·魏格特（Benjamin Weigert）在《解释德国的出色复苏》中指出，2008年德国将其增值税从16%提高到19 % ， 同时把平均所得税从57%降低到47.5 % ， 公司税从56.8%降低到29.4 % 。 这一政策组合让德国出口品变得更加便宜，而让进口便变得更加昂贵，从而增加了经常项目盈余。 没有什么可以阻止德国现在倒转这些政策。 面临扩大公共投资和采取财政升值的选择的时候，第一个选择更好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On the other hand, the incentives for success are not great; the years of sacrifice and effort it takes to become a world-class athlete are simply not a realistic option to an Indian who needs to make a living, and sponsors are few and far between (and they are all spending their sponsorship money on cricket). Finally, there’s the usual Indian problem: sports administrative bodies and government departments are ridden with patronage and petty bossism, with officials more interested in protecting their turf (and enjoying paid vacations to sporting events) than in promoting athletes. With all these factors, failure in the Olympics, it is suggested, is encoded in our national DNA. Yet success or failure still depends on the individual athlete. Indian genes in a developing country did not prevent Vijay Singh emerging from Fiji to rival Tiger Woods as the best golfer in the world. And if Indians can be better than white and black sportsmen on the cricket field, why can’t they beat them in an Olympic stadium? The newly globalized India can no longer content itself with mediocrity in this global competition. For a land with world-class computer scientists, mathematicians, biotech researchers, filmmakers, and novelists, sporting excellence is the last unconquered frontier. But 2008 won’t be the year in which that frontier is breached.", "zh": "另一方面，在印度对得奖的激励也不是很大；成为一个世界级的运动员所需要的牺牲和努力对一个需要谋生的印度人来说是一个不现实的选择，并且体育赞助商很少（而且，他们都把钱赞助在板球上了 ） 。 最后，还有在印度常见的问题：体育管理机关和政府部门充斥着利益交易和目光短浅的党派争斗。 比起提拔运动员，官员们对保护自己的权利（并享受带薪观看体育赛事的假期）更感兴趣。 所有这些因素，暗示着在奥运会中的失利被植入我们的国家DNA之中。 然而，成功或失败依然取决于运动员自身。 在一个发展中国家的印度基因没有阻止来自斐济的维杰·辛格作为世界上最好的高尔夫运动员和泰格·伍兹竞争。 而且，如果印度能在板球上比 白人运动员和黑人运动员表现得更好，那么，印度为什么不能在奥运赛场上打败这些运动员呢？ 新的全球化的印度再也不能满足于在世界比赛中的这种平庸表现了。 对于一个拥有世界级的电脑科学家、数学家、生物技术研究员、电影制片人以及小说家的国家来说，卓越的体育表现是最后一个没有被征服的阵地。 但是，2008年不会是在这个阵地上取得突破的一年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe as a Task For me as Prime Minister of the Czech Republic, Europe has a meaning that goes far beyond geography. It is a synonym for a new beginning, new hope, the rule of the \"better me\" that exists in all of us. It's an expression of prosperity, progress, and justice. Perhaps these words sound exaggerated to cynical ears. But they clearly express the changes that Europe has witnessed over the past half-century, changes for the good that all Czechs now want to secure for themselves, having been denied the fruits of European peace and prosperity for so long. Throughout its history, Europe saw countless bloody conflicts; peoples and states clashed, with the Czech lands often the bloody crossroads of these battles. The disasters of two world wars, and the half-century of Cold War, pushed Europe to embrace cooperation and integration in order to avoid another suicidal battle. Those far-sighted Europeans who set Europe on its road to peace through unification deserve our heartfelt appreciation. Simply put, the idea of European integration transformed our continent. The open economic space and the principle of solidarity helped ensure that economically less developed countries that joined the European Economic Community and, later, the European Union, progressed at an astonishing pace, enhancing the living standards of their peoples. Nowadays, indeed, instead of deepening disparities in standards of living in Europe, which was the historic norm, differences are actually blurring as the quality of life everywhere in Europe rises. Yet this prosperous and peaceful Europe is not idyllic; sometimes Europe is not at all an easy place for its citizens to live, as the tumultuous Balkan Wars and painful postcommunist transitions of the past decade demonstrated. But even in hard times, every European knows deep down that European integration has delivered peace with clear prospects for broadening Europe's zone of peace and stability. On the other hand, to secure that promise of peace and stability, Europeans must recognize that the Union is not and cannot be perceived as a work set in stone. The half-century of peace that integration has delivered involved constant changes. Today, we must also continue forming and correcting the EU to maximize its ability to reflect the needs of its inhabitants in an ever-changing world. These changes, however, must always be undertaken in the light of core European virtues.", "zh": "欧洲任务 对于现任捷克共和国总理的我来说，欧洲的意义远远超过其地理范畴。 它是新开端、新希望和在我们每个人身上都存在着的\"更好的自我\"的同义词。 它表达了繁荣、进步和公正。 对于愤世嫉俗的人，这些话听起来或许有些夸张。 但它们清楚地表达了欧洲在过去的50多年里所见证的变化。 在长期不被允许分享欧洲和平与繁荣的成果之后，捷克人现在要为自己争取这种美好的变化。 在历史上，欧洲发生过无数血腥的战争；当民族之间和国家之间发生冲突的时候，捷克往往成为这些血腥战役的十字路口。 两次世界大战和半个世纪的冷战所造成的灾难促使欧洲接受合作与一体化从而避免另一场自杀性战争的发生。 那些通过统一将欧洲引领到和平之路上来的具有远见卓识的欧洲人值得我们由衷的敬仰。 简单地说，欧洲一体化的理念改变了欧洲大陆。 开放的经济空间和团结的原则确保了那些加入欧共体，而后再加入欧盟的经济较不发达的欧洲国家飞速发展，不断提高其人民的生活水平。 确实，在现今的欧洲，随着各国人民生活质量的全面提高，生活水平的差距日渐缩小。 不断扩大的生活水平差距作为曾经一度的历史模式已不复存在。 然而这个繁荣与和平的欧洲并不是田园牧歌；正如过去十年里狂乱的巴尔干战争和痛苦的后共产主义转型所昭示的，欧洲有时也不是个能让人安居乐业的地方。 但就是在艰难时世下，每个欧洲人的内心都明了：欧洲一体化以其不断扩大欧洲和平与稳定的区域的清晰前景已经为我们带来了和平。 然而，要兑现和平与稳定的承诺，欧洲人必须意识到欧盟并不是也不能被当作是一纸空文。 由一体化带来的半个世纪的和平也在不断演进着。 今天，我们必须继续塑造和修正欧盟以使其能够最大限度的反映其居民在不断变化的世界形势下的需求。 但是这些变革必须和欧洲的核心价值观一致。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The largest gains from globalization have not only accrued to the middle and upper classes in Asia, but also to the top 1% of earners worldwide. In the United States, for example, the Gini coefficient (the most common measure of inequality) increased by five points from 1990 to 2013. Inequality has also risen, albeit more slowly, in China, India, and most European countries. Despite rising inequality, the benefits of globalization have been more tangible in developing countries. Indeed, economic openness has helped to lift millions of developing-country citizens out of poverty, which is why the economist Branko Milanovic argues that globalization has driven “the greatest reshuffle of individual incomes since the Industrial Revolution.” But, for many advanced-country citizens, that is precisely the problem. They are not opposed to poverty reduction in faraway countries. But if they believe that, say, the Chinese are becoming wealthier, while their own real (inflation-adjusted) wages remain largely stagnant, they will not accept globalization. If their own societies’ wealthiest members are also becoming richer, conditions become ripe for anti-establishment rebellion. The image of “untrustworthy elites” is ideal fodder for populists, who claim that globalization has given the wealthy and powerful more money and power than ever. But the world that the populists and their constituents hope to recreate – a world of self-sufficient, egalitarian states insulated from developments around them – never existed. Any effort to close economies – much less borders – would fail disastrously. The only way to stem the rising tide of destructive populism and prevent the drift toward damaging protectionist measures is to reconnect with frustrated constituencies, and find ways to respond to people’s real economic grievances. A national government’s main job is to protect the social equilibrium that forms the backbone of democratic systems. For that reason, leaders must not reject globalization, but work to guide it, so that it advances their citizens’ interests and wellbeing. Bold initiatives to tackle inequality are crucial. In addition to stopgap measures, aimed at immediately improving people’s economic circumstances, leaders must develop systems to ensure that citizens are equipped to thrive in a globalized world in the long term. Creativity, problem-solving skills, and heightened interpersonal competence will be essential. Moreover, national authorities must engage with one another to improve global governance.", "zh": "不仅亚洲的中产及上层阶级从全球化中得到了最大红利，同样获益匪浅的还有全世界1%的最高收入阶层。 比如在美国，基尼系数（测量不平等的常见指标）从1990到2013年增长了5个百分点。 尽管速度相对缓慢，但不平等现象在中国、印度和多数欧洲国家同样有所上升。 尽管不平等现象日益严重，但全球化带来的好处在发展中国家越来越显形。 事实上，经济开放已经帮助发展中国家成百上千万民众实现脱贫，经济学家布兰科·米拉诺维奇因此认为全球化推动了“自工业革命以来最大规模的个人收入革命 。 ” 但很多发达国家民众认为全球化的问题恰恰在此。 他们并不反对遥远的国家减少贫困。 但如果他们认为中国人越来越富，而他们自己（经通胀调整后）的实际工资却在很大程度上陷入停滞状态，他们就不会接受全球化进程。 如果本国社会最富裕的成员同样变得日渐富有，那么发动反体制叛乱的条件就日臻成熟。 “不可信的精英”形象是民粹主义者的理想饲料，他们声称全球化赋予富人和权力阶层的金钱和权力比以往任何时候都多。 但民粹主义者及其选民希望重建的那个自给自足、不受周边国家发展影响的平均主义世界却从未存在过。 任何封闭经济 — — 更不要说边界 — — 的努力都将带来灾难性的失败后果。 遏制破坏性民粹主义浪潮不断高涨并防止滑向破坏性保护主义措施的唯一方法是重新联系沮丧的选民，并想方设法对民众切实的经济不满作出回应。 国家政府的主要工作是保护构成民主体系支柱的社会平衡。 领导人因此不必抗拒全球化，而应努力对其加以引导，以使其对民众的利益和福祉起到推动作用。 消除不平等的大胆举措起到至关重要的作用。 除旨在立即改善民众经济环境的权宜之计外，领导人还必须建立制度，以确保民众从长远看能够从全球化世界中收获繁荣。 创造力、解决问题的能力和人际交往能力都将起到至关重要的作用。 此外，国家当局必须相互接触以改善全球治理结构。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mumbai, a city of 20 million, has just 14 intensive-care-unit beds available for COVID-19 patients. And yet, by the end of July, India is expected to have at least 500,000 cases, up from an estimated 30,000 today. The circumstances are just as dire in many other developing countries. In addition to lacking hospital capacity, most have little or no productive capacity for personal protective equipment (PPE), medicines, and other critical supplies. And while advanced economies and international institutions are coordinating financial support and debt relief for developing countries, this shortage of essential goods has yet to be addressed. Making matters worse, at least 75 governments have imposed restrictions or bans on exports of medical supplies, prompting importing countries to start investing in their own capacity. Already, this is leading to a vicious circle in which export restraints encourage import restrictions and vice versa. In normal times, markets would allocate these resources efficiently, with rising prices leading to lower demand and more supply. But that cannot happen in a global crisis; nor does it help simply to furnish developing and emerging markets with financing. Fresh funds would allow them to bid for supplies in global markets, but the effect would be to send prices higher. Ultimately, because the short-term supply of PPE and other products is inelastic, wealthier countries would crowd out the poor. If distribution of a vaccine is left to the market, there will be an even more intense bidding war. Without some kind of allocation mechanism, demand would initially far outstrip supply, and the price would skyrocket.", "zh": "拥有2000万人口的孟买，只有14个重症监护病房可供患者使用。 然而，到7月底，印度预计至少会有50万例病例，目前估计为3万例。 其他许多发展中国家的情况也同样糟糕。 医院除了缺乏承载力之外，大多数医院在个人防护装备、药品和其他关键用品方面几乎或根本没有生产能力。 虽然发达经济体和国际机构正在协调对发展中国家的财政支持和债务减免，但基本物资短缺问题尚未得到解决。 更糟糕的是，至少75个国家的政府限制或者禁止医疗用品出口，促使进口国转向投资国内生产。 这已经导致了一种恶性循环，出口限制鼓励进口限制，反之亦然。 在正常情况下，市场会有效地配置这些资源，价格上涨会导致需求减少、供应增加。 但这在全球危机中是不可能发生的，而且，仅仅为发展中国家和新兴市场提供融资也没有帮助。 新的资金将使这些国家能够在全球市场的供应中竞标，但其结果将推高价格。 最终，由于个人防护装备和其他产品的短期供应缺乏弹性，富裕国家将排挤穷人。 如果把疫苗的分销留给市场，将会有一场更加激烈的竞购战。 如果没有某种配置机制，最初的需求将远远超过供给，价格将暴涨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Constrained Choice NEWPORT BEACH – The conventional wisdom about the November presidential election in the United States is only partly correct. Yes, economic issues will play a large role in determining the outcome. But the next step in the argument – that the winner of an increasingly ugly contest will have the luxury of pursuing significantly different policies from his opponent – is much more uncertain. By the time the next presidential term starts in January 2013, and contrary to the current narratives advanced by the Obama and Romney campaigns, the incumbent will find himself with limited room for maneuver on economic policy. Indeed, the potential differences for America are elsewhere, and have yet to be adequately understood by voters. They center on the social policies that would accompany a broadly similar set of economic measures; and, here, the differences between the candidates are consequential. Whoever wins will face an economy growing at a sluggish 2% or less next year, with a nagging risk of stalling completely. Unemployment will still be far too high, and almost half of it will be hard-to-solve, long-term joblessness – and even more if we count (as we should) the millions of Americans who have dropped out of the labor force. The financial side of the economy will also be a source of concern. The fiscal deficit will continue to flirt with the 10%-of-GDP level, adding to worries about the country’s medium-term debt dynamics. The banking sector will still be “de-risking,” limiting the flow of credit to small and medium-size companies and undermining hiring and investment in plant and equipment. And the household sector will be only partly through its painful de-leveraging phase. The policy front will be equally unsettling. Having dithered and bickered for too long, the US Congress will find it increasingly difficult to postpone action on these challenges. Meanwhile, the Federal Reserve’s unusual activism, including an ever-expanding list of experimental measures, will yield fewer benefits and entail growing costs and risks. The US economy will also be operating in a more difficult global environment. In the next few months, Europe’s debt crisis will most likely worsen.", "zh": "约束重重的美国选择 纽波特海滩—关于11月的美国总统大选，传统智慧只能说是部分正确。 是的，经济问题将在结果决定中起到很大作用。 但下一个阶段 — — 在日趋丑陋的竞赛中获胜的那一方是否拥有采取与其对手截然不同的政策的奢侈 — — 的不确定性要大得多。 新总统的任期将从2013年1月开始，与目前奥巴马和罗姆尼竞争口号中所描述的情形相反，上台者将会发现没有多少空间可以用于调整经济政策。 事实上，美国的潜在分歧随处可见，选民们对此并没有充分的认识。 他们将注意力集中在伴随着范围甚广的类似经济政策的社会政策上；而在这方面，候选人之间的分歧将产生重大后果。 不管谁当选，都将在明年面临经济增长只有2%的局面，并伴随着完全停滞的风险。 失业率仍处于过高的水平，大约有一半的失业者是难以找到工作的长期失业者 — — 要是我们把退出劳动力市场的美国人也算上的话（理应如此）这个比例还会更高。 经济的财政面也值得担忧。 财政赤字将继续在10%GDP的水平上徘徊，令人对美国中期债务动态愈加担心了。 银行部门仍在“去风险 ” ， 因此限制了流向中小企业、提振招聘和产房设备投资所必须的信贷流。 而家庭部门痛苦的去杠杆化阶段也只进行了一半。 政策面也同样令人不安。 在犹豫和扯皮了太久之后，美国国会将发现，不能在拖延应对这些挑战的措施了。 与此同时，美联储翻唱的激进主义 — — 包括不断延长的“摸石头过河”措施清单 — — 收效将越来越少，而成本与风险将越来越大。 美国经济运行的全球环境也越来越困难。 在未来几个月中，欧洲债务危机极有可能会继续恶化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "开场25分钟，伊图尔韦膝盖扭伤，弗洛伦齐替补出场。第37分钟，麦孔造越位失误，AC米兰租给恩波利的萨波纳拉被马诺拉斯放倒，马诺拉斯被红牌罚下。马卡罗内主罚点球命中，1比0。加西亚只得用阿斯托里换下托蒂，保持后防线完整。上半时补时阶段，萨波纳拉被判手球，吃到第2张黄牌下场，他争辩自己是肩部触球，但已无济于事。慢镜也无法确认他是否手球。下半时又出现手球争议，球打在恩波利中场克罗切的脸上，主裁鲁索却黄牌警告其手球。罗马第57分钟追平，皮亚尼奇禁区边缘背身斜敲，麦孔右侧距门10米处左脚弧线球入远角，1比1。第62分钟，皮亚尼奇右侧开出角球，阿斯托里头球击中横梁！场上火药味越来越浓。第66分钟，恩波利后卫鲁伊投诉皮亚尼奇无球状态下击打其肋部，但没有裁判看到，慢镜也都是远镜头，恩波利主帅萨里发泄不满，反被请上看台。", "en": "In the first 25 minutes, itulvei sprained his knee and Florence came on as a substitute. In the 37th minute, Maicon made an offside error. Saponara rented by AC Milan to Empoli was put down by manoras, who was sent off by a red card. Makarone hit a penalty kick, 1-0. Garcia had to replace Totti with Astori to keep the defence intact. In the first half of stoppage time, saponara was sentenced to handball and got his second yellow card. He argued that he touched the ball on his shoulder, but it was useless. Slow mirror can't confirm whether he's handball or not. In the second half, there was a handball dispute. The ball hit Empoli midfielder Croce's face, but referee Russo warned him of handball by yellow card. Rome tied in the 57th minute, pianci knocked obliquely on the edge of the restricted area, and Maicon's left foot curled the ball into the far corner 10 meters from the door, 1-1. In the 62nd minute, pianci opened a corner on the right and Astori header hit the crossbar! The smell of gunpowder is getting stronger and stronger on the field. In the 66th minute, Empoli rear guard Rui complained that pianicki hit his rib without the ball, but the referee didn't see it. The slow mirrors were also far shots. Empoli coach Suri vented his dissatisfaction and was invited to the stands."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "Perseus"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, preparatory committees (PrepComs) should be convened around the world to consider and advance global governance innovations in peace, security, and humanitarian action; sustainable development and COVID-19 recovery; human rights, inclusive governance, and the rule of law; and climate governance. They should also consider how to promote integrated, system-wide reforms based on the ideas that emerge. Second, building on the far-reaching UN75 Global Conversation dialogues and surveys, global and regional Peoples’ Forums and E-Dialogues should be established to increase global public awareness and channel civil-society perspectives into the PrepComs and summit. Third, a High-Level Advisory Board (comprising public intellectuals and former heads of state) and a related series of UN ambassador-expert roundtables should be created to channel additional ideas into the PrepComs about how to strengthen the global governance system’s capacity to address major current and future threats. Lastly, the 2023 summit must be preceded by broad agreement that its outcome document will emphasize select, concrete, time-bound, and measurable reform commitments to aid near-term and longer-run results that are, at the very least, as ambitious as the 2005 (UN60) Outcome document. These ideas and related proposals for global governance innovation are elaborated in the recent Stimson Center report Beyond UN75: A Roadmap for Inclusive, Networked, & Effective Global Governance. Combined with Our Common Agenda and countless good ideas advanced by past commissions, scholars, and advocacy organizations, they can help rebuild the trust and regenerate the solidarity needed to restore and strengthen people’s confidence in their multilateral institutions. Now it’s time to get to work.", "zh": "首先，应在世界各地召开筹备委员会会议来审议并推动和平、安全和人道主义行动方面的全球治理创新；可持续发展和新冠疫情复苏；人权、包容性治理和法治；还有气候治理。 该委员会还应考虑如何根据新近涌现的理念去促进整合性的全系统改革。 第二，在影响深远的联合国成立75周年全球对话和调查的基础上，应建立全球和区域人民论坛（Peoples’ Forum）和在线对话（E-Dialogue）以提高全球公众意识，并将公民社会的观点纳入筹备委员会和首脑会议。 第三，应建立一个（由公共知识分子和前国家元首组成的）高级别咨询委员会和一系列相关的联合国大使-专家圆桌会议以便向筹备委员会传递更多关于如何加强全球治理体系以应对当前及未来重大威胁的理念。 最后，在2023年峰会之前必须达成广泛的共识，即其最终形成的文件将强调特定、具体、有时限性且可衡量的改革承诺以协助取得近期和长期成果，而至少要展现出像2005年（联合国成立60周年）成果文件那样的雄心。 这些理念以及围绕全球治理创新的各类相关建议已经在史汀生中心最近发布的报告《超越联合国75周年：一份实现包容性，网络化和有效全球治理的路线图》中进行了阐述。 与《我们的共同议程》以及以往各类委员会、学者和倡导组织提出的无数好主意相结合，它们可以帮助重建信任并重新产生必要的团结以恢复和加强人们对多边机构的信任。 那么现在就让我们行动起来 ！ 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this process, coal – the most polluting energy source – must be the first to go, exiting the global energy mix entirely by 2030-2035. This will be particularly challenging for Germany, which, despite its reputation as a climate leader, has long had a dirty secret: the most polluting type of coal – lignite – remains the country’s single biggest source of electricity. Although renewables have penetrated 40% of the electricity market, coal still accounts for 38%. A decision to phase out nuclear power, spurred by the 2011 Fukushima disaster, left Germany with a significant energy gap, filled partly by coal. Germany has built ten new coal-fired power plants since 2011, bringing its total to about 120. As a result, it is set to miss its 2020 emissions goal (a 40% reduction, compared to 1990), and, barring decisive action, it could miss its 2030 target (a 55% reduction) as well. The coal commission’s plan – which still needs to be turned into legislation by Chancellor Angela Merkel and the Bundestag – would reduce Germany’s coal emissions from 42 gigawatts today to 30 GW by 2022, and to 17 GW by 2030. This is a cut of more than 50% over one decade, making it even more ambitious than the carbon law trajectory – but only if coal is not replaced by natural gas. Indeed, if the coal phase-out is going to work, it will need to happen alongside a rising carbon price. In any case, 2038 is still a long way off.", "zh": "在这一过程中，煤炭 — — 最具污染性的能源来源 — — 必须首先消除，到2030—2035年推出全球能源组合。 这一挑战对于德国来说尤其艰巨，尽管德国已是气候领导者，但始终有一个肮脏的秘密：煤炭中污染性最高的类型 — — 褐煤仍是德国最大的电力来源。 尽管可再生能源已占电力市场的40 % ， 但煤炭也仍有38%的份额。 2011年福岛灾难后，德国决定逐步退出核电，这让它面临巨大的能源缺口，其中给一部分由煤炭填补。 2011年以来，德国新建了十座燃煤电厂，总数达到了120家左右。 结果，它将无法实现2020年排放目标（较1990年减排40 % ） ，并且因为阻挠了决定性措施，2030年目标（减排55 % ） 也极有可能错失。 煤炭委员会的计划 — — 仍需要经过总理默克尔和德国联邦议院才能变成立法 — — 将在2022年让德国煤炭排放量从今天420亿瓦下降到300亿瓦，到2030年下降到170亿瓦，即在十年中下降50%以上，比碳法则还要雄心勃勃 — — 只是不能用天然气代替煤炭。 事实上，煤炭退出计划想要起效，必须提高碳价。 无论如何，2038年还很遥远。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There are perhaps three reasons. First, the EU needs to focus on Pakistan because terrorists in Pakistan focus on the EU. In its 2009 intelligence assessment (the TE-SAT Terrorism Situation and Trend Report), Europol concluded that “Pakistan [has] replaced Iraq as preferred destinations for volunteers wishing to engage in armed conflict.” A senior EU official spelled out what this means: there had been “many cases in the recent past where either Pakistanis were coming to Europe or young EU citizens were going to Pakistan for training and being brainwashed.” An effective Pakistan policy would depend in part on changing US policy. But, in order to be taken seriously by the US, the EU needs to bring well-developed, well-resourced policies to the table, rather than 27 half-baked ideas. So a second reason for revamping the EU’s Pakistan policy is to be able to help shape US policy rather than be a passive by-stander. The third reason is that, despite its aid and effort, the US is unlikely to be able to meet its aims alone. The US made Pakistan a top-priority Cold War ally. As a result, many unsavory aspects of Pakistan’s conduct went unchallenged by America, while its military and intelligence services were handsomely resourced. This nurtured two types of anti-US sentiment.", "zh": "欧盟的介入可以归结为如下三个原因：第一，欧盟关注巴基斯坦是因为巴基斯坦境内的恐怖分子看上了欧盟。 在欧盟2009年的情报评估（TE-SAT报告，即《恐怖主义现状及趋势报告 》 ） 中，欧盟的政治家得出了这样的结论 ， “ 巴基斯坦已经取代伊拉克成为渴望介入军事冲突的志愿者的理想集散地 。 ” 欧盟一位高级官员解释其中的含义说 ： “ 在最近一段时间，有很多案例显示要么是巴基斯坦人潜入欧洲，要么是欧盟公民奔赴巴基斯坦参加培训并被洗脑 。 ” 一个有效的巴基斯坦政策在某些程度上依赖于改变美国的政策。 但是，为了赢得美国的重视，欧盟需要拿出设计完善而且资源配置合理的方案，而不是随随便便地提出27条不成熟的想法。 因此，修改欧盟的巴基斯坦政策的第二个原因是为了能够主动协助美国制定相应的政策，而不是单纯袖手旁观。 第三个原因是，尽管给与了大规模的援助，也做出了相当的努力，但美国无法单独实现它的目标。 美国把巴基斯坦视为首要的冷战盟友。 结果是巴基斯坦军事和情报机构获得获得了美国的慷慨支持，而美国却只能任由巴基斯坦的许多恶劣行径继续下去而无可奈何。 这就培植出两种反美情绪。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "打就打吧，我谨慎的站到他们对面，两位老师开始发动了他们的魔法进攻，和昨天一样，都是些中级魔法，但由于他们的魔法控制和魔法强度都非常高，所以昨天我抵挡的非常辛苦。 迪老师一个光斩劈了过来，我迅速的闪开，可震老师的一个小次元斩早就等在了一旁，我想到‘避开锋锐，从侧面迎击’这句话，心中一动，并没有用魔法去抵挡，给自己施加了一个防御魔法，然后用斗气冲向地面，身体顿时改变方向向上飞了出去，躲过了第一下攻击。 我还有斗气啊，怎么忘了，我将斗气和光元素在手臂上融合着，这中斗气和魔法结合的能量虽然威力强大但凝聚的速度却慢了些。 我用斗气和短距离瞬间转移相结合，象一条游鱼一样在两位老师的魔法缝隙中东躲西藏，震老师一边发着魔法一边说道：“短距离瞬间转移用的不错，小心了，我们要用大魔法了。”", "en": "Alright! Let’s just fight! I obediently stood in front of them. The two teachers started to cast their offensive spells. ‘ It is just intermediate magic spells like yesterday, but their magic control and power is really strong which gave me a hard time countering their spells.’ Teacher Di cast a Light Severing Sword at me. I quickly avoided the spell, but the small Dimensional Slash from Teacher Zhen was anticipating my dodge. I thought about the statement ‘Avoid fighting head on and strike when there is opportunity’ and didn’t use a magic spell to counter. I just used a protection spell on myself before using Dou Qi to push back toward the ground. My body started to levitate, which allowed me to avoid the attack. ‘That’s right! I still have Dou Qi! How can I forget about that?’ I fused the Dou Qi and light elements on my arm. Even though this fused magic spell is really strong, the gathering speed is a little slow. I used Dou Qi and short distance teleport consecutively. I seemed like a fish that avoided the two teachers’ attacks by shifting here and there into the gaps between their spells. As Teacher Zhen cast his spell, he said, “Your usage of the short distance teleport is good. Be careful, we’ll be using advanced magic next!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In China, however, national policy shapes business models, most obviously in the case of the SOEs. That creates conflicts of interest, with the government struggling to balance the imperatives of growth, employment, efficiency, and social stability. In some parts of China, supply-side structural problems are being addressed on the micro level. In the cities of Foshan and Shenzhen in Guangdong province, the private sector and local governments are dealing relatively effectively with such issues. And, tellingly, they have performed significantly better than the rest of the country. In the first half of this year, Guangdong’s GDP grew by 7.4%, compared to the 6.7% national rate. Private fixed-capital investment in the province grew by 19.6%, compared to the 2.8% economy-wide figure. This provides important insight into the approach that China’s leaders must take to addressing supply-side structural problems throughout the country. Just as increased bureaucratic efficiency is important to harness market forces more effectively, micro-level market incentives are needed to sustain healthy growth. For a country that has long relied on state control over the economy, this complicates matters significantly. Not only are there considerable differences in how markets work in different regions and sectors; the interaction between the state and these markets will undergo major changes. That can create far-reaching ambiguity, leading to tensions and confusion among officials, scholars, businesspeople, and the public. This issue was evident in the hostile takeover of China’s top real-estate developer, Vanke.", "zh": "但是，在中国，国家层面的政策对商业模式及市场监管影响巨大，最显而易见的例子就是国有企业。 这造成了许多利益冲突，导致政府难以同时平衡增长、就业、效率和社会稳定等多重使命。 在中国的部分地区，供给侧结构问题正在微观层面被不断解决。 例如，在广东省佛山市和深圳市，民营部门和地方政府正在相对有效地处理这些问题。 结果，他们的业绩比其他地区要好得多，这很能说明问题。 今年上半年，广东省GDP增长7.4 % ， 而全国为6.7 % 。 广东民营固定资产投资增长19.6 % ， 而全国为2.8 % 。 广东的经验对于中国决策层应该采取什么策略来解决全国各地的供给侧结构问题提供了重要启示。 正如提高官僚效率对于更有效地引导市场力量至关重要，微观层面的市场激励对于维持健康的经济增长也是必不可少的。 对于一个长期依赖中央政府管控经济的国家，政府与市场的关系极其复杂。 不但市场在不同地区和部门的运行状况大相径庭，政府与市场的互动也会经历重大变化。 这可能导致影响深远的政策模糊，导致官员、学者、企业家和公众的紧张和误解。 对中国顶级房地产开发商万科公司的敌意收购很能说明这一问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Trade Cure for the Global Economy HONG KONG – The COVID-19 pandemic has sent the world into perilous, uncharted territory from which no country will emerge unscathed. Over half of the global population is under some form of lockdown. All economies, rich and poor, are falling into recession and can limit the fallout only by working together. China – the pandemic’s first epicenter – offers insight into the need to work together. The months-long lockdown of Hubei province, together with strict movement restrictions across the country, caused a nearly 40% drop in year-on-year industrial profits in January and February. Factories began to reopen in March, but have faced order cancellations, postponements, and payment delays, as overseas buyers struggle to cope with the pandemic’s effects. So, even as public health is recovering, the speed of China’s economic recovery will depend at least partly on the rest of the world. Given how deeply interconnected the global economy is, this will be true for every country: even as the pandemic is controlled at home, disruptions elsewhere in the world – and, potentially, additional waves of outbreaks – will impede recovery. Global supply chains tell a similar story. Even before the pandemic, supply chains were absorbing the impact of two years of trade disputes between China and the United States. Now, they are dealing with a combination of production stoppages, transportation disruptions, and plummeting global demand. The World Trade Organization estimates that global trade may fall by as much as 32% this year. Meanwhile, unemployment is skyrocketing in many economies: in the last four weeks, a record 22 million unemployment claims have been filed in the US alone. It is high time we recognized how irrevocably connected and interdependent the world has become. No country can win on its own, despite what some may think. As the world confronts a severe recession and humanitarian catastrophe, nationalist political posturing is the last thing anyone needs. The only way to minimize the pandemic’s fallout is with solidarity: to protect their own people, national governments must collaborate to develop solutions that benefit all people.", "zh": "新冠肺炎疫情过后的国际贸易 香港–新型冠状病毒(COVID-19)大流行使世界陷入一个完全未知的危险境地，没有一国能独善其身。 全球一半以上的人口处于某种形式的封锁措施之下。 全球经济体，不论贫富，将陷入衰退，各国必须同心合力才能够减低疫情带来的负面影响。 中国作为新冠大流行的第一个中心，为全球携手抗疫提供了见解。 湖北省长达两个多月的封城，加上全国范围内严格的交通限制，导致一月至二月期间全国工业企业利润下降近40 % 。 纵使三月初工厂开始复工复产，但由于外国买家受疫情影响，厂方现需应对订单取消、延期以及付款延迟等问题。 因此，即使国内公共卫生状况正逐步恢复，中国经济复苏的速度某程度上仍然取决于世界其 他地区。 全球经济环环相扣，对任何一个国家而言，即使疫情在国内已经受到控制，世界其 他地方的疫情爆发也会阻碍其经济复苏。 全球供应链也有类似的故事。 在新冠疫情大流行之前，供应链仍在应对中美两国之间长达两 年多的贸易争端所带来的影响。 当前，疫情的爆发令企业面临着停产、运输中断和全球需求 骤降等问题。 世界贸易组织预测今年的全球商品贸易量可能下降多达32 % ( 连结 ) 。 与此同时，多个经济体的失业率急剧上升：仅仅在美国，过去四周就有2,200 万人申请失业救济金(连结 ) ， 超过历史上任何时期。 我们应该清楚意识到世界各国紧密相连和相互依存，此格局不能逆转。 尽管有些人的想法可 能不同，但任何国家都不能单凭自身取胜。 全球正面临严重的经济衰退和人道主义灾难，具政治色彩的保护主义并非我们现时所需的政治姿态。 要把新冠大流行的影响减至最低，唯一的方法是团结一致：为了保护自己的人民，各国政府 必须互相合作，制定令所有人受惠的方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With Romney the Republican Party’s presumptive nominee for the 2012 presidential election, few Republicans would be able to vote against what was their candidate’s signature legislative initiative as governor. Thus, the US Congress, it was supposed, would enact the ACA with healthy and bipartisan majorities, and Obama would demonstrate that he could transcend Washington’s partisan gridlock. We know how that worked out. Not a single Republican voted for the Affordable Care Act in the House of Representatives. One Republican senator – Olympia Snowe of Maine – voted for it in committee, but then switched sides, threatened to kill it via filibuster, and voted against its final passage. As for Romney, he refused to recognize any kinship between his bill and the ACA – sort of like when he refused to recognize details surrounding the participation in the 2012 Olympics of a Dressage horse that he owned, But now January 1, 2014 is looming, and the Affordable Care Act is about to be implemented – but perhaps not everywhere. In the south and other Republican-controlled regions, legislators have refused to answer constituents’ questions about how to negotiate the new, changed bureaucracy. They have also refused the federal dollars earmarked to expand their state-level Medicaid programs. And they have refused to lift a finger to establish the “exchanges” that are supposed to give individuals and small businesses the same access to health insurance at competitive prices that employees of large businesses get via their companies’ benefits departments.", "zh": "当时罗姆尼是共和党推定的2012年总统选举候选人，因此共和党无法投票反对本方候选人在州长任上签署的立法中的内容。 因此，不出所料的话，美国国会将以稳健的两党多数通过ACA，奥巴马将证明他可以克服华盛顿的党派藩篱。 结果我们都知道了。 在众议院，没有一个共和党投票赞成平价医疗法案。 一位共和党参议员 — — 缅因州的斯诺威（Olympia Snowe）在委员会中投票赞成，但随后反悔，威胁要以冗长演说扼杀这一法案，并投票反对它的最后通过。 至于罗姆尼，他拒绝承认他的法案和ACA之间有任何关系 — — 正如他拒绝承认关于他是一匹2012年奥运会马术盛装舞步比赛参赛马匹主人的细节。 但如今，2014年1月1日日益临近，平价医疗法案也即将实施 — — 但可能并非全国各地。 在南方和其他共和党控制的地区，立法者拒绝回答选民关于如何绕过新的改变了的官僚主义的问题。 他们也拒绝了可用于扩大其州级医疗补助（Medicaid）计划的联邦资金。 他们��拒绝花费举手之劳建立可以让个人和小企业通过公司福利部门以极具竞争力的价格获得大企业雇员同样的健康保险的“交换 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As high as that number may sound, it is actually rather small compared to the unconventional measures enacted by the US Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank in recent weeks, not to mention the asset purchases made by all G7 central banks in March alone. SDRs represent a potential claim on the IMF’s usable currencies and are allocated to sovereign member countries through their fiscal agents – typically, national central banks – in proportion to their respective shares (or “quotas”) in the institution’s capital base. With 3.17% of the IMF’s capital base, Italy would be eligible to receive $43 billion from a $1.37 trillion issue. For context, that figure is higher than the resource envelope that the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) would be lending to Italy through a formal rescue program. Contrary to what was expected at their inception in 1969, SDRs have played a very limited role in the international monetary system. All told, SDRs have been used only four times, most recently in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when the IMF issued approximately $250 billion worth. As a result, SDRs in recent years have accounted for no more than 3% of world non-gold monetary reserves. There is some uncertainty about how a new issue of SDRs would be used to mobilize additional finance and narrow the widening funding gap generated by the pandemic. We propose a simple scheme in which a country would stow its allocation as “equity” in an emergency vehicle, thereby avoiding the need to accrue higher net liabilities on its treasury’s balance sheet. Through the “equity” conferred to the vehicle, the sovereign borrower (the Italian government, in our example) would then attract further capital through bond issuances. Assuming a very conservative financial leverage ratio of one-to-five, this would increase Italy’s overall financial capacity from $43 billion to $215 billion – a figure that is close to the entire lending capacity earmarked to the ESM for fighting the pandemic. Moreover, this additional capacity would be unencumbered by the typical forms of conditionality that multilateral lenders impose on borrowing countries. To be sure, in the current climate of uncertainty, investors may be hesitant to subscribe to the vehicle’s issuance.", "zh": "尽管这个金额听起来或许相当庞大，但与美联储和欧洲央行近几周所采取的非常规措施相比其实很小，更无法跟七国集团全体央行在3月时购买的资产总额相提并论了。 特别提款权代表着一种对国际货币基金组织可用货币的潜在领取权，并可以依照各主权成员国在该机构基础资本中的所占份额（或“配额 ” ） 按比例分配给其财政代理机构（通常是国家中央银行 ） 。 举个例子，意大利拥有3.17％的国际货币基金组织基础资本份额，因此有资格从新发行的1.37万亿美元特别提款权中获得430亿美元资金。 作为参照，该金额将高于欧洲稳定机制计划通过一项正式救援方案向意大利提供的资源总额。 与特别提款权于1969年设立时的预期相反，该资产在国际货币体系中的作用极为有限，那么多年来总共也就动用过四次 — — 最近一次是国际货币基金组织为应对2008年金融危机所发行的约2500亿美元份额。 因此近几年间特别提款权占世界非黄金货币储备总值的比率还不到3 ％ 。 但目前在如何使用新一期特别提款权来筹集更多资金并弥补被疫情拉大的资金缺口方面还存在一些不确定之处。 为此我们建议实施一种简单的细化方案，在该方案中一个国家可以将其配额作为一项应急工具中的“权益 ” ， 从而避免在国库资产负债表上增添更多的净负债。 借助那些被授予上述工具的“权益 ” ， 主权借款人（以意大利政府为例）可以随后通过发行债券来吸引更多资本。 而如果将金融杠杆比率设定在非常保守的1：5上，就能让意大利的整体财务能力从430亿美元增加到2150亿美元，这一数字接近欧洲稳定机制专门为抗击疫情设定的贷款总额。 此外这种额外增加的能力也不会被多边贷方强加给借款国的典型条款所制肘。 无可否认，在当前这种不确定环境下投资者可能会在认购该工具债券方面有所保留。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Leisure Trap Black Friday in the United States traditionally is the day after Thanksgiving that signals the start of the holiday season sale. At daybreak, people line up before department stores to get the special “early bird” bargains. In Europe, black Saturday falls in the last weekend of July, when the French and other Europeans set off in droves for their Mediterranean holiday destinations, and highways get jammed with traffic. This contrast could serve as a metaphor for the difference in lifestyles on either side of the Atlantic. Americans work more hours per week and have less vacation time, but they have more money to spend. Not only does a higher percentage of American adults work, but they also work more hours per week and more weeks per year. In 2004, the French worked 28% fewer hours per person than Americans, and the Germans and Dutch each put in 25% fewer hours, and the money they earned was correspondingly lower—almost 30% less income per person than Americans received. According to the MIT economist Olivier Blanchard, Europeans simply enjoy leisure more than Americans do, even if it means that they have less money. In his view, this difference in attitude explains the income gap between Europe and the US. But not everybody agrees with Blanchard. Some economists point out that high tax rates in Europe make work less rewarding – and thus leisure more attractive. Other economists see Europe’s powerful labor unions as an important determinant in European attitudes towards work. After all, employees do not negotiate individually the length of the workweek. During past economic downturns, labor unions in Europe negotiated a reduced workweek or more vacation time with no reduction in wages. Moreover, Blanchard fails to note that the preference for leisure is not gender-neutral. The transatlantic difference in hours worked can be explained in part by comparing the labor input of European women to the input of American women. While American women work 36 hours per week on average, Dutch women put in only 24 hours per week, while German women work 30 hours. French women with a job work on average 34 hours per week, but the percentage of women who work outside the home in France is almost 20% lower than in the US. Are European females that much lazier than American females?", "zh": "欧洲的休闲陷阱 在传统上，美国的黑色星期五是感恩节的第二天。 这一天标志着节日季节大减价的开始。 天亮的时候，人们在百货公司前排起长队来抢购“先来先得”降价商品。 在欧洲，黑色星期六是七月份的最后一个周末。 那时，法国和其他欧洲各国的人们成群结队地前往地中海假日目的地，高速公路上都在堵车。 这一比较可以作为大西洋两岸生活方式区别的象征。 美国人每周工作时间更长，休假时间更短，但是他们有更多的钱可以花。 不仅美国成年人工作的比例更高，而且他们也每周工作更长，每年工作更多的星期。 2004年，法国人比美国人人均工作时间少28 ％ ， 德国人和荷兰人少25 ％ ， 而他们挣的钱也就相应比美国人少。 他们的人均收入几乎要比美国人低30 ％ 。 麻省理工大学经济学家布兰查德认为，欧洲人比美国人更为享受休闲时光，即使这意味着他们收入更少。 根据他的观点，这一态度上的差异解释了欧洲和美国之间的收入差距。 但是并非所有人都同意布兰查德的观点。 有些经济学家指出，欧洲的高税率使得工作报酬降低而休闲则更为吸引人。 其他经济学家认为，欧洲强大的工会势力是欧洲人对待工作态度的一项重要决定因素。 毕竟，雇员们并不单个地谈判工作周的长度。 在以往的经济衰退中，欧洲的工会谈判达成了缩短工作时间或者在不减薪的情况下更多的休假时间。 而且，布兰查德没有注意到喜爱休闲有性别差异。 大洋两岸工作时间的差异有一部分可以通过比较欧洲妇女和美国妇女的工作量来解释。 美国妇女平均工作36个小时，荷兰是24个小时，而德国则为30小时。 法国有工作的妇女每周平均工作34个小时，但是，法国离家工作的妇女的比例比美国要低几乎20 ％ 。 是否欧洲妇女比美国要懒惰呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Higher and faster-growing wages should make employment more attractive, so it is reasonable to expect workforce participation rates – particularly for prime-age workers – to be higher than they were before the pandemic. So, why aren’t they? The pandemic could still be part of the reason. According to my calculations using data from the US Census Bureau, 7.3 million people say they are not working because they are caring for someone with COVID-19 symptoms; concerned about getting the disease; or laid off, furloughed, or subject to temporary workplace closures due to COVID-19. Moreover, owing to various stimulus laws passed earlier in the pandemic, US households still have more than $2 trillion in excess savings on their balance sheets, which could be keeping some people on the sidelines. And because some childcare centers still have rather draconian rules that require children to quarantine after any COVID-19 exposure, some parents may be unable to get back to work. But as the months continue to tick off the calendar, these explanations are becoming less persuasive, and the post-pandemic decline in workforce participation is starting to look more like part of a longer-term trend toward joblessness. In July 1952, around 97% of men between the ages of 25 and 54 were participating in the US workforce. Last month, that share had fallen to around 88%. The drop has been steady over time, with the participation rate recovering somewhat during expansions, but seldom returning to its previous peak.", "zh": "更高和增长更快的工资增长应该会使就业更具吸引力，因此可以合理的预期是劳动力参与率 — — 尤其是壮年工人 — — 将高于疫情之前的水平。 那么，为什么没有呢？ 疫情仍然可能是部分原因。 根据我用美国人口普查局数据的计算，有 730 万人说他们没有工作是因为他们正在照顾有新冠症状的人；担心染上新冠；或因 新冠而被解雇、休假或临时关闭了工作场所。 此外，由于疫情早期通过的各种刺激法案，美国家庭的资产负债表上仍有超过 2 万亿美元的超额储蓄，这可能使一些人处于观望状态。 而且由于一些托儿中心仍然有相当严厉的规定，要求孩子染上新冠必须进行隔离，因此一些父母可能无法重返工作岗位。 但随着时间的推移，这些解释的说服力越来越小，疫情后劳动力参与率下降开始看起来更像是长期失业趋势的一部分。 1952 年 7 月，大约 97% 的 25 至 54 岁的男性参加了美国劳动力。 上个月，这一比例已降至 88% 左右。 这一下降趋势一直保持稳定，参与率在扩张期间会有所恢复，但很少回到之前的峰值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And to do that, we need the right information and incentives. In short, we need more carrots, rather than just sticks. Make no mistake: a data-sharing requirement is essentially a stick. So is replication, the other most commonly cited argument in favor of data sharing. Of course, replicating studies is crucial, and science is now plagued by a reproducibility crisis. But, in a 2016 survey of 4,600 researchers, only 31% of researchers who shared data said they were motivated by “transparency and re-use.” Major reasons why researchers hesitate to share their data, according to the same survey, include intellectual property or confidentiality issues, fears about misinterpretation or misuse of their work, or concerns that their research would be scooped. Given the “publish or perish” model that defines academic careers, and the competitive funding environment for all scientists, individuals benefit more from “owning” the data underlying their publications than from sharing their work. It is time to shift the cultural conversation about data sharing from what researchers might “lose” to what they stand to gain – beginning with credit. The good news is that data journals where researchers can publish their datasets are already gaining traction. The number of citations in three of the largest open-access journals (Data in Brief, Biodiversity Data Journal, and Scientific Data) jumped from three in 2012 to 1,028 in 2016. Another “carrot” is that data sharing maximizes return on investment for both researcher and donor.", "zh": "而要想实现这一目标，我们需要正确的信息和激励措施。 简言之，我们需要的不止是大棒，还有胡萝卜。 毫无疑问，数据共享要求实际属于强制措施。 另一种最常被引用的支持数据共享的理由“数据复制”也是。 当然，数据复制研究至关重要，目前再生性危机正在严重困扰着科学。 但在2016年对4，600名研究人员所进行的调查中，仅31%的研究人员称分享数据的动机是“透明度和重复使用率 ” 。 同一项调查显示，造成研究人员分享数据犹豫不决的主要原因包括知识产权或保密问题、他们担忧研究成果被误读或误用，或者担忧自己的研究成果会被窃取。 鉴于目前主导学术界的“出版或灭亡”模式以及所有科学家面临的竞争性出资环境 ， “ 拥有”而非分享论文背后的数据更能令个人受益。 是时候将数据分享文化的对话主题从从研究人员可能“失去”什么转移到他们可能得到什么 — — 就从声誉开始。 好消息是研究人员可以发布数据集的数据期刊已经越来越受欢迎。 三大公开查阅期刊（包括数据简介、生物多样性数据期刊和科学数据）的引用量已经从2012年的区区3次飙升至2016年的1028次。 另一根“胡萝卜”是数据共享能最大限度地提高研究人员和资助者的投资回报率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such a compromise would increase the EMU’s weight both inside and outside Europe. A Europe built around such a core corresponds to what I call a “Saturn model,” with a huge planet in the middle, surrounded by rings, converging sooner or later in the center. The outer circles are the transition countries, while the rings around the center would be EU countries that still refuse to join the EMU, or do not yet fulfill all the conditions, like Romania and Bulgaria, or eventually the western Balkan countries and Turkey. The Saturn model puts the present fierce debate on enlargement and the borders of Europe into a totally different context, because the core countries would no longer find themselves being asked to accept a Europe divided into different classes of member states. The positioning of EU countries on the rings around the core would be transitory, with the aim being to facilitate overall convergence. Given the impact of globalization and the direct challenge to the EU implied by competition from countries like China and India, the European economy needs to become more innovative. Economic and social reform policies throughout Europe would be strengthened if the EU authorities were able to coordinate them, and EU enlargement, together with the further development of its internal market of almost half a billion consumers, could powerfully stimulate economic activity. The accession of Spain and Portugal was a vivid example of that in the 1980’s, and it is an argument that should be considered with respect to such a populous country as Turkey. Europe has been unifying gradually for 50 years now, and we can reasonably look forward to further inter-continental cooperation and integration, not least because of scientific and technological developments. At the same time, we can expect a growing Atlantic community as successive rounds of trade liberalization make it easier to develop a free-trade area between the EU and the United States. Europe’s own experience has taught us that a customs union must be the first step, and that sooner or later the more intense economic cooperation that a customs union imposes will compel its members to establish an economic community that has all the characteristics of a unified internal market. But, of course, this can only function smoothly if exchange-rate fluctuations between its members’ currencies have been eliminated.", "zh": "这样的折衷方案可以增加欧洲经济货币联盟在欧洲以及欧洲以外地区的影响力。 建立在这样一个核心周围的欧洲符合我所说的“土星模式 ” ， 在这个模式中，在中间是一个巨大的行星，周围被环形环绕着，它们迟早会合而为一。 在模式的外围的是过渡时期的国家，与此同时，围绕在中心周围的环形是仍然拒绝加入欧洲经济货币联盟的欧盟国家，或者是像罗马尼亚和保加利亚这样尚未满足所有条件的国家，或者是最终的西巴尔干半岛国家和土耳其。 土星模式将当前关于欧盟扩大和欧洲边界的激烈争论置于一个完全不同的背景，因为核心国家将发现它们不再被要求接受一个被分裂成为不同类别的成员国的欧洲。 处于围绕着核心国家周围的环形上的欧盟国家是暂时的，其目的是推进完全的融合。 鉴于全球化以及诸如中国和印度这样的国家潜在的竞争导致的直接的挑战，欧洲经济需要变得更有创新精神。 如果欧盟官方能够协调遍及欧洲的经济和社会改革政策，这些政策会变得更有力，并且，欧盟的扩大以及几乎拥有5亿消费者的内部市场的进一步发展，可以强有力地刺激经济行为。 20世纪80年代西班牙和葡萄牙的加入就是一个生动的例子，它也是对土耳其这样一个人口众多的国家加入欧盟这个问题应该考虑观点。 现在，欧洲逐渐一体化已经50年了，我们有理由期望进一步的洲际合作和一体化，尤其是因为科学和技术发展的影响。 同时，我们可以期待一个成长中的大西洋共同体，因为后续的贸易自由化谈判使在欧盟和美国之间发展一个自由贸易区更加容易。 欧洲自己的经验告诉我们，关税联盟必须是发展自由贸易区的第一步，然后，关税联盟带来的更紧密的经济合作迟早会迫使其成员建立具有统一的内部市场一切特征的经济共同体。 但是，当然，这只有在其成员国之间的汇率波动被消除以后才能顺利运行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When his fantasy of becoming president came true, his narcissism acquired a pathological dimension. Indeed, he has transgressed the limits imposed on the presidency by the Constitution and has been impeached for it. At the same time, he has managed to gather a large number of followers who have bought into his alternative reality. This has turned his narcissism into a malignant disease. He has come to believe that he can impose his alternative reality not only on his followers but on reality itself. Trump’s counterpart, Xi, suffered a traumatic experience in his early youth. His father, one of the early leaders of the Communist Party of China, was expelled from the CPC, and Xi grew up in rural exile. Since that time, the goal of Xi’s leadership has been to reassert the Party’s dominance over Chinese life. He calls it the “Chinese Dream” of a “rejuvenated” China capable of projecting its power and influence throughout the world. To consolidate his leadership, Xi abolished a carefully developed system of collective leadership to become a dictator as soon as he had gained sufficient strength to do so. When it comes to their motivations, both men are completely different. Trump is willing to sacrifice US national interests for personal political or material gain, and he will do practically anything to win re-election in November. By contrast, Xi is eager to exploit Trump’s weaknesses and use artificial intelligence to achieve total control over his people. But Xi’s success is far from assured. One of China’s vulnerabilities is that it still depends on the US to supply it with the microprocessors it needs to dominate the 5G market and to fully implement the AI-powered social credit system that threatens open societies. Moreover, impersonal forces, such as demographics, are working against Xi. The one-child policy, in effect from 1979 until 2015, created a shortage of child-bearing women and young workers. The decline in the working-age population, together with a growing proportion of old people, is now relentless. The Belt and Road Initiative, Xi’s signature program to build infrastructure linking China to Europe and Africa, has required giving countries along the route large loans, some of which will never be repaid. China can ill afford this, because its budget deficit has increased and its trade surplus has diminished.", "zh": "当他的总统梦成为现实时他的自恋也发展到了病态的程度。 事实上他已经逾越了美国宪法对总统职位设定的限制并因此受到了弹劾。 但与此同时，他成功笼络了一大批对他所营造的另类情境情有独钟的追随者，使他的自恋发展成了一种恶疾。 特朗普开始相信自己不仅可以将这种另类情境强行灌输给那些追随者，甚至可以强加于现实本身。 而与特朗普同处高位的习近平则在青年时代经历过创伤。 他那作为中国共产党建党元老的父亲曾被开除党籍，作为儿子的习近平则在农村流放中长大。 从那时起，习近平的领导目标就为了重夺共产党在中国民众生活中的统治地位 — — 他将其称之为一个能在世界范围内投射自身力量和影响力的“复兴”国家的“中国梦 ” 。 为巩固其领导权力，习近平在积攒了足够的势力后就立即废除了精心设计的集体领导制，化身成为一名独裁者。 就动机而言，两人是截然不同的，特朗普甘愿为一己私利牺牲美国国家利益，并会动用一切手段争取在11月赢得连任。 相比之下，习近平则寄望于抓住特朗普的软肋，并利用人工智能技术对其国民实施全面控制。 然而习近平的成功还远未成定局。 中国的弱点之一就在于是它仍然要仰仗美国为其提供主导5G市场并全面推行威胁开放社会的人工智能型社会信用体系所需的各类微处理器。 此外，诸如人口构成等一系列客观趋势也对习近平不利。 从1979年一直执行到2015年的独生子女政策导致育龄女性和年轻劳动力短缺。 适龄劳动人口的下跌和老年人口的增长状况如今愈演愈烈。 而被习近平视为其明星工程，旨在构建基础设施联通中国和欧洲/非洲的“一带一路”计划则需要为沿线国家提供大量贷款 — — 其中一些注定永远无法得到偿还。 由于预算赤字增加而贸易顺差减少，中国无法承担这一切。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But developing economies that have suffered severely in the COVID-19 crisis and seen their development prospects stall might perceive such schemes as an extra burden imposed by the North. What should be done? At their February 19 virtual meeting, G7 leaders agreed to provide an additional $4 billion to shore up the international Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator and the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX) facility, which aims to ensure rapid, fair, and equitable provision of vaccines to people everywhere. This is a good start. But advanced economies should go further and offer the Global South a “solidarity package” encompassing vaccine distribution, debt relief, and climate goals, with the objective of securing fair and balanced efforts from all governments on all three fronts. Rich countries should recognize that, while they are negotiating over the transfer of hundreds of billions of dollars from North to South for climate action in the coming years, it would take only $10-20 billion to fund COVAX fully. In order to prevent the North-South divide from widening further, leaders should announce the first part of that package before the April 22 international climate summit hosted by Biden. The second part could be timed to coincide with the summit on financing African economies that French President Emmanuel Macron will convene in Paris on May 18. Rich countries therefore have an opportunity to provide developing economies with extra resources for both short-term vaccine procurement and long-term recovery.", "zh": "但发展中经济体在新冠疫情危机中遭受重创，发展前景停滞，它们可能将这类机制视为北方施加给自己的额外负担。 应该做什么？ 在2月19日的关键会议中，G7领导人同意增加40亿美元用于国际新冠疫苗获取加速计划和新冠疫苗全球获取（COVAX）便利，其旨在确保迅速、公正和平等地为世界各地人民提供疫苗。 这是一个良好的开端。 但发达经济体应该更进一步，为全球南方提供“团结包 ” ， 包括疫苗分配、债务缓解和气候目标，以确保所有三个方面的各国政府任务的公正平衡为主旨。 富裕国家应该认识到，他们正在谈判的问题是未来几年北方向南方转移支付数千亿美元用于气候行动，但为COVAX提供充足资金只需要100-200亿美元。 为防止南北进一步分裂，领导人应该在4月22日拜登主持的国际气候峰会前宣布团结包的第一部分。 第二部分的时间可以安排在与法国总统马克龙在5月18日在巴黎召开的非洲经济融资峰会同时进行。 因此，富裕国家有机会向发展中经济体提供更多资源用于短期疫苗采购和长期复苏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "董春华，男，1982 年10月生于江苏，目前为中国科学技术大学量子信息重点实验室特任研究员。 2002-2006年就读于中国科学技术大学物理系获理学学士，2006-2011年就读于中国科学技术大学物理系获理学博士学位，博士期间在美国圣路易斯大学进行交流访问半年。 博士毕业后，2011年7月至2013年6月在美国俄勒冈大学进行博士后研究，2013年入选中国科学技术大学的引进人才，回到中国科学技术大学负责微腔光学和腔机械振子方面的研究工作。 长期从事基于回音壁模式介质微腔的量子信息处理器的研究；在腔光力学、高品质因子微腔、微纳光学器件上多次取得重要突破。 代表性工作有：在国际上首次利用双光学模式与腔机械振子的相互耦合，实现了光机械暗态，完成了任意波长光子的相互转换；实验上提出在介质微腔表面覆盖聚合物薄膜，实现了对微腔的有效调制，提高光与物质的相互作用；首次利用光纤锥波导实现了与银纳米线的有效耦合，为建立基于表面等离子体的光学元件提供有效可行的方法。 曾在Science(1篇)、Nature Photonics1(1篇)，Nature Communications(2篇)、Optica(1篇)、Physical Review Letters(2篇)、Applied Physical Letters (5篇)、Optics Letters (4篇)等国际学术期刊发表论文60多篇，被SCI引用2000余次。", "en": "Chunhua Dong, male, was born in Jiangsu province in October 1982, and currently serves as the Specially-appointed Researcher of the Key Laboratory of Quantum Information, University of Science and Technology of China. From 2002 to 2006, he studied in the Department of Physics, University of Science and Technology of China and received a Bachelor of Science Degree. From 2006 to 2011, he studied at the Department of Physics, University of Science and Technology of China and received a Ph.D., during the period of which he worked as a Visiting Scholar at Saint Louis University for half a year. After graduating from the Ph.D., he did post-doctoral research at the University of Oregon in the U.S. from July 2011 to June 2013. In 2013, he was selected as an Introduced Talent of the University of Science and Technology of China, and returned to the University of Science and Technology of China to carry out the research of microcavity optics and cavity mechanical vibrators. He has long been engaged in the research of Quantum Information Processor Based on Whispering Gallery Mode Medium Microcavity and many important breakthroughs have been made in Cavity Optomechanics, High-Quality Factor Microcavities, and Micro-nano Optics. Representative Works: for the first time in the world, the mutual coupling between the dual optical mode and the cavity mechanical vibrator is used to realize the photomechanical dark state and complete the mutual conversion of photons of any wavelength. In the experiment, it is proposed to cover the surface of the dielectric microcavity with a polymer film, which realizes the effective modulation of the microcavity and improves the interaction between light and matter. For the first time, the optical fiber tapered waveguide is used to achieve effective coupling with silver nanowires, which provides an effective and feasible method for the establishment of surface plasmon-based optical components. Over 60 papers have been published on international academic journals including Science (1 dissertation), Nature Photonics1 (1 dissertation), Nature Communications (2 dissertations), Optical (1 dissertation), Physical Review Letters (2 dissertations), Applied Physical Letters (5 dissertations), Optics Letters (4 dissertations). And the total SCI citations exceeded 2000 times."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "引导产业链上下游合作，突破高端服务器和存储设备核心处理器、内存芯片和输入/输出（I/O）芯片等核心器件，构建完善高端服务器、存储设备等核心信息设备产业体系。研究神经元计算、量子计算等新型计算技术应用。支持发展低功耗低成本绿色计算产品，强化芯片、软件、系统与应用服务适配，开展绿色计算应用示范，丰富应用服务模式，推动绿色计算生态良性发展。创新绿色计算产业合作机制，搭建绿色计算产品创新公共服务平台，开发和完善绿色计算接口标准、应用规范与产品检测认证体系。加快高性能安全工业控制计算机以及可信计算、数据安全、网络安全等信息安全产品的研发与产业化。支持安全可靠工业控制计算机在电网、水利、能源、石化等国民经济重要领域的应用。开发高速光传输设备及大容量组网调度光传输设备，发展智能光网络和高速率、大容量、长距离光传输、光纤接入（FTTx）等技术和设备。积极推进5G、IPv6、SDN和NFV等下一代网络设备研发制造。", "en": "Guide the cooperation between the upstream and downstream of the industrial chain, break through the core devices such as high-end server and storage equipment core processors, memory chips, and input/output (I/O) chips, and build a complete high-end server, storage equipment, and other core information equipment industry system. Research new computing technologies such as neural computing and quantum computing. Support the development of low-power, low-cost, and green computing products, strengthen the compatibility of chips, software, systems, and application services, carry out green computing application demonstrations, enrich application service models, and promote the healthy development of the green computing ecosystem. Innovate the cooperation mechanism of the green computing industry, build a public service platform for innovative green computing products, develop and improve green computing interface standards, application specifications, and product testing and certification systems. Accelerate the research, development, and industrialization of high-performance secure industrial control computers, as well as information security products such as trusted computing, data security, and network security. Support the application of secure and reliable industrial control computers in important sectors of the national economy such as power grids, water conservancy, energy, and petrochemicals. Develop high-speed optical transmission equipment and large-capacity network scheduling optical transmission equipment, and develop intelligent optical networks and technologies and equipment such as high-speed, high-capacity, long-distance optical transmission and fiber-to-the-x (FTTx). Actively promote the research, development, and manufacturing of next-generation network devices such as 5G, IPv6, SDN, and NFV."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But five countries are very close: Norway, Russia, the United States, Canada, and Denmark (via Greenland, which will become independent in the coming years). Throughout most of human history, ice almost completely barred all navigation in the seas surrounding the North Pole, and the Arctic was asleep in a silent indifference. Everything has changed radically during the last three years. The International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has established that global warming is not uniform: whereas temperatures rose, on average, by 0.6°C in the twentieth century, the increase in the Arctic region was 2°. Some estimates suggest that about 20% of the world’s total oil reserves lie under the Arctic. In 2008, for the first time in human history, two navigation channels through the polar ice field – in the East along Siberia, and in the West along the Canadian islands – were open for a few months, allowing boats to go from Europe to Japan or California via the Bering Straits, rather than the Panama Canal or the Horn of Africa, thereby saving some 4,000 or 5,000 kilometers. Given global warming, this may now become a regular occurrence: thousands of ships will pass through the Arctic passages, emptying their fuel tanks and causing oil slicks and other forms of pollution. This poses a real threat to the Eskimo and Inuit populations, as well as to polar bears.", "zh": "但是，五个国家与之非常接近：挪威，俄罗斯，美国，加拿大和丹麦（中间隔着格陵兰岛，而格陵兰岛在未来几年内将独立 ） 。 人类历史的大部分历程中，严冰几乎让所有北极周围的海上航行完全不可能，北极在一片冷漠下沉睡着。 而在过去三年中，一切都发生了巨变。 国际气候变化问题小组委员会（ IPCC ）证实，全球变暖在各地并不是一致的：尽管20世纪中平均气温上升了 0.6 °C，但在北极地区则上升了2 °。 一些统计数字表明，约20 ％的世界石油储量在北极。 2008年，两个穿越极地冰川的航道，在人类历史上首次开通了几个月-东沿西伯利亚，西沿加拿大群岛-让船只通过白令海峡从欧洲到达日本或加利福尼亚州，而不是通过巴拿马运河或非洲好望角，从而少走了大约四千或五千公里。 由于全球变暖，这可能成为常态：成千上万的船只将通过北极航道，排空其油箱，造成浮油和其他形式的污染。 这将对爱斯基摩人和因纽特人以及北极熊构成真正的威胁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In low-income countries, the dominant diagnostic method is sputum microscopy, an outdated approach that fails to detect TB in about half of all infected patients, with an even lower success rate for young children and patients co-infected with HIV. Indeed, no more than one in ten children with TB is diagnosed by sputum microscopy. Moreover, for patients infected with multi-drug-resistant TB, treatment with the currently available drugs is successful only half the time, even under the best conditions. And the therapeutic process is tough, lasting at least two years and involving up to 14,600 pills and hundreds of injections – with severe side effects. New TB drugs with novel mechanisms of action are badly needed, not only to treat multi-drug resistant TB, but also to shorten the treatment time for drug-sensitive TB. Here, there is some promising news: Bedaquiline recently became the first new TB drug to be approved by the US Food and Drug Administration in 40 years. But Bedaquiline has yet to prove its capacity to treat drug-resistant TB effectively, and there are very few other candidates in the pipeline. Similar problems arise in prevention. The Bacille de Calmette et Guérin (BCG) vaccine – the only one available for the disease, and the main pillar of TB prevention – is only partly effective. Indeed, while it protects children from the worst forms of the disease, it does not protect anyone against the most common variant, pulmonary TB. As a result, it has done little to reduce the number of TB cases.", "zh": "在低收入国家，主要诊断方法痰液显微镜检查，这种方法早已过时，测出率还不到受感染患者的一半，在幼儿和存在HIV交叉感染的患者中间检测率更低。 事实上，用痰液显微镜检查诊断出结核病的儿童还不到患病儿童的十分之一。 此外，对于被多充抗药性结核病传染的患者，用目前可得药物治疗的成功率只有一半，即使在最佳条件下也是如此。 而治疗过程十分艰苦，至少要持续两年，吃多达14,600颗药丸，打几百次针 — — 并有严重的副作用。 我们非常需要药理创新的结核病药品，不仅仅用来治疗多充抗药性结核病，也用来缩短药物敏感性结核病的治���时间。 在这方面，目前有一些好消息：最近贝达喹啉（Bedaquiline）成为美国食品和药品监督局40年来所批准的第一种结核病新药。 但贝达喹啉并没有表现出有效治疗抗药性结核病的效力，而相近的药物也是少之又少。 预防也有类似的问题。 卡介苗是唯一一种现成的结核病疫苗，也是结核病预防的主要手段，但它只是部分有效。 事实上，尽管它可以预防儿童罹患最险恶的结核病，但却无法保护任何人得最普通的结核病 — — 肺结核。 结果，卡介苗对于降低结核病病患数量收效甚微。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We think of this “us” as if it were a person with an autobiography, a temperament, predispositions, and aspirations. We regard firms as legal persons, and we talk about countries as if they were a composite person with clear characteristics: Germans love order, Italians are passionate, and Brits possess a stiff upper lip. And, obviously, the sense of “us” implies a sense of “them”: those whose welfare we consider less fundamental than our own. As Joshua Greene, Director of Harvard University’s Moral Cognition Lab, has argued, our moral sentiments evolved to support human cooperation. Just as evolution gave us sexual desire, rather than rational arguments, to ensure procreation, so we have evolved feelings of empathy, affection, disgust, and rage to respond to one another’s behavior. Our moral sentiments both limit individuals’ abuse of the common good, expressed in the conflict between “me” and “us,” and maintain the coherence of the group, to support the competition between “us” and “them.” Technological and cultural development has required an ever-expanding sense of “us.” Over the past 10,000 years, as we moved from small hunter-gatherer bands to agricultural settlements, urbanization, and beyond, the network of people with whom we must interact and cooperate expanded, from small bands to nations-states and eventually to an entity like the EU.", "zh": "我们将“我们”看成是一个有历史、有性情、有癖性、有抱负的人。 我们将企业视为法人，我们谈论国家时将它们当作一个带有鲜明性格的组合人：德国人喜欢秩序，意大利人有激情，英国人表情僵硬。 而显然 ， “ 我们”的感觉隐含一种“他们”的感觉：我们认为他们的福利不如我们自己的福利那么重要的人。 哈佛大学道德认知实验室主任约书亚·格林（Joshua Greene）指出，我们的道德情感的演化让我们支持人类合作。 正如演化给予我们性欲而不是理性争论来确保繁衍，我们也演化出同情、爱情、憎恶和愤怒来反应彼此之间的行为。 我们的道德情感既限制个体滥用公益（common good ） ， 表现为“我”与“我们”之间的冲突；也维持群体的凝聚力，支持“我们”与“他们”之间的竞争。 技术和文化发展需要大大扩大的“我们”的感觉。 在过去10,000年中，随着我们从小型狩猎-采集部落演化为农耕、城市化和更高级的形式，我们必须与之互动与合作的人的网络也有所扩大，从小部落演变为民族国家，最终又形成欧盟这样的实体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So, given that Germany will be picking up many more bills (regardless of whether the eurozone survives), how can it best use the strength of its balance sheet to alleviate Europe’s growth problems? Certainly, Germany must continue to acquiesce in an ever-larger role for the European Central Bank, despite the obvious implicit fiscal risks. There is no safe path forward. There are a number of schemes floating around for leveraging Germany’s lower borrowing costs to help its partner countries, beyond simply expanding the ECB’s balance sheet. For meaningful burden-sharing to work, however, eurozone leaders must stop dreaming that the single currency can survive another 20 or 30 years without much greater political union. Debt write-downs and guarantees will inevitably bloat Germany’s government debt, as the authorities are forced to bail out German banks (and probably some neighboring countries’ banks). But the sooner the underlying reality is made transparent and becomes widely recognized, the lower the long-run cost will be. To my mind, using Germany’s balance sheet to help its neighbors directly is far more likely to work than is the presumed “trickle-down” effect of a German-led fiscal expansion. This, unfortunately, is what has been lost in the debate about Europe of late: However loud and aggressive the anti-austerity movement becomes, there still will be no simple Keynesian cure for the single currency’s debt and growth woes.", "zh": "所以，鉴于德国将会包揽更多的账单（无论欧元区是否能维持 ） ， 它如何能利用好其资产负债表的优势来减轻欧洲的经济增长问题？ 当然，尽管它存在明显的隐性财政风险，德国也必须继续默许欧洲央行发挥更大的作用。 没有人能保证前进的道路上会一路顺风。 现在广为流传着一些利用德国的低借贷成本来帮助其伙伴国家，而不是简单地扩大欧洲央行的资产负债表的方案。 然而，为了让责任分担起到作用，欧元区领导得停止幻想在没有更大的政治联盟的情况下单一货币还能存活二三十年。 债务减免以及担保将不可避免地让德国政府债务膨胀起来，正如当局被迫拯救德国各大银行一样（很可能还有外围国家的银行 ） 。 但对其行为背后的逻辑进行公开透明阐述并争取广泛认可的速度越快，长期成本就会越低。 在我看来，利用德国资产负债表来直接援助其邻国比起假定中由德国主导的财政扩张所引发的“涓滴”效应更可能起作用。 但不幸的是，近来关于欧洲的争论中正是缺乏这一点：不管反紧缩运动变得多么声势浩大，凯恩斯主义都不可能是解决单一货币债务和经济增长灾难的灵丹妙药。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, persistently low – and in some cases negative – interest rates tend to eat away at the institutional integrity and operational effectiveness of the financial system, thereby reducing bank lending and limiting the range of long-term products that insurance/retirement firms can offer to households. Another indirect effect stems from expectations about the future. The longer growth and inflation remain low, the more tempted households and companies will be to postpone consumption and investment decisions, thus prolonging low growth and inflation. The Western economists who initially underestimated the threat of Japanification did so because they had downplayed or simply ignored these direct and indirect factors. In retrospect, they should not be surprised to find that the societies with the fastest-aging populations and less inward migration are the ones now struggling with Japanification. Still, those economists were not wrong to argue that policies can play a decisive role in macroeconomic outcomes – especially when structural forces are being amplified by excessive cyclical tightening, as was the case in Japan in 1989. The problem is that they have tended to focus too narrowly on monetary policy, while overestimating its effectiveness. Countries at risk of Japanification need a much broader mix of policies to address both the demand side and the supply side of the economy. Monetary policy, after all, is less effective near the “zero bound” and in scenarios where other “liquidity trap” factors are in play. Large-scale balance sheet operations like quantitative easing (QE) can buy time by seeking to inject more liquidity directly into the system.", "zh": "比如，持续低迷 — — 有时甚至为负 — — 的利率总会破坏机构完整性和金融体系的经营效率，从而减少银行贷款，限制保险/退休企业能够向家庭提供的长期产品的范围。 另一个间接影响来自对未来的预期。 增长和利率低迷的时间越长，家庭和公司越有可能推迟消费和投资决定，从而延长低增长和通胀。 一开始低估日本化的威胁的西方经济学家之所以如此，是因为他们低估或根本没有看到这些直接和间接因素。 事后看来，他们看到迅速老龄化和移民到来较少的社会如今深陷日本化泥淖不会感到惊奇。 尽管如此，那些经济学家认为政策能够对宏观经济结果起决定性作用是不错的 — — 特别是在结构性力量被过度的周期性紧缩放大的时候，比如1989年的日本。 问题在于，他们往往过于狭隘地关注货币政策，而高估了它的效果。 有可能发生日本化的国家需要更广泛的政策组合，以解决经济需求侧和供给侧的问题。 毕竟，货币政策在“零区间”附近和其他“流动性陷阱”起作用的情形效果会打折扣。 大规模资产负债表操作，比如量化宽松（QE ） ， 通过向系统直接注入流动性来争取时间。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Muzzled in the Name of Freedom NEW YORK – Acts of terror can inflict terrible damage. But they cannot destroy an open society. Only those who govern our democracies can do that, by shrinking our freedoms in freedom's name. Shinzo Abe, Japan's right-wing nationalist prime minister, does not need much encouragement to tighten up secrecy laws, give more powers to the police, or make it easier to use military force. The grisly executions of two Japanese citizens caught by Islamic State terrorists in Syria have provided precisely the encouragement that Abe needs to pursue such measures. But Japan has never been seen as a bastion of free speech, nor did it ever make great claims to be. France does. That is what the demonstration of solidarity in the face of last month's terrorist attacks in Paris was surely all about. France, of all countries, would avoid the trap that snared the other great Western republic claiming to be a beacon of freedom in the world. Fear of terrorist violence after the 9/11 attacks did more damage to freedom in the United States than the suicidal murder of thousands of its citizens. Because of that fear, Americans allow themselves to be spied on indiscriminately by their own government, and permit terrorism suspects to be tortured and locked up indefinitely without trial. France, like most other countries in the European Union, already has laws that ban hate speech. You cannot legally insult people on the grounds of their race, beliefs, or sexual orientation.", "zh": "以自由的名义噤声 纽约—恐怖行动可以造成可怕的伤害。 但它们无法摧毁开放社会。 只有治理我们的民主国家的人可以，那就是以自由的名义打击我们的自由。 日本右翼民族主义者首相安倍晋三不需要有人鼓舞就收紧了隐私法，授予警察更大的权力，或让使用武力更加容易。 两名被伊斯兰国恐怖分子绑架的日本公民在叙利亚被残忍处决，这给了安倍正需要的采取这些措施的鼓励。 但日本从未成为言论自由的堡垒，也没有如此自称过。 法国有过。 这显然是上个月恐怖分子袭击巴黎后所举行的彰显团结的示威的意义。 在世界各国中，法国可以避免其他自称世界自由灯塔的西方伟大共和国深陷其中的陷阱。 9/11袭击后所产生的对恐怖主义暴力的恐惧对美国的自由所造成的伤害比9/11自杀式袭击所导致的几千条美国人民的生命更大。 因为这一恐惧，美国人让自己遭到本国政府的一律监视，也让恐怖主义嫌犯不经审判就被无限期关押和虐待。 与其他大部分欧盟国家一样，法国也有禁止仇恨言论的法律。 基于种族、信仰和性取向攻击他人是违法的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This feeling is strengthened when the global economy turns out to be a global casino. National assertion is a way of combating impersonal forces and remote authorities. Globalization promises too much in terms of welfare gains, particularly to developing countries, to be abandoned. But the lesson from the current crisis is that we will have to develop styles of global economic governance to manage, regulate, and mitigate the creative, but often disruptive forces unleashed by the global market. In the absence of an actual world government, this can be done only through cooperation among states. The fewer “sovereigns” there are, the easier it will be to secure the necessary cooperation. The Bretton Woods Agreement of 1944, which laid the institutional foundation for the post-war World War II economy, was made possible because the United States and Britain called the shots. When objections were raised to Cuba being put on the drafting committee, Harry Dexter White, the American representative, remarked that Cuba’s function was to provide cigars. Such a cavalier attitude to the demands of lesser powers to be heard is no longer possible. But all this means is that the facades will have to be more subtle and the fictions more elaborate. Provided we do not deceive ourselves about where real power lies, let presidents and parliaments be three a penny if that is what makes people feel good about themselves.", "zh": "当全球经济最终成为全球赌场时，这种情绪又被强化了。 民族主张成为对抗非人性力量和远距离权威的一种方式。 全球化在福利增长方面的过度承诺（特别是对发展中国家）使其被摒弃。 但从当下的危机中我们学到的教训是必须发展出一种全球经济治理的方式来管理、监管并遏制全球市场所释放出的创造性，但通常也是破坏性的力量。 在一个实际的世界性政府缺位的情况下，这只能通过国家间的合作实现。 “主权国家”越少，实现必要的合作就越容易。 为二战后的世界经济打下制度基础的1944年《布雷顿森林协议》之所以能成功是因为美国和英国掌握了话语权。 当古巴的反对意见被提交到起草委员会，美国代表哈里·德克斯特·怀特却说，古巴的职能就是提供雪茄。 现今已不可能再出现这种针对较弱小国家的傲慢态度。 但这一切都意味着表面的功夫将不得不更微妙，而背后的摩擦也更复杂。 倘若我们不在真正权力归属的问题上自欺欺人，那么就让总统们和议会们多如牛毛吧，如果那样能让人们觉得舒服的话。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lessons from the Polish Opposition LONDON – Although Warsaw mayor Rafał Trzaskowski did not come out on top in Poland’s presidential election, the result represents a turning point in European politics. The nationalist-populist tide has peaked. To paraphrase Winston Churchill’s famous quip following the Second Battle of El-Alamein in 1942, this may not be the beginning of the end of contemporary authoritarian nationalism, but is at least the end of the beginning. To be sure, Poland’s ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party will continue its conflict with the European Union over its efforts to undermine judicial independence and the rule of law at home. And PiS Chairman Jarosław Kaczyński will doubtless pursue a takeover of Poland’s remaining independent media – the next big item on his authoritarian agenda. Moreover, spared from having to engage in political trench warfare with a new, hostile president, the PiS government will be able to keep frustrating the European project from within. Nevertheless, anti-populists can take comfort in the fact that Polish President Andrzej Duda only narrowly managed to win re-election, despite having the full force of taxpayer-funded state media on his side. In fact, the Polish opposition’s surprisingly strong performance offers several lessons for all who still believe in constitutional democracy and the rule of law, regardless of where they live. First, when challenging a populist government, it is critical to build the broadest possible coalition. Authoritarian populists in countries like Turkey and Hungary keep winning elections because their opponents are perpetually riven by internal conflicts. Anti-populists must put aside longstanding disagreements over issues of culture (LGBTQ rights and the like) and economic policy (such as protectionism and income redistribution) so that they can concentrate on the key task: ejecting populists from power. Failure to unite is what doomed the “Remain” cause in Britain last year. Anti-populists also must learn to consolidate their base as quickly and effectively as populists do. Polarization, the quintessential populist political tactic, has unfortunately become an intrinsic part of modern politics more generally. Understanding this is particularly important immediately after populists rise or return to power. At that point, anti-populist forces will face years of government smears, and are at risk of being demobilized by defeat. The past few years have shown that when “they” go low, you have little choice but to go even lower.", "zh": "波兰反对党人的教训 伦敦—尽管华沙市长拉法兹·特拉斯科夫斯基并未在波兰总统大选中脱颖而出，但该结果却代表了欧洲政治的一个转折。 民族民粹主义浪潮已经达到顶峰。 套用温斯顿·丘吉尔在1942年第2次阿拉曼战役之后颇具讽刺意味的名言，这也许并不是当代威权民族主义终结的开始，但至少是开始的终结。 可以肯定，波兰执政的法律与正义党（PiS）将继续在其破坏国内司法独立和法治的问题上与欧盟发生冲突。 法律与正义党主席卡钦斯基无疑将继续接管波兰剩余的独立媒体 — — 这也是他专制议程中的下一个重要议题。 此外，因为不必与新的敌对总统展开政治阵地战，法律与正义党政府可以继续从内部破坏欧洲计划。 尽管如此，反民粹主义力量可以感到安慰，尽管波兰总统安德烈·杜达借助了由纳税人资助的国有媒体的全部力量，但仍仅仅勉强赢得了选举。 事实上，波兰反对党人出人意料的强劲表现为那些仍然信奉宪法民主和法治的人提供了一些经验，无论他们身在哪里。 首先，要想挑战民粹主义政府，关键是要建立尽可能广泛的同盟。 土耳其和匈牙利等国的专制民粹主义势力一而再、再而三地赢得选举，是因为其国内冲突永久性地分裂了反对派。 反民粹主义力量必须搁置长期以来在文化（包括性少数群体权利）和经济政策（如保护主义和收入再分配）等问题上的分歧，以便能够集中精力，完成将民粹分子赶下台的关键任务。 去年英国的“留欧”力量陷入失败就是未能实现团结的结果。 反民粹主义力量还必须学会像民粹主义分子那样迅速有效地巩固自己的大本营。 不幸的是，两极化这种典型的民粹主义政治策略，已经更为普遍地成为现代政治的内在组成部分。 在民粹主义分子上台或重新掌权后，理解这一点变得尤为重要。 届时，反民粹主义力量将面对长达数年的政府诋毁，并且存在因失败而四分五裂的可能。 过去几年的经历表明，如果“他们”采用卑鄙手段，你除了采用更加卑鄙的手段之外几乎别无选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Once governments lift mobility restrictions, services inflation also may increase if reduced capacity – as a result of permanent closures of restaurants and hotels, for example, or airline layoffs – are insufficient to meet demand. The unprecedented fiscal and monetary expansion in response to COVID-19 may pose an even greater inflation risk. According to UBS estimates, aggregate government deficits amounted to 11% of global GDP in 2020, more than three times the average of the previous ten years. Central banks’ balance sheets increased even more last year, by 13% of global GDP. Government deficits in 2020 were thus indirectly financed by the issuance of new money. But this will work only if enough savers and investors are willing to hold money and government bonds at zero or negative interest rates. If doubts about the soundness of these investments were to prompt savers and investors to switch to other assets, affected countries’ currencies would weaken, leading to higher consumer prices. Previous episodes of excessive government debt almost always ended with high inflation. Inflation caused by a loss of confidence can emerge quickly and in some cases at a time of underemployment, without a preceding wage-price spiral. Although expansionary monetary policy after the 2008 global financial crisis did not lead to increasing inflation, this is no guarantee that price growth will remain low this time.", "zh": "一旦政府取消人员流动限制，在服务能力降低 — — 比如餐馆和酒店永久关闭或者航空公司裁员 — — 导致无力满足需求的情况下，服务业的通胀率也可能上升。 而为应对新冠疫情而实施的史无前例财政和货币扩张则可能带来更大的通胀风险。 根据瑞银的估计，2020年政府总赤字相当于全球GDP的11 % ， 是前十年平均水平的三倍有多。 同时去年各大央行的资产负债表则增加更多，达到了全球GDP的13 % 。 因为2020年的政府赤字是通过发行新货币来间接融资的，而这一手段只能在有足够多储户和投资者愿意以零或负利率持有货币和政府债券的情况下才会奏效。 但如果这些人对这类投资的稳健性产生怀疑并转向其他资产，受影响国家的货币就会贬值，导致消费价格上涨。 以往那些政府负债过高的情况几乎总是以高通胀告终，信心丧失引发的通胀可能会迅速出现，甚至某些情况下会在就业不足，不存在工资-价格螺旋式上升的前提下浮现。 虽然2008年全球金融危机后的扩张性货币政策并未导致通胀加剧，但这并不能保证这一回的物价增长也会保持在低水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fiscal Follies NEW YORK – The fiscal stimulus that most advanced economies and emerging markets implemented during the 2008-2009 global recession – together with monetary easing and the backstopping of the financial system – prevented the Great Recession from turning into another Great Depression in 2010. At a time when every component of private demand was collapsing, the boost from higher government spending and lower taxes stopped the global economy’s free-fall and created the basis for recovery. Unfortunately, stimulus spending and the related bailout of the financial system, together with the recession’s effect on revenues, contributed to fiscal deficits on the order of 10% of GDP in most advanced economies. According to the International Monetary Fund and others, these economies’ ratio of public debt to GDP will surpass 110% by 2015, compared to 70% before the crisis. Aging populations in most advanced economies imply additional public debt in the long term, owing to non-fully-funded pension schemes and rising health-care costs. Thus, in most advanced economies, deficits need to be reduced to avoid a fiscal train wreck down the line. But much research, including a recent study by the IMF, suggests that raising taxes and reducing government spending has a negative short-term effect on aggregate demand, thereby reinforcing deflationary and recessionary trends – and undermining fiscal consolidation. In an ideal world, where policymakers could credibly commit to medium- to long-term fiscal adjustment, the optimal and desirable path would be to commit today to a schedule of spending reductions and tax increases, phased in gradually over the next decade as the economy recovers. That way, if the economy needed another targeted fiscal stimulus in the short run, financial markets would not respond by driving up borrowing costs. Unfortunately, the fiscal policy currently adopted by various advanced economies deviates sharply from this path of credible medium-term consolidation combined with short-term additional stimulus. In the US, we have the worst of all possible worlds. On one hand, stimulus had become a dirty word – even within the Obama administration – well before the Republicans’ mid-term election victory ruled out another round altogether. On the other hand, medium-term consolidation will be all but impossible in America’s current atmosphere of hyper-partisanship, with Republicans blocking any tax increase and Democrats resisting reforms of entitlement spending.", "zh": "愚蠢的财政政策 纽约 — — 绝大多数发达经济体和新兴市场国家在2008－2009年全球衰退期间实行的财政刺激政策 — — 与宽松货币政策和支持金融体系政策的效果相叠加 — — 成功防止了这场衰退在2010年再次陷入大萧条之中。 在构成私人需求的所有元素都溃不成军的时刻，来自加大政府开支和降低税收的推动政策成功阻止了全球经济自由落体，并由此创造了复苏的基础。 不幸的是，刺激性消费和对金融系统的紧急援助，再加上衰退期间收入的下降效应，共同铸成了多数发达国家超过GDP10%的财政赤字。 按照国际货币基金组织的统计，上述经济体政府公债占GDP的比例将于2015年超过110 % ， 而危机爆发前这一数字只有70 % 。 由于非全资退休金计划和医疗成本的升高，多数发达经济体的人口老化现象将会导致长期公共债务增加。 因此，在多数发达国家中，需要降低赤字才能达到防止财政列车最终倾覆的效果。 但包括国际货币基金组织近期研究在内的多数研究成果表明，增加税收和削减政府开支会对总需求产生短期的负面影响，从而强化通货紧缩和经济衰退的趋势，并严重破坏财政领域的稳固。 在决策者能够真正落实中长期财政调整的理想状况下，能达到最佳效果的理想方法是在经济渐趋复苏的今后十年间，从今天就开始落实削减开支和增加税收的计划。 这样，如果经济短期内还需要一次定向财政刺激计划来帮助复苏，金融市场也不会再以提高借款成本作为回答。 不幸的是，目前各发达经济体所采取的财政政策远远偏离了这种将中期稳定和短期额外刺激相结合的合理指向。 在美国，我们不得不面对所有的不利因素。 一方面，早在共和党中期选举胜利彻底扼杀又一轮刺激之前，即便在奥巴马政府内部，刺激也已经成为一个令人厌憎的词。 另一方面，在美国目前超级党派纷争的氛围中，在共和党否决一切增税计划而民主党抵制所有消费权益改革的情况下，实现中期稳定目标几乎根本不可能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One track is dialogue; the other is pressure, applied through sanctions and other measures aimed at isolating North Korea and convincing its leadership that it has no future with nuclear weapons. After North Korea’s tests of its new intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) last month, Tillerson and the US ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, focused on the second track, working with other Security Council members to impose the toughest sanctions ever against the North. Those sanctions could erode much of North Korea’s trade with China, the Kim regime’s economic lifeline. But the US cannot rely excessively on other countries to constrain the North Korean regime, whose pursuit of nuclear weapons is not a symbolic quest. As its ICBM tests show, the goal is to threaten the US explicitly, in order to compel it to reduce its presence in Northeast Asia – and perhaps even reconsider its alliances with Japan and South Korea. This ambitious goal is not without tacit support in the world: Russia and China have proposed that the US suspend its annual military exercises with the South, in exchange for a freeze of North Korea’s nuclear program. This supposedly fair-minded “freeze-for-freeze” proposal would do more to weaken the US-South Korea alliance than it would to impede North Korea’s development of a deliverable nuclear weapon. The proposal highlights how difficult it is to mount an international response to the North Korea nuclear issue. Though China agreed to the recent sanctions in the Security Council, there is widespread skepticism about whether there is an internal consensus about the future it wants for the Korean Peninsula. Russia, for its part, seems to be pursuing a foreign policy guided more by spite than national interest. America’s allies in the region, meanwhile, are under serious pressure. South Korea’s new government is stuck between the need to manage its relations with the US and the desire to open a dialogue with the North. And, as the North’s latest missile launch shows, Japan’s hosting of US military assets puts it on the front lines of the crisis. This complex situation would require careful and precise diplomacy in the best of times, with the US using the various levers of its power. But this is not the best of times. Trump has been mercurial, given to making unscripted pronouncements on the topic.", "zh": "一条轨道是对话；另一条是施压，通过制裁和其他旨在孤立朝鲜并说服其领导层核武之路没有未来的措施来实施。 在7月朝鲜试射其新型洲际弹道导弹后，蒂勒森和美国驻联合国大使妮基·哈雷（Nikki Haley）把重点放在了第二轨道上，与其他安理会成员国一道对朝鲜施加了最严厉的制裁。 这些制裁可以削弱朝鲜与中国的大部分贸易，而这是金正恩的经济命脉所在。 但美国不可过分依赖别国来约束朝鲜政权。 须知朝鲜发展核武器可不是什么象征性动作，正如本次洲际弹道导弹测试所体现的那样，其目标是明确威慑美国，迫使其减少在东北亚的存在 — — 甚至可能重新考虑与日韩两国的联盟关系。 而这一雄心勃勃的目标背后也不乏世界其他势力的默默支持：俄罗斯和中国就提出美国应该暂停与韩国的年度军事演习，以换取朝鲜核计划的冻结。 相对于对朝鲜发展核武投送技术的阻碍，这个看似公平的“冻结对冻结”提议对美韩联盟的破坏性更大。 这一提议也展现出对撮合一项对朝鲜核问题的国际回应有多困难。 虽然中国同意了安全理事会最近的制裁决议，但外界普遍怀疑该国对朝鲜半岛的未来是否存在内部共识。 俄罗斯方面似乎正在追求一个对抗性的外交政策，而不是以国家利益为导向。 与此同时，美国的盟友们也面临着严峻的压力。 韩国的新政府在处理与美关系以及与朝鲜展开对话的愿望之间左右为难。 而正如朝鲜最近导弹试射所体现的那样，日本容留美国军事资产的行为也致其置身于危机的第一线。 这一复杂局势需要在最恰当的时间点以极为仔细和精确的外交手段才能应对，同时要求美国动用自身力量的各类杠杆。 但目前还不是最佳时点。 特朗普一直都反复无常，老是在这个问题上发表些信口胡说的声明。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Venter lab’s achievement builds on similar work that began decades ago.amp#160; In 1967, a research group from Stanford Medical School and Caltech demonstrated the infectiousness of the genome of a bacterial virus called ΦΧ174, whose DNA had been synthesized with an enzyme using the intact viral DNA as a template, or blueprint. That feat was hailed as “life in a test tube.” In 2002, a research group at the State University of New York, Stony Brook, created a functional, infectious poliovirus solely from basic, off-the-shelf chemical building blocks.amp#160;Their only blueprint for engineering the genome was the known sequence of RNA (which comprises the viral genome and is chemically very similar to DNA). Similar to the 1967 experiments, the infectious RNA was synthesized enzymatically. It was able to direct the synthesis of viral proteins in the absence of a natural template. Once again, scientists had, in effect, created life in a test tube. Venter’s group did much the same thing in the recently reported research, except that they used chemical synthesis instead of enzymes to make the DNA. But some of the hype that surrounded the publication of the ensuing article in the journal Nature was disproportionate.amp#160; Along with the Venter paper, Nature published eight commentaries on the significance of the work. The “real” scientists were aware of the incremental nature of the work, and questioned whether the Venter group had created a genuine “synthetic cell,” while the social scientists tended to exaggerate the implications of the work. Mark Bedau, a professor of philosophy at Reed College, wrote that the technology’s “new powers create new responsibilities. Nobody can be sure about the consequences of making new forms of life, and we must expect the unexpected and the unintended. This calls for fundamental innovations in precautionary thinking and risk analysis.” But, with increasing sophistication, genetic engineers using old and new techniques have been creating organisms with novel or enhanced properties for decades.", "zh": "而文特尔实验室的研究成果其实是奠基于早在几十年前就已启动的一项类似研究之上。 早在1967年，来自斯坦福大学医学院和加州理工学院的一个研究团队就公开展示了一种叫名为“ΦΧ174”的细菌病毒基因组的传染性，该DNA是利用一个完整的病毒DNA作为模板（蓝图 ） ， 在生化酶的作用下合成的。 当年这一创举被誉为“试管中的生命 ” 。 2002年，另一个来自纽约州立大学石溪分校的研究团队也利用现有的基础化学模块合成了具有传染性的小儿麻痹病毒。 而他们合成这一病毒的蓝本仅仅是已知的RNA序列（病毒基因的组成部分，在化学上与DNA类似）而已。 与1967年的那个研究相类似的是，这个具有传染性的RNA也是在酶的作用下合成的。 这说明即使在缺少天然模板的情况下，我们也能直接合成病毒的蛋白质。 科学家也再一次在试管里创造了生命。 而除了使用化学合成法而非酶类来合成DNA之外，文特尔团队最近的成果与前人研究并无实质区别。 因此《自然》期刊对文特尔研究论文的炒作就显得有点过分了。 在文特尔发表的研究论文末尾 ， 《 自然》发表了八篇称赞该研究重要性的评论。 其实行内人早就知道这一研究仅是对前人成果的一种改进，并质疑文特尔团队是否真的创造了一个“合成细胞 ” 。 不过，社会科学家则倾向于夸大这一成果的弦外之音。 里德学院的哲学教授马克·贝多这样写到，该项技术的“新潜能创造了新的责任。 没有人能够预知制造新形式的生命所带来的后果，我们必须准备好应对意外与不测。 这意味着我们需要对自身的预防性思维和风险分析能力加以革新 。 ” 但其实几十年来，技术日趋炉火纯青的基因工程师一直在使用新旧技术来制造具有增强或者新机能的生命体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, analysts and policymakers have started mooting ideas for unconventional fiscal policy to supplement unconventional monetary policy. In particular, they are debating variations of so-called helicopter money, following a famous thought experiment by Milton Friedman in 1969, in which “one day a helicopter…drops an additional $1,000 in bills from the sky.” Former Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, among others, has offered influential support for “helicopter drops” to revive flagging economies. Helicopter money comes in two forms, which could (and should) be dropped together. The first is to put purchasing power directly into the hands of consumers – for example, by issuing each voter or citizen with smart cards worth $1,000 each. The Swiss economist Silvio Gesell, who originally proposed a scheme of “stamped money” at the start of the last century, added a stipulation that balances unspent after a month should be taxed, to discourage hoarding. Alternatively, helicopter money could be used to finance infrastructure spending. The advantage of such “monetary financing” is that such spending, while adding to the deficit and leading to a permanent increase in the money supply, would not increase the national debt, because the government would “owe” the money only to its own banker. This would eliminate the offsetting negative expectation of higher taxes. Surely, issuing debt that never has to be repaid is too good to be true, right? There is indeed the obvious danger that governments might easily become addicted to monetary finance to pay for private and public spending, which is why it is unlikely to be tried openly unless economic conditions worsen significantly. But the political risk of doing nothing if we stumble into another recession (as seems quite likely) is worse. Like it or not, unconventional fiscal policy could well be the next game in town.", "zh": "因此，分析人士和政策制定者们已经开始拟定一些非常规财政政策理念以作为非常规货币政策的补充。 尤其是他们正在讨论所谓直升机撒钱的各种变体，沿袭米尔顿·弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）于1969年提出的著名思想实验 — — “有天一架直升机 . . . . . . 从天上撒下了本不存在的，总面值为1000美元的纸币 。 ” 在众人之中还有前美联储主席本·伯南克（Ben Bernanke）为用“直升机币”来振兴衰退的经济体提供了极具影响力的支持。 直升机撒钱有两种形式，可以（也应该）同时被撒下来。 首先是把直接购买力直接注入消费者手中 — — 比如发给每个选民或公民内含1000美元的提款卡。 在上世纪初首先提出“盖戳钱（stamped money ） ” 方案的瑞士经济学家西尔维奥·格塞尔（Silvio Gesell）补充说未花掉的金额应当在一个月后征税以防囤积。 另外，直升机币可以用于资助基础设施建设支出。 这种“货币融资”的好处是虽然这样支出既增加了赤字又导致货币供给的永久性增加，但却不会增加国家负债，因为政府只是“欠”自己银行的钱。 这将抵消提高税率的负面预期。 当然，发行不用偿还的债务显然有点不靠谱。 这也的确存在明显的危险，即政府很可能会沉溺于用货币资金支付私人和公共开支且无法自拔，这是为何除非经济状况显著恶化，否则不可能明目张胆地使用这一手段的原因。 但袖手旁观而导致我们再次陷入另一次衰退（如今看起来很可能）的政治风险显然更大。 不管你喜欢与否，非常规的财政政策很可能就是下一个唯一的选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This building was already a part of this community, and then that first summer, when people started arriving and sharing the building on social media, the building ceased to be just an edifice and it became media, because these, these are not just pictures of a building, they're your pictures of a building. That means we don't need the Greeks anymore to tell us what to think about architecture. We can tell each other what we think about architecture, because digital media hasn't just changed the relationship between all of us, it's changed the relationship between us and buildings. Think for a second about those librarians back in Livingston. If that building was going to be built today, the first thing they would do is go online and search \"new libraries.\" They would be bombarded by examples of experimentation, of innovation, of pushing at the envelope of what a library can be. That's ammunition. That's ammunition that they can take with them to the mayor of Livingston, to the people of Livingston, and say, there's no one answer to what a library is today. Let's be a part of this. This abundance of experimentation gives them the freedom to run their own experiment. Everything is different now. Architects are no longer these mysterious creatures that use big words and complicated drawings, and you aren't the hapless public, the consumer that won't accept anything that they haven't seen anymore. Architects can hear you, and you're not intimidated by architecture.", "zh": "这座建筑已经是社区的一个部分， 第一个夏天， 人们来到这里，在社交媒体上分享照片， 这个只想成为建筑物的建筑 变成了媒体， 因为这，这不仅仅是建筑的照片。 它们是你拍摄的建筑相片。 这意味着我们不再需要希腊 来告诉我们建筑的意义。 我们可以分享自己有关建筑的想法， 因为数字媒体不仅改变了 人与人间的关系， 它改变了我们和建筑的关系。 想象那些在Livingston的图书馆员。 如果今天我们要新建图书馆， 他们得知消息后会做的第一件事就是 上网去搜索\"新图书馆\"。 他们会被建筑范例信息轰炸， 实验性的、创新型的、 尝试打破常规的图书馆建筑样例。 这些都是有力的信息冲击。 那是人们可以带着的信息冲击， 给Livingston的市长、群众， 然后说，现代图书馆没有既定的模式。 让我们成为它的一部分。 丰富的实验过程 给予他们实验的自主性。 当今一切都不同了。 建筑师不再是神奇的生物， 滥用夸张的术语和繁琐的绘图， 你们也不再是倒霉的公众， 客户不再接受那些他们没见过的东西。 建筑师能与你沟通， 你不再为建筑感到不适。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putin and Medvedev: Teammates or Rivals? Vladimir Putin’s decision to serve as prime minister should Dmitri Medvedev become Russia’s next president has made their electoral success in March a virtual certainty. Although the Communist Party’s leader, Gennadi Zyuganov, and the Liberal Democrats’ Vladimir Zhirinovsky are running – in contrast to 2004, when they fielded stand-ins – neither will get more than 15% of the vote. Even assuming that Mikhail Kasyanov, Boris Nemtsov, and Democratic Party leader Andrei Bogdanov somehow collect two million signatures each to get on the ballot, the outcome will be the same. Indeed, so far, none of them has more than 2% popular support. But, while Medvedev’s victory in the first round of voting appears assured, the important questions will arise after the ballots are counted. How will power be distributed between Medvedev and Putin? Who will be in charge? Will Russia have to rewrite its laws and Constitution to give the prime minister more official power? Is Putin risking his political future by accepting a formally secondary role and making himself accountable for all socio-economic policy? Russia’s Constitution does not allow for a “technical presidency.” The head of state has extensive powers, which alone indicates that Medvedev will be a strong president. Moreover, Medvedev is a strong-willed politician and very experienced administrator. But Putin will be a strong prime minister, if only because he’s Putin. He is set to remain the most popular person in Russia for a long time to come. That implies a system of governance with at least two decision-making centers – perhaps in addition to United Russia, the party of Putin and Medvedev, which won 64% of the vote in the recent parliamentary election up from 37% in 2003. All this represents obvious progress from the standpoint of the separation of powers. In consenting to become prime minister, Putin is well aware of what to expect. After all, he served as prime minister for several months in 1999. Many commentators underestimate the prime minister’s powers.", "zh": "普京和梅德韦捷夫：合作伙伴还是竞争对手？ 普京关于如果梅德韦捷夫当选俄罗斯下一任总统他将担任总理的决定使他们在三月份获得大选胜利已经是板上钉钉的事了。 共产党领导人久加诺夫和自由民主党的日里诺夫斯基还在积极地投入竞选。 与2004年不同，当时他们是让他们的副手参加的竞选，但是他们没有哪个能获得15%以上的选票。 即便假设卡西亚诺夫、涅姆佐夫和民主党领导人波格达诺夫都能够收集到200万个签名从而能够参加竞选，结果也会是一样。 事实上，至今他们中间还没有哪个人能获得2%的公众支持。 但是，尽管梅德韦捷夫似乎很可能在第一轮投票中就获得胜利，我们应该考虑在投票后可能会出现的那些重要问题。 梅德韦捷夫和普京之间如何分配权力？ 大权掌握在谁的手里？ 俄罗斯将不得不重新修订它的法律和宪法以便给予总理更多的权力吗？ 普京会甘愿接受一个形式上的二号人物角色以及必须为所有的社会经济政策负责而拿他的政治未来冒险吗？ 俄罗斯的宪法不允许出现一个“技术上的总统 ” ？ 国家元首拥有全面的权力，单单这一点就表明梅德韦捷夫将成为一个强势总统。 此外，梅德韦捷夫还是一个有着坚强意志的政治家，并且有着非常丰富的行政管理经验。 但是普京将成为一个强势总理，只是因为他是普京就能做到这一点。 他注定在以后的很长一段时间里都将是俄罗斯最受欢迎的人物。 因此很有可能会出现至少有两个决策中心的治理体系。 也许还应该加上统一俄罗斯党，即普京和梅德韦捷夫所在的政党，它在刚刚举行的议会选举中获得了64%的选票，大大超过了2003年37%的得票率。 站在分权制衡的角度，所有这些显然是取得了明显的进步。 在同意接任总理职位时，普京显然很清楚等待他的会是什么。 不管怎样，1999年他曾担任过几个月的总理。 许多评论家往往低估了总理的权力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First among the emerging threats to Chinese growth is US trade policy. So far, only about $50 billion worth of Chinese exports have been affected by the Trump administration’s tariffs. But in July, Trump announced a new round of tariffs targeting an additional $200 billion worth of Chinese goods, representing about 15% of total exports to the US. Reflecting its growing vulnerability, China’s reactions to Trump’s continued threats have been notably accommodative. A second threat to external demand comes from the exhaustion of China’s mercantilist policies. In the 1990s and 2000s, China developed an exceptionally large export industry in part by allowing its currency to become undervalued. More recently, however, it has perpetuated this approach through other means, namely the BRI, with which it finances other countries’ purchases of Chinese goods and services. Call this Chinese Mercantilism 2.0. The problem is that Mercantilism 2.0 is now under attack, both politically and economically. Politically, recipients of Chinese loans – from Sri Lanka to Malaysia to Myanmar – have been expressing objections to the BRI and its odor of neo-imperialism. Economically, the onerous terms of BRI financing have resulted in alarming debt build-ups in at least eight countries, according to the Center for Global Development. Malaysia, for example, has already had to cancel $22 billion worth of Chinese-backed projects. Sri Lanka has had to turn to the IMF for help, owing to the impact of excessive Chinese imports on its external accounts. And Pakistan may soon be forced to do the same. As more countries become wary of the BRI, they will borrow and import less from China. Meanwhile, the steady rise in US interest rates is creating a third shock. As US rates exceed Chinese rates, capital will flow out of China, as it has from other emerging markets this year. China’s leaders will thus be faced with the classic emerging-market dilemma. If they allow the renminbi to weaken, they could aggravate capital flight in the short term and invite accusations of currency manipulation from the US. But if they want to prop up the currency, they may have to spend down another trillion dollars in reserves, as happened in 2015. Alternatively, the government could reimpose draconian capital controls.", "zh": "中国增长所面临的新威胁中，首屈一指的是美国贸易政策。 目前，特朗普政府的关税只影响到截至500亿美元的中国出口。 但在7鱼粉，特朗普宣布了新一轮关税，目标新增价值2,000亿美元的中国商品，或对美出口总额的15 % 。 中国面对特朗普的持续威胁的反应相当“配合 ” ， 表现出其脆弱性正在增加。 外部需求的第二个威胁来自中国重商主义政策的穷途末路。 20世纪90年代到21世纪初，中国发展出一个规模巨大的出口行业，部分原因在于允许人民币贬值。 但最近，它开始通过其他手段保持该方针，即用BRI为其他国家购买中国商品和服务融资。 可称之为中国重商主义2.0。 问题在于，重商主义2.0现在受到了政治和经济的双重打击。 政治上，中国贷款的接收方 — — 从斯里兰卡到马来西亚和缅甸 — — 都表示反对BRI和它的新帝国主义味道。 经济上，沉重的BRI融资条件导致至少八个国家债务积累到了危险水平（据全球发展中心数据 ） 。 比如，马来西亚已经不得不取消价值220亿美元的中国支持项目。 斯里兰卡不得不回归IMF寻求帮助，因为过多的中国进口品对其对外账户造成了影响。 巴基斯坦也可能很快就将被迫做同样的事情。 随着更多国家开始担心BRI，它们也将减少从中国的贷款和进口。 与此同时，美国利率的稳步升高形成了第三道冲击。 随着美国利率超过中国利率，资本将流出中国，今年在其他新兴市场就是如此。 因此，中国领导人将面临经典的新兴市场困境。 如果它放任人民币贬值，有可能在短期内加剧资本外逃并导致美国将其列为货币操纵国。 但如果它想要支撑人民币，就必须像2015年那样，在消耗掉一万亿美元储备。 或者，中国政府可以重新引入严厉的资本管制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "俞书宏，男, 1967年8月生，1998年10月获中国科学技术大学化学系无机化学专业博士学位。 1999年—2001年获日本学术振兴会(JSPS)资助(任日本学术振兴会研究员)，在日本东京工业大学材料与结构实验室工作。 2001年—2002年获德国洪堡基金会(AvH)资助(任洪堡外国科学家研究员)，在德国马普学会胶体与界面研究所工作。 现任中国科学技术大学教授，博士生导师, 中国科学院“引进海外杰出人才”（2002-）, 国家杰出青年基金获得者（2003-），教育部“长江学者奖励计划”长江特聘教授（2006-），中央七部委“新世纪百千万人才工程”国家级人选（2006-）。", "en": "Shuhong Yu, male, born in August 1967. He obtained a doctorate degree in inorganic chemistry from the Department of Chemistry, University of Science and Technology of China in October 1998. From 1999 to 2001, he was funded by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) (as a researcher of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science), and worked in the Materials and Structure Laboratory of Tokyo Institute of Technology, Japan. From 2001 to 2002, he was funded by the German Humboldt Foundation (AvH) (as a Humboldt Foreign Scientist Researcher) and worked at the Max Planck Institute of Colloid and Interface Institute in Germany. Currently he is a Professor and Supervisor at University of Science and Technology of China, one of the Introducing Outstanding Overseas Talents of Chinese Academy of Sciences (from 2002 to present), winner of National Outstanding Youth Fund (from 2003 to present), Distinguished Professor of Yangtze River of the Ministry of Education (from 2006 to present), and National-level Candidate for the \"New Century Hundred, Thousand, Ten Thousands Talents Project\" by the seven central ministries and commissions (from 2006 to present)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "François Hollande Meets the World PARIS – When François Hollande, fresh from his election as France’s next president, was asked by a journalist which language he would use when he meets US President Barack Obama for the first time, his answer was revealing. “I speak English more fluently than the former president,” the Socialist leader insisted, referring to the outgoing Nicolas Sarkozy. In proclaiming his mastery of the lingua franca of global affairs, Hollande was asserting himself as a modern statesman, while also suggesting that France will remain as influential as possible on the international scene. Indeed, he was proclaiming his commitment to internationalism and multilateralism. In order to remain a country that punches above its weight diplomatically, it is in France’s interest to operate through international organizations rather than to rely on bilateral relationships. Hollande is also aware that, for historical and cultural reasons, France’s international role must be different from that of other countries. In his book Changer de destin (Changing Destiny), published in February, he affirms that France’s message will continue to be a universal one – a stance reminiscent of the birth in 1789 of the French Republic, which, like the United States, was originally conceived as the triumph of liberty and democracy. Unlike in France, however, the word “socialist” is an epithet for most Americans.", "zh": "奥朗德面对全世界 巴黎—当刚刚当选为法国下任总统的奥朗德被记者问及将用何种语言与美国总统奥巴马进行第一次会晤时，他的回答颇有些耐人寻味 ： “ 我的英语比前总统更溜 ， ” 这位社会主义领导人说，当然，他针对的是即将卸任的萨科齐 ， “ 但是，法国总统当然得说法语 ！ ” 奥朗德向全世界宣布能够熟练掌握全球事务通用语言，从而给自己披上了现代政治家的外衣，同时，他又暗示法国将尽力维持自己在国际社会中的影响力。 事实上，奥朗德是在向全世界宣布他的国际主义和多边主义承诺。 为了维持一个在外交上已不堪重负的国家，通过国际组织进行操作而不是依赖双边关系更符合法国的利益。 奥朗德也认识到，出于历史和文化的原因，法国在国际社会中有着与其他国家不同的作用。 在其2月出版的新书《变化的命运 》 （ Changer de destin）中，奥朗德说，法国的声音将继续是普世的 — — 这一立场自1789年法兰西共和国诞生以来便一以贯之，并与美国一样，从一开始就被认为是自由和民主的胜利。 但是，与法国不同 ， “ 社会主义”一词对大多数美国人来说是一个别有用意的修饰语。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Options STANFORD – Many Europeans have come to believe that they have weathered the economic and financial storm. In the last two years, deficits and debt have stabilized. Yields on the sovereign debt of the eurozone periphery’s weak economies have fallen sharply. Portugal and Ireland have exited their bailout programs. Talk of Greece leaving the euro has subsided. All of that is true, but there is a big catch: economic growth in the European Union remains anemic. GDP in Holland and Italy shrank in the last quarter, and France’s barely budged. Forecasters are revising down their estimates for 2014 eurozone growth to just 1% year on year. Unemployment remains at a staggering 11.6% in the eurozone as a whole, compared to 10% in the United States at the worst of America’s Great Recession. It is above 25% in Greece and Spain – and even higher among the young. Europe’s economy remains shackled by three problems – sovereign debt, the euro, and wobbly banks – despite several new policy backstops: the European Stability Mechanism (ESM); the European Central Bank’s easy-money policies and holdings of sovereign debt; and the ECB’s takeover in November of supervision of the 130 or so largest pan-eurozone banks. None of these reforms has been sufficient to restore the stronger growth that Europe desperately needs. Widespread economic discontent is reflected in recent political instability. The European Parliament election in May shocked Europe’s elites, as parties of the far right, assorted euroskeptics, and even leftists made strong gains in many countries, fueled in part by popular frustration with the European Commission’s concentration of power. Great Britain may be headed for a referendum on EU membership in 2017 unless certain terms of its membership are revised. Elected leaders face a daunting task: enacting difficult structural reforms of labor markets, pension systems, and taxes. All were long overdue prior to the crisis, and they remain in the very early stages, at best, in most countries, while the high-debt countries’ fiscal condition has improved only modestly. And Italy and France demand relief from the eurozone’s budget deficit and debt rules. Economists are not certain whether there are short-run costs or benefits to rapid fiscal consolidation.", "zh": "欧洲的选择 斯坦福—许多欧洲人现在相信，他们已经成功抵挡住了经济和金融风暴。 在过去两年中，赤字和债务稳定了下来。 欧元区外围疲软经济体主权债务收益率显著下降。 葡萄牙和爱尔兰退出了援助计划。 希腊退出欧元区的风声也日渐平息。 确实如此，但有一个大问题：欧盟经济增长仍然萎靡不振。 上个季度荷兰和意大利GDP呈现收缩之势，法国则勉强持平。 预测者将欧元区2014年同比增长率预测值向下修正至1 % 。 欧元区总体失业率仍高达 11.6 % ， 而美国在大衰退期间的最差成绩为10 % 。 希腊和西班牙失业率更是高达25%以上 — — 年轻人失业率甚至更高。 欧洲经济仍饱受三个问题困扰：主权债务、欧元和飘摇不定的银行 — — 尽管欧盟已经有了不少新的政策支撑网：欧洲稳定机制（European Stability Mechanism，ESM ） 、 欧洲央行的宽松货币政策和持有主权债务；以及11月欧洲央行接管了130家左右泛欧洲银行的监督权。 所有这些改革都不足以重塑欧洲所急需的更强劲的增长。 普遍存在的经济不满反映在最近的政治不稳定局面中。 5月的欧洲议会选举震惊了欧洲精英，极右翼政党、各色欧洲怀疑派甚至极左翼在许多国家颇有斩获，这部分是拜群众普遍对欧盟委员会的权力集中感到不满所赐。 英国可能在2017年举行关于是否保留欧盟成员的公投，除非其欧盟成员条件作出修订。 当选领导人面临严峻的任务：启动艰难的劳动力市场、退休金体系以及税收的结构性改革。 这些改革在危机之前就早应该实施，但直到目前仍在初级阶段（大部分国家都是如此 ） ， 而高负债国财政状况改善也差强人意。 意大利和法国要求豁免于欧元区预算赤字和债务规则约束。 经济学家不能���定快速财政整合会带来何种短期成本或收益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And in Hungary, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who has been consolidating power for years, has pushed through a law that effectively codifies his status as an absolute dictator. The response to these violations from the world’s democracies has barely risen to the level of a whisper. But lest Americans think themselves immune from such power grabs, they should consider that, in late March, the US Department of Justice asked Congress for the power to detain American citizens (not just undocumented immigrants) indefinitely without trial. Governments that adopt such measures justify them as necessary to combat the pandemic. But history shows us that illiberal leaders rarely, if ever, allow their emergency powers to expire. To be sure, every government has a duty to respond forcefully to the unfolding public-health calamity, and doing so might require temporary but significant restrictions on citizens’ actions. But many of the policies adopted by authoritarian leaders in recent weeks are not just anti-democratic; they are also counterproductive in fighting the pandemic. For example, far from preventing the spread of disease, suppressing press freedoms makes it far more difficult to raise awareness about how the public should respond. Likewise, detaining civilians without trial undermines trust in government precisely when it is needed most. And canceling elections removes any incentive political leaders have to place the public’s interests first. As we take the fight to COVID-19, we also must do everything we can to protect the health of our democracies.", "zh": "在匈牙利，多年来一直巩固权力的总理维克多·奥尔班（Viktor Orbán）推行了一部法律，将自己的绝对独裁地位实实在在地写进了法典。 然而全球民主国家对上述违犯行为的回应几乎未能激起一丝波澜。 而为免让美国人觉得自己可以不受这种权力掠夺的影响，应当提醒他们美国司法部曾在3月下旬请求国会授权可以在不经审判的情况下无限期拘留美国公民（而不仅仅是无证移民 ） 。 那些政府都用打击疫情来为上述做法辩护。 但是历史告诉我们，那些抵制自由的领导人绝少 — — 甚至永远不会 — — 让自己手中的紧急权力过期作废。 虽然每个政府确实都有责任对日益严重的公共卫生灾难做出有力回应，而这样做可能需要对公民的行为采取暂时但重要的限制。 但是独裁领导人在近几周采取的许多政策不仅是反民主的，而且会对抗疫工作起到反作用。 例如，压制新闻自由非但不能阻止疾病的传播，反而导致人们更加难以形成公众应对意识。 同样，不经审判就拘留平民恰恰是在政府最需要民众信任的时候破坏了这种信任；取消选举也打消了政治领导人必须把公众利益放在首位的一切动机。 在抗击新型冠状病毒的斗争中，我们还必须尽一切努力保护民主体制的健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Greening of African Technology JOHANNESBURG – Technological innovation offers Africa huge possibilities. That is why I joined Africa’s movers and shakers last week at a meeting of the World Economic Forum in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda. We were there to discuss how the digital economy can propel the kind of radical change the continent needs. At the same time, though, we had to think about some old tools that our ancestors passed down to us – namely, how to think for the long term and how to work together. These tools are a form of technology that we need to use now, so that future generations have a chance. Climate change is the ultimate test of whether we can use the old and new technologies to safeguard our children’s future. Africans must take decisive action to combat the threat of global warming, by reducing greenhouse-gas emissions and by helping one another to adapt to climate change. If we fail to make progress in these areas now, future generations will judge our inaction as expensive, unjust, and immoral. Africa is one of the regions most vulnerable to climate change. Yet it accounts for only 2.3% of global CO2 emissions. That is partly because two-thirds of Africans – 621 million people – do not have access to electricity. To meet the double challenge of climate change and this energy deficit, African countries need to help themselves and one another. Developed countries – the major contributors to global warming – must live up to the promises they made at the COP21 climate talks in Paris last December. Alongside reacquainting ourselves with old-tech methods of thinking about the long run and working together, new technology is essential if Africa is to cope with climate change. Innovations in biotechnology and farming methods are needed to deal with disease, pests, and drought. New technology can also help Africa to leapfrog over dependence on fossil fuels and into a low-carbon future. The continent has a great opportunity to develop new low-carbon energy strategies that build resilience and support growth that benefits everyone, reducing poverty faster. We show how this can be done in the 2015 Africa Progress Report, “Power People Planet: Seizing Africa’s Energy and Climate Opportunities.” Renewable sources will replace fossil fuels gradually. It cannot happen overnight. Africa needs a judicious and dynamic energy mix.", "zh": "非洲技术的绿色化进程 约翰内斯堡 — — 技术创新为非洲提供了巨大的可能性。 这就是我上周在卢旺达首都基加利举行的世界经济论坛会议上加入非洲影响力运动的原因。 我们在会上就数字经济如何才能推动非洲大陆所需的激进变革展开了讨论。 但同时，我们要思索祖先留给我们哪些古老的工具 — — 也就是说如何放眼长远及如何协力合作。 我们现在要运用以这些工具为代表的技术形式才能将机会留给子孙后代。 气候变化是我们能否利用新旧工具来保护子孙后代未来的一次终极考验。 非洲人必须通过减少温室气体排放和帮助彼此适应气候变化，从而采取果断行动应对全球变暖的威胁。 如果我们现在无法在这些领域取得进展，子孙后代将会认为我们的不作为代价昂贵、不公正也不道德。 非洲是面对气候变化最弱势的地区之一。 但它却仅占全球二氧化碳排放的2.3 % ， 部分原因是三分之二的非洲人口（6.21亿）还没有用上电。 为应对气候变化和能源短缺的双重挑战，非洲国家必须自助互助。 发达国家 — — 全球变暖的主要贡献者 — — 一定要兑现他们去年十二月在巴黎联合国气候会谈中所作出的承诺。 非洲要想应对气候变化，除着眼长远、齐心合力等古老的技术方法外，新技术也同样不可或缺。 必须在生物技术和耕作方法领域进行创新，才能应对疾病、干旱和虫害的威胁。 新技术也可以协助非洲跃过对化石燃料的依赖 ，一举跨入新的低碳未来。 非洲大陆拥有建设快速脱贫、并让所有人都从中受益的能在适应各种环境的同时支持经济增长的全新低碳能源战略的大好机会。 我们在2015年度非洲进步报告“为全球民众提供动力：抓住非洲的能源和气候机会”中为此树立了榜样。 可再生能源将逐步取代化石燃料。 这个过程不会一蹴而就。 非洲需要探索明智并充满活力的能源结构。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“If each state, being stable, strove only for security, and had no designs on its neighbors, all states would nevertheless remain insecure,” he observed, “for the means of security for one state are, in their very existence, the means by which other states are threatened.” Waltz offered a bracing antidote to the facile assumption that democratic habits are easily transferable from one location to another. Rather than trying to spread democracy, he suggested that it would be better to try to reduce global insecurity. Though there is undeniably some correlation between democratic institutions and peaceful habits, the direction of causation is disputable. Was it democracy that made Europe peaceful after 1945? Or did the US nuclear umbrella, the fixing of borders by the victors, and Marshall Plan-fueled economic growth finally make it possible for non-communist Europe to accept democracy as its political norm? The political scientist Mark E. Pietrzyk contends that, “Only states which are relatively secure – politically, militarily, economically – can afford to have free, pluralistic societies; in the absence of this security, states are much more likely to adopt, maintain, or revert to centralized, coercive authority structures.” The second proposition is that democracy is the natural form of the state, which people everywhere will spontaneously adopt if allowed to. This dubious assumption makes regime change seem easy, because the sanctioning powers can rely on the welcoming support of those whose freedom has been repressed and whose rights have been trampled underfoot. By drawing superficial comparisons with postwar Germany and Japan, the apostles of democratization grossly underestimate the difficulties of installing democracies in societies that lack Western constitutional traditions. The results of their handiwork can be seen in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, and many African countries. Democratic peace theory is, above all, lazy. It provides an easy explanation for “warlike” behavior without considering the location and history of the states involved. This shallowness lends itself to overconfidence that a quick dose of economic sanctions or bombing is all that is needed to cure a dictatorship of its unfortunate affliction. In short, the idea that democracy is “portable” leads to a gross underestimation of the military, economic, and humanitarian costs of trying to spread democracy to troubled parts of the world.", "zh": "“如果每个国家都保持稳定，只想保证安全，对邻国没有任何算计，那么所有国家仍然会不安全 ， ” 他观察道 ， “ 因为一个国家的安全手段，就其存在而言，就是让其他国家受到威胁的手段 。 ” 沃尔兹为民主习惯很容易从一个地方传到另一个地方的轻率假设提供了一种令人振奋的解药。 他建议与其尝试传播民主，不如尝试减少全球的不安全感。 尽管不可否认，民主制度与和平习惯之间存在某种关联，但因果关系的方向颇可争议。 是民主在 1945 年后使欧洲和平了吗？ 还是美国的核保护伞、胜利者确定的边界以及马歇尔计划推动的经济增长最终使非共产主义欧洲有可能接受民主作为其政治规范？ 政治学家马克·佩特尔齐克（ Mark E. Pietrzyk ）认为 ， “ 只有相对安全的国家 — — 在政治上、军事上、经济上 — — 才能负担得起自由、多元化的社会；缺乏这种安全，国家更有可能采用、维持或恢复集中化的强制性权力结构 。 ” 第二个命题是民主是国家的自然形式，如果允许，世界各地的人们都会自发地采用这种形式。 这一可疑的假设使政权更迭看似容易，因为制裁力量可以依赖那些自由受到压制和权利受到践踏的人的欢迎支持。 通过与战后德国和日本进行肤浅的比较，民主化的倡导者严重低估了在缺乏西方宪政传统的社会中建立民主制度的困难。 在伊拉克、阿富汗、利比亚、叙利亚和许多非洲国家都可以看到这一行为的后果。 民主和平理论首先是懒惰的。 它为“好战”行为提供了一个简单的解释，而不考虑相关国家的位置和历史。 这种肤浅使其自身过度自信，认为只要迅速采取经济制裁或轰炸就可以治愈独裁政权的不幸苦难。 简而言之，民主是“可移植的”的想法导致人们严重低估了试图将民主传播到世界动荡地区的军事、经济和人道主义成本。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, as a result, it now has no further scope for increasing public consumption or investment. To be sure, building a social safety net, developing financial markets, and strengthening corporate governance to encourage state enterprises to pay out more of what they earn would encourage Chinese households to consume. But such reforms take years to complete. In the meantime, the rate of spending growth in China will not change dramatically. As a result, Chinese policymakers have been waiting to see whether the recovery in the US is real. If it is, China’s exports will grow more rapidly. And if its exports grow more rapidly, they can allow the renminbi to rise. Without that exchange-rate adjustment, faster export growth would expose the Chinese economy to the risk of overheating. But, with the adjustment, Chinese consumers will spend more on imports and less on domestic goods. Overheating having been avoided, the Chinese economy can keep motoring ahead at its customary 10% annual pace. Evidence that the US recovery will be sustained is mounting. As always, there is no guarantee. But the latest data on sales of light vehicles, as well as the Institute of Supply Management’s manufacturing index and the Bureau of Labor Statistics employment report, all point in this direction.", "zh": "但因此，它现在已没有扩大公共开支或投资的余地了。 社会保障体系的完善、金融市场的发展、国有企业分红机制的建立等等，固然有助于鼓励中国居民增加消费。 但是这些改革都需要几年时间才能完成。 在相当长一段时间内，中国的消费不可能有大幅度的增长。 所以，中国的决策者需要审时度势，观察美国的经济复苏是否能持续。 如果是，中国的出口增长将会加快。 如果它的出口增长加快，他们就可以让人民币升值了。 如果出口增速上去了，还不调整汇率的话，将会使中国经济面临过热风险。 调整则会促使中国消费者增加进口商品消费，减少国产商品消费。 过热由此得以避免，中国经济仍能以10%的年增长率大步向前。 有越来越多的证据表明，美国经济复苏的确是可持续的。 当然，这一点永远不能打包票。 但最新的轻型车辆销售数据、采购经理指数和劳动统计署发布的失业报告都指向这一方向。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "提拔重用牢固树立“四个意识”和“四个自信”、坚决维护党中央权威、全面贯彻执行党的理论和路线方针政策、忠诚干净担当的干部，选优配强各级领导班子。 注重培养专业能力、专业精神，增强干部队伍适应新时代中国特色社会主义发展要求的能力。 大力发现储备年轻干部，注重在基层一线和困难艰苦的地方培养锻炼年轻干部，源源不断选拔使用经过实践考验的优秀年轻干部。 统筹做好培养选拔女干部、少数民族干部和党外干部工作。认真做好离退休干部工作。 坚持严管和厚爱结合、激励和约束并重，", "en": "We will promote and put in important positions those Party officials who do well according to the following criteria: they maintain political integrity, think in terms of the big picture, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment with the central Party leadership; they have full confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics; they uphold the authority of the Central Committee and faithfully follow the Party’s theories, lines, principles, and policies; and they are loyal to the Party, have moral integrity, and demonstrate a keen sense of responsibility. We will strengthen leadership teams at all levels by appointing competent officials. We will take seriously the development of specialized expertise and professionalism, and enhance Party officials’ ability to meet the requirements of developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. We will work harder to identify promising young officials and get them well prepared for future jobs. We will focus on their practical training in local communities, in work on the frontline, and in areas where conditions are harsh, and work to produce a constant stream of outstanding young officials who have passed the test of practice. We will ensure coordinated training and selection of female officials, officials from ethnic minorities, and non-Party officials. We will ensure that retired officials are well taken care of. We will be both strict and caring, and place equal emphasis on providing incentives and imposing constraints."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Understanding Today’s Stagnation NEW HAVEN – Ever since the “Great Recession” of 2007-2009, the world’s major central banks have kept short-term interest rates at near-zero levels. In the United States, even after the Federal Reserve’s recent increases, short-term rates remain below 1%, and long-term interest rates on major government bonds are similarly low. Moreover, major central banks have supported markets at a record level by buying up huge amounts of debt and holding it. Why is all this economic life support necessary, and why for so long? It would be an oversimplification to say that the Great Recession caused this. Long-term real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates did not really reach low levels during the 2007-2009 period. If one looks at a plot of the US ten-year Treasury yield over the last 35 years, one sees a fairly steady downward trend, with nothing particularly unusual about the Great Recession. The yield rate was 3.5% in 2009, at the end of the recession. Now it is just over 2%. Much the same is true of real interest rates. During the Great Recession, the ten-year Treasury Inflation-Protected Security yield reached almost 3% at one point, and was almost 2% at the recession’s end. Since then, the ten-year TIPS yield has mostly declined and stayed low, at 0.5% in May 2017. The fact that people are willing to tie up their money for ten years at such low rates suggests that there has been a long trend toward pessimism, reflected in the recent popularity of the term “secular stagnation” to describe a perpetually weak economy. After former US Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers used the term in a November 2013 speech at the International Monetary Fund, the New York Times columnist Paul Krugman picked it up, and it went viral from there. Although secular stagnation became a meme five years after the 2008 financial crisis, the term itself is much older. It first appeared in Harvard University economist Alvin Hansen’s presidential address to the American Economic Association, in December 1938, and in his book published the same year.", "zh": "理解今天的停滞 纽黑文—自2007—2009年的“大衰退”以来，世界主要央行将短期利率保持在近零水平。 在美国，即使在美联储最近的升息动作之后，短期利率仍然不到1 % ， 而主要政府债券长期利率也处在类似水平上。 此外，主要央行买入并持有巨量债务，对市场的支持也是创造了新纪录。 为何所有这些经济续命手段都是必须的，并且要维持如此之久？ 如果说是大衰退导致了这一点的话，那是过于简化了。 长期真实（经通胀调整的）利率在2007—2009年间其实并未触及低位。 如果你回顾过去35年中的美国十年期国债收益率，就会发现一个稳步下降的趋势，大衰退并没有特别反常之处。 2009年衰退终点时的收益率为3.5 % 。 现在略高于2 % 。 真实利率基本也是如此。 大衰退期间，十年期通胀保护国债（TIPS）收益率一度达到近3 % ， 而在衰退终点时为近2 % 。 此后，十年期TIPS收益率基本上呈现下跌并保持低位的走势，2017年5月的水平为0.5 % 。 人们愿意把自己的钱以如此低的利率锁定十年，这一事实表明悲观的趋势由来已久，一个体现就是最近热门起来的术语“长期停滞 ” ， 即经济持续保持疲软状态。 2013年11月，美国前财政部长劳伦斯·萨默斯（Lawrence Summers）在国际货币金组织（IMF）的演讲中提到了这个词，随后 ， 《 纽约时报》专栏作家保罗·克鲁格曼（Paul Krugman）把它推向了热门，此后它就成了一个“毒词 ” 。 尽管长期停滞在2008年金融危机发生五年后成了一种模因（meme ） ， 但这个术语本身的历史要悠久得多。 它第一次出现是在1938年12月哈佛大学经济学家阿尔文·汉森（Alvin Hansen）的美国经济学会主席讲话，以及同年出版的汉森的 著作中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sustaining Europe’s Security Trio BERLIN – Despite the tensions generated by Brexit, the leaders of France, Germany, and the United Kingdom have stood together in disputes between the European Union and the United States. If their unity can be sustained, Europe’s “big three” (E3) will serve the EU very well in a tumultuous future. French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and UK Prime Minister Theresa May seem to have read from the same script regarding US President Donald Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and his rejection of the final communiqué of the G7 summit in June. They all disapprove of Trump’s decisions to move the US embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and to withdraw the US from the United Nations Human Rights Council. And they have all criticized his escalating trade war with China. This unity is not merely rhetorical. The UK has lately supported EU integration projects concerning foreign and security policy – much more so than before the Brexit referendum. This includes the decision to establish new headquarters for military training missions – which many view as the nucleus for a potential European military – in Africa. Britain had long resisted this initiative. The catalyst for the UK’s change of course, it seems, is Trump. There is significant evidence suggesting that Trump views the EU and some of its member states as adversaries, rather than allies. While the US will remain the most important ally of the EU and NATO’s European members, it is no longer the most reliable one. This shift has dashed hopes in the UK that post-Brexit Britain would be able to capitalize on its “special relationship” with the US, and it has highlighted for the EU the urgency of increasing its own strategic autonomy. While the North Atlantic alliance will remain critical to European security, the EU now seeks to build the capacity to define its own strategic priorities and, if needed, act upon them, whether alone or with partners. Achieving this objective, defined in the EU’s 2016 “Global Strategy,” will be much easier with the UK on board. The fact is that the EU and the UK have more international clout together than separately.", "zh": "保持欧洲的安全三重奏 柏林—尽管英国退欧造成了紧张，但法国、德国和英国领导人在欧盟与美国的纠纷中仍站在一起。 如果能够保持他们的团结，欧洲的“三大 ” （ E3）将在喧嚣的未来给欧盟带来诸多优势。 法国总统马克龙、德国总理默克尔以及英国首相梅从美国总统退出伊核协议以及拒绝6月的G7峰会最终公报中读出了相同的内容。 他们都反对特朗普将美国驻以色列大使馆迁往耶路撒冷以及美国退出联合国人权委员会的决定。 他们都批评特朗普对华贸易战的升级。 这种团结绝非停留在口头。 英国最近支持欧盟在外交和政策方面的一体化计划 — — 比英国退欧公投前还要热心。 这其中包括决定建立新的非洲军事训练任务总部 — — 很多人将此视为可能的欧洲军的核心。 此前，英国一直抵制这一计划。 英国改变态度的催化剂似乎是特朗普。 很多证据表明，特朗普对欧盟及其某些成员国的看法是对手，而非盟友。 美国仍然是欧盟和北约欧洲成员国的最重要的盟友，但已不再是最可靠的盟友。 这一转变扼杀了英国在退欧后仍能够利用其与美国的“特殊关系”的希望，也突显出欧盟提升自身战略自主力的紧迫性。 北大西洋联盟仍然是欧洲安全的关键，但现在，欧盟寻求构建自身战略重点的能力，如有必要，还要能够根据这一重点采取行动，不管有无合作伙伴。 实现这一欧盟2016年“全球战略”所定义的目标如果有英国的加入，会更加容易。 事实上，欧盟和英国的国际实力有一加一大于二的效果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "王平，男，1975年生，江西安福人，博士，教授。 2004年毕业于复旦大学哲学系西方哲学专业，获哲学博士学位。 曾作为国家公派访问学者在美国西北大学访学一年。 现为同济大学马克思主义学院教授、副院长、博士生导师、同济大学欧洲马克思主义研究中心主任、上海市第五届哲学学科评议组成员、中国博士后基金评审专家、《东方教育时报·教育往事》专栏作家、上海市哲学学会理事、上海市哲学学会青年学者论坛筹委会委员、中国当代国外马克思主义研究会理事。 主要研究方向为国外马克思主义、马克思主义哲学、外国哲学、当代政治哲学、当代社会思潮等。 先后主持国家社会科学基金项目、教育部人文社会科学研究项目、上海市哲学社会科学项目、上海市教委课题等纵向课题10多项。 主要著作有《后马克思主义的现代性反思及其对建构和谐社会的启示》、《目的论视域下的康德历史哲学》等。 主要译著有《后马克思主义的抉择》、《时代精神》等。", "en": "Ping Wang, male, born in 1975, a native of Anfu, Jiangxi province, Doctor, Professor. In 2004, he graduated from the Department of Philosophy, Fudan University, majoring in Western Philosophy, and obtained a Ph.D. in philosophy. He visited Northwestern University in the United States for one year as a national dispatching visiting scholar, Currently he serves as the Professor, Associate Dean and Doctoral Supervisor at School of Marxism, Tongji University, Director of European Marxist Research Center, Tongji University, Member of the 5th Shanghai Philosophy Discipline Appraisal Group, Reviewer of China Postdoctoral Fund, Columnist for \"Oriental Education Times·Educational Past Events\", Director of Shanghai Philosophy Society, Member of the Preparatory Committee of the Young Scholar Forum of the Shanghai Philosophy Society, Director of China Contemporary Foreign Marxism Research Association. The main research directions are Foreign Marxism, Marxist Philosophy, Foreign Philosophy, Contemporary Political Philosophy, Contemporary Social Thoughts, etc. He has presided over more than 10 longitudinal projects such as the National Social Science Fund Project, the Humanities and Social Science Research Project of the Ministry of Education, the Shanghai Philosophy and Social Science Project, and the Shanghai Education Commission Project. Main Publication Works: Reflections on Post-Marxist Modernity and Its Enlightenment to the Construction of a Harmonious Society, Kant's Philosophy of History from the Perspective of Teleology. Main Translation Works: The Post-Marxist Choice, The Spirit of Time, etc."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A New Holy Alliance? LONDON -- The recent meeting in the Vatican of the “Custodian of The Holy Places,” King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, and Pope Benedict XVI was a seminal event, particularly as it comes at a time when radical Muslims are decrying the role of “crusaders” in Middle East politics. It was also the clearest sign yet of a rising “Holy Alliance” among the world’s conservative leaders. For the key audience for this meeting of Muslim king and Roman Catholic Pontiff was not their followers, but another conservative leader, President George W. Bush. The first “Holy Alliance” was a creation of Austria’s Prince Metternich following the Napoleonic wars. It was an attempt to preserve the peace (and the security of the relatively weak Austrian Empire) through a coalition of victors upholding shared values. Metternich’s “Holy Alliance” was the one original political idea to emerge from Napoleon’s defeat. Behind its exalted name lay an innovation of great diplomatic significance: the introduction of an element of calculated moral restraint into international relations. The vested interests that the Alliance members – Austria, Prussia, and Russia – had in the survival of their domestic institutions led each to seek to avoid conflicts that, in the past, they would have pursued as a matter of course. Metternich’s system worked through much of the nineteenth century, because it protected a genuine balance of power between countries that shared common values. But what “common values” do King, Pope, and American President share?", "zh": "是否是新的神圣联盟？ 伦敦 - - 沙特阿拉伯国王阿卜杜拉和教皇本笃十六世最近在梵蒂冈以“圣地监护人”的身份会见意义深远，特别是激进穆斯林正在责难在中东政治中“圣战者”发挥的作用之际尤其如此。 这也是世界保守派领导人中正在上升的“神圣联盟”的最为清楚的迹象。 因为这次穆斯林国王和罗马天主教教宗会见的主要观众并非其追随者，而是另一位保守派领导人布什总统。 史上第一个“神圣联盟”是奥地利王子梅特涅在拿破仑战争之后建立的。 它意在通过坚持共同价值观的战胜者联盟维持和平(以及相对脆弱的奥地利帝国的安全 ) 。 梅特涅的“神圣联盟”是发源于拿破仑战败的具有创意的政治观点。 在其崇高的名分之后是一个具有巨大外交意义的创新，也就是把经过算计的道德限制因素引入国际政治之中。 其联盟成员奥地利、普鲁士和俄国在各自国内机制的生存上具有既得利益，从而引导它们寻求避免冲突。 在过去，这些国家将会理所当然地进行冲突。 梅特涅的体系在十九世纪的大部分都奏效，因为它保护了具有共同价值观国家间的实在的力量平衡。 但是，沙特国王、教皇以及美国总统之间有什么“共同价值观”呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If Hillary Clinton, the likely next US president, genuinely believes in peace and sustainable development, she should announce her intention to back the GFE’s creation, just as President George W. Bush in 2001 was the first head of state to endorse the newly proposed Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB, and Malaria. She should call on China and others to join this multilateral effort. The alternative – to continue spending massively on defense rather than on global education – would condemn the US to the status of a declining imperial state tragically addicted to hundreds of overseas military bases, tens of billions of dollars in annual arms sales, and perpetual wars. Without a GFE, poor countries will lack the resources to educate their kids, just as they were unable to finance the fight against AIDS, TB, and malaria until the Global Fund was established. Here’s the basic budgetary challenge: it costs at least $250 in a poor country to educate a child for a year, but low-income countries can afford, on average, only around $90 per child per year. There is a gap of $160 per child for around 240 million school-aged kids in need, or about $40 billion per year. The consequences of underfunded education are tragic. Kids leave school early, often without being able to read or write at a basic level. These dropouts often sign up with gangs, drug traffickers, even jihadists. Girls marry and begin to have children very young.", "zh": "如果有望成为下任美国总统的希拉里·克林顿真的相信和平和可持续发展，那么她应该宣布准备支持成立GFE，正如2001年小布什总统成为第一个支持新提出的遏制艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金的国家元首。 她应该呼吁中国和其他国家加入这一多边行动。 否则 — — 继续花费巨资用于防务而不是全球教育 — — 美国将沦为悲剧地沉迷于数百个海外军事基地、数十亿美元年度军备销售以及永久性战争的衰落的帝国。 没有GFE，穷国就无法得到足够资源教育它们的孩子，一如如果遏制艾滋病、结核病和疟疾全球基金没有成立，它们也无法拿出钱来治理这些疾病。 这里存在一个基本预算挑战：穷国为一名儿童提供一年教育至少需要250美元，但低收入国家平均只能负担每人每年90美元左右。 2.4亿名学龄儿童每人每年存在160美元缺口，总数高达400亿美元左右。 基础教育资金不足的后果是悲剧性的。 儿童过早离开学校，常常还没有掌握基本读写技能。 这些辍学者常常成为黑社会、毒贩甚至圣战者。 女孩很早就结婚生子。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The model is straightforward: first, blend public, private, and charitable contributions; second, invest the funds under rigorous private-sector standards, rather than entrusting them to profligate public-sector actors who often treat donor money with contempt. Such blended finance vehicles, though in their infancy, have already been shown to work well elsewhere in the world. A World Economic Forum survey found that every $1 of public money invested in such initiatives attracted as much as $20 of private investment. And this does not even account for the benefits implied by improved accounting, tendering, and reporting procedures – all by-products of greater private-sector involvement. This approach is especially appropriate at a time when many European countries are struggling with sluggish growth and face tight fiscal constraints. Only four EU members now spend the globally agreed 0.7% of gross national income on development aid. The good news is that European governments increasingly seem to recognize the need to tap the potential of the private sector to support development. Last month, at a European Parliament plenary session in Strasbourg, the European Commission threw its support behind my plan to put the private sector front and center in development projects. But establishing private-sector investment as a key component of Europe’s development strategy is just the first step. The Commission must now put words into action, which means engaging directly with the private sector and business communities. By stabilizing Middle Eastern societies and advancing their economic development, Europe can help to stem the influx of migrants and asylum-seekers today, while securing new markets, business opportunities, and partnerships tomorrow.", "zh": "这一模式非常直观：首先，融合公共、私人和慈善部门的贡献；其次，将资金根据严格的私人部门标准进行投资，而不是将它们委托给轻蔑地对待捐助金的挥霍成性的公共部门行动人。 这种融合金融实体尽管尚处在雏形阶段，已经在世界其他地区显示出很好的效果。 世界经济论坛的一份调查发现，投入这些计划的每一美元公共资金，可以吸引到多大20美元的私人投资。 而这还没有计入会计、投标和报告等流程改进所带来的好处 — — 它们全部是加强私人部门参与的副产品。 如今，许多欧洲国家正在艰难应对增长停滞，面临趋紧的财政约束，这一方针就显得尤其合理。 只有四个欧盟成员国目前将国民总收入的0.7 % — —全球一致认可的标准 — — 用于发展援助。 好消息是欧洲各国政府正日益认识到利用私人部门的潜力支持发展的需要。 上个月，在斯特拉斯堡欧洲议会全体会议上，欧盟委员会支持了我的让私人部门站出来、集中于发展项目的计划。 但让私人部门投资成为欧洲发展战略的核心部分只是第一步。 欧盟委员会现在必须把语言转化为行动，这意味着直接与私人部门和企业界合作。 通过稳定中东社会、推动它们的经济发展，欧洲可以帮助阻止今天移民和寻求庇护者大量涌入的情况，同时又能确保未来的新市场、商业机会与合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Experimental China HONG KONG – Five years ago, few would have expected that China would produce four of the top ten global Internet companies (by number of visitors) – Alibaba, Baidu, Tencent, and Sohu – as well as innovative multinationals like Huawei and Xiaomi. Nor would most have anticipated China’s increasing provision of global public goods, including its “one belt, one road” strategy, which aims to provide the infrastructure needed to knit Eurasia into a single vast market. More remarkable news has just emerged: despite slowing economic-growth rates, China, together with Hong Kong, has recorded $29 billion in initial public offerings so far this year – almost twice the funds raised in US markets. By any measure, the pace and scope of innovation in China has begun to increase. How has this happened, and why is it happening now? The answer lies in the unprecedented challenges that China faces, including corruption, pollution, unsustainable local debts, ghost towns, shadow banks, inefficient state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and excessive government control over the economy. Certainly, no one would argue that these are positive developments for China; nonetheless, they have arguably been a blessing in disguise. They have imbued reform efforts with a degree of urgency that has had a far-reaching impact; indeed, conventional GDP data do not reflect the scale of the transformation that they are driving. Of course, China has long been committed to market-driven structural reforms, at the national and municipal levels.", "zh": "中国改革的新实践 香港—五年前，极少有人会料到中国能占据全球互联网公司前十名中的四席（以访问数衡量 ） — —阿里巴巴、百度、腾讯和搜狐，并且能产生华为和小米这样的创新性跨国公司。 大多数人也不会预料到中国对全球公共品贡献的日益增加，包括其旨在提供将欧亚地区（Eurasia）打造成一个单一巨大市场所需要的基础设施的“一带一路”战略。 还有更加引人注目的最新消息：尽管经济增长率正在放缓，但今年中国与香港资本市场首次公开发行量已达290亿美元，是美国市场筹资规模的近两倍。 不论从什么指标看，中国创新的节奏和范围都开始增加。 这是如何发生的？ 为何会在现在发生？ 答案在于中国所遇到的前所未有的挑战，包括腐败、污染、不可持续的地方债务 、 “ 鬼城 ” 、 影子银行、效率低下的国有企业、政府对经济的过度控制等。 显然，没有人认为这些因素对中国有利。 但是，它们实际上起到了意料外的刺激作用。 这使得改革任务变得紧迫，并形成深远的影响。 事实上，传统GDP数据无法反映中国目前所推动的转型的规模。 当然，在国家和地方层面，中国长期致力于推动市场发展的结构改革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this atmosphere of public silence, the virtually vacant public space is filled with odd voices that are not intended for public consumption. The billboards were \"them\" communicating in our common space, exchanging messages, as it were, over our heads . In March, a high-quality Moscow business daily, Vedomosti, published a letter from Mikhail Khodorkovsky. It was a mystery how the letter was smuggled out of jail. Did Khodorkovsky write the letter, or had he merely signed it? If he was the author, was it his political manifesto or an act of repentance? In the murky atmosphere surrounding Khodorkovsky's case, it is impossible to discover which theory is true. But the more relevant question is whom Khodorkovsky's letter aimed to address. Vedomosti readers may sympathize with Khodorkovsky's plight, but they account for only 60 thousand people. The public at large was basically unaware of Khodorkovsky's letter, because the state television networks did not report it. His missive was more likely an element in behind-the-scenes negotiations between Khodorkovsky and various Kremlin factions. Khodorkovsky's letter may have appeared in the public space, but it was not intended for public consumption. Rather, it was like the \"I love you\" billboard. For the time being, Khodorkovsky's love remains unrequited.", "zh": "在这种公众沉默的氛围之中，事实上被闲置的公共空间充斥着不想让公众理解的怪异声音。 这些公告牌是\"他们\"在我们的共有空间的交流方式，这仿佛是在越过我们的头脑交换信息。 今年三月，一份高质量的莫斯科商业报纸 Vedomosti 发表了一封来自米凯伊•克多科夫斯基的信。 这封信是如何从监狱偷带出来的仍是个谜。 是克多科夫斯基亲笔写了这封信，还是他仅仅签了个名而已？ 如果真是他写的，那么这究竟是他的政治宣言还是悔改的表现？ 在克多科夫斯基一案的黑暗氛围之中，不可能判定哪种推测更符合事实。 然而，更重要的问题是克多科夫斯基的这封信究竟是写给谁看的。 Vedomosti 的读者们可能会同情克多科夫斯基的困境，但他们也仅有6万之众。 大多数的民众都不知道克多科夫斯基的信件一事，因为国家电视网没有播报。 他的信更像是克多科夫斯基本人与克里姆林宫不同派系之间的幕后谈判中的一环。 克多科夫斯基的信虽然在公共空间出现，但却不是真正想让公众了解其含义。 它更像是那块\"我爱你\"的公告牌。 而克多科夫斯基的爱暂时还没有得到回应。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Vaccine Solidarity Now GENEVA – The arrival of the first COVID-19 vaccines in late 2020 brought fresh hope that the end of the pandemic was within sight. When G7 leaders, from North America and Europe to Japan, gather for a virtual meeting on February 19, their top priority will be to discuss precisely how to achieve this goal. While this won’t be the first time that global leaders have addressed the pandemic, I welcome the fact that UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, the G7’s current chair, has called this summit specifically in order to focus on vaccination. Having represented the European Union at these gatherings for ten years, I know how they can spur a broader movement to find solutions. With US President Joe Biden renewing America’s spirit of multilateralism, this G7 meeting offers genuine hope of becoming a true inflection point in overcoming the COVID-19 crisis. Moreover, a solution is already on the table, with vaccines ready to be rolled out to the world’s poorest countries. It is now clear that vaccines are having a more powerful impact during this pandemic than any fiscal or monetary stimulus, not only in terms of saving lives and protecting people, but also in laying a path to economic recovery. This is so because, as long as the coronavirus circulates, reinfection will continue and efforts to resume trade, travel, and commerce will stall. But the vaccines’ potential impact is entirely contingent on ensuring rapid, fair, and equitable access to them to people in all countries.", "zh": "现在，为了疫苗团结起来 日内瓦—2020年首批COVID-19疫苗的到来让人们感到终结疫情的希望也许就在眼前了。 2月19日，来自北美、欧洲和日本的G7领导人召开视频会议，最重要的议题便是讨论如何实现这一目标。 这不是全球领导人第一次应对疫情，但我对G7现任主席、英国首相约翰逊专门召集这次会议聚焦免疫表示欢迎。 我代表欧盟参加这些会议已有十年，我明白如何推动更全面的计划寻找解决方案。 美国总统拜登重启了美国的多边主义精神，这次G7会议也是一次真正的希望，克服COVID-19危机的转折点真正到来了。 此外，解决方案已经摆上了桌面，疫苗已准备好向全球最贫困国家发放。 目前已经清楚，疫苗在此次疫情期间比任何财政和货币刺激都更加有力，不仅在拯救生命、保护人民方面是如此，在奠定经济复苏之路方面也是如此。 这是因为，只要新冠病毒还在传播，就会有再感染，重启贸易、旅行和商业的措施就会受到阻滞。 但疫苗的潜在影响完全取决于确保其迅速、公平和平等地分发给全世界各国人民。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The IMF Still Misunderstands the Euro Crisis WASHINGTON, DC – In July, the International Monetary Fund’s Independent Evaluation Office released a major report on how the Fund handled the euro crisis after 2010. The IEO report is critical of Fund behavior; but, as with previous IMF self-evaluations, it misses many substantive issues. Specifically, the IEO argues that the Fund was captive to European interests – hardly surprising, given that Europeans constitute one-third of the Fund’s executive board. Moreover, the Fund was mistaken in assuming that “Europe is different,” and that “sudden stops could not happen within the euro area.” In a financial crisis, authorities must act fast to address the problems that caused it and restore confidence. The United States government did just that in the fall of 2008; European leaders, meanwhile, dithered – a point the IEO neglects to mention. The IEO report also doesn’t assess IMF programs’ effectiveness. Consider Greece, where the Fund’s response was clearly insufficient. In 2009, the Greek budget deficit was 15% of GDP; with an IMF program, the deficit fell in 2010, but only to 11% of GDP. Meanwhile, the three Baltic countries – Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania – carried out budget tightening of 9% of GDP in 2009. The Fund and the European Union have long been oblivious to many EU countries’ excessive fiscal burdens. The Fund was lenient toward Greece because Greece is a eurozone member; but this favoritism was unjustified and ultimately costly. Greek public expenditures have fluctuated between 50% and 59% of GDP since 2010, creating a massive debt overhang and hindering growth. By comparison, Germany and the United Kingdom have kept public expenditures at a reasonable 44% of GDP. The IEO report ignores this and focuses instead on the need to restructure public debt, in order to make it sustainable. But this didn’t necessarily apply to Greece in 2009, when its public debt was high – at 127% of GDP – but not unsustainable.", "zh": "依然误解了欧元危机的IMF 发自华盛顿 — — 今年七月，国际货币基金组织下属的独立评估办公室发布了一份关于2010年后基金组织如何应对欧元危机的重要报告。 虽然这份报告的目的是对基金过往的行为提出批评指正；但是跟以往该组织发布的许多自我评估一样，它忽略了许多实质性问题。 具体来说，独立评估办公室认为基金组织被欧洲利益绑架了 — — 这不足为奇，因为基金组织执行委员会中有1/3是欧洲人。 此外，基金组织错误地假设“欧洲是不同的 ” ， 并认为“欧元区内部不会出现突然崩盘状态 ” 。 金融危机中的政府当局必须迅速采取行动以解决导致金融危机的根源并恢复信心。 美国政府在2008年危机中正是采取了这个做法；而欧洲领导层却乱成一团 — — 但独立评估办公室并未在报告中提及这一点。 同时，独立评估办公室的报告未能评估国家货币基金组织应对方案的有效性。 以希腊为例，基金组织对当地局势的反应明显不足。 2009年时希腊预算赤字相当于GDP的15 ％ ； 参与国际货币基金组织项目后的2010年赤字有所下降，但仅跌至11 ％ 。 与此同时，波罗的海三国 — — 爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛 — — 在2009年就将预算赤字成功缩减至相当于GDP的9％了。 长期以来，基金组织和欧盟一直对许多欧盟国家过度的财政负担视而不见。 基金组织对希腊宽容是因为希腊是欧元区成员；但这种偏袒是没有道理的，也最终付出了代价。 2010年以来，希腊公共支出与GDP的比率在50％至59%之间波动，产生了巨大的债务负担并阻碍了该国的经济发展。 相比之下，德国和英国就将公共支出合理控制在了相当于GDP44％的水平。 独立评估办公室的报告忽略了这一点而转而关注重组公共债务从而使其具备可持续性的需求。 但这并不一定适用于2009年的希腊，虽然其公共债务与GDP的比率高达127 ％ — —但并非不可持续。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "During his campaign, Biden promised to return to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, the so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which Obama negotiated and Trump abandoned. To this end, the Biden administration will have to persuade Iran to stop enriching uranium beyond JCPOA-imposed limits and agree to new negotiations, before the US lifts its punishing economic sanctions on the country. Of course, Iran wants sanctions relief first, but compromise is entirely achievable. The bigger challenge will be overcoming resistance from America’s regional allies, especially Israel, whose military is already preparing for possible offensive action against Iran. The strategic viability of such an offensive is far from clear. In 2012, Israel’s then-minister of defense, Ehud Barak, concluded that Iran’s nuclear program was already nearing the “immunity zone,” where an attack could not derail it, owing to the country’s accumulated “know-how, raw materials, experience, and equipment.” Nonetheless, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has a proven record as a spoiler, and the Biden administration must be careful not to allow him to reprise that role. Despite being crippled by sanctions, Iran retains considerable bargaining power. It enjoys the support of Russia and China, and Biden seems to recognize that the US cannot afford to wage another war in the Middle East. While Biden gave short shrift to Iran in his speech, he did not mention North Korea at all. Here, the dilemma is no longer how to reverse nuclearization, but rather how to mitigate any threat to America’s allies and the US mainland. With diplomacy having consistently failed, and military action sure to be an unmitigated calamity, the Biden administration has few good options. Finally, there is the China challenge. In his speech, Biden pledged to “confront” China’s economic abuses, “counter its aggressive, coercive action,” and “push back” against its “attack” on human rights, intellectual property, and global governance. But he also promised to work with China “when it’s in America’s interest to do so.” Walking this line will not be easy.", "zh": "在竞选期间拜登曾承诺，重返2015年伊朗核协议，也就是所谓的联合全面行动计划，奥巴马谈判达成了这项计划，然后又遭到了特朗普的废弃。 为此，拜登政府必须说服伊朗，在美国解除对该国实施惩罚性经济制裁措施之前，就停止实施超出联合全面行动计划所强制规定限度的铀浓缩行为，并同意参与新的谈判进程。 毋庸置疑，伊朗希望先解除制裁，但就此问题达成妥协完全有可能。 更艰巨的挑战将是克服来自美国区域盟国，尤其是以色列的阻力，以色列军队已经在为针对伊朗采取可能的进攻行动做好准备。 上述攻势在战略上究竟可行与否目前尚不明确。 2012年，以色列时任国防部长埃胡德·巴拉克得出结论，伊朗的核计划已经接近“豁免区 ” ， 也就是，即便先发制人地发动攻击也无法导致伊朗核计划脱轨。 而这一切应当归功于该国多年所累积的“技术、原材料、经验和设备 ” 。 但以色列总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡曾一再充当搅局者的角色，而拜登政府必须小心谨慎，不给他再次搅局的机会。 尽管深受制裁影响，但伊朗仍然握有可观的议价能力。 它得到了俄罗斯和中国的支持，而拜登也似乎认识到，在中东再次发动战争不在美国的考虑范围内。 拜登在讲话中对伊朗问题敷衍了事，但对朝鲜问题却根本就不置一词。 在朝鲜问题上，两难的不再是如何逆转核武化，而是如何减少对美国盟友和美国本土的威胁。 由于外交努力一再失败，军事行动又无疑会带来彻头彻尾的灾难，拜登政府已经没有好的筹码可供选取。 最后还有中国问题。 拜登在讲话中承诺要“直面”中国的经济弊病 ， “ 反击其咄咄逼人的胁迫性行动 ” ， 并“对抗”中国对人权、知识产权和全球治理等领域的攻击。 但他同时也承诺要与中国合作 ， “ 前提是这样做要符合美国的利益 ” 。 守住这条分界线并不容易。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe at Debt’s Door MUNICH – Hit hard by the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the European Union needs money. And given that Paolo Gentiloni, the bloc’s economy commissioner, cannot get it directly from the EU’s member states, he wants to borrow it. The purpose does not seem to matter. What matters is that the Commission receives money – lots of it – even if that means amassing a mountain of debt. In 2020, Gentiloni played a key role in creating NextGenerationEU (NGEU), the emergency program that enabled the EU to borrow over €800 billion ($858 billion) to deal with the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Last May, he wanted to raise funds to aid Ukraine, and in October he suggested issuing joint debt to help European citizens with their gas bills. Now, amid a wave of common debt issuances, the European Commission plans to compete with US President Joe Biden’s $369 billion Inflation Reduction Act, which includes subsidies for clean-energy projects. While the new plan might not involve new borrowing, it proposes a new “European sovereignty fund” to invest in green technologies. It is doubtful that the benefits of these programs will justify their costs. For example, there seems to be no correlation between the distribution of NGEU funds and the severity of local COVID-19 outbreaks. There is, however, a negative correlation between NGEU aid and GDP per capita, with some of the poorer countries that were less affected by the virus received staggering amounts of money. The problem with the Commission’s current borrowing spree is that the EU’s own rules bar it from taking on debt. Article 311 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union clearly states that the EU must finance itself “wholly from own resources.” That is why member states needed to agree unanimously to NGEU’s creation. Another major problem is the lack of clarity about who will bear the cost of this debt. Politicians and economists often say that the EU’s debt burden will inevitably fall on future generations of taxpayers, who will have to service it. While there is some truth to this, today’s savers will pay the highest price. Like most of the developed world, Europe is reeling from the return of stagflation.", "zh": "临近债务大门的欧洲 发自慕尼黑 — — 受到新冠疫情和乌克兰战争沉重打击的欧盟急需资金。 鉴于该集团的经济专员保罗·真蒂洛尼（Paolo Gentiloni）无法从欧盟成员国处直接拿钱，他就动起了借钱的心思。 目的似乎并不重要，重要的是委员会要收到钱，而且是大量的钱，即使这意味着积累大量的债务。 真蒂洛尼在2020年创建“下一代欧盟 ” （ NextGenerationEU）计划方面发挥了关键作用，该紧急计划使欧盟能够借到超过8000亿欧元（折合8580亿美元）以应对新冠疫情影响。 去年5月他想筹集资金援助乌克兰，10月又建议发行联合债务帮助欧洲民众支付天然气账单。 如今在发行共同债券的浪潮中欧盟委员会计划与美国总统拜登总规模3690亿美元（包含清洁能源项目补贴）的《通货膨胀削减法》一较高下。 虽然新计划或许不涉及新的借款，但它提出建立一个新“欧洲主权基金”来投资绿色科技。 令人怀疑的是这些项目的好处能否值回其成本。 例如下一代欧盟项目的资金分配与当地疫情爆发的严重程度似乎并未关联，但项目援助金额与目的地人均GDP之间却存在负相关关系，一些受病毒影响较小的贫困国家收到了数额惊人的资金。 欧盟委员会当前这股借贷狂潮的问题在于欧盟自身规则禁止其承担债务。 《欧洲联盟运作条约》第311条明确规定欧盟必须“完全依靠自身资源”来为自己筹资。 这就是成员国需要一致同意成立下一代欧盟项目的原因。 另一个主要问题是不清楚谁将承担这笔债务成本。 政治家和经济学家经常说欧盟的债务负担将不可避免地落在未来几代纳税人身上 — — 他们将不得不偿还这些债务。 虽然这有一定道理，但付出最大代价的其实是当今的储蓄者。 跟大多数发达国家一样，欧洲正在因滞胀回归而坐立不安。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "苗毅霍然转身，盯着他，一字一句地冷冷问道：“我命你看守山门，你为何擅离职守？莫非不将我这洞主的号令放在眼中！” 宋扶心想，你以为呢？ 本来就没放在眼中。 嘴上当然不会这样说，“宋扶已经向洞主禀明，某实属无奈，只为果腹暂时离去，出现这样的事情我也不想看到。” 苗毅问道：“你觉得我把这件事情报上去后，府主和山主那里会相信你的解释吗？” 宋扶呵呵笑道：“人嘴两张皮，洞主非要诬陷宋某，那就请便，不过洞主别忘了，某也有一张嘴辩解，并非哑巴。” 苗毅嘿嘿道：“看来你还真是死不悔改！” 此话一出，阎修、单表义和邱绍群联袂闪身出现在门外，一起走了进来向苗毅抱拳道：“洞主，暂时没有发现可疑之人。”", "en": "Miao Yi suddenly turned around and glared at him. Word by word, he asked coldly, “I ordered you to guard the mountain gates, so why did you leave your post? Do you not regard my Cave Master’s orders with any importance?!” Song Fu was thinking—what do you think? I never held it in any regard in the first place. Obviously, he would not say that out loud. “Song Fu has already clarified to the Cave Master. I could not help it, and only momentarily left my post to sate my hunger. I do not want to see something like this to happen as well.” Miao Yi asked, “Do you think if I were to report this to the superiors, Manor Head and Mountain Chieftain, that they would believe your explanation?” Song Fu chuckled. “A human’s mouth has two layers, so if Cave Master insists on framing me, then please do as you wish. But Cave Master, please do not forget, I also have a mouth to dispute you, and I am not mute.” Miao Yi laughed. “It seems as though you really will not learn!” As he said this, Yan Xiu, Dan Biaoyi and Qiu Shaoqun, one after the other, quickly appeared outside the door. They came inside and cupped their fists towards Miao Yi. “Cave Master, for the moment we have not found any suspicious persons.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Critics have questioned the plan’s legality, the risk of collateral damage, and, most important, the effectiveness of armed intervention in stemming human-trafficking operations. There is also the troubling prospect that such a showy initiative would, by creating the impression that the EU is taking action, enable the EU and its members to avoid the long-term commitment and politically unpopular measures that an effective crisis response would demand. And, indeed, the EU has so far been focusing on a largely symbolic measure: the proposed EU-wide relocation and resettlement system for asylum seekers. At first glance, the relocation system – which would move 40,000 asylum-seekers from Italy and Greece to other EU members countries, with the allocation determined according to factors such as GDP, population, and the unemployment rate – may seem like a substantial step. But, with Italy alone having received more than 63,000 asylum applications and 170,000 irregular migrants last year, the program’s impact would be minimal. The European Commission’s proposal is intended to underscore European solidarity and burden-sharing – both core EU principles. But the plan’s limited scope undermines this impression. Worse, the response to the plan – with some member states opting out of the program; others objecting to how the quotas are to be measured; and still others bristling at the idea that the EU should propose a quota at all – seems to suggest that it is every country for itself. Throughout these discussions, the line between asylum seekers and economic migrants, who are not protected by binding international humanitarian conventions, has been blurred. These squabbles in the face of undeniable, large-scale human suffering controvert the EU’s core values, including its commitment to adhere to a rules-based international order. They also reflect a disturbing trend affecting EU institutions: individual countries’ interests are increasingly trumping unity and cooperation. The problem is that many Europeans regard the EU as either a dispenser of benefits, a bogeyman, or an albatross – not something to which they are obliged in any way. As the financial crisis has dragged on, and recriminations among member countries have weakened the sense of community that forms the EU’s foundations, the refugee challenge has exacerbated a dangerous divisiveness. Instead of reinforcing its foundations with solidarity and compassion, the Union has fractured.", "zh": "批评者质疑该计划的合法性和由此带来的损失风险，而且，最重要的是，武装干预能否有效遏制人口贩运行动。 此外令人不安的是如此华而不实的举措将给人留下欧盟正在行动的印象，从而使欧盟及其成员国逃避有效应对危机所需的长期承诺和政治上不受欢迎的措施。 事实上，欧盟到目前为止一直专注于采取象征性举措：即为庇护寻求者提供拟议中的欧盟全境定居安置。 乍一看，拟将40，000名庇护寻求者从意大利和希腊按GDP、人口和失业率等因素安置到欧盟其他国家的迁移制度或许看似迈出了实质性的一步。 但考虑到去年一年仅意大利一国就收到63，000多份庇护申请并安置 170,000多名非正规移民，该计划的实际影响是微乎其微的。 欧盟委员会的建议旨在强调欧洲团结和分担责任 — — 两者都是欧盟的核心原则。 但计划的有限性不足以形成这样的印象。 更糟的是，上述计划所引起的反应 — — 某些成员国选择退出计划；还有些反对配额的衡量标准；还有些根本不同意欧盟提出的配额理念 — — 似乎证明欧盟国家都只在乎自己的利益。 这些讨论模糊了庇护寻求者和不受国际人道主义公约保护的经济移民之间的界限。 面对着无可否认的大规模人类苦难的这些争论改变了欧盟的核心价值，包括它坚持奉行以规则为基础的国际秩序的承诺。 争论还反映出影响欧盟机构的令人不安的趋势：个别国家的利益越来越多地战胜了团结与合作。 问题是许多欧洲人将欧盟视为提款机、魔鬼或绊脚石 — — 无论如何他们对欧盟不承担任何义务。 随着金融危机持续发酵，成员国间的相互指责削弱了欧盟赖以生存的集体意识，难民问题更是加剧了危险的分裂。 欧盟不但未能巩固团结和同情的基础，反而因此产生了分裂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She went on staring at me. 'Frith said the story goes that there was a body in the cabin of the little boat,' she said. 'Why should there be a body there? Mrs de Winter always sailed alone.' 'It's no use asking me, Mrs Danvers,' I said. 'I don't know any more than you do.' 'Don't you?' she said slowly. She kept on looking at me. I turned away, I put the vase back on the table by the window. 'I will give the orders about the lunch,' she said. She waited a moment. I did not say anything. Then she went out of the room. She can't frighten me any more, I thought. She has lost her power with Rebecca. Whatever she said or did now it could not matter to me or hurt me. I knew she was my enemy and I did not mind. But if she should learn the truth about the body in the boat and become Maxim's enemy too — what then? I sat down in the chair. I put the scissors on die table. I did not feel like doing any more roses. I kept wondering what Maxim was doing. I wondered why the reporter from the County Chronicle had rung us up again. The old sick feeling came back inside me. I went and leant out of the window. It was very hot. There was thunder in the air. The gardeners began to mow the grass again. I could see one of the men with his machine walk backwards and forwards on the top of the bank. I could not go on sitting in the morning-room. I left my scissors and my roses and went out on to the terrace. I began to walk up and down. Jasper padded after me, wondering why I did not take him for a walk. I went on walking up and down the terrace. About half past eleven Frith came out to me from the hall. 'Mr de Winter on the telephone, Madam,' he said.", "zh": "我心想，她再也吓唬不住我了。她的淫威已随着丽贝卡一道完蛋。现在不管她说什么或做什么都威慑不住我，伤害不了我了。我知道她是我的敌人，可我不在乎。不过，她要是了解到小船里那具死尸的真相，也跟迈克西姆为敌，那该如何是好？我找把椅子坐下，把剪刀放到桌上，不想再修剪玫瑰花枝了。我心里一个劲在纳闷，不知迈克西姆此时的情况如何，不知《本郡新闻》的那位记者为什么又给我们打来了电话。想着想着，我心中又产生了旧有的那种恶心感。于是我走到窗前探身向外张望。外边非常炎热，空中响着闷雷。园丁们又开始割草了，可以看见一位工人推着割草机在草坡上走来走去。我在起居室里再也坐不住了，于是丢下剪刀和玫瑰花来到游廊上，开始踱起了步。杰斯珀吧嗒吧嗒跟在我身后，不明白我为什么不带它去散步。我在游廊上一来一往地踱步，一直踱到约摸十一点半钟，弗里思走出大厅前来找我。 “德温特先生的电话，夫人。”他说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "工程和技术研究和试验发展，主要包括工程和技术基础科学研究服务、环境保护技术研究与试验发展、资源循环利用技术研究与试验发展、动力与电力工程研究服务、环境科学技术研究服务、煤制气合成技术研究、焦炉煤气制合成氨技术研发、煤粉气流床加压气化技术研发、非熔渣-熔渣水煤浆分级气化技术研发、水煤浆气化技术研发、煤矿低浓度瓦斯发电技术开发、煤矸石电厂低真空供热技术开发、重金属超富集植物选种培育技术、轨道噪音控制技术研发、碳减排及碳转化利用技术研发、利用系统非能源领域温室气体排放控制技术研发、碳捕集利用与封存技术研发、支撑大气污染控制技术研发、支撑先进工业烟气净化技术研发、支撑挥发性有机污染物污染控制技术研发、支撑机动车污染排放控制技术研发、支撑饮用水安全保障技术研发、支撑高浓度难降解有机废水处理技术研发、支撑污水深度处理与再生利用技术研发、支撑农田土壤污染防控与修复技术研发、支撑有机污染场地修复技术研发。", "en": "The text translates to:Engineering and technical research and experimental development mainly include engineering and technical basic scientific research services, environmental protection technology research and experimental development, resource recycling technology research and experimental development, power and electric engineering research services, environmental science and technology research services, coal gasification synthesis technology research, coke oven gas synthesis ammonia technology research and development, coal powder gasification technology research and development, non-slag-molten slag coal-water slurry grading gasification technology research and development, coal-water slurry gasification technology research and development, low-concentration gas power generation technology development in coal mines, low-vacuum heating technology development in coal gangue power plants, selection and cultivation technology of heavy metal hyperaccumulating plants, rail noise control technology research and development, carbon emission reduction and carbon conversion utilization technology research and development, greenhouse gas emission control technology research and development in non-energy sectors, carbon capture, utilization, and storage technology research and development, support for atmospheric pollution control technology research and development, support for advanced industrial flue gas purification technology research and development, support for volatile organic pollutant pollution control technology research and development, support for motor vehicle pollution emission control technology research and development, support for drinking water safety assurance technology research and development, support for high-concentration refractory organic wastewater treatment technology research and development, support for sewage deep treatment and recycling technology research and development, support for farmland soil pollution prevention and control and remediation technology research and development, support for organic pollution site remediation technology research and development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Although an Atlantic Monetary Union (between the US and the EU) is a long-term prospect, it should be considered as a grand design for the future. Europe’s leaders and their voting publics now have a choice between the Europe of the past and of the future. The Europe of the past began with the Schuman Plan, which sowed the seeds of today’s EU, and concluded when the Cold War ended. It was an era of integration based on the heroic drive to reconcile post-war Germany and France and establish a Pax Europea , as well as the threatened expansion of the Soviet Union. But after the implosion of communism, the situation in Europe was more or less reversed: the defensive demarcation of borders has been replaced by the removal of frontiers across the Continent. However, while General de Gaulle once spoke of a Europe stretching from the Atlantic to the Urals, defining Europe in purely geographical terms omits other criteria – including the European social model and the scale of values on which it is based – of what it means to “belong” to Europe. Instead, the vocation of Europe in the course of the twenty-first century should be to become the lever of step-by-step inter-continental convergence and unification. Europe must be reinvented for this purpose, and broadening the EMU’s reach is the right place to start.", "zh": "虽然大西洋货币联盟（美国和欧盟之间的联盟）是一个长期以来的期望，然而，它仅可以作为一个未来的宏大蓝图来考虑。 现在，欧洲的领导人和他们的选民可以在过去的欧洲和未来的欧洲之间进行选择。 过去的欧洲以舒曼计划开始，它为现在的欧盟播下了种子，并在冷战结束的时候结束。 这是一个建立在推进战后的德国和法国和解，建立一个和平的欧洲以及苏联扩张的威胁上的一体化时代。 但是，在共产主义垮台之后，欧洲的情形多多少少发生了一些逆转：对边界的防卫划分被在整个大陆消除国境所取代。 但是，虽然戴高乐将军曾经提到将欧洲从大西洋扩大到乌拉尔，然而，仅仅用地理概念定义欧洲漏掉了“属于”欧洲的含义的其它标准 — — 包括欧洲的社会模式以及其建立的价值标准。 相反，在21世纪，欧洲的使命应该是成为逐步的洲际融合和统一的杠杆。 为此目的，欧洲必须进行彻底改造，而扩大欧洲经济货币联盟的范围是一个正确的开端。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, while Kemal Ataturk restored Turkish national pride by creating the secular Turkish republic, his legacy is mixed, for it includes both Turkey’s strong attraction to the West and a militarization of public life. The latter explains much of the repressive attitude towards free speech and independent opinion that has characterized much of Turkish public life – a straitjacket that has left little room for real negotiations with Turkey’s restless Kurds or for resolving the division of Cyprus. But Turkey’s EU aspirations mean that it is now being forced to demilitarize its democracy and to find negotiated and peaceful agreements with all its neighbors and future partners – Armenians, Kurds, and Cypriots. Thus, if Europe manages to overcome its fears and hesitations and open itself to a powerful Muslim state, it will consolidate peace in one of the world’s most dangerous regions. Indeed, by integrating Turkey, Europe would show that it is not a Christian club, that the supposed “clash of civilizations” need not be fatal, and that the European project, born out of a desire for reconciliation and the need to promote development, can spread its benefits far beyond the Western half of Europe. In opening itself to Turkey, the EU would finally begin to play its proper role in confronting today’s most daunting political challenges.", "zh": "而且，尽管凯末尔通过建立世俗的土耳其共和国而恢复了土耳其的民族自豪，但是，他所留下的遗产却是毁誉参半，因为这一遗产既包括土耳其对西方强烈的吸引力，也包括将公共生活军事化。 后者可以大部分解释为何对言论自由和独立意见的压制态度。 这一态度是土耳其公共生活中的一大特征，也束缚了同土耳其躁动不安的库尔德人或者解决塞浦路斯分裂问题的真正的谈判的空间。 但是土耳其的入盟企望意味着它正在被迫将其民主非军事化，并且同其所有邻国和未来的伙伴寻求谈判协商的和平协议。 他们包括亚美尼亚人、库尔德人以及塞浦路斯人。 这样，如果欧洲得以克服其恐惧和迟疑，向一个强大的穆斯林国家开放，那么，欧洲将在世界上最为危险的地区之一巩固和平。 确实，通过融合土耳其，欧洲将会向世人展示，它并非是一个基督教俱乐部，所谓的“文明的冲突”并非必然是致命的，而且，来源于企求和解以及促进发展需要的欧洲联合事业可以将其益处远远撒播到欧洲西部以外的地方。 通过向土耳其开放自身，欧盟将最终开始在应付当今最为艰巨的政治挑战中扮演适当的角色。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Clever analysts suggest that all this could be avoided if the Treasury simply put interest payments first. It could continue paying them in full as tax revenues arrive, while cutting other outlays by 40%. But this assumes away formidable technical problems. (Think reprogramming the government’s computers.) And if you believe that Congress would be prepared to cut social security benefits and military pay to bail out bondholders, then you live in a political fantasyland. Some hope remains. The Senate parliamentarian could allow the debt-ceiling increase to be attached to a reconciliation bill passed along party lines. The Democrats could swallow hard and vote for it on that basis, doing what’s right for the country regardless of the electoral consequences. Or Republican holdouts could reconsider, given the gravity of their actions. Recall how, in the throes of the global financial crisis in 2008, then-US Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson went down on one knee to beg for leadership’s support after Congress rejected his $700 billion financial bailout. He succeeded, and the House passed the measure on a second try, with votes from Democrats and Republicans. But don’t hold your breath. The recalcitrant congressional leader then was the Democratic House Speaker, Nancy Pelosi. Today, it’s the Republican Senate Minority Leader, Mitch McConnell.", "zh": "聪明的分析师认为，财政部只要把利息支付放在首位，这一切都可以避免。 随着税收收入的增加，政府可以继续全额支付这些费用，同时削减40%的其他支出，但这是在排除了重大技术问题的前提下进行的，毕竟政府电脑重新编程少不了各种问题。 如果你相信国会愿意削减社会保障福利和军队支出以救助债券持有人，那么你怕是在做政治大梦。 希望还是有的。 参议院议员可能会将提高债务上限附加到和解法案中，即使该法案代表党派立场，民主党人可能忍无可忍后还是投支持票，不管选举结果如何，选择做对国家有益的事。 或者，考虑到他们行动的严重性，共和党的顽固分子也可以重新考虑一下自己的投票。 回想一下，2008年全球金融危机阵痛还没结束之时，当时美国财政部长亨利·保尔森的7000亿美元金融救助计划被国会否决，他单膝下跪乞求领导支持，成功地让众议院得到民主党和共和党的支持，二次表决后通过了该法案。 但别抱太大希望。 当时的国会领袖是民主党众议院议长南希·佩洛西，现在是共和党参议院少数党领袖米奇·麦康奈尔。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rather, the problem is that Germany’s imports are too low, owing to its huge investment gap. Germany has one of the lowest public-investment rates in the industrialized world. Its municipalities, which are responsible for half of all public investment, currently have unrealized investment projects worth €136 billion, or 4.5% of GDP; Germany’s school buildings alone need another €35 billion for repairs. Meanwhile, private investment in Germany’s aging capital stock has been weakened by many German companies’ desire to invest abroad. The gap is the result of policy failures – namely protectionist policies in the non-tradable services sector. The International Monetary Fund, the European Commission, and the OECD have long tried to convince Germany to deregulate services, curtail vested interests, and improve competition. But, as it stands, wages, productivity, and investment remain high in the German export sector, and low in the non-tradable services sector. The international debate about Germany’s current account should thus focus on measures to liberalize the country’s services and remove other barriers to investment. To that end, Germany should improve its digital and transportation infrastructure; strengthen market mechanisms to encourage more renewable-energy development; address its shortage of skilled labor; change its tax system to strengthen incentives to invest; and reform its regulations to reduce uncertainty. Germany is an increasingly important political and economic power in Europe and on the world stage. But, until now, the debate about Germany’s current-account surplus has been counterproductive.", "zh": "相反，问题在于德国出口太低，而这是因为巨大的投资缺口。 德国的公共投资率是工业化国家中最低的之一。 市政负责了德国总公共投资的一半，目前未完工投资项目价值为1,360亿欧元，或GDP的4.5 % ； 光是学校建筑就需要增加350亿欧元用于修缮。 与此同时，德国老化的资本存量的私人投资因为许多德国公司热衷于海外投资而被削弱。 这一缺口是政策失败的结果 — — 即不可贸易服务业的保护主义政策。 国际货币基金组织（IMF ） 、 欧盟委员会和经合组织一直在劝说德国放松服务业监管、打击既得利益、改善竞争。 但现状是工资、生产率和投资在德国出口部门保持高位，而在不可贸易服务部门保持低位。 关于德国经常项目盈余的国际争论应该将注意力转向解放德国服务业、消除其他投资壁垒的措施。 在这方面，德国应该改善其数字和交通个基础设施、强化市场机制鼓励更多可再生能源开发、解决高技能劳动力短缺的问题、改革税收制度以强化投资激励、改革监管以降低不确定性等。 德国是一个日益重要的欧洲和世界政治和经济力量。 但是，到目前为止，关于德国经常项目盈余的争论效果适得其反。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In writing this commentary, I want to send a clear message to others in our region that change happens by our hands only. Our region does not need a super-strong external power to stop its decline; we need the power from within that can overcome the hatred and intolerance that has blighted life in many neighboring countries. I am writing to send a message that governments in our region and elsewhere need to revise their roles. The role of government is to create an environment in which people can achieve their dreams and ambitions, not to create an environment that government can control. The point is to empower people, not to hold power over them. Government, in short, should nurture an environment in which people create and enjoy their own happiness. We are not new to this talk about the government’s role in promoting happiness. Since the dawn of history, happiness is all that humanity has sought. Aristotle said the state is a living being which develops in seeking the achievement of moral perfection and happiness for individuals. Ibn Khaldun said the same thing. Likewise, the United States Declaration of Independence upholds the pursuit of happiness as every person’s right. In our own time, the United Nations is now calling for changes in the criteria used to measure governmental success from economic indicators to measures related to human happiness and wellbeing. It has dedicated the UN International Day of Happiness to emphasize the importance of this shift. Focusing on happiness is both feasible and fully justified.", "zh": "在写这篇评论时，我想明确告诉地区其他国家，我们只能通过自身的力量来寻求改变。 本地区无需超强的外部力量来阻止衰退；我们需要能克服仇恨和偏狭的内在力量，正是仇恨和偏狭让诸多邻国的生活逐渐枯萎。 我写这篇文章就是要让外界知道，本地区和其他地方的政府需要改变自身的作用。 政府的作用是要创造环境让民众实现梦想和抱负，而不是创造政府可以控制的环境。 关键是要授权于民众，而不是试图压制他们。 总之，政府应培育民众可以享受幸福的环境。 对于谈论政府在促进幸福感方面的作用我们并不陌生。 有史以来幸福就一直是一切人文追求的核心。 亚里士多德曾说，国家是实现个人道德完善及幸福的有生命的存在。 伊本·赫勒敦也曾有过类似的表述。 同样 ， 《 美国独立宣言》规定追求幸福是每个人应有的权利。 在我们这个时代，联合国呼吁将人类幸福和福祉而非经济指标作为衡量政府成功的标准。 联合国已经设立了国际幸福日来凸显这一转变的重要性。 把幸福作为关注焦点既合理也完全可行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The president does have some discretion on spending – and the Department of Homeland Security has already shifted funds from other programs to pay for the development of prototypes. But a fundamental principle of the US Constitution is that Congress controls the purse strings – meaning that discretionary spending, such as outlays for a border wall, is subject to the formal appropriations process. Building a border wall, or significantly extending what is already there, is not feasible without congressional approval. The appropriations process is complex and not always transparent to outsiders. Regular appropriations are supposed to be enacted by October 1 (the beginning of the government’s fiscal year). But there is now a long tradition of “continuing resolutions,” which provide funding for just part of a year. And supplemental appropriations bills can provide additional funding at any time in response to particular situations – such as the aftermath of a major hurricane. The Republicans control both the Senate and the House of Representatives. And the House already granted approval for exactly what Trump wanted on the wall – the $1.6 billion was included in a broader $788 billion spending package, so the wall did not have to be debated separately. Under current rules, 60 votes would be needed in the 100-member Senate to fund the wall, and the Democrats, with 48 seats, already managed to exclude this item from the spending bill earlier this year, which funded the government through September 30. Now Trump has issued an ultimatum: fund the wall, or face a shutdown of the federal government – meaning that he and the Republicans would refuse to conclude any appropriations deal by October 1. Or perhaps the wall will become part of a showdown over how the debt ceiling for the federal government should be raised, with the deadline for doing so also likely to come around the end of September. Complicating the issue further, some congressional Republicans – such as Senator Paul Rand of Kentucky and Congressman Mark Meadows of North Carolina – seem not to oppose some form of partial default or other reneging on debt by the US government. And remember that John Boehner stepped down as Speaker of the House in 2015 in part over similar budget struggles with the right wing of his party.", "zh": "总统确实拥有一定的支出自主权 — — 国土安全部也已经从其他项目上调拨款项支付了样板墙的开发。 但美国宪法的一个基本原则是国会控制钱袋子 — — 这意味着自由裁量支出，比如建造边境墙的开支 — — 要经过正式的拨款程序。 建造边境墙，或大幅扩建已有规模的边境墙，不经过国会批准是不行的。 拨款程序十分复杂，对局外人也未必透明。 常规的拨款应该在10月1日实施（政府财年起点 ） 。 但如今有一个“继续拨款决议”的长期传统，即只为一年中的一段时间提供资金。 补充拨款法案可以在任何时候提供更多资金，以应对特殊状况 — — 比如超强飓风后的救灾。 共和党控制着参议院和众议院。 众议院已经批准了特朗普想要的筑墙款项 — — 这16亿美元包括在7,788亿美元的一揽子支出计划中，因此边境墙不需要单独讨论。 根据当前规则，需要100位参议院中有60位支持给边境墙拨款，而在参议院中占据48席的民主党已经成功地将这项议案排除在今年早些时候的支出法案之外，该法案规定了直到9月30日的政府拨款。 现在，特朗普已经下达了最后通牒：掏钱修墙，否则联邦政府就关门 — — 也就是说，他和共和党将拒绝10月1日的一切拨款议案。 或者，边境墙可能成为如何提高联邦政府债务上限摊牌的一部分，该问题的最后期限可能也是在9月底前后。 让问题进一步复杂化的是，一些国会共和党 — — 如肯塔基州参议员保罗·兰德（Paul Rand）和北卡罗来纳州众议员马克·米道斯（Mark Meadows ） — —似乎并不反对美国政府以某种形式的局部违约或其他赖账方式。 并且不要忘了，2015年约翰·博纳（John Boehner）之所以失去众议长之位，部分原因就在于他的党派的右翼挑起了类似的预算纷争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Staff turnover increases costs, because replacements have to be recruited, trained, and deployed. It also reduces the quality of care, as new workers generally have less hands-on experience providing health services. The pandemic exposed the need for strong, adaptable health systems, particularly in underserved communities. To build these systems, we must find a way to recruit, train, equip, supervise, and remunerate frontline workers properly. For starters, groups that operate community health worker programs should review and strive to follow the World Health Organization’s recommendations on support for community health workers. Moreover, governments should develop and maintain up-to-date, geo-referenced national registries of community health workers, which can be used to communicate public-health messages, improve links between rural communities and health clinics, and manage crises. Keeping track of community health workers also can help ensure that they are trained and equipped properly. Lastly, governments and funding partners should look for other ways to assist community health workers. One under-recognized and cost-effective tool is a sturdy bicycle. World Bicycle Relief, working with civil-society organizations like the Catholic Medical Mission Board and health ministries in seven countries, has distributed nearly 175,000 of its specially designed Buffalo Bicycles, allowing community health workers to spend less time in transit and more time with patients. Bicycles have improved health outcomes in several African countries. In Kenya, bike-riding community health workers saw 88% more patients and referred 50% more patients for tuberculosis screening at a local clinic. Community health workers equipped with bicycles in Zambia quadrupled the frequency of visits to their patients. And in Malawi, they doubled the number of patients they could visit. Surveys show that community health workers who have bicycles are less likely to quit. Likewise, if program supervisors have bicycles, they can provide more guidance to community health workers, leading to better care for patients and more job satisfaction for caregivers. When the acute phase of the COVID-19 pandemic comes to an end, it largely will be thanks to the tireless work of community health workers. The best thing the world can do to maximize their effectiveness in future crises is to ensure they are properly trained, equipped, empowered, and even compensated.", "zh": "人事流动增加了成本，因为必须招募、培训和部署替代人员。 它还降低了护理质量，因为新员工通常缺乏提供医疗服务的实践经验。 新冠疫情暴露了对强大、适应性强的卫生体系的需求，特别是在服务不足的社区。 为了建立这些体系，我们必须找到方法恰当地招聘、培训、装备、监督和酬谢一线工人。 首先，实施社区卫生工作者计划的团体应审查并尽力遵循世界卫生组织对于如何支持社区卫生工作者的建议。 此外，政府应发展和维护紧跟变化、因地制宜的国家社区卫生工作者登记册，用于传达公共卫生信息、改善农村社区和卫生诊所之间的联系以及危机管理。 跟踪社区卫生工作者也有助于确保他们得到恰当的培训和装备。 最后，政府和资助合作伙伴应寻找其他方式帮助社区卫生工作者。 一种未被充分认识又具有性价比的工具是结实耐用的自行车。 世界自行车纾困计划（World Bicycle Relief）与天主教医疗团（Catholic Medical Mission Board）等民间社会组织和七个国家的卫生部门合作，分发了近 175,000 辆特别设计的 Buffalo 自行车，减少社区卫生工作者的交通时间，让他们可以将更多的时间用于照顾患者。 自行车改善了多个非洲国家的健康状况。 在肯尼亚，骑自行车的社区卫生工作者看到的患者增加了 88 % ， 转诊到当地诊所进行结核病筛查的患者增加了 50 % 。 在赞比亚，配备自行车的社区卫生工作者可以让就诊频率提高了四倍。 在马拉维，他们可以访问的患者数量翻了一番。 调查显示，拥有自行车的社区卫生工作者离职的可能性更低。 同样，如果项目主管有自行车，他们可以为社区卫生工作者提供更多指导，从而更好地照顾患者，提高护理人员的工作满意度。 当新冠疫情迅猛阶段结束时，功劳大多要记在 不知疲倦的社区卫生工作者头上。 要让他们在未来危机中的效果最大化，最好的办法是确保他们得到恰当的培训、装备、赋能甚至酬谢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turkey’s Syrian Tangle MADRID – As 2015 draws to a close, new steps – albeit small and tentative – have been taken toward ending the war in Syria. The United Nations Security Council has adopted Resolution 2254, expressing its backing for a transition out of the conflict, and the International Syria Support Group has set a date for its next meeting, to be held next month. But the ISSG comprises both allies and adversaries – for example, Saudi Arabia and Iran – meaning that continued progress will be a challenge. Now, another pair of countries in the process, Turkey and Russia, appear headed down the road to mutual enmity. Turkey, whose proximity to Syria generates both challenges and opportunities, could play an especially significant role in shaping how the peace process plays out. But Turkey’s downing of a Russian warplane on its border with Syria last month has spurred a swift and sharp deterioration in bilateral relations, with the Kremlin imposing retaliatory economic sanctions. Russia, for its part, is facing the tough reality of maintaining an active military presence in the Middle East. Its efforts to bolster President Bashar al-Assad’s regime (and thus to strengthen its own role at the negotiating table) places it at odds with the countries – including NATO member Turkey – that want Assad out. The problem for Turkey is that its interests are not as straightforward as stopping the Islamic State (ISIS), or even driving Assad from power. It also aims to ensure that Kurdish groups – such as the Democratic Union Party (PYD) of Syria, which is closely affiliated with Turkey’s Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) – do not consolidate control of territory in Syria, now or during the post-conflict reconstruction. Since the summer, when several severe outbreaks of violence effectively ended a two-year old ceasefire between the PKK and the Turkish government, the Kurdish conflict in Turkey has once again been burning white-hot, raising fears about the impact of an empowered PYD. Ongoing domestic political upheaval, including two parliamentary elections in just six months, has complicated Turkey’s situation further. Turkey’s opposition to empowering the Kurds has been a source of tension with its traditional ally, the United States, which believes the Kurds are the only force on the ground capable of fighting ISIS.", "zh": "土耳其的叙利亚困局 马德里—2015年行将结束，在结束叙利亚战争方面已经做出了一些新举措 — — 尽管是一些小规模尝试性举措。 联合国安理会通过了2254号决议，支持让叙利亚实现结束冲突的过渡，而国际叙利亚支持组织（International Syria Support Group，ISSG）已经定下了将在下个月进行的下一次会议的日期。 但ISSG中既有盟友也有对手 — — 比如沙特阿拉伯和伊朗 — — 这意味着能否继续取得进展仍是个挑战。 如今，该进程中的另一组国家 — — 土耳其和俄罗斯似乎也走向了为敌的道路。 土耳其与叙利亚毗邻，这既是挑战也是机会，它能够在决定和平进程如何实现方面起到特别重要的作用。 但上个月土耳其在其与叙利亚边境击落俄罗斯战机导致图俄关系急转直下，克里姆林宫已经报之以经济制裁。 至于俄罗斯，它正在面临保持在中东进行活跃军事行动的严峻现实。 它支持总统巴沙尔·阿萨德政权（从而增强其自身在谈判桌上的分量 ） ， 这让它站在了想要阿萨德下台的其他国家的对立面，包括北约成员国土耳其。 土耳其的问题是其利益并不像阻止伊斯兰国，甚至不如将巴沙尔赶下台那样直接。 它的目标还包括确保库尔德组织 — — 如与土耳其的库尔德工人党（PKK）有密切联系的叙利亚民主联盟党（PYD ） — —无法巩固对叙利亚领土的控制，不管是现在还是在冲突后重建阶段。 今年夏天的多次暴力事件事实上结束了两年来PKK与土耳其政府的停火状态，自此以后，土耳其的库尔德冲突就在此白热化，让人们担忧获得实力的PYD的影响。 未结束的政治剧变，包括短短六个月内举行的两次议会选举，进一步复杂化了土耳其局势。 土耳其反对库尔德人获得实力已成为土耳其与其传统盟友美国关系紧张的一个原因。 美国认为库尔德人是唯一有能力在地面打击伊斯兰国的力量。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many projects, from airports to university campuses, benefit from returns over decades, which implies that weak demand in the short term will have only a limited impact on their overall viability. Even among more near-term projects, some – for example, retrofitting buildings with more energy-efficient features – could become viable with action from policymakers. Some degree of investment will add to demand, which may persuade others to invest – a virtuous circle. This approach is not about “picking winners and losers.” It is about targeted microeconomic reforms that reduce or remove barriers to private investment, thereby encouraging the non-financial corporate sector to propel European GDP growth. But it is important to get this policy activism right. First, governments need to focus on sectors in which action is likely to trigger renewed investment on a scale large enough to boost GDP – and quickly enough to enable private investment to drive the recovery. Governments often become enamored of innovative sectors, such as semiconductors, that account for only a very small share of total investment. Policymakers may wish to develop these sectors as a catalyst to innovation, but they should not expect that such initiatives alone can spur a recovery in private investment. In fact, construction and real estate are the most promising candidates, as they account for roughly one-third of European fixed investment and more than 17 million jobs.", "zh": "从机场到大学校园，许多工程的回报期超过几十年，这意味着疲弱的短期需求对其长期可行性的影响甚微。 即使是期限更短的投资，如用节能材料和功能改装建筑，也可以在决策者的推动下变得可行。 一定程度的投资可以增加需求，需求的增加可以说服其他人投资 — — 良性循环就此产生。 这一方法并非“挑选赢家和输家 ” 。 这一方法事关减少或消除私人投资壁垒的定向微观经济改革，从而鼓励非金融公司部门提振欧洲GDP增长。 但正确理解这一政策积极主义是很重要的。 首先，政府需要专注于行动可能触发投资增加规模之大足以提振GDP、速度之快足以让私人投资推动复苏的部门。 政府通常倾心与创新性部门，如半导体行业，这些部门往往只占总投资的一小部分。 决策者可以将这些部门的发展视为创新催化剂，但不应该指望光靠这点努力就能刺激私人投资复苏。 事实上，建筑业和房地产业是最有效的候选者，因为它们大约提供了三分之一的欧洲固定投资和1700多万个工作岗位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But this assumption misses multiple points. For one thing, China is more economically resilient to the effects of a trade war than it used to be. Trade as a share of its total economic activity has halved in the past decade, from more than 60% of GDP in 2007 to just over 30% today. China also has major advantages in terms of domestic politics and international diplomacy. As a dictatorship, China can ignore protests by workers and companies suffering from US tariffs. In the US, where mid-term congressional elections will be held this November, the outcry from exporters, importers, and consumers facing higher costs will be heard loud and clear. Of course, Trump, too, might ignore protests against his trade war if he is convinced that taking on China will please his core voters and win him re-election in 2020. But congressional Republicans will probably feel differently, especially if their states or districts are among those being singled out by Chinese import tariffs. In terms of international diplomacy, Trump’s trade war will help China present itself as the defender of the rules-based international order and multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization. To be sure, not all countries would follow China’s lead. The WTO does not recognize China as a market economy, owing to the Chinese government’s significant involvement in industry and alleged theft of intellectual property. But China will have a chance to play the victim, while arguing that the US now poses the single largest threat to the global trading system that it helped create.", "zh": "但这一说法没有抓住很多要点。 一方面，相较从前，如今中国对贸易战行为的经济承受力更强了。 贸易占总经济活动之比在过去十年中下降了一半，从2007年占GDP的60%以上下降到今天的略高于30 % 。 中国在国内政治和国际外交方面也拥有重大优势。 作为独裁国家，中国可以无视因为美国的关税而受到影响的工人和公司的示威。 在美国，中期国会选举11月就要拉开帷幕，面临更高成本的出口商、进口商和消费者的呼声表达的非常清楚。 当然，如果特朗普确信与中国较量能取悦他的核心选民，为他赢得2020年连任，那么他也有可能忽视反对他的贸易战政策的示威。 但国会共和党感觉将有所不同，特别是如果他们的州或选区成为中国进口关税征收对象的话。 用国际外交的话说，特朗普的贸易战有助于中国将自己包装为基于规则的国际秩序以及世贸组织等多边机构的捍卫者。 当然，并不是所有国家都会跟随中国的领导。 世贸组织不承认中国是市场经济，因为中国政府严重干涉产业，并被控窃取知识产权。 但中国将有机会扮演受害者角色，指责美国成为它所帮助建立的全球贸易体系的最大威胁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The difference is not that the US launched a large fiscal stimulus focused on public-sector investment; no such stimulus was implemented, though many economists, including me, believe that it would have generated a faster recovery and stronger long-term growth. Nor is the difference greater political effectiveness; few would say that the US government is functioning well nowadays, given rising partisanship and sharp disagreement about its proper role. The US economy has benefited from two factors: its greater structural flexibility and dynamism relative to Europe, and the broader mandate of the US Federal Reserve, which has pursued a far more aggressive monetary policy than has the European Central Bank. Though analysts differ on the relative importance of these two factors – and, indeed, it is difficult to weight them – it is safe to say that both played a role in facilitating the US recovery. Europe is now placing a large bet on an increase in public-sector investment, using a combination of EU-level funding and national investment programs, perhaps augmented by a modification of the EU’s fiscal rules. Given that public-sector underinvestment is a common cause of subpar growth, this is a step in the right direction. But public investment is not enough. Without complementary structural reforms that encourage private investment and innovation – and thus enable economies to adapt and compete in a global, technology-driven economy – a public-investment program will have a disappointingly weak impact on growth. Instead, debt-financed public investment will produce a short-run stimulus, at the cost of longer-term fiscal stability. The problem is that structural reforms are notoriously difficult to implement.", "zh": "区别不在于美国实施了以公共部门投资为核心的大规模财政刺激；美国没有实施这类刺激，尽管包括我在内的许多经济学家认为这能产生更快的复苏和更强的长期增长。 区别也不在于美国政治效率更高；没人会认为美国政府今天的运转情况优秀，因为党派之争日益激烈，对政府合理角色的争论也日益尖锐。 美国经济受益于两个因素：它的结构弹性更大、相对欧洲活力更足；以及美联储权力更广，实施了远比欧洲央行更激进的货币政策。 尽管对这两大因素谁更重要还存在争议 — — 诚然，要作出比较十分困难 — — 但可以确定地说，这两大因素都起到了促进美国复苏的作用。 如今，欧洲将宝押在了增加公共部门投资上，将欧盟层面资金和国家投资计划相结合，也许还会辅之以欧盟财政规则的修改。 考虑到公共部门投资不足是增长萎靡的常见原因，这一步骤的方向是正确的。 但光靠公共投资是不够的。 没有全面的结构改革鼓励私人投资和创新 — — 从而让经济能够做出调整并在全球化的技术推动型经济中竞争 — — 公共投资计划对增长的影响将令人无比失望。 相反，债务融资的公共投资能产生短期刺激，但其代价是长期财政稳定。 问题在于结构改革以难以实施闻名。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "24.第24章 沈凉川背着光，依稀间只能看到他高大的身躯，他看到她，身形一顿。 她指了指手里拿着的手机，“我，我给你送手机来了！” 他没有说话。 她就将手机放在了床头柜上，眼神在床上扫了一圈，想问自己的手机在哪儿，又不敢问，磨磨唧唧的回头，眼神四处扫，随口说道：“那个，谢谢你让管家帮我上药。” 沈凉川眸光一沉，视线落在她的胳膊上，“不用谢。” 话还没说完，他突然询问：“胳膊还疼吗？” 乔恋急忙回答，“已经好了，您放心！” “那就好，不会耽误正事。” 他说完这句话，一步步向乔恋逼近。 乔恋瞬间紧张了，“什，什么正事？” “我记得，今天是你排卵期。” 乔恋：“啊？” “所以，不要浪费时间。” 乔恋闭上了眼睛，攥紧了拳头，心底却升出一抹恍然大悟的悲凉。 果然，他让管家为她上药，是因为今晚，要继续这件事儿？ 第二天清晨，乔恋醒过来的时候，身边已经空空，只在枕头上，放着一个银色的手机。 她拿起来，发现那果然是自己的手机，顿时兴奋起来。 这手机，是某牌的最新款式，她上次挖了一条大新闻，报社奖励给她的，否则，以她的工资肯定买不起。 乔恋起床，洗漱。 下楼的时候，就看到管家端着牛奶站在那儿。 她二话不说，先喝光了怪味牛奶，这才吃了两片面包，拎着包就风风火火的往报社走。", "en": "Chapter 24 Shen Liangchuan wasn’t facing the light, and Qiao Lian could only see his strong stature vaguely. When he noticed her, he was surprised. She pointed to the phone in her hands and said, “I-I’ve come to give you your phone!” He remained silent. She put the phone on the bedside table as her glance swept across the bed. She wanted to ask where her phone was, but she wasn’t daring enough. She then spoke, “Erm, thank you for asking the caretaker to apply medicine for me.” Shen Liangchuan’s gaze darkened as his glance landed on her arm. “No problem.” Before she could finish, he suddenly asked, “Does your arm still hurt?” Qiao Lian hurriedly replied, “It doesn’t hurt anymore, don’t worry!” “That’s great. Then it won’t affect us fulfilling our official duties.” After he finished his sentence, he walked towards Qiao Lian. Immediately, Qiao Lian was filled with anxiety. “What, what official duties?” “If I remember correctly, you’re currently ovulating.” “Ah?” “So, don’t waste any time.” Qiao Lian closed her eyes and clenched her fist. Sadness emerged from the bottom of her heart as she realized what he meant. Of course. He had just asked the caretaker to treat her wound so that he would be able to continue this with her tonight. The second morning, when Qiao Lian woke up, her side was empty, but there was a silver-colored phone on the pillow. She picked it up and after realizing that it was her phone, she immediately got excited. It was the newest phone of a certain brand. It was her reward from the news agency when she uncovered a large piece of news in the past. If not for that, she wouldn’t have been able to afford it with her meager pay. Qiao Lian left the bed and proceeded to wash up. When she proceeded downstairs, she saw the caretaker holding a cup of milk and waiting for her. She didn’t speak throughout the process as she drank the weird-tasting milk. She left to the news agency hurriedly after consuming two pieces of bread."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发展中国特色社会主义文化，就是以马克思主义为指导，坚守中华文化立场，立足当代中国现实，结合当今时代条件，发展面向现代化、面向世界、面向未来的，民族的科学的大众的社会主义文化，推动社会主义精神文明和物质文明协调发展。 要坚持为人民服务、为社会主义服务，坚持百花齐放、百家争鸣，坚持创造性转化、创新性发展，不断铸就中华文化新辉煌。 （一）牢牢掌握意识形态工作领导权。 意识形态决定文化前进方向和发展道路。 必须推进马克思主义中国化时代化大众化， 建设具有强大凝聚力和引领力的社会主义意识形态，使全体人民在理想信念、价值理念、道德观念上紧紧团结在一起。 要加强理论武装，推动新时代中国特色社会主义思想深入人心。 深化马克思主义理论研究和建设，加快构建中国特色哲学社会科学，加强中国特色新型智库建设。 坚持正确舆论导向，高度重视传播手段建设和创新，提高新闻舆论传播力、引导力、影响力、公信力。 加强互联网内容建设，建立网络综合治理体系，营造清朗的网络空间。 落实意识形态工作责任制，加强阵地建设和管理，注意区分政治原则问题、思想认识问题、学术观点问题，旗帜鲜明反对和抵制各种错误观点。 （二）培育和践行社会主义核心价值观。 社会主义核心价值观是当代中国精神的集中体现，凝结着全体人民共同的价值追求。", "en": "To develop socialist culture with Chinese characteristics means to develop a socialist culture for our nation—a culture that is sound and people-oriented, that embraces modernization, the world, and the future, and that both promotes socialist material wellbeing and raises socialist cultural-ethical standards. In developing this culture, we must follow the guidance of Marxism, base our efforts on Chinese culture, and take into account the realities of contemporary China and the conditions of the present era. We should ensure that this culture serves the people and serves socialism. We should follow the principle of letting a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend, and encourage creative transformation and development, so as to add new luster to Chinese culture. 1. Holding firmly the leading position in ideological work Ideology determines the direction a culture should take and the path it should follow as it develops. We must continue to adapt Marxism to China’s conditions, keep it up-to-date, and enhance its popular appeal. We will develop socialist ideology that has the ability to unite and the power to inspire the people to embrace shared ideals, convictions, values, and moral standards. We will better arm ourselves with theory and increase the public appeal of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era. We will work harder to study and develop Marxist theory, work faster to develop philosophy and social sciences with Chinese characteristics, and develop new types of think tanks with distinctive Chinese features. We will maintain the right tone in public communication, give priority to improving means of communication and to creating new ones, and strengthen the penetration, guidance, influence, and credibility of the media. We will provide more and better online content and put in place a system for integrated internet management to ensure a clean cyberspace. We will implement the system of responsibility for ideological work, and further consolidate our positions and improve management in this field. We will distinguish between matters of political principle, issues of understanding and thinking, and academic viewpoints, but we must oppose and resist various erroneous views with a clear stand. 2. Cultivating and observing core socialist values Core socialist values represent the contemporary Chinese spirit and are a crystallization of the values shared by all Chinese people."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such an accord might well be desirable, but it is simply not an option for climate change any time soon. The goal for the representatives of the nearly 200 countries who will meet in Copenhagen should not be a single sweeping agreement so much as a set of more modest agreements. Coal is one place to begin, as it will continue to generate the lion’s share of the world’s electricity for decades to come. Greater sharing of existing cleaner-coal technologies is needed, as is continued development of next-generation clean-coal plants. Nuclear power is another area requiring attention. So, too, are renewable forms of power, such as solar and wind. Here, too, mechanisms are needed for sharing new technologies and helping poorer countries pay for them in exchange for adopting policies that reduce greenhouse-gas emissions. Moreover, stopping the destruction of forests is essential, given how much carbon is trapped in them. One objective for Copenhagen should be to create a well-endowed global fund to support policies that discourage the cutting and burning of trees, help countries such as Brazil and Indonesia protect their rain forests, and provide alternative livelihoods to those who currently benefit from destroying them. Focusing on steps such as these would go a long way toward attaining the often-discussed goal of halving global carbon emissions by mid-century.", "zh": "这样的条约可能非常完美，但在短期内都难以成为应对气候变化的一个选项。 而来自200多个国家的代表齐聚哥本哈根，所追求的目标不应是签订一项波澜壮阔的大型条约，而是达成一系列更为温和渐进的小型协议。 在此煤炭问题可以作为一个出发点，因为在未来数十年内燃煤发电量都将依然占据全球总发电量的大头。 因此各国有需要更广泛地分享当今的清洁煤技术，并在继续发展下一代清洁煤发电机组上通力合作。 而核能发电则是另一块值得注意的领域。 而太阳能和风能这类可再生能源也值得关注。 在此必须建立一项的机制，让国际社会可以分享新科技手段，并协助穷国通过采用减少温室气体排放政策的方式来抵偿和支付这种新科技所需的费用。 此外，有必要立刻停止对森林的破坏，因为大量的碳就是保留在林木内部的。 而哥本哈根会议的一个目标则是创设一个捐款充裕的国际基金来资助那些限制砍伐和焚烧树木的政策，协助巴西和印尼这类国家保护其雨林，并协助那些靠毁林为生的人们寻找其他生计。 即便对上述举措的关注可能要花费相当长的时间，才能达到人们经常挂在嘴边的那个在本世纪中期实现全球碳排放减半的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Cleaning Up Economic Growth British Prime Minister Tony Blair has promised that the G-8 meeting on July 6-8 at Gleneagles, Scotland, which he will chair, will focus on two of the most important and longstanding global problems—Third-World poverty and global warming. For a long time, these two issues seemed to be at odds. The developing world understandably does not want to sacrifice its growth for a global public good, especially when the United States, the richest country in the world, seems unwilling to sacrifice even a little of its luxurious life style. Led by Papua New Guinea and Costa Rica, a group of developing countries, a new rainforest coalition has now come forward with an innovative proposal, not only offering to commit to greenhouse-gas limits, but also showing how this can be done in a way that will promote their development. Developing countries have long provided a vital global public good: maintaining global environmental assets. Their rainforests are a vast storehouse of biodiversity, and forests are major carbon sinks, reducing the level of CO2 in the atmosphere. I served on the International Panel for Climate Change in the mid-1990’s, reviewing the scientific evidence concerning the magnitude of increases in greenhouse gasses and their economic and social consequences.", "zh": "洁净的经济增长 英国首相布莱尔保证由他主持的，将于7月6-8日在苏格兰鹰阁（Gleneagles）举行的G8会议的主题将会围绕着两个最为重要和持久的问题展开—第三世界的贫穷和全球变暖。 长期以来，这两个问题似乎就备受争议。 发展中国家不想为了一种全球性的公众利益而牺牲自身的发展也是情有可原，特别是在美国，这个全球最富有的国家似乎不愿为此牺牲一点点自己奢侈的生活方式的情况下。 由巴布亚新几内亚和哥斯达黎加牵头，一群发展中国家已经提出了一个颇具新意的议案，不仅主动承诺限制温室气体的排放，还表明了以何种能促进自身发展的方式来实现这些承诺。 长久以来，发展中国家就一直为我们提供着至关重要的全球公共利益：维护全球环境资产。 他们的雨林是生物多样性的巨大仓库，并且是碳的主要吸收者，能够降低大气中的二氧化碳浓度。 我曾于1990年代中期供职于气候变化国际委员会（International Panel for Climate Change ） ， 对关于温室气体排放增长规模的科学证据和随之产生的经济和社会影响进行评估。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This has called for assurances from Tillerson, Secretary of Defense James Mattis, and others eager to mitigate the impact of bellicose exclamations – incongruously issued off the cuff from the clubhouse of a golf course – about “fire and fury.” Trump’s statements about China’s role in addressing the problem don’t help, as they imply an interest in effectively outsourcing the job of reining in the Kim regime, in exchange for vague economic and trade assurances. The result is a perception of American unseriousness about this most serious of challenges. The Trump administration has assembled before it all the components of an effective North Korea strategy: cooperation with China; pressure on North Korea through sanctions and isolation; reassurance of allies, including by providing the most up-to-date anti-ballistic missile defenses; and a willingness to talk. But for any of these instruments to have an impact, they must be used in concert and with precision in tone and substance – a quality of statecraft that the Trump administration has been slow to master. In this sense, the challenge in North Korea is not just a nuclear crisis. It is a crisis of the quality of US leadership. Many see the problem, but no one knows yet how to overcome it.", "zh": "这就只能靠国务卿蒂勒森，国防部长詹姆斯·马蒂斯（James Mattis）和其他希望减轻所谓“怒火与打击”的好战言论（总统在某高尔夫球场俱乐部会所里随性发出的）的人们去消除这一影响。 特朗普关于中国在解决该问题上作用的声明也没什么帮助，因为它们意味着他实际上想将遏制金正恩政权的工作外包以换取模糊的经济和贸易保证。 结果只是让人感觉到美国人对这个最严峻挑战的漠视。 特朗普当局已经集齐了实施有效朝鲜战略的所有组成部分：与中国的合作；通过制裁和孤立对朝鲜施压；让盟国安心，包括提供最新的反弹道导弹防御系统；并表现出谈话的意愿。 但如果想让这些“乐器”都能发挥作用，就必须像主持一场音乐会样把它们协调起来，音准和乐曲内容都不能出偏差 — — 无奈特朗普政府在这种治国之道上似乎缺乏天赋。 在这个意义上，朝鲜的挑战不仅仅是一场核危机，更是美国领导质量的危机。 许多人看到了这个问题，只是没有人该知道如何克服这个问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“想象另一种结果：第一次，白球将黑球撞人洞内；第二次，黑球走偏了；第．三次，黑球飞上了天花板；第四次，黑球像一只受惊的麻雀在房间里乱飞，最后钻进了您的衣袋；第五次，黑球以接近光速的速度飞出，把台球桌沿撞出一个缺口，击穿了墙壁，然后飞出地球，飞出太阳系，就像阿西莫夫(注：这里指阿西莫夫的科幻小说《台球》。)描写的那样。这时您怎么想?”丁仪盯着汪淼，后者沉默许久才问： “这事真的发生了，是吗?”丁仪将手中的两杯酒都仰头灌下去，两眼直勾勾地看着台球桌，仿佛那是个魔鬼，“是的，发生了。近年来，基础理论研究的实验验证条件渐渐成熟，有三个昂贵的‘台球桌’被造了出来，一个在北美，一个在欧洲，还有一个你当然知道，在中国良湘，你们纳米中心从那里赚了不少钱。", "en": "“Imagine another set of results. The first time, the white ball drove the black ball into the pocket. The second time, the black ball bounced away. The third time, the black ball flew onto the ceiling. The fourth time, the black ball shot around the room like a frightened sparrow, finally taking refuge in your jacket pocket. The fifth time, the black ball flew away at nearly the speed of light, breaking the edge of the pool table, shooting through the wall, and leaving the Earth and the Solar System, just like Asimov once described.What would you think then?”Ding watched Wang. After a long silence, Wang finally said, “This actually happened. Am I right?”Ding drained both glasses in his hands. He stared at the pool table as though looking at a demon. “Yes. It happened. In the last few years, we finally obtained the necessary equipment for experimentally testing fundamental theories. Three expensive ‘pool tables’ have been constructed: one in North America, another in Europe, and the third you are familiar with, in Liangxiang. Your Nanotechnology Research Center earned a lot of money from it."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My view is that it depends on facts and circumstances, such as the size, credibility, and timing of the consolidation; the mix of spending and tax cuts; whether consolidation is mostly permanent and structural (for example, a change in pension formulas); and, of course, the stance of monetary policy. Given most European countries’ increasingly daunting demographic outlook, the current pace of structural reform is woefully insufficient. Italy and Germany are headed toward a ratio of one retiree per worker; without more rapid GDP growth, new immigration policies, higher retirement ages, and efforts to stem the increase in welfare spending, taxes will inexorably rise from already damaging levels. Europe has three broad options. The first is the status quo – which would entail cobbling together responses to future mini-crises as they arise, following the pattern of the past few years. Given the divergent interests and problems facing different countries within the eurozone and the EU, together with cumbersome governance structures and the difficulty of treaty changes, this is the path of least resistance for elected leaders – and thus the one most likely to be followed. The second option is serious, concerted structural reform. This would include, at a minimum, reforms of labor rules, pension systems, and anti-growth provisions of tax codes. It would also include an aggressive attempt to reduce the sovereign-debt overhang that remains a major impediment to growth and continues to threaten some European banks. Existing debt agreements are not sufficient without a decade of strong growth, which appears unlikely, to say the least. European governments and banks ultimately will need a solution similar to Brady bonds, which worked quite well in overcoming the 1990s Latin American debt crisis and the threat that it posed to highly exposed US money-center banks. As was true then, a menu of exit options and credit extensions will have to be negotiated. The politics of this approach will be difficult, particularly in the rich countries; but, structured properly, concerted structural reform could help to restore growth, which would feed back into healthier budgets, more jobs, better balance sheets, and less financial risk. The third option is rethinking and reworking the EU itself, from the euro to its basic institutions. As a free-trade arrangement, the EU has been a major success.", "zh": "我的观点是这取决于事实和时机，如整合的规模、信誉和时机；取决于支出和税收削减的组合；取决于整合是否是持久且结构性的（如改变养老金机制 ） ； 当然还取决于货币政策立场。 由于大部分欧洲国家人口前景日益不利，目前的结构性改革速度是远远不够的。 意大利和德国的退休人口/工作人口之比正在向1比1靠拢；若无更快的GDP增长、新的移民政策、提高退休年龄以及阻止福利支出扩张，税收就必然会在已然十分危险的高水平进一步大幅提高。 欧洲有三个广义选择。 其一是维持现状 — — 包括胡乱拼凑应对未来迷你危机的应对措施，一如过去几年的模式。 考虑到欧元区内不同国家和欧盟的利益和所面临问题的不同，再加上笨重的治理结构和更改条约的困难性，这条路径堪称当选领导人的阻力最小路径 — — 也是他们最有可能遵循的路径。 其二是认真的、齐头并进的结构性改革。 这至少需要包括劳动力市场、退休金体系和反增长税法条文改革。 另外还应该包括减少主权债务积压的积极尝试。 目前，主权债务积压仍是增长的主要障碍，并在继续威胁某些欧洲银行。 若无十年的强劲增长（最低条件，但可能性很低 ） ， 现有债务协定是不足够的。 欧洲政府和银行最终将需要类似于布雷迪债券（Brady bond）的解决方案。 20世纪90年代，布雷迪债券在克服拉丁美洲危机及其对风险敞口高企的美国资金中心银行的威胁中居功至伟。 与那时一样，必须商谈退出选择和信用延期等内容。 这一方针具有很大的政治困难，特别是在富国；但是，若组织得当，齐头并进的结构性改革将有助于重塑增长，而增长的恢复将反过来带来更健康的预算、更多的工作岗位、更良好的资产负债表和更少的金融风险。 第三个选择是反思和重构欧盟本身，从欧元一直到基本机构。 作为自由贸易安排的欧盟取得了巨大的成功。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She laughed, she shrugged her shoulders. 'Oh, well… never mind. But I always said English girls were dark horses, for all their hockey-playing attitude. So I'm supposed to travel to Paris alone, and leave you here while your beau gets a marriage licence? I notice he doesn't ask me to the wedding.' 'I don't think he wants anyone, and anyway you would have sailed,' I said. 'H'm, h'm,' she said. She took out her vanity case and began powdering her nose, I suppose you really do know your own mind,' she went on; 'after all, the whole thing has been very hurried, hasn't it? A matter of a few weeks. I don't suppose he's too easy, and you'll have to adapt yourself to his ways. You've led an extremely sheltered life up to now, you know, and you can't say that I've run you off your feet. You will have your work cut out as mistress of Manderley. To be perfectly frank, my dear, I simply can't see you doing it.'", "zh": "她哈哈一笑，耸了耸肩膀。“啊，好吧……别往心上去。我常对人说，别看英国姑娘喜欢曲棍球，她们是很有心计的。这么说，我只得一个人到巴黎去，你留下来等你的郎君为你们扯结婚证喽？我注意到他并没有邀请我参加婚礼。” “他可能谁也不想请。再说，到那时候你已经坐上船了。”我说。 “嗯，嗯。”她说，同时取出化妆盒，往鼻子上扑着粉，“如此看来，你是经过深思熟虑的。不过，这件事情毕竟办得太仓促了些，仅仅用了几个星期的时间，你说是吧？他可能不太随和，你只好委屈一下自己，多顺从他。以前你一直过的是受庇护的生活，我也没领你见多少世面。到了曼德利，你就要挑起女主妇的担子了。恕我坦率直言，亲爱的，我看你难以胜任。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is not financially feasible for private insurance companies to insure people who are already sick or at high risk, if those who are still healthy are not also in the pool. This does not mean that the US needs to go to the extreme of a full-on socialized health-care system, whereby the government directly provides health care to all (though the British are certainly attached to their National Health Service). And, indeed, nobody in the US is calling for that. What some – most vocally, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders – have proposed is a single-payer system. In Canada, such a system of government insurance and private provision of services delivers strong health outcomes at a fraction of the cost of the US system. Yet, while a substantial share of Americans may support such a system, a single-payer program would face strong resistance from three powerful groups: the insurance industry, consumers who are happy with their current employer-paid plans, and Republicans in general. But the system many Republicans tout – a scheme based fully on “personal responsibility” – is not feasible. The system the US had before Obamacare did not meet that standard, as the uninsured imposed costs not just on themselves, but also on other Americans. Those without insurance are more likely to experience conditions like obesity and addiction, and to let their health deteriorate before seeking medical attention. Before Obamacare, hospitals would simply pass the higher costs of treating them on to other patients. A system of genuine personal responsibility would require that the medical profession not provide care that it feels ethically obliged to provide. But I have yet to meet a free-market conservative who would truly favor a new federal law requiring ambulances to leave accident victims by the side of the road unless they can show proof of insurance. The solution to America’s health-care woes lies somewhere between socialized medicine and laissez-faire. But there is no question that it must include something like the three legs of the Obamacare “stool”: the individual mandate, protection for those with pre-existing conditions, and a means to pay for it all. Though some Republicans pretend otherwise, there is simply no solution that decreases the role of government without increasing the ranks of the uninsured – and thus raising total health-care costs.", "zh": "私营保险公司为已经患病或患病风险很高的人提供保险在财务上是不可行的，如果不把那些仍然健康的人也纳入其中的话。 这并不意味着美国需要走极端，采取全面社会化的医保体系，即政府直接为全民提供医疗（尽管英国人全都拥有国民医疗服务 ） 。 而事实上，在美国也没有任何人要求这样做。 一些人 — — 首屈一指的要数佛蒙特州参议员伯尼·桑德斯（Bernie Sanders ） — —提出了一个偿付者（single-payer）体系。 在加拿大，这一政府保险和私人服务体系与美国的医疗体系相比，可谓事半功倍。 然而，尽管会有很大一部分美国人支持单一偿付者体系，该体系将面临三大权势集团的抵制：保险业、对目前的雇主偿付体系很满意的消费者，以及大部分共和党。 但许多共和党人所吹捧的体系 — — 一套完全基于“个人责任”的机制 — — 根本不可行。 在奥巴马医保前，美国实施的体系达不到这一标准，无保险覆盖者不但给自己造成了成本，也给其他美国人造成了成本。 无保险覆盖者更有可能发生肥胖和毒瘾等情况，并且往往放任身体恶化而不去寻医问药。 在奥巴马医保实施前，医院只需要将治疗他们的高昂成本转嫁给其他患者即可。 一套真正的个人责任体系要求医疗界不提供在道义上有义务提供的医疗服务。 但迄今为止我还没有遇到过一位自由市场保守派，真正支持实施新的联邦法律，要求救护车在事故受害者拿不出医保证明的情况下，将他仍在路旁。 美国就医难问题的解决方案必然要兼顾社会化医疗和自由放任。 但毫无疑问，这必须包括奥巴马医保“板凳”的三条腿：个人强制保险、覆盖疾患人士，以及为全体公民偿付的方法。 尽管一些共和党人装作在寻找替代方案，但根本不存在既能限制政府的角色，又不会提高无保险覆盖者地位（ranks ） — —从而提高医保总成本 — — 的办法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "European, Latin American, Caribbean, and Pacific leaders are putting climate mitigation and inclusive development at the center of their pandemic recovery plans. Some, such as New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern, have pledged to link their COVID-19 responses to climate action. Versions of green new deals are gaining traction around the world. In September, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen laid out plans to cut the EU’s greenhouse-gas emissions by 55% by 2030. France had earlier adopted a €100 billion ($117.6 billion) recovery plan, including €30 billion to support a green transition. The mood is changing. The world is looking for ways to pivot to good trade – cleaner, fairer, and more resilient to shocks. But new schemes must not overlook support for the micro, small, and medium-size enterprises – many of them run by or employing women – that participate in global value chains and drive local economies. For example, the EU’s proposed carbon border adjustment mechanism – which von der Leyen highlighted in her State of the Union address – will raise concerns in developing countries. The Boston Consulting Group thinks such a regime would mean that, “non-European companies that had been under little regulatory pressure to map, report, and control their emissions would have to build these capabilities quickly and scramble to catch up in order to remain competitive in Europe.”", "zh": "欧洲、拉丁美洲、加勒比和太平洋领导人将缓解气候变化和包容性发展列为疫情复苏计划的核心。 一些领导人，如新西兰总理阿德恩等，承诺将COVID-19应对措施与气候行动挂钩。 绿色新政愿景也在全世界不断受到重视。 9月，欧盟委员会冯德莱恩提出计划到2030年将欧盟绿色气体排放量减少55 % 。 法国早前已实施了1000亿欧元的复苏计划，包括300亿欧元支持绿色转型。 情绪正在变化。 世界正在设法转向好贸易 — — 更清洁、更公平，面对冲击更有韧性。 但新机制不可忽视对参与全球价值链、推动地方经济的中小微企业的支持 — — 它们中有许多由妇女领导，或聘用妇女。 比如，欧盟所提出的碳边界调整机制 — — 冯德莱恩在她的盟情咨文中强调了这一点 — — 将关注发展中国家。 波士顿咨询集团（Boston Consulting Group）认为这一机制意味着“几乎没有监管压力规划、报告和控制排放情况的非欧洲公司也必须迅速构建这些能力，赶上欧洲同行，这样才能在欧洲保持竞争力 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "高效节能电气机械器材制造，主要包括发电机及发电机组制造、电动机制造、变压器、整流器和电感器制造、电线、电缆制造、其他电工器材制造、家用制冷电器具制造、家用空气调节器制造、家用通风电器具制造、家用厨房电器具制造、家用清洁卫生电器具制造、家用美容、保健护理电器具制造、家用电力器具专用配件制造、太阳能器具制造、电光源制造、照明灯具制造、灯用电器附件及其他照明器具制造等。电动机制造，主要包括空调、冰箱驱动控制器。变压器、整流器和电感器制造，主要包括节能型变压器、节能型互感器、静止式节能变流器、节能型电抗器、节能型电感器、变频器、谐波治理设备、中小功率稀土永磁无铁芯电机、变极起动无滑环绕线转子感应电动机、中小型三相异步电动机（能效等级为1、2级）、高压变频调速技术装置、植物绝缘油变压器、非晶合金变压器、干式半芯电抗器、壳式电炉变压器、三维立体卷铁心干式变压器。电线、电缆制造，主要包括新型节能导线。", "en": "The efficient and energy-saving electrical machinery and equipment manufacturing mainly includes the manufacturing of generators and generator sets, electric motors, transformers, rectifiers and inductors, electric wires, cable manufacturing, other electrical equipment manufacturing, household refrigeration appliances manufacturing, household air conditioners manufacturing, household ventilation appliances manufacturing, household kitchen appliances manufacturing, household cleaning and hygiene appliances manufacturing, household beauty, health care appliances manufacturing, household power appliance special accessories manufacturing, solar appliances manufacturing, electric light source manufacturing, lighting fixtures manufacturing, lamp electrical accessories and other lighting fixtures manufacturing, etc. Electric motor manufacturing mainly includes air conditioning and refrigerator drive controllers. Transformer, rectifier and inductor manufacturing mainly includes energy-saving transformers, energy-saving inductors, static energy-saving inverters, energy-saving reactors, energy-saving inductors, frequency converters, harmonic control equipment, medium and small power rare earth permanent magnet coreless motors, variable pole starting slip-ring rotor induction motors, medium and small three-phase asynchronous motors (energy efficiency grade 1, 2), high-voltage variable frequency speed control technology devices, vegetable insulating oil transformers, amorphous alloy transformers, dry-type semi-core reactors, shell-type furnace transformers, three-dimensional coil iron core dry-type transformers. Electric wire and cable manufacturing mainly includes new energy-saving conductors."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Gun Virus NEW YORK – Spooked by COVID-19, Americans not only stripped supermarket shelves of toilet paper and pasta, but also drove gun sales higher than ever. Apparently, many of these recent gun buyers never purchased a firearm before. Lobbyists for the US gun industry want gun stores to be counted as “essential” businesses, like food shops and pharmacies. A number of states have readily complied, as has the Department of Homeland Security. Jay Pritzker, Governor of Illinois, declared that “firearm and ammunition suppliers and retailers, for purposes of safety and security” should indeed be allowed to continue supplying these alleged necessities. When it comes to guns, the rest of the world has long viewed the United States as being a little crazy. But there is something particularly odd about this latest rush to buy arms. Conservatives and gun lovers invoke history, tradition, and the late-eighteenth-century text of the US Constitution to defend their right to carry anything from a Glock G-19 pistol to the popular AR-15 assault rifle. In fact, until very recently, the common interpretation of American legal scholars was that gun-buying by individuals to “defend his or herself, their family, as well as their home, business, and property,” as Lawrence Keane, senior vice-president of the National Shooting Sports Foundation, barely managed to put it, was far from the US founders’ intent.", "zh": "美国的枪病毒 纽约—COVID-19引起的恐慌不仅扫空了美国超市货架上的卫生纸和意面，还让枪支销售异常火爆。 显然，许多新晋枪支买家以前从未买过军火。 美国枪支行业的游说者想让枪支商店成为“基本”商业，就像食品店和药店。 许多州已经招办，国土安全部也是。 伊利诺伊州州长杰伊·普利茨克（Jay Pritzker）称 ， “ 出于安全和安保目的，军火和弹药供应商和零售商”绝对应该继续供应这些所谓的必需品。 对于枪支问题，世界其他国家一直认为美国有些疯狂。 但最近的购枪热潮有一些特别奇怪的地方。 保守派和枪支爱好者援引历史、传统和十八世纪末的美国宪法文本来为持枪权利辩护，不管是Glock G-19手枪还是流行的AR-15突击步枪。 事实上，直到最近，美国法律学者的共同解释是，个人购枪“以捍卫自己、家人以及家园、企业和财产 ” ， 如美国射击运动基金会（National Shooting Sports Foundation）高级副会长劳伦斯·基恩（Lawrence Keane）毫不掩饰地说，相去美国开国元勋的初衷远甚。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I was in China primarily in my role as Chair of the British government’s Review on Antimicrobial Resistance; but I also sought opportunities to speak to people about the challenges facing the economy. Many international observers have been worried about the country’s oversupply of housing and the related credit boom, making me wonder whether I have been overly sanguine about these risks. But my conversations persuaded me that both problems are likely to be manageable. To be sure, the housing market is in the doldrums. But, as many pointed out to me, this is partly the result of deliberate government measures to deflate it (also comforting is the fact that consumers are in general not overleveraged). Some builders will experience problems with credit, and so might some local authorities. But spending by the central government is such a small percentage of the country’s total GDP that policymakers have a lot of room for maneuver if intervention becomes necessary in these areas. Foreign observers frequently speculate that the Chinese authorities may be deliberately overstating the economy’s strength. But it is equally possible that the size of some sectors is being understated. After spending a few days in Beijing, it was abundantly clear that China is undergoing a boom in Internet use, including as a consumer platform. Online commerce is offsetting some of the other weaker areas of the economy, and its full impact might actually be underreported in official statistics.", "zh": "我来中国主要是以英国政府抗耐药性评估（Review on Antimicrobial Resistance）主席的身份；但我也寻找机会与人讨论中国经济所面临的挑战。 许多国际观察者担心中国房地产的过度供给和相关信用繁荣，这让我怀疑是否对这些风险过于乐观了。 但通过对话我相信，这两个问题都是可管理的。 诚然，房地产市场的景气已经过去了。 但是，许多人对我说，这部分是政府有意压制的结果（另一个令人放心的事实是总体而言消费者并未过度负债 ） 。 一些建筑商将面临信用问题，一些地方当局亦然。 但中央那政府支出占中国总GDP比重很小，如果有必要在这些领域进行干预，决策者拥有很大的动作空间。 外国观察者频繁预测中国当局也许有意高估了经济的强度。 但同样可能的是一些部门的规模被低估了。 在北京的几天中，很明显中国正处于互联网应用的热潮中，包括将其作为消费平台。 在线商务抵消了经济其他领域的弱势，其完全影响力在官方数据中实际是被低估的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Revoking America’s Exorbitant Privilege NEW YORK – The ongoing political stalemate in the United States holds two major implications for the international monetary system. The better-known consequence has been deepening uncertainty about the US dollar, the main global reserve currency, and US Treasury securities, supposedly the world’s “safest” financial asset. Not surprisingly, the major investors in US Treasuries, China and Japan, have expressed alarm. Simply put, the global economy has at its center a dysfunctional political regime that generates recurrent threats of default on the world’s major reserve asset. The second implication is further postponement of the International Monetary Fund’s 2010 quota and governance reforms, which would double member countries’ contributions and modestly increase major emerging economies’ voting power. Prior to its approval by the IMF Board in December 2010, the reform, agreed at the G-20 Seoul Summit, had been hailed as a “historic” breakthrough. But history has stalled without approval by the US, which has an effective veto over major IMF decisions. The threat of a US default may well end in a political agreement to raise the US government’s debt ceiling, as occurred in 2011. But, whatever the outcome, the latest episode makes it abundantly clear that our globalized world deserves a better international monetary system than the current “non-system” that evolved in an ad hoc manner after the collapse in the early 1970’s of the initial Bretton Woods arrangements. The need to overhaul the international monetary and financial system was one of the basic lessons of the global financial crisis. While there have been major, albeit incomplete, reforms of international finance, efforts in 2009 and 2010 to reform the international monetary system – including the proposed changes at the IMF – have led to no significant action. The reform proposals came from diverse quarters: the governor of the People’s Bank of China; a commission convened by the United Nations General Assembly on reform of the international monetary and financial system, headed by the Nobel laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz; and the French Palais Royal Initiative, led by former IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus. There have been myriad academic contributions to the debate as well.", "zh": "废除美国的过度特权 纽约—美国没完没了的政治僵局给国际货币体系带来了两大影响。 为人所熟知的后果是深化了主要全球储备货币 — — 美元和号称世界“最安全”金融资产的美国国债的不确定性。 毫不奇怪，美国国债的主要投资者中国和日本纷纷拉响警报。 简言之，全球经济的核心占据着一个无法正常运转的政治机制，这套机制时不时发出世界主要储备资产违约的风险。 第二个影响是国际货币基金组织（IMF）的2010年配额和治理改革被进一步推迟，这项改革将倍增成员国的出资额，并略微提高主要新兴经济体的投票权。 在2010年12月被IMF理事会批准之前，已在G-20首尔峰会上达成一致的这一改革方案被称为“历史性”突破。 但没有美国的批准 — — 该国拥有IMF重大决策的实际否决权，历史将停滞不前。 美国违约的风险很有可能因为关于提高美国政府债务上限形成了政治一致而结束，这一幕在2011年就发生过。 但是，无论结果如何，最近的债务上限之争充分表明，我们的全球化的世界应该有一套更好的国际货币体系。 当前的“无体系”实际上是20世纪70年代初布雷顿森林体系崩溃后的权宜之计。 修正国际货币和金融体系的需要是全球金融危机最根本的教训之一。 国际金融方面已经有了重大（尽管有欠全面）的改革，但2009年和2010年改革国际货币体系的努力 — — 包括IMF的变革方案 — — 并未带来重大行动。 改革方案来自各个方向：中国人民银行行长、联合国大会召集的以诺贝尔经济学奖获得者斯蒂格利茨（Joseph Stiglitz）为首的国际货币和金融体系改革委员会，以及以前IMF总裁康德苏（Michel Camdessus）为首的法国王宫倡议（French Palais Royal Initiative ） 。 学界也纷纷为这一话题出谋划策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From the germ’s point of view, people make poor hosts, because we die quickly and are usually a terminus, not a transmitter. The plague is spread principally by the bite of fleas, and a few thousand years ago, the bacterium acquired a genetic mutation that made it ferociously effective at spreading. This adaptation improved the plague’s biological fitness, which, for rodents – and the humans who live near them – has proven to be a nightmare. Thanks to new genomic evidence, we can say with greater confidence how long this nightmare has been recurring. One of the most surprising and solidly confirmed findings in recent years has been the prevalence of plague in samples from Stone Age and Bronze Age societies in Europe and Central Asia. While it remains unclear what role plague played in the failure of those societies, it is reasonable to assume that the disease has long influenced human history. What is now beyond question is that Yersinia pestis was indeed the pathogen responsible for two of the most destructive pandemics ever. The Black Death, which lives on in popular imagination to this day, arrived from Central Asia in the 1340s, and in the space of a few years, wiped out roughly half of the population in the regions it struck. The disease then lingered for a few more centuries, killing many more. But this entire episode is properly known as the “second pandemic.” The first pandemic began in AD 541, during the reign of the Roman Emperor Justinian. The outbreak is known as the Justinianic plague, and, like the Black Death, it cut a swath of destruction from inner Asia to the shores of the Atlantic in the space of a few years. Total mortality was in the tens of millions, and stupefied contemporaries were certain they were living on the verge of the last judgment. As with the Black Death, later historians questioned whether a rodent disease could cause destruction on such a scale. But in recent years, the pathogen’s genetic traces have been found in sixth-century graves, and the DNA evidence convicts Yersinia pestis of this ancient mass murder as definitively as it would in a modern courtroom. The plague triggered a demographic crisis that helped to topple the Romans’ “eternal empire.” Plague pandemics were events of mind-boggling ecological intricacy.", "zh": "站在细菌的角度来看，人类是不合格的宿主，因为我们会很快死亡，因此往往会成为疾病的终点，而不是传播器。 瘟疫主要通过跳蚤的叮咬传播，而且几千年前，这种细菌获得了一种基因突变，使其在传播的过程中效果异常显著。 这种适应能力提高了瘟疫的生物适应性，而这对啮齿动物 — — 以及生活在啮齿动物周围的人来说 — — 已经被证明是一场噩梦。 多亏有了新的基因组证据，我们可以更有信心地推测这场噩梦何时结束。 近年来，最出人意料且已经得到证实的成果之一是欧洲和中亚石器时代及青铜器时代社会流行瘟疫的样本。 尽管瘟疫在这些社会失败中所起的作用尚不明确，但我们有理由认为这种疾病早已影响到人类历史。 现在已经毋庸置疑的是鼠疫杆菌确实是造成有史以来两次破坏性最强的流行病病原体。 黑死病迄今为止仍然普遍存在于人们的想象之中，这种病于14世纪40年代来源于中亚，并在短短几年时间内消灭了感染地区近半数的人口。 这种病之后又断断续续停留了几个世纪，导致更多的人因此丧生。 但这整个过程往往被称为“二次流行 ” 。 一次流行始于公元541年，在罗马皇帝查士丁尼统治时期爆发。 那次爆发被称为查士丁尼瘟疫，而且像黑死病一样，它在短短几年内破坏了亚洲内陆到大西洋沿岸的一系列地区。 总死亡人数高达数千万，而且当时被吓傻了的民众认为他们生活在终极审判的边缘。 像黑死病一样，后世历史学家质疑啮齿类动物疾病是否能造成如此规模的破坏。 但近年来，这种病原体的遗传痕迹已经在公元六世纪的墓穴中被找到，而DNA证据就像现代法庭那样不容置疑的宣判鼠疫杆菌就是这次古代大屠杀的罪魁。 瘟疫引发了一场人口危机，并成为推翻罗马人“永恒帝国”的一个因素。 鼠疫流行是令人难以置信的复杂生态事件。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If European central banks purchase European securities with freshly printed money, they distort the international portfolio equilibrium with regard to domestic and foreign currencies and interest-bearing assets, and a currency devaluation is needed to rebalance it. Some of the sellers will offer euros on the currency markets, in order to purchase non-European securities. And that will put downward pressure on the euro exchange rate. Foreign sellers will trade in their own assets for European securities only when the euro exchange rate is lower. The new international portfolio equilibrium ushered in by the ECB is accompanied by euro depreciation. During the ECB’s first round of QE, the portfolio shifts were clearly noticeable among sellers of government bonds, as the ECB itself has documented. Those sellers mainly used the proceeds to purchase US Treasury bonds, because they wanted to stay within the same asset class. US sellers, on the other hand, used the euros they received to purchase European corporate assets, which had become cheaper, owing to the fall in the euro exchange rate. In the context of the ECB’s first large asset-purchase program, the euro’s exchange rate fell by around a quarter against the dollar between mid-2014 and January 2015, when the program was formally launched, because traders generally assumed that the program would happen and acted accordingly. Italian banks, in particular, got a head start in buying up European securities worldwide, by tapping (disproportionately) into funds from the targeted longer-term financing operations (TLTRO) program that the ECB had launched in June 2014.", "zh": "如果欧洲央行以发新钞的方式购买欧洲证券，就会扭曲本币和外币及生息资产之间的国际资产组合均衡，必须通过贬值实现再平衡。 一些卖家会向货币市场提供欧元，以购买非欧洲资产。 而这会对欧元汇率造成贬值压力。 外国卖家只有在欧元汇率较低时，才会用自己的资产交易欧洲证券。 欧洲央行所带来的新的国际投资组合均衡将伴随欧元贬值。 在欧洲央行的第一轮QE期间，资产组合的变化在政府债券卖家中间清晰可辨，欧洲央行自己也记录了这一点。 这些卖家的所得主要用来购买美国国债，因为他们想将资金保持在同类资产上。 另一方面，美国卖家用得到的欧元购买因为欧元汇率下跌而降价了的欧洲公司资产。 在欧洲央行首个大规模资产购买计划的背景下，欧元兑美元汇率在2014年年种至2015年年初（该计划正式启动）期间下跌了大约四分之一，因为交易员们普遍认为，该计划迟早会来，并据此采取行动。 特别是意大利银行抢先在全世界购买欧洲证券，大量利用来自欧洲央行于2014年6月启动的定向长期融资操作（TLTRO）计划的资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, the refugee problem cannot be separated from wider problems concerning the integration of all inhabitants of Palestine, Jordan, and Israel – where the refugees are most numerous – into civil societies where they may enjoy equal legal status and equal access to economic and cultural opportunities. Such integration cannot be achieved on a unilateral basis but only by programs adopted by the host and donor countries in co-operation with each other; nor can it be achieved in conditions where there is complete political and administrative separation between the populations which places them under exclusive controls and fails to acknowledge the human needs of community and conviviality. The economic and social development of the three areas demands an integrated approach to the exploitation of energy and other natural resources, particularly water. Without agreements on the conditions of such exploitation there will remain imbalances of living conditions and the persistence of rival claims with their potential for future conflicts. A recognized community of water and energy interests and programs for their joint exploitation, for example in the rift valley, may lead, as was the motivation for the first stage of European integration, to a wider integration on a wider scale in the region. The status of Jerusalem is still an unresolved question on both the local and international scenes. That question was specifically listed in the Jordanian-Israel Peace Treaty. The recognition by the three parties of the primacy of the moral and spiritual over the political importance of the city could lead to arrangements on the ground which satisfy the legitimate claims of the three Abrahamic faiths, and subsume the eventual political status of the city to this moral authority.", "zh": "例如，难民问题不能脱离更广泛的一系列涉及到难民数量最多的巴勒斯坦、约旦和以色列居民的整合问题， 将他们划入可能使其享受到法律地位以及平等拥有经济和文化机会的公民社会。 只有通过当事国和捐赠国共同合作采用一项计划，否则这种整合无法在单边基础上达成，也不能在民族间实施政治和行政完全分离的条件下完成，这种分离没有意识到人类对于群体和祥和的需求，置这些民族于排外控制下。 此三地区的经济和社会发展需要一个综合三地力量的途径来开发能源和其他自然资源，尤其是水资源。 如果不能达成这样的协议，那么该地区不平衡的生活水平将持续恶化，继而，引发竞争对手争相争夺主权与潜在的未来冲突。 一个以联合开采为目的、并获得认可的水及能源利益和项目共同体，诸如在裂谷，也许能像欧洲整合第一阶段的动力一样，引导该地区更大范围内的整合。 无论是从当地还是从国际社会角度来看，耶路撒冷的状态仍是一个悬而未决的问题。 约旦-以色列和平条约中特地列进了这个问题。 三党承认，该城的道德和精神意义胜于政治重要性，这点将会导致建立在满足亚伯拉罕三大信仰的合法主张、并能将该城的最终政治状态归入到这一道德权威基础上的管理方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Beware America’s Soaring Public Debt STANFORD – America needs to rein in its soaring national debt. But US President Joe Biden seems eager to do just the opposite. In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, President Barack Obama ran the largest budget deficits of any president since World War II (adjusting for the automatic revenue and outlay effects of the business cycle). His successor, Donald Trump, surpassed him. Biden plans to top them both. Though America’s gross federal debt now stands at 107% of GDP – a post-WWII record – the Biden administration’s 2022 budget has the country running by far the largest-ever peacetime deficits. To be sure, I support policies to mitigate the short-run economic pain caused by a crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic and help spur recovery, as long as the long-run cost is reasonable. But Biden’s spending plans don’t meet that condition. For the five fiscal years from 2022 to 2026, the Biden administration would run deficits of 5.9% of GDP, on average. That level was reached only once between 1947 and 2008 – in 1983, when the unemployment rate averaged above 10%. But the administration’s projections put unemployment at 4.1% in 2022 and 3.8% from 2023 and onwards.", "zh": "当心美国不断飙升的公共债务 发自斯坦福—美国需要控制其不断飙升的国家负债，但美国总统拜登似乎想要反其道而行之，而其中则蕴含着不容忽视的巨大风险。 在经历了2008年金融危机后，巴拉克·奥巴马总统拥有了（排除商业周期性自动收入和支出影响因素后）规模超越二战后历届美国总统的庞大预算赤字，而随后上任的唐纳德·特朗普总统又超过了他。 如今拜登似乎打算超越上述两位。 尽管当前的美国联邦债务总额相当于其GDP的107 % — —也是二战后的最高记录 — — 但拜登政府的2022年预算使美国出现了迄今最高的和平时期赤字。 先此声明，只要能合理控制长期成本，我是支持制定政策去缓解新冠疫情这类危机所导致的短期经济阵痛并帮助刺激经济复苏的，只不过拜登的支出计划并不符合这一条件，还会反过来造成在经济恢复到充分就业后依然挥之不去的巨大赤字。 在2022~2026年的五个财政年度，拜登政府的财政赤字平均相当于GDP5.9 % 。 而在1947~2008年间只有一个年份达到过这一水平 — — 1983年，当时的失业率平均达10%以上。 但根据政府的预测，2022年的失业率为4.1 % ， 2023年及以后为3.8 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Necessity of Morality in Foreign Policy LONDON – It is easy to be wise after the event. But perhaps, as the old adage goes, the best way to prepare for the future is to learn from the past. I was thinking about this the other day, after seeing Ken Burns’s outstanding The U.S. and the Holocaust, a three-part documentary series that explores the response of the United States and Europe’s liberal democracies to the rise of Hitler and the persecution of Jews under the Nazi regime. In addition to an unflattering portrait of America’s foreign-policy decisions, the series offers important lessons for Western policymakers seeking to address today’s humanitarian crises without repeating the mistakes of the past. First, we must never turn a blind eye to other governments’ human-rights abuses. Moreover, we should always listen to brave journalists on the ground, rather than trust authoritarian leaders who insist that they have done nothing wrong. Second, trying to appease bullies who violate international rules and norms will get us nowhere. While some may believe that doing business with tyrants will encourage them to change their behavior, history shows that this course of action can lead only to a loss of moral authority and, ultimately, to disaster. Third, we should not separate foreign policy from ethics. Doing the right thing is not just a moral imperative; it is also a far more realistic approach to foreign policy than a never-ending series of delusional compromises masquerading as realpolitik. So, when countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and, above all, China flagrantly violate their citizens’ human rights, liberal democracies must unite to constrain their behavior. Ultimately, it is up to those of us who believe in the universality of human rights to expose crimes against humanity and to uphold liberal-democratic values in the face of authoritarian threats. It is not in our interest to look the other way when journalists are murdered and locked up, when women are denied their rights because of their gender, or when ethnic minorities are persecuted as the Jewish people had been. We should take every opportunity to remind the world of the Chinese authorities’ persecution and incarceration of Uyghurs in Xinjiang, as well as their use of forced abortions and sterilizations to curb the country’s Muslim population.", "zh": "外交政策中道德的必要性 伦敦—事后诸葛亮总是很容易。 但老话说得好，前事不忘，后事之师。 前几天我就在考虑这个问题，在看了肯·伯恩斯 (Ken Burns) 的杰作《美国与大屠杀 》 ( The U.S. and the Holocaust) 后。 这是一个由三部分组成的纪录片系列，探讨了美国和欧洲的自由民主国家对希特勒崛起和犹太人受纳粹政权迫害的反应。 除了对美国外交政策决策进行了白描，该系列还为既想解决当今人道主义危机，又要避免重蹈覆辙的西方决策者提供了重要的教训。 首先，我们绝不能对其他政府侵犯人权的行为视而不见。 此外，我们应该始终听取勇敢的实地记者的意见，而不是坚持自己用不犯错的专制领导人。 其次，试图安抚违反国际规则和规范的暴徒是没有用的。 虽然有些人可能认为与暴君打交道能鼓励他们改变行为，但历史表明，这种做法只会导致道德权威的丧失，最终带来灾难。 第三，我们不应将外交政策与道德分开。 做正确的事不仅是道德上的责任，与伪装成现实政治的无休止的妄想的妥协相比，这也是一种更为现实的外交政策方针。 因此，当沙特阿拉伯、埃及，尤其是中国等国家公然侵犯其公民的人权时，自由民主国家必须联合起来约束它们的行为。 归根结底，我们这些相信普世人权的人，有责任揭露反人类罪，在专制威胁面前维护自由民主价值观。 眼看记者被谋杀、被关押，妇女因性别而被剥夺权利，少数民族像犹太人一样受到迫害不符合我们的利益。 我们应该抓住一切机会提醒世界注意中国当局对新疆维吾尔族的迫害和监禁，以及他们用强制堕胎和绝育遏制该国的穆斯林人口。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"How should I know how the stupid little girl got hold of it?\" he said.\"Because you gave it to her,\" said Harry. \"In Flourish and Blotts. You picked up her old Transfiguration book and slipped the diary inside it, didn't you?\"He saw Mr. Malfoy's white hands clench and unclench.\"Prove it,\" he hissed.\"Oh, no one will be able to do that,\" said Dumbledore, smiling at Harry. \"Not now that Riddle has vanished from the book. On the other hand, I would advise you, Lucius, not to go giving out any more of Lord Voldemort's old school things. If any more of them find their way into innocent hands, I think Arthur Weasley, for one, will make sure they are traced back to you ......Lucius Malfoy stood for a moment, and Harry distinctly saw his right hand twitch as though he was longing to reach for his wand. Instead, he turned to his house-elf  \"We're going, Dobby!\"", "zh": "“我凭什么知道那个愚蠢的小姑娘是怎么得到它的?”他说。“因为是你给她的，”哈利说，“在丽痕书店，你捡起她的变形课本，偷偷地把日记本塞在里面，是不是?”他看见马尔福苍白的双手攥成了拳头，随即又松开了。“有证据吗?\"他嘶哑着声音说。“哦，谁也没有办法提供证据了，”邓布利多笑眯眯地看着哈利，说道，“现在里德尔已经从本子里消失了。另外，卢修斯，我要给你一句忠告，不要再散发伏地魔学生时代的旧东西了。如果又有这些东西落到无辜者的手里，至少亚瑟韦斯莱就肯定能查明它们是从你那儿出来的..”卢修斯马尔福又呆立了片刻，哈利清清楚楚地看见他的右手抽动了一下，似乎想去掏他的魔杖。然而他克制住了自己，转身对他的家养小精灵说：“我们走了，多比!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What the Global Pandemic Response Is Missing WASHINGTON, DC – After ravaging the developed world, COVID-19 is now devastating developing and emerging-market countries, most of which lack the medical and financial capacity to combat the pandemic and its economic effects. For advanced economies, the first line of defense has been social distancing, hand washing, face masks, and widespread lockdowns. But for poorer countries, replicating this response is virtually impossible. Housing tends to be overcrowded, and face masks and soap are scarce. Moreover, water sources and sanitation facilities are often shared and situated in narrow alleys, and many poor people must leave their homes daily to access them or to purchase food. Hence, for poor people who live hand to mouth, an enforced lockdown amounts to a sentence of penury and possibly starvation. Conditions in many parts of India illustrate the catastrophe that has been unfolding across developing and emerging markets. When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared a sudden lockdown in late March, millions of migrants lost work and were forced to return to their villages hundreds of miles away. With no means of transportation, they simply started walking, spreading the virus as they went. Now that India’s lockdown has been lifted, and, with hospital capacity having reached its limits, even people presenting with severe COVID-19 symptoms are being turned away. The Washington Post reports that, “Before the pandemic hit, India had only 0.5 hospital beds per 1,000 people, … compared with 3.2 in Italy and 12.3 in South Korea.”", "zh": "全球大流行应对措施的缺漏 华盛顿特区—2019冠状病毒病在发达国家肆虐之后，现在正在摧毁发展中国家和新兴市场国家，其中大多数国家缺乏医疗和财政能力来抗击这一流行病及其产生的经济影响。 对于发达经济体来说，第一道防线是保持社交距离、洗手、戴口罩和大范围封锁。 但对于较贫穷的国家来说，复制这种应对方式几乎是不可能的。 住房往往过于拥挤，口罩和肥皂稀缺。 此外，水源和卫生设施往往是公用的，并位于狭窄的小巷中，许多穷人必须每天离开家园才能获得水源、使用卫生设施或购买食物。 因此，对那些仅能糊口的穷人来说，强制封锁政策相当于让他们陷入贫困，还有可能导致饥饿。 印度许多地区的情况表明，这场灾难正在发展中国家和新兴市场蔓延。 当印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪(Narendra Modi)在3月底突然宣布实行封锁时，数百万移民失去了工作，被迫返回数百英里外的村庄。 在没有交通工具的情况下，他们只能步行，沿途传播病毒。 现在，印度已经解除了封锁，医院承载力已达极限，甚至出现严重症状的感染者也被拒之门外。 《华盛顿邮报》报道说 ， “ 在大流行病爆发之前，印度每1000人只有0.5张病床 … … 相比之下，意大利为3.2张，韩国为12.3张 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The real innovations are found in Part I and II of the proposed Constitution, in the definition of the normative and political identity of the Union, its competences, the new institutional balance – including the creation of a European Minister of Foreign Affairs – and, last but not least, the introduction of a Bill of Rights. The part that was actually rejected and raises the most concerns among citizens of the member States is in Part III, which focuses on Union policies such as the Common Market, competition policy and the Common Agricultural Policy. So the first and second parts could be ratified without new negotiations and could form the basis for the new Treaty, so that the Treaty of Nice would still apply; and the debate on the European social model would continue. It is essential to reaffirm the normative essence of the Constitutional Treaty to protect the greatest achievement of the Constitutional Convention. Diversity and inclusiveness, through the integration of European democracies with a common project, remains Europe’s great gift to the world. It is what has made Europe an “international public good” to use former Brazilian foreign minister Celso Lafer’s felicitous turn of phrase. Such a Europe is better placed to contribute to a fairer international order than the narrow, bitter Europe the xenophobes have in mind. For Europe to remain a promise for the world, it must thrive as a public good for all its citizens. Europe and Europeans cannot wait for a new treaty to show that the Union is able to fulfill that promise.", "zh": "我们在被提议的宪法中的第一和第二部分中发现了真正的革新内容，表现在对欧盟政治身份及标准身份、权限，新体制平衡的定义中 — — 包括产生一名欧洲外交部长 — — 最后但却十分重要的一点是，引入了权利法案。 真正遭到拒绝以及在成员国公民中引起最多忧虑的在第三部分中，该部分将重点放于诸如统一市场、竞争政策以及共同农业政策等欧盟政策上。 因此，第一和第二部分无须新辩论就可通过并能为形成新条约打下基础，因此尼斯条约将继续适用；并且有关欧洲社会模式的辩论将持续下去。 最基本的是要再次重申宪法条约的规范本质以保护宪法公约所取得的伟大成就。 在一个共同方案下，通过欧洲民主体制一体化进程所达成的多样性和包容性，使欧洲得以保持它对这个世界的伟大贡献。 正是这，使欧洲成为一个使用巴西前外交部长塞尔索·拉弗（Celso Lafer）那及其精巧措辞的“国际公共产品 ” 。 这样一个欧洲最好还是致力于维护更为公平的国际秩序，而不是成为惧外主义者所希望的那个狭隘刻薄的欧洲。 若要维持它对全世界的承诺，欧洲必须作为一个为其所有公民谋利的公共产品而繁荣发展。 欧洲和欧洲人都不能干等着一个新条约的出现来表明欧盟有能力履行那个承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given that the United States decided not to create a national biobank like the United Kingdom’s, owing to the high set-up costs – estimated at about a billion dollars – 23andMe may well view its growing biobank as saving it a massive outlay. Some 60% of 23andMe customers have agreed to provide the requested information. Of course, one could argue that they are not “an unwitting public,” but altruistic volunteers – so generous, in fact, that, beyond paying for the service, they hand over the value of their subsequent labor in providing epidemiological data. Tom Sawyer pulled off that business strategy when he persuaded his friends to pay him for the privilege of taking over his hated chore, painting the picket fence. But most scientific research subjects either receive compensation or contribute their time free of charge; they do not pay to participate. Casey’s lawsuit has latched onto this practice, which her attorney calls, “a very thinly disguised way of getting people to pay [23andMe] to build a DNA database.” Even 23andMe admits that the biobank is the core of the company’s strategy. “The long game here is not to make money selling kits, although the kits are essential to get the base level data,” says board member Patrick Chung. “Once you have the data, [23andMe] does actually become the Google of personalized health care.”", "zh": "由于昂贵的建造成本 — — 据估计高达10亿美元左右，美国决定不像英国那样建立国家级的生物银行，因此23andMe踌躇满志地认为不断增长的生物银行可以节省一大笔开支。 23andMe公司的客户中有60%左右同意提供所要求的信息。 当然，你可以说他们不是“不知情的公众 ” ， 而是无私的志愿者 — — 事实上，他们是如此慷慨，不但付费购买23andMe公司的服务，还不计酬劳地为该公司提供流行病数据。 汤姆·索耶尔（Tom Sawyer）是这一商业战略的发明者。 他说服朋友花钱向他购买接管他所讨厌的家务活 — — 给尖庄篱笆刷油漆的特权。 这就是23andMe的商业模式雏形。 但大部分科学研究者要么领取报酬，要么免费贡献时间，从来不会花钱参与。 卡塞的诉讼就是针对这一行为，她的律师称之为 ： “ 伪装拙劣的把戏，诱导人们花钱[给23andMe]建立DNA数据库 。 ” 23andMe公司也承认生物银行是公司的核心战略。 “长期大局不是卖小服务赚钱，尽管这一小服务确实是获取基层数据的关键 ， ” 董事帕特里克·钟（Patrick Chung）说 ， “ 只要有数据 ， [ 23andMe]便成了实际上的个性化医疗领域的谷歌 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If Hezbollah (with Iran’s help) develops precision-guided missiles, all bets will be off. Even without such weaponry, the international community’s hope of using aid as leverage to bring about change – a hope shared not only by Western powers like France, but also potentially by Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states – is unlikely to bear fruit. As Macron himself reportedly told US President Donald Trump, sanctions against Hezbollah play into the hands of those they are meant to weaken, including Iran. That said, Lebanon’s vibrant and well-developed civil society has forced change before. After Hariri’s assassination, the Cedar Revolution – a series of demonstrations under the motto of “freedom, sovereignty, and independence” – forced the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon. But Lebanese civil society faces far stiffer opposition today than anything the embattled Syrians could mount in 2005. Over the last 15 years, Iran has spent lavishly to turn Lebanon into its strategic playground. As a result, Hezbollah is more powerful, and Lebanon more subservient to external powers – including Iran, Syria, and Russia – than ever. These powers will not sit back and allow a reform of the political system that has made Lebanon such a crucial link in their regional strategy, even at the price of turning the country into another Libya. Far from a new Cedar Revolution, efforts to push reform could lead to a conflict much like the civil war of 1975-90, in which foreign powers and rival local militias join forces and tear Lebanon apart.", "zh": "如果真主党（在伊朗的帮助下）开发出精确制导导弹，那么一切都将不同。 即便没有这种武器，国际社会希望 — — 这不仅是法国等西方力量的希望，实际上也是沙特阿拉伯和其他海湾国家的希望 — — 利用援助带来改变也只是痴人说梦。 据说马克龙本人告诉美国总统特朗普，对真主党的制裁正中了想要削弱的人的下怀，比如伊朗。 尽管如此，黎巴嫩拥有生机勃勃的发达的公民社会，此前曾经迫使国家做出改变。 哈里里遇刺后，雪杉革命（Cedar Revolution ） — —以“自由、主权和独立”为口号的一系列示威 — — 迫使叙利亚军退出了黎巴嫩。 但黎巴嫩今天面临着比2005年四面楚歌的叙利亚人能给他们带来的更加严峻的局面。 在过去15年中，伊朗投入重金将黎巴嫩纳入其战略版图。 结果，真主党变得更强大，黎巴嫩更附庸于外部势力 — — 包括伊朗、叙利亚和俄罗斯。 这些势力不会坐视让黎巴嫩成为现今它们的地区战略关键环的政治制度被改革，即使这有可能让黎巴嫩变成另一个利比亚。 和雪杉革命截然不同，推动改革的努力可能导致1975-90年的内战重现，外部势力和对立的本地军阀混战，撕裂黎巴嫩。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Technology is playing a part, too: Despite valid privacy concerns, some countries are rolling out tracing apps – a relatively low cost, effective way to mitigate the virus’ spread. Africa is also using drones to distribute vaccines, protective equipment, and other vital supplies to remote areas. Social distancing will slow the spread of COVID-19, but it will not win the war. Our best hope lies in finding a vaccine. While there may be 41 candidates of varying promise in the pipeline, we must learn from past mistakes. Too often, governments have sequestered vaccines in the countries where they were manufactured. We must ensure that when an effective vaccine becomes available, it is accessible to anyone who needs it, not just the rich, fortunate few. There are ways to avoid the inequitable distribution of vaccines. Gavi, which procures and distributes vaccines to 60% of the world’s children at affordable prices, regularly employs innovative mechanisms such as the International Finance Facility for Immunization, Advanced Market Commitment, and Advanced Purchase Commitment to encourage vaccine production and delivery. In the case of Ebola, Gavi created incentives for Merck to stockpile an experimental Ebola vaccine that was then made available to the WHO, which deployed it in the DRC. It can incentivize the production, scale, and equitable global distribution of a vaccine for COVID-19 as well. Poorer countries in Africa and elsewhere may be unable to deal with both the health and economic fallout of this pandemic on their own. The global effort that is already underway is essential, because COVID-19 knows no borders. No country is safe until every country is safe. We are not yet near the end of the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis. We must use what precious time we have to bolster our weakest health systems and economies. But shoring up our defenses is not enough. We must go on the offensive by making the development and global distribution of a vaccine our highest priority.", "zh": "科技也在贡献作用：尽管存在一些合理的隐私担忧，但一些国家仍然推出了跟踪应用 — — 这是一种相对低成本、高效率的抑制病毒传播的手段。 非洲还在用无人机向偏远地区分发疫苗、防护设备和其他重要供给。 社交距离也能降低COVID-19的传播，但无法靠它来赢得战争。 最大的希望是找到疫苗。 我们已有41种希望大小不一的候选疫苗，但仍然必须从过去的错误中汲取教训。 政府常常会将疫苗隔绝在生产国。 我们必须确保，当有效疫苗问世后，任何需要的人都能得到它，而不仅仅是富裕的少数幸运儿可以。 有多种方法可以避免不平等的疫苗分发。 疫苗联盟采购并向全世界60%的儿童平价分发疫苗，市场利用国际免疫金融便利（International Finance Facility for Immunization ） 、 预售承诺（Advanced Market Commitment）和预采承诺（Advanced Purchase Commitment）等创新机制鼓励疫苗的生产和分发。 在埃博拉的例子中，疫苗联盟为默克公司（Merck）提供激励，让它囤积实验性埃博拉疫苗，随后供世卫组织调用，并部署到刚果（金 ） 。 对于COVID-19疫苗，也可以提供生产、推广和平等的全球分发的激励。 非洲和其他地区的穷国可能无法独自应对疫情的健康和经济后果。 已经采取的全球措施是至关重要的，因为COVID-19不会尊重国境线。 一个国家不安全，所有国家都不安全。 COVID-19危机才刚刚开始。 我们必须利用我们所拥有的宝贵时间强化最脆弱的卫生体系和经济。 但增强防御是不够的。 我们还必须进攻，将疫苗的开发和全球分发作为重中之重。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Social Democracy Lives in Latin America MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY – Amongst the different leftist governments in Latin America, there are new and rather strident populist regimes (Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador), which seem to grab all the attention. But there is also a social-democratic strain to Latin American politics – a historical novelty in the region – that is gaining strength. In Brazil, Chile and Uruguay, social democracy is proving that it can work. What distinguishes these social democratic governments from their populist counterparts is that they are composed of a left that is integrated into competitive, multi-party democracies. These social democrats were once part of a socialist, revolutionary, or reformist left, tightly allied with labor unions. But they ultimately accepted the market economy, and came to lean toward ideological moderation and to compete for votes in the political center. At the same time, motivated by their political competition and their own leftist ideology, these social democratic governments emphasize both economic growth and social inclusion. These governments’ potential to innovate depends on the political resources and power at their disposal. The first government of the left in Uruguayan history has comparative advantages in this respect, for, unlike in Brazil and Chile, Uruguay’s social democrats have ruled as a one-party majority government. The Frente Amplio (FA) brings together nearly all the country’s left-wing groups and has the loyal support of labor unions.", "zh": "日长夜大的拉美社会民主 乌拉圭，蒙特维的亚—在拉美诸国各种左翼政府中，有些新晋的、颇为高调的民粹主义政权（委内瑞拉、玻利维亚、厄瓜多尔）似乎吸引了所有人的目光。 但在拉美政治中还有一支社会民主主义的力量—该地区一种历史性的新鲜事物—也正在壮大。 在巴西、智利和乌拉圭，社会民主主义正在被证明是行得通的。 社会民主政府与民粹主义政府的不同之处在于它们是一支整合为竞争性、多党制的民主政体的左翼力量。 这些社会民主主义者曾经是某支与工会紧密结盟的社会主义、革命派或改良派左翼的一部分。 但他们最终接受了市场经济，开始淡化意识形态并在政治舞台的中心争取选票。 同时，在政治竞争者和自身左派意识形态的驱动下，这些社会民主政府既强调经济增长，也主张社会包容。 这些政府的创新潜力依赖于他们所能支配的政治资源和权力。 在这方面，乌拉圭历史上的第一届左翼政府具有一些比较优势。 因为与巴西和智利不同，乌拉圭社会民主主义者的治国之道是一个一党多数政府。 广泛阵线 (FA)集结了该国几乎所有的左翼党派并得到了工会的忠心支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America and China's Unhappy Anniversary NEW YORK – The United States and China are this month marking the golden anniversary of their modern relationship. In February 1972, US President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, stepped off a plane in Beijing, and shortly afterward met with Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong. Their visit triggered a geopolitical earthquake, what Nixon referred to as “the week that changed the world.” This historic rapprochement swept away two decades of enmity between the People’s Republic of China – known by most Americans then as Red or Communist China – and the US. The antagonism had its roots in the Chinese civil war, in which the US supported the anti-communist nationalist side, which lost and was forced to flee to Formosa (Taiwan) in 1949. The following year, Chinese and American soldiers started fighting and killing one another in the Korean War. Rising Sino-Soviet tensions in the late 1960s produced a diplomatic opening. Nixon and Kissinger, along with Mao and Zhou Enlai, China’s premier and leading diplomat, regarded the Soviet Union as a shared adversary. China sought protection against a one-time benefactor with which it had fought a deadly border clash in 1969. Nixon and Kissinger, meanwhile, believed an entente with China would give the US leverage against the Soviets and might hasten the end of the Vietnam War. It was a classic case of my enemy’s enemy being my friend. Even with this convergence of interests, achieving a breakthrough was not easy.", "zh": "不快乐的中美纪念日 纽约—本月，美国和中国将迎来两国现代关系金婚纪念。 1972年2月，美国总统尼克松和他的国家安全顾问亨利·基辛格（Henry Kissinger）在北京下飞机，不久后会见了中国共产党主席毛泽东。 他们的访问引发了地缘政治地震，尼克松称之为 “改变世界的一周 ” 。 这种历史性的和解扫除了中华人民共和国（当时大多数美国人称为红色或共产主义中国）与美国之间长达 20 年的敌意。 对立源于中国内战，美国所支持的反共的国民党一方在1949年战败，被迫逃往台湾。 次年，中美士兵开始在朝鲜战争中彼此战斗和杀戮。 1960 年代后期中苏紧张局势的升级带来了外交机会。 尼克松和基辛格，以及毛泽东和中国总理和外交主官周恩来，将苏联视为共同的对手。 中国寻求保护以对抗曾经的恩人，1989年，中苏爆发致命边境冲突。 与此同时，尼克松和基辛格认为，与中国缔约将使美国获得对抗苏联的筹码，还能加快结束越南战争。 这是经典的敌人的敌人就是朋友的经典案例。 即便存在这样的利益一致，想要取得突破也并非易事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Europe Be Saved? VIENNA – In 2011, Europe’s financial and banking crisis escalated into a sovereign-debt crisis. A problem that began in Greece ended up raising doubts about the very viability of the euro – and even of the European Union itself. A year later, those fundamental doubts remain undiminished. But, if one compares the EU with the United States or Japan (where public debt equals 200% of GDP), the Union’s current poor image is unjustified. Indeed, employment in the EU as a whole remains high, as do private savings rates. Moreover, the Union’s trade is in balance with the rest of the world. One reason for doubt about the euro and the EU is that, since the spring of 2010, Europe’s leaders have rushed from one crisis summit to the next, each time devising supposed solutions that provided too little and arrived too late. Europe’s leaders have never fully deployed their economic and political firepower. On the contrary, rather than taming the financial markets, as they once intended, Europe’s leaders continue to be besieged by them. It should come as no surprise that, with national governments’ parochialism impeding joint EU action, financial markets are using what the communists used to call “salami tactics” to slice away at the Union by attacking its member countries one by one.", "zh": "欧洲能得救吗？ 维也纳 — — 2011年，欧洲金融和银行危机升级为一场主权债务危机。 从希腊发端的问题导致欧元、甚至是欧盟本身的可行性遭到质疑。 一年过去了，上述根本性的疑虑仍然没有消失。 但是如果拿欧盟与美国或者日本进行比较（上述两国的公共债务相当于GDP的200 % ） ，欧盟目前糟糕的形象并没有充分的依据。 事实上，欧盟总体就业率仍居高不下，私人储蓄率也同样如此。 此外，欧盟与他国贸易总体上处于平衡态势。 质疑欧元和欧盟的理由之一是从2010年春天开始，欧盟领导人就接二连三地赶赴危机峰会，但每次出台的解决方案不是力度太弱就是执行太迟。 欧洲领导人从来没有充分地部署自己的政治和经济火力。 他们不仅没有像想象中那样驯服金融市场，反而接连不断地为金融市场所困。 在国家政府的狭隘观念阻碍欧盟采取联合行动的情况下，金融市场利用共产主义者曾经提出的“香肠战术”对欧盟成员国各个击破，并籍此削弱欧盟的势力并不是什么怪事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This will help us to reach our goal of providing high-speed Internet service to 70% of households and 85% of micro, small, and medium-size businesses. But connectivity is not only digital; physical infrastructure is also vital. Already, Mexico is a manufacturing powerhouse and one of the world’s top sellers of goods like television sets, vehicles, auto parts, computers, and mobile phones. Improved infrastructure would enable us to boost the value and variety of our export-oriented industries. That is why we are channeling more than $460 billion toward building and modernizing thousands of kilometers of roads and highways, as well as expanding and improving our mass transit and railway systems. Other large-scale infrastructure projects include a new international airport in Mexico City and seaport development that will almost double existing capacity on the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. In the long run, we will make Mexico a world-class logistics platform. Finally, Mexico is committed to continue boosting foreign trade, a powerful growth engine. Over the last three years, we have expanded our network of free-trade agreements to include the Pacific Alliance and, more recently, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. That will make a total of 13 free-trade agreements, providing preferential access to 52 countries with 1.3 billion potential consumers. Our government has already made critical decisions to prepare Mexico’s economy for what lies ahead – and is backing them up with concrete action.", "zh": "这有助于我们实现为70%的家庭和85%的中小微企业提供高速互联网服务的目标。 但连通性不仅仅是在数字方面，实体基础设施也十分关键。 如今，墨西哥已是制造业强国，也是电视机、汽车、汽车部件、计算机和移动电话的世界顶级销售国。 基础设施的改善将提高我们出口导向型行业的价值和丰富程度。 因此，我们正在耗资4,600多亿美元用于建设和现代化数千公里公路和高速公路，以及扩张和改善我们的公共运输和铁路系统。 其他大规模基础设施工程包括墨西哥城新国际机场和可以将太平洋和墨西哥湾吞吐量扩大近一倍的港口。 在长期，我们将把墨西哥打造成世界级物流平台。 最后，墨西哥致力于继续提高对外贸易，这也是强大的增长引擎。 在过去三年中，我们扩大了我们与太平洋联盟（Pacific Alliance）的自由贸易协定网络，最近还加入了跨太平洋合作伙伴关系（TPP ） 。 这意味着总共13项自由贸易协定，提供52个国家、13亿潜在消费者的最惠国准入。 我们的政府做出了关键决策，让墨西哥经济做好向前的准备 — — 并以实际行动支持这些决策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But if house prices go down, your equity may well be wiped out (which is what it means to be underwater on your mortgage). Higher equity-capital requirements for banks are good for the broader economy – they make financial crises (and the zombie-syndrome) less likely, less severe, or both. US banks are currently funded with more equity than was the case before the financial crisis, and they are doing fine. Nonetheless, we should still worry about their ability to blow themselves up in a novel and creative fashion – hence the need for the Volcker Rule, derivatives reform, and new rules for money-market funds. And equity-capital requirements for large, systemically important financial institutions remain too low. The latest indications are that US policymakers are finally starting to focus on this point. Many European banks, however, have less equity than their US counterparts, which creates an important source of vulnerability going forward. If there is to be a broad-based European recovery, the banks must raise more equity, thereby strengthening their ability to absorb potential losses. Unfortunately, there is little sign that European policymakers understand this point. Instead, senior officials in Europe think and talk like US policymakers did three years ago. They are wary of rocking the financial boat, so they go easy on financial reform and refuse to insist on more equity capital for banks. This is a mistake that they – and possibly all of us – may come to regret.", "zh": "但如果房价下跌，那么你的投资就相当于打了水漂(你的抵押贷款额也会高于实际房屋价格 ) 。 要求银行要有更高的股本对大经济来说是有好处的 — — 这让金融危机(和停滞的经济状态)变得更不可能，不那么严重或者两者兼而有之。 现在美国银行比金融危机爆发之前有更多的股本，它们的表现的确也良好。 然而，我们仍然要担心银行可能会以一种异常且新颖的方式来毁掉自己 — — 因此我们需要沃尔克法则，对衍生产品进行改革并对货币市场基金实施新的规则。 而当前对大型具有系统重要性的金融机构的股本要求仍然很低。 最新的情况显示是美国政策制定者最终开始关注这一点。 然而，很多欧洲银行跟它们的美国同行相比，持有更少的股本，这就成了其将来弱点的主要来源。 如果说将来会有基础深厚的欧洲经济复苏，银行就必须提高其股本持有数量，从而加强它们承受潜在损失的能力。 不幸地是，几乎没有迹象表明欧洲政策制定者理明白这一点。 相反，欧洲的高级官员的思维和言论跟他们美国同行三年前一样。 他们太害怕搞翻了金融这条船，所以他们温和地对待金融改革并拒绝坚持要求银行持有更多的股本。 这是一个错误，他们 — — 很有可能我们全部人 — — 将来都会后悔。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Based on these patterns, one could predict that most undescribed species have small geographical ranges and are scarce within them – that is why we have not found them yet. Moreover, they are likely to be located within known concentrations of species with small ranges, in areas like Central America, the Caribbean, the northern Andes, Brazil’s coastal forests, southern Africa, Madagascar, Southeast Asia, New Guinea, Western Australia, and many tropical islands. Given that most plants that are currently threatened with extinction – 20% of known species, and probably 30% of all species – fall within this category, efforts to preserve plant biodiversity should emphasize such concentrations of small-range species. The fact that endangered plant species tend to be concentrated geographically raises the stakes for conservation efforts in those areas. But it could also facilitate success by enabling policymakers to focus on narrow areas instead of vast habitats. The nearly 200-member Convention of Biological Diversity – which embodies the global consensus on the need to protect ecological diversity – aims to do just that. The CBD’s Strategic Plan for Biodiversity calls for the formal protection of at least 17% of the most ecologically important terrestrial areas, while the Global Strategy for Plant Conservation seeks to protect 60% of plant species. Given that some 67% of plant species live entirely within the selected areas, and an additional 14% live partly in these areas, this approach is highly promising.", "zh": "鉴于这样一种模式，我们可以预测多数尚未被发现的物种分布地理范围狭窄，而且在其分布范围内相对稀缺 — — 它们也因此还没有被发现。 此外，它们很可能生长在已知小范围物种富集的区域，比方说中美洲、加勒比地区、北安第斯山脉、巴西沿海森林、南部非洲、马达加斯加、东南亚、新几内亚、西澳大利亚和众多热带岛屿。 鉴于目前濒临灭绝的大部分植物 — — 占已知物种的20%和所有物种的30 % — —属于上述类别，因此保护植物多样性的工作应当以小范围物种的聚集地为重点。 濒危植物往往在地理上相对集中的现实提升了保护工作在那些地区的重要性。 但这样的现实也可以使决策者把精力集中在狭窄的区域来获取成功。 有近200名成员的生物多样性公约体现了保护生态多样性的全球共识 — — 该公约恰恰以此为目标。 生物多样性公约的生物多样性战略计划呼吁为至少17%最具生态价值的陆地面积提供正式保护，而全球植物保护战略则力争保护60%的植物物种。 鉴于约67%的植物物种完全生长在特定区域，另外还有14%部分生长在上述区域，这种方法的确很有前途。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reviving Europe’s Universities COPENHAGEN -- Writing at home sometime ago, with Wimbledon on TV in the background, it occurred to me that just as Britain hosts the world’s top tennis tournament but never wins it, so we Europeans are in a similar situation with education. The world’s first university was Plato’s Academy in Athens, venerable old universities are scattered across Europe from Coimbra to Cambridge to Copenhagen, and the modern university, uniting research and education, was pioneered by Wilhelm von Humboldt in Berlin.", "zh": "La nécessaire renaissance des universités européennes COPENHAGUE - - Un jour que j’étais chez moi en train d’écrire, et que la télévision diffusait un match de Wimbledon en fond sonore, la pensée m’est venue qu’en termes d’éducation, nous autres les Européens étions dans une situation analogue à celle de la Grande-Bretagne qui accueille le plus grand tournoi du monde mais ne le gagne jamais. La première université du monde était l’académie de Platon, à Athènes. Des universités aussi anciennes que vénérables ponctuent l’Europe entière, de Coïmbre à Cambridge en passant par Copenhague, et l’université moderne, alliant recherche et éducation, a été lancée par Wilhelm von Humboldt à Berlin."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, with US defense spending finally set to decline after a decade of debt-financed war in Iraq and Afghanistan, America has little fiscal room for an unforeseen military entanglement. The US “pivot” to Asia is built on economic opportunities there; a conflict with unpredictable fallout does not fit the scheme. China is the key geostrategic player in resolving the conflict, because it provides North Korea with 90% of its energy, 80% of its consumer goods, and 40% of its food. But it is unclear how much influence China’s government holds over Kim Jong-un’s regime. Sino-North Korean relations have borne a significant scar since 1991, when China recognized South Korea without insisting that the US formally recognize the North. The North Koreans believe that China sacrificed them for commercial interests, and bilateral relations have yet to recover. Nonetheless, China continues to regard North Korea as an important strategic asset, because it serves as a buffer state shielding China’s border from American troops on the peninsula – which has historically been used as an entry point by invading troops. China’s ideal solution would therefore be to maintain the status quo while persuading the North to open up – a path of gradual change that avoids open conflict or the regime’s collapse. Either of these traumatic outcomes would spell disaster, for both the region and the world. First, the regime’s implosion would unleash a massive refugee flow, implying enormous social and economic costs. Moreover, Asia remains a continent defined by balance-of-power diplomacy, border conflicts, and historic mistrust, with no multilateral security structures to soften regional tensions. Given these conditions, even a small spark could ignite a wildfire. In this environment, mistrust of China’s rise as a regional hegemon in much of East Asia only intensifies the need for active Chinese participation in promoting regional stability and peace – a peace framework with Asian roots, acceptable to all parties. Only through such efforts will China be able to increase its international legitimacy, thereby minimizing the risk of future conflict. It is essential that China and the US work together to resolve the current crisis. The US must reiterate clearly that indefinitely prolonging the status quo on the Korean Peninsula would imply a strategic loss for China, and that China must join the international community in its efforts to halt North Korea’s nuclear program.", "zh": "事实上，在举债进行了十年伊拉克和阿富汗战争后，美国的国防开支终于下降，美国已经没有财政余力陷入不可预见的军事冲突。 美国以亚洲为“支点”源于那里的经济机会；无法预测最终结果的冲突不符合美国外交计划的精神。 为朝鲜提供90%能源、80%消费品和40%粮食的中国是化解冲突的重要地缘政治势力。 但中国政府对金正恩政权能产生多大影响目前尚不明确。 1991年后中朝关系已经产生重大裂痕，因为中国没有坚持要求美国正式承认朝鲜就正式承认了韩国。 朝鲜人认为中国牺牲他们来换取商业利益，中朝的双边关系仍有待恢复。 尽管如此，中国仍将朝鲜视为重要的战略资产，因为朝鲜是防止中国边境遭受美军入侵的缓冲国 — — 过去美军曾利用朝鲜半岛来入侵中国。 因此中国的理想做法是在说服朝鲜开放的同时力争保持现状，开放能让朝鲜逐步改革，同时避免政权崩溃和公开冲突。 无论哪种结果都将给地区和世界造成创伤。 首先，朝鲜政权内爆将引发大规模难民潮，并造成巨大的经济社会冲击。 此外，亚洲仍然是一块充斥着权力平衡外交、边界冲突和历史不信任的大陆，软化地区冲突的多边安全构架尚未建立。 在这种情况下，即使一点小小的火花也会引发严重的后果。 在这种情况下，东亚多国对中国作为地区霸主的不信任使中国更有必要积极推进区域的和平与稳定 — — 上述和平架构植根于亚洲，并为所有相关利益方所接受。 只有这样中国才能巩固其国际合法性，从而尽可能控制未来的地区冲突。 中美两国齐心协力化解目前的危机至关重要。 美国必须明确重申无限期拖延朝鲜半岛现状将使中国蒙受战略损失，中国必须与国际社会合作努力制止朝鲜的核计划。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Finishing Off Malaria JEDDAH – Malaria has long been one of the major killer diseases of our age. World Health Organization data show that as much as half of the world’s population is at risk. But roughly 90% of malaria cases and 92% of malaria deaths take place in just one region: Sub-Saharan Africa. Europe and North America live completely free of malaria. But children in Sub-Saharan Africa often suffer through multiple bouts of the disease before they reach the age of five. And children below the age of five account for 70% of malaria-related deaths. Pregnant women who contract the disease can suffer serious health complications. The good news is that the fight against malaria has lately gained momentum, with infections falling steadily in most places and malaria-related deaths down by 29% since 2010. Progress can be attributed partly to innovations, including new rapid diagnostic tests that work in just minutes, more accessible and affordable anti-malarial drugs, and rising use of long-lasting insecticide-treated nets (LLINs). Greater community engagement has also helped, with popular musicians, media organizations, and religious leaders advocating for stronger action against malaria. Senegal is one of the countries leading the decline in cases. Nearly 86% of the population now uses LLINs, and most people have access to rapid diagnostic tests, as well as artemisinin-based combination therapy, which is provided for free by the government and donors. Community health workers, under the direction of an effective national program led by the country’s health minister, Awa Marie Coll-Seck, have played a pivotal role in enabling progress. The results are impressive. In 2001, nearly 36% of outpatient visits in Senegal were malaria-related. According to the National Malaria Control Program (NMCP), that figure stood at just 3.3% last year. Over the same period, malaria-related deaths fell from nearly 30% to just above 2%. The US-based Centers for Disease Control reports that, from 2008 to 2010, the number of children under the age of five infected with malaria dropped by 50%. Senegal is hoping to achieve pre-elimination (defined by the NMCP as fewer than five cases per 1,000 people annually) by 2020, with the WHO certifying malaria as fully eliminated from the country by 2030. But getting there will not be easy.", "zh": "消灭疟疾 吉达—长久以来，疟疾一直是当代主要疾病杀手。 世界卫生组织的数据表明，全世界一半人口存在疟疾风险。 但有90%的疟疾病例和92%的疟疾致死情况发生在一个地区：撒哈拉以南非洲。 欧洲和北美完全不需要担心疟疾。 但撒哈拉以南非洲儿童常常会在五岁前多次罹患疟疾。 而五岁以下儿童占了疟疾相关死亡数量的70 % 。 怀孕期间得疟疾的孕妇也会遭受严重的并发症。 好消息是打击疟疾的斗争最近有所进展，疟疾传染情况在大部分地区稳步下降，疟疾相关死亡数量也自2010年以来下降了29 % 。 这些进步部分可以归因于创新，包括只需要几分钟的新型快速诊断测试、更普及和廉价的抗疟疾药物，以及越来越普遍的长效防虫蚊帐（LLIN）的使用。 社区参与的增加也与有所助益，流行音乐家、媒体组织和宗教领袖的宣传让促使人们采取更强力的手段对付疟疾。 塞内加尔是打击疟疾的领先者。 如今，86%的塞内加尔人用上了LLIN，大部分人都能获得快速诊断测试和基于青蒿素的混合料阀，后者由政府和捐赠者免费提供。 社区卫生工作者在由塞内加尔卫生部长科尔-赛克（Awa Marie Coll-Seck）领导的有效的全国项目的引导下，在推动疟疾治疗方面起到了关键作用。 成果令人印象深刻。 2001年，塞内加尔有36%的门诊病人情况与疟疾有关。 据国家疟疾控制署（National Malaria Control Program，NMCP ） ， 去年这一数字已经下降至只有3.3 % 。 与此同时，疟疾相关死亡数量从近30%下降到略高于2 % 。 美国疾病控制中心报告，从2008年到2010年，五岁以下儿童感染疟疾数量下降了50 % 。 塞内加尔希望能在2020年实现基本消灭疟疾（NMCP的定义是每年每千人患病不到五例 ） ， 世卫组织认为塞内加尔可以在2030年彻底消灭疟疾。 但达到这一目标绝非易事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Haldane cites a striking statistic: in 1945, the average investor held the average US share for four years. By 2000, the average holding period had fallen to eight months; by 2008, it was two months. There appears to be a link between this precipitous drop in the average duration of stock holdings and the phenomenon of the so-called “ownerless corporation,” whereby shareholders have little incentive to impose discipline on management. That absence of accountability, in turn, has contributed to the vertiginous rise in senior executives’ compensation and, in financial firms, to a shift away from shareholder returns and towards large payouts to insiders. But Haldane’s main concern is with the stability of markets, particularly the threats posed by high-frequency trading (HFT). He points out that HFT already accounts for half of total turnover in some debt and foreign-exchange markets, and that it is dominant in US equity markets, accounting for more than one-third of daily trading, up from less than one-fifth in 2005. The rapid, dramatic shifts brought about by HFT are likely to continue. It is only a decade since trading speeds fell below one second; they are now as fast as the blink of an eye. Technological change promises even faster trading speeds in the near future. Indeed, HFT firms talk of a “race to zero,” the point at which trading takes place at close to the speed of light. Should we welcome this trend? Will light-speed trading deliver us to free-market Nirvana?", "zh": "在对这次“闪电崩盘”深入的分析过程中，英格兰银行的安迪•霍尔丹称，尽管股票市场日益资本化可能与金融发展和经济增长有关，但是市场成交量和增长之间没有这种关系。 在危机爆发前的十年里，美国金融市场的成交量增长了3倍。 实体经济受益了吗？ 霍尔丹援引了一组显著的统计数据：1945年，一般投资者持美国股票的平均时间为4年。 到2000年，平均持股的时间已降到8个月；到2008年，平均持股时间为2个月了。 平均持股的时间日益下降与所谓的“无控股企业”现象似乎有联系，因而股东没有什么动力迫使管理层遵守纪律。 问责制的缺失反过来导致高管的补偿迅速上升，导致在金融公司，从股东的回报向内部人士获得大量回报转移。 但是霍尔丹主要担心市场的稳定性，尤其是高频交易所带来的威胁。 他指出，高频交易已经占到了一些债券和外汇市场总成交量的一半，在美国的股票市场中占到了主导地位，占到了日成交量的三分之一以上，2005年时，还不到五分之一。 高频交易带来的快速又巨大的转变很可能继续。 交易速度低于一秒一次才过了十年，现在其速度已经与眨眼一样快了。 技术变革意味着不久的将来交易速度将更快。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"Ah, here's the scalawag!\" he said. \"Come in, Harry, come in -\"Shining brightly on the walls by the light of many candles were countless framed photographs of Lockhart. He had even signed a few of them. Another large pile lay on his desk.\"You can address the envelopes!\" Lockhart told Harry, as though this was a huge treat. \"This first one's to Gladys Gudgeon, bless her - huge fan of mine -\"The minutes snailed by. Harry let Lockhart's voice wash over him, occasionally saying, \"Mmm\" and \"Right\" and \"Yeah.\" Now and then he caught a phrase like, \"Fame's a fickle friend, Harry,\" or \"Celebrity is as celebrity does, remember that.\"The candles burned lower and lower, making the light dance over the many moving faces of Lockhart watching him. Harry moved his aching hand over what felt like the thousandth envelope, writing out Veronica Smethley's address. It must be nearly time to leave, Harry thought miserably, please let it be nearly time...", "zh": "“啊，小坏蛋来了!进来，哈利，进来吧。”墙上挂着数不清的洛哈特的像框，被许多支蜡烛照得十分明亮。有几张上甚至还有他的签名。桌上也放着一大叠照片。“你可以写信封!”洛哈特对哈利说，仿佛这是好大的优惠似的，“第一封给格拉迪丝女士，上帝保佑她—— 我的一个热烈的崇拜者。”时间过得像蜗牛爬。哈利听凭洛哈特在那里滔滔不绝，只偶尔答一声“唔”、“啊”、“是”。有时有那么一两句刮到耳朵里，什么“名气是个反复无常的朋友，哈利”，或“记住，名人就得有名人的架子”。蜡烛烧得越来越短，火光在许多张注视着他们的、会动的洛哈特的面孔上跳动。哈利用酸痛的手写着维罗妮卡斯美斯丽的地址，感觉这是第一千个信封了。时间快到了吧，哈利痛苦地想，求求你快到吧.."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Transition to Sustainability NEW YORK – The global economic crisis will be with us for a generation, not just a year or two, because it is really a transition to sustainability. The scarcity of primary commodities and damage from climate change in recent years contributed to the destabilization of the world economy that gave rise to the current crisis. Soaring food and fuel prices and major natural disasters played an important role in undermining financial markets, household purchasing power, and even political stability. Viewed in this way, an essential policy that developed and developing countries should pursue in overcoming the crisis is to build infrastructure suitable for the twenty-first century. This includes an efficient electricity grid fed by renewable energy; fiber and wireless networks that carry telephony and broadband Internet; water, irrigation, and sewerage systems that efficiently use and recycle fresh water; urban and inter-city public transit systems; safer highways; and networks of protected natural areas that conserve biodiversity and the habitats of threatened species. These investments are needed in the short term to offset the decline in worldwide consumption spending that underlies the global recession. More importantly, they are needed in the long term, because a world crowded with 6.8 billion people (and rising) simply cannot sustain economic growth unless it adopts sustainable technologies that economize on scarce natural resources. In practice, the global crisis means that sustainable investments are being curtailed rather than expanded in the developing world. As access to international bank loans, bond flotations, and foreign direct investment is lost, infrastructure projects talked about in the past are now being shelved, threatening the political and economic stability of dozens of developing countries. In fact, every part of the world has a huge backlog of vital infrastructure investments. It is time for a concerted global effort to bring those projects on line. This is not easy to do.", "zh": "向可持续发展过渡 纽约报道－全球经济危机将对我们造成的影响是一个世代，而不只是一两年时间的影响，因为这是真正意义上向可持续发展的过渡。 近些年，大宗商品的缺乏以及气候变化所造成的损失引发了世界经济的动荡，并最终造成目前危机的爆发。 食品与燃料价格的飚升与主要自然灾难在很多方面都起到了重要的影响，如破坏金融市场与居民的购买能力，甚至是破坏了政治的稳定。 从这个角度来看，发达国家与发展中国家在克服危机所要积极采纳的必要措施，就应该是建立起适应21世纪发展的基础设施。 这些基建设施就包括了以下几个方面，其一，建立使用可再生能源且效率高的国家电网；其二，建立能传送电话通信与宽带英特网的光纤网络与无线网络；其三，建立用水、灌溉以及排水系统，该系统不仅要能高效地使用新鲜水资源，还要能重复使用这些水资源；其四，建立都市以及城市间的交通运输系统；其五，建设安全系数更强的高速公路；最后，则要建立自然保护区的网络，以保护生物的多样性以及受灭绝威胁物种的栖息地。 短期内，我们需要进行这些投资，来抵销全球范围内消费开支的下降，这是这种下降引发了全球的经济萧条。 更为重要的是，这种投资也需要长期进行，因为我们人类所生活的地球挤满了68亿人口（数量仍在增长中 ） ， 它自身是无法实现经济的可持续增长，除非能采纳可持续发展的科学技术对稀有的自然资源进行有效利用。 实际上，全球经济危机意味着，发展中国家的可持续投资出现缩减，而不是增长。 由于这些国家无法得到国际贷款，无法发行公债并得到外国的直接投资，过去谈到的那些基建项目如今年都被搁置下来，这也就让众多的发展中国家的政治与经济稳定受到威胁。 事实情况是，世界上的每个区域都需要至关重要的基建投资，但却出现巨大的项目积压。 现在是时候进行全球协作了，来把这些现在投资项目开动起来。 但要去实行却并非易事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since 1960, disasters have cost the world more than $3.5 trillion, with both developed and developing countries paying a huge price in terms of lost productivity and damaged infrastructure. That is why, at the upcoming UN conference in Sendai, world leaders must agree, through a revised HFA, to scale up their efforts to cope with the risks posed by rising sea levels, global warming, rampant urbanization, and rapid population growth. Only with strong political commitment at the highest level can real progress toward a safer, more sustainable future be made. It should not be difficult to win support for a revised HFA. After all, there is no compelling – or even rational – reason why a finance minister or CEO would choose to pay for recovery but not to invest in prevention. It is time for the world to embed resilience to disasters into the industrialization process and the development of towns and cities, accounting for factors like seismic threats, flood plains, coastal erosion, and environmental degradation. If the UN conference produces the right agreement, resilience can become the hallmark of 2015, setting the tone for agreements later in the year on climate change and sustainable development – both of which hold important implications for disaster risk.", "zh": "1960年以来，灾难给全球造成的损失超过3.5万亿美元，发达国家和发展中国家都付出了沉重的生产率降低和基础设施破坏的损失。 因此，在即将到来的仙台联合国会议上，世界领导人应该形成一致，通过修订HFA加大措施力度治理因海平面上升、全球变暖、大规模城市化和人口快速增加带来的风险。 只有来自最高层面的强力政治承诺才能让世界朝更加安全、更加可持续的未来进步。 赢得对修订HFA的支持应该不是难事。 毕竟，没有迫切 — — 甚至理性 — — 的理由让财政部长或CEO选择为灾后恢复买单而不是投资于灾前预防。 世界应该讲灾难恢复力建设纳入工业化进程和城镇和城市的开发，在此过程中考虑地震风险、泛洪区、海岸腐蚀和环境破坏因素。 如果联合国会议能形成正确的一致，那么恢复力将成为2015年的标志，为今年晚些时候关于气候变化和可持续发展的协议奠定基调 — — 后两者对灾难风险具有重要影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Robotization Without Taxation? NEW HAVEN – The idea of a tax on robots was raised last May in a draft report to the European Parliament prepared by MEP Mady Delvaux from the Committee on Legal Affairs. Emphasizing how robots could boost inequality, the report proposed that there might be a “need to introduce corporate reporting requirements on the extent and proportion of the contribution of robotics and AI to the economic results of a company for the purpose of taxation and social security contributions.” The public reaction to Delvaux’s proposal has been overwhelmingly negative, with the notable exception of Bill Gates, who endorsed it. But we should not dismiss the idea out of hand. In just the past year, we have seen the proliferation of devices such as Google Home and Amazon Echo Dot (Alexa), which replace some aspects of household help. Likewise, the Delphi and nuTonomy driverless taxi services in Singapore have started to replace taxi drivers. And Doordash, which uses Starship Technologies miniature self-driving vehicles, is replacing restaurant delivery people. If these and other labor-displacing innovations succeed, surely calls to tax them will grow more frequent, owing to the human problems that arise when people lose their jobs – often jobs with which they closely identify, and for which they may have spent years preparing. Optimists point out that there have always been new jobs for people replaced by technology; but, as the robot revolution accelerates, doubts about how well this will work out continue to grow. A tax on robots, its advocates hope, might slow down the process, at least temporarily, and provide revenues to finance adjustment, like retraining programs for displaced workers. Such programs may be as essential as our work is to healthy human life as we know it. In his book Rewarding Work, Edmund S. Phelps emphasized the fundamental importance of maintaining a “place in society – a calling.” When many people are no longer able to find work to support a family, troubling consequences ensue, and, as Phelps stresses, “the functioning of the entire community may be impaired.”", "zh": "无需征税的机器人化? 发自纽黑文 — — 去年五月，由欧洲议会法律事务委员会成员，欧洲议会议员玛蒂·德尔沃（Mady Delvaux）编写的一份欧洲议会报告草案提出了向机器人征税的想法。 报告强调机器人如何促进了不平等现象，并以此提出或许需要“为了税收和社会保障缴款的目的，让企业就机器人和人工智能对自身经济表现的贡献程度和比例进行申报 “ 。 除了对此表示赞成的比尔·盖茨之外，公众对德尔沃的提议是一面倒的反对。 但我们不应将这个想法置诸脑后。 在过去一年中，我们看到了Google Home和Amazon Echo Dot（Alexa）这类某种家务劳动取代型设备的激增。 同样，Delphi和nuTonomy公司在新加坡落地的无人驾驶出租车服务已经开始取代出租车司机的位置。 而使用Starship Technologies微型自动驾驶车辆的Doordash外卖送餐服务公司也在取代送餐小哥。 由于人们在失业时 — — 通常是失去那些他们密切认同，可能花了数年时间来准备的职位 — — 会产生种种个人问题，一旦这些和其他人类劳动替代性创新取得成功的话，要求向其征税的呼声必然会日益频繁。 乐观主义者指出，被技术所取代的人们总会找到新的工作；但随着机器人革命的加速，人们日益质疑这种新工作是否存在。 对机器人征税的倡导者希望此举能会减缓这个过程，至少暂时性的，并提供收入来资助人们的职业转型，例如对下岗工人进行再培训。 正如我们所知道的那样，对于一个人的健康人生来说，这类方案可能与我们的工作一样重要。 埃德蒙·S·菲尔普斯（Edmund S. Phelps）在其《有益的工作》一书中强调了维持一种“社会地位 — — 使命”的根本重要性。 当很多人都没法再找到工作来维持家庭的时候，麻烦的后果就会接踵而来，如同菲尔普斯所强调的那样 ， “ 整个社区的运作可能会受到损害 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A weaker currency would stimulate exports and allow imports to grow as foreign-exchange controls are lifted. Meanwhile, because a significant share of government revenues are dollar-linked, while its expenditures are mostly in pesos, devaluation would reduce the budget deficit. Macri’s honeymoon is likely to be brief; the Peronist opposition, having rid itself of the Kirchners, will not hesitate to attack the new administration. But if he uses his political capital wisely, he has a good chance of stabilizing the economy while retaining reasonable levels of political support. That would change the political outlook not only in Argentina, but throughout Latin America. In neighboring Brazil, President Dilma Rousseff’s administration made little effort to hide its preference for Macri’s opponent. As her government plumbs record lows in opinion polls, the centrist opposition has been inching toward power. Macri’s victory could accelerate that process. Likewise, Macri’s victory could give voters in Venezuela – headed to the polls on December 6 – the courage they need to cast their ballots against their increasingly authoritarian government. Indeed, Macri has announced that, in response to human rights violations in Venezuela, he will invoke the so-called “democratic clause” in the statutes of Mercosur, which could lead to Venezuela’s suspension from the regional trading bloc. This stands in marked contrast to the cowardly and complicit silence of other governments in the region. If Macri follows through, that action alone will guarantee his presidency a mention in the history books.", "zh": "货币贬值可以刺激出口并在取消外汇管制的同时推动进口增加。 同时，因为政府收入的很大部分都与美元挂钩，而政府支出则以比索为主，贬值可以缩减预算赤字额。 马克里的蜜月或许是短暂的；反对派庇隆份子在摆脱基什内尔夫妇后，会毫不犹豫地攻击新政府。 但如果他明智地利用手中的政治资本，那么有很大机会能够稳定经济，并将政治支持保持在合理的水平。 这不仅会改变阿根廷的政治前景，而且会影响整个拉丁美洲。 在邻国巴西，总统迪尔玛·罗塞夫的政府几乎从未掩盖其对马克里对手的偏好。 随着她的政府在民意调查中跌落至历史低点，中间派反对党一直在缓慢地向权力靠拢。 马克里的胜利可能会加速这一进程。 同样，马克里的胜利可以赋予委内瑞拉选民 — — 定于12月6日进行投票 — — 反对本国日益独裁政府所必需的��气。 事实上，马克里已经宣布为应对发生在委内瑞拉的侵犯人权，他将援引《南方共同市场法》规定的所谓“民主条款 ” ， 该条款可能导致委内瑞拉被从区域贸易集团之中开除。 这与其他地区政府串通一气的懦弱的沉默形成了鲜明的对照。 如果马克里坚持到底，仅此一项就足以令他的总统任期载入史册。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And the US does have the advantage of issuing the world’s leading reserve currency. But inflation risks are rising – a trend that more deficit-financed spending will only accelerate. Higher debt also increases the temptation to stoke inflation, particularly if foreigners hold a large share of it. The grossly simplistic assumption that debtors are rich and creditors are poor is likely to reinforce this temptation, especially in a political climate where many politicians and voters support tax and other policies that target the wealthy. Yet another problem is that more public debt will eventually push interest rates higher, crowding out investment and harming the economy’s potential growth. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) expects ten-year Treasuries to rise sooner and faster than the Biden budget does. While large changes in interest rates are unlikely in the near term, the fact is that financial markets and government and private forecasters have often failed to anticipate them – for example, during the inflation of the 1970s and the disinflation of the early 1980s. After 2008, all grossly underestimated how long the Fed would keep its target interest rate at zero. Sooner or later, there will be another crisis. If the US government continues to expand its debt now, lack of fiscal capacity could hamstring its policy responses when the economy really needs the support. In the meantime, the advanced-economy debt deluge is making it harder for poor countries with limited debt capacity to respond adequately to the COVID-19 crisis, worsening the human tragedy. Despite all of this, the argument that the US can finance its debts for free is pervasive, and it is encouraging elected officials to disregard fiscal discipline. This raises the risk that the Biden administration will not only spend too much; it will effectively throw money away, by funding projects with low – even negative – returns, much as the Obama administration did with its 2009 “stimulus.” The content of Biden’s spending proposals is not encouraging on this score. Consider the $2 trillion American Jobs Plan. It is billed as an “infrastructure bill,” yet only a small percentage of the spending it includes would go toward traditional infrastructure. And even here, the CBO estimates a rate of return half that of the private-sector investment that will be crowded out.", "zh": "虽说美国确实拥有发行世界主要储备货币的优势，但通胀风险正在上升 — — 更多的赤字融资支出只会加速这一趋势。 更高的债务也增加了煽动通胀的诱惑，特别是在相当一部分债务由外国人持有的情况下。 “债务人是富人，债权人是穷人”这种过分简单化的假设可能会强化这种诱惑，尤其是在许多政治家和选民都支持针对富人的税收及其他政策的政治气候下。 而另一个问题则是更多公共债务最终会推高利率，挤压投资并损害经济的潜在增长。 国会预算办公室就预计十年期国债利率的上涨将比拜登预期中更早，也更快。 虽然利率不大可能在短期内出现大幅变化，但事实上金融市场及政府和私人预测者往往无法预测到这些变化 — — 比如在1970年代的通胀和1980年代初的通缩。 而2008年后所有人也都严重低估了美联储将其目标利率保持在零的时长。 另一场危机早晚会降临的。 如果美国政府现在继续扩大其债务，那么在经济真正需要支持时就会因缺乏财政能力而束缚其政策应对。 与此同时，发达经济体的债务泛滥正导致那些借债能力有限的穷国更难充分应对新冠危机，致使这场人类悲剧进一步恶化。 即便如此，那种所谓美国可以免费为其债务融资的论调依然普遍存在，而且正鼓动着民选官员去采取一些罔顾财政纪律的行为。 这就产生了一种风险，即拜登政府不仅会花费过多，而且会像奥巴马政府的2009年“经济刺激计划”那样透过资助低回报 — — 甚至是负回报 — — 项目去把钱浪费掉。 就这一点来说拜登支出提案的各项内容就有点让人提不起劲了。 以总额2万亿美元的美国就业计划为例，这个名称包含“基础设施”字样的法案其实只有一小部分支出被用于传统基础设施。 而即便在这方面，国会预算办公室估计其回报率也只有被排挤出的私营部门投资的一半。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Meat Habit and the Global Food Crisis DENVER/BRUSSELS – European countries are experiencing their worst cost-of-living crisis in decades, owing to surging energy and food costs. COVID-19, the war in Ukraine, and climate change have compounded the increase in commodity prices, leading to food shortages and rapidly rising food insecurity in the developing world. But there is good news: with a simple (but critical) change in food production, the European Union can ease food-price inflation and bolster global food supplies. An analysis by consulting firm SYSTEMIQ shows that by cutting meat production by just 13% – the equivalent of European consumers going meat-free for one day a week – the EU could reallocate enough grain and land currently used to feed livestock to offset the 23 million tons of wheat Ukraine produced in 2020. This should come as no surprise. After all, meat is a notoriously inefficient source of nutrition. For every 100 feed calories consumed by cattle, we produce just one beef calorie. As it stands, we are using vast amounts of land and fertilizers to grow food that only livestock can eat. Meanwhile, fertilizer prices have soared by 60% in the past year, owing to reduced exports from Russia and Ukraine (which together account for over one-quarter of all fertilizer production) and manufacturing disruptions across Europe caused by soaring gas prices. “To avert a future crisis, we need to bring fertilizer prices down,” Rebeca Grynspan, Secretary-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), recently warned. Simply put, the meat industry’s inefficient use of fertilizers drives up food prices, exacerbates world hunger, and pushes farmers into poverty. Reallocating land from meat production to grains, vegetables, legumes, and alternative proteins would be a far more effective way to feed a growing population on a warming planet. For example, it takes an average of 48 square meters to produce one gram of beef protein for every square meter needed to produce one gram of protein from peas. Reducing EU meat production would also provide significant climate benefits. After all, animal farming generates as many greenhouse-gas emissions as all the world’s cars, trucks, planes, and ships.", "zh": "欧洲的吃肉习惯和全球粮食危机 丹佛/布鲁塞尔 — — 由于能源及粮食价格飙升，欧洲国家正在经历数十年来最严重的生活成本危机。 新冠疫情、乌克兰战争和气候变化共同加剧了商品价格的上涨，从而导致发展中世界粮食短缺，粮食不安全问题迅速攀升。 但有个好消息：只需简单改变粮食生产（但上述变化至关重要 ） ， 欧盟即可缓解粮食价格通胀，并促进全球粮食供应。 咨询企业SYSTEMIQ的一项分析显示，通过将肉类生产削减仅13 % — —相当于欧洲消费者一周有一天不吃肉 — — 欧洲就可以重新分配足够数量的目前用于饲喂牲畜的粮食和土地，来弥补2020年乌克兰生产的2，300万吨小麦。 这并不令人惊讶。 毕竟，肉类是臭名昭著的低效营养源。 牛消耗100卡路里的饲料才能生产1卡路里的牛肉。 目前，我们正使用大量的土地和化肥来种植只有牲畜能吃的粮食。 此外，由于俄罗斯和乌克兰出口减少（两国合在一起占全部化肥产量的超过四分之一 ） ， 以及天然气价格飙升所导致的欧洲制造业中断，化肥价格过去一年来上涨了60 % 。 “为避免未来爆发危机，我们需要降低化肥价格 ， ” 联合国贸易与发展会议（UNCTAD）秘书长丽贝卡·格林斯潘不久前曾发出警告。 简言之，肉类行业对化肥的低效使用推高了粮食价格、加剧了世界饥饿，同时将农民推向贫困。 在全球变暖情况下养活日益增长人口的一个更为有效的方法是重新分配土地，从肉类生产转而生产粮食、蔬菜、豆类和替代蛋白质。 例如，从牛肉中每生产一克蛋白质所需的土地平米数平均相当于一克豌豆蛋白质的48倍。 减少欧盟肉类生产也能带来显著的气候效益。 毕竟，畜牧业所产生的温室气体排放相当于全世界汽车、卡车、飞机和轮船加在一起。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Austerity and the Modern Banker WASHINGTON, DC – Santa Claus came early this year for four former executives of Washington Mutual (WaMu), a large US bank that failed in fall 2008. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) had brought a lawsuit against the four, actions that included taking huge financial risks while “knowing that the real estate market was in a ‘bubble.’” The FDIC sought to recover $900 million, but the executives have just settled for $64 million, almost all of which will be paid by their insurers; their out-of-pockets costs are estimated at just $400,000. To be sure, the executives lost their jobs and now must drop claims for additional compensation. But, according to the FDIC, the four still earned more than $95 million from January 2005 through September 2008. So they are walking away with a great deal of cash. This is what happens when financial executives are compensated for “return on equity” unadjusted for risk. The executives get the upside when things go well; when the downside risks materialize, they lose nothing (or close to it). At the same time, their actions – and similar actions by other bankers – are directly responsible for both the run-up in housing prices and the damaging collapse that followed. That collapse has impacted non-bankers in many negative ways, including through the loss of more than eight million jobs.", "zh": "紧缩政策与现代银行家 发自华盛顿特区 — — 对于华盛顿互惠银行（已于2008年秋倒闭）的四名前高管来说，今年的圣诞老人已经提前降临了。 联邦存款保险公司（FDIC）早前向这四人发起诉讼，指控他们在“明知房地产市场正处于‘泡沫’的情况下”依然承担巨额财政风险等行为。 原告试图追回9亿美元款项，但四名被告最终将赔款额锁定在6400万美元，且绝大部分都由其保险公司支付；他们自己需要掏的估计只有40万美元。 毫无疑问，这几名高管不但丢了工作，同时也必须放弃向原倒闭企业追讨额外补偿金。 但据联邦存款保险公司称，这四人在2005年1月至2008年9月间已经取得了超过9500万美元的收入。 可见他们这次可算是成功脱身且依然富得流油。 而这也是以往金融企业在未衡量风险的情况下向高管们发放“股本回报率”补偿时所发生的情景。 年景好的时候高管们赚了大头；而当经济下滑风险爆发的时候，他们照样（几乎）毫发未伤。 与此同时，他们的行为 — — 以及其他银行家的类似行为 — — 却直接导致了住宅价格的上涨以及随后的毁灭性崩溃。 此次崩溃以许多负面方式对银行界以外的人们造成了影响，其中就包括了超过800万职位的流失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To avoid the prospect of war and maintain a working relationship with the world’s second-largest economy – a global power in a position to shape outcomes on issues ranging from climate change to world health to nonproliferation – the US does not have a free hand with Taiwan. What is needed are policy changes appropriate to dealing with a more capable and assertive China. That includes enhancing US military capabilities in the region, building closer defense integration with Japan and Australia, strengthening Taiwan’s defense capacities most relevant to slowing a Chinese invasion, and coordinating with partners and allies in the region and Europe on economic and military measures that would be taken in response to Chinese aggression. Some of this should be communicated to China; the goal should be to reduce uncertainty about America’s intentions and its ability to make good on them, while underscoring to Chinese leaders the economic and military costs of aggression. A declaration by Congress granting the president conditional authority to use military force in response to Chinese aggression against Taiwan should be considered as well. At the same time, US President Joe Biden’s administration should make clear that it is not departing from America’s longstanding one-China policy. Accordingly, it “recognizes the government of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government of China,” maintains unofficial relations with Taiwan, and holds that any change must not come about from the threat or use of force. As much as China’s leaders want Taiwan, they also want to maintain power and the Communist Party’s political monopoly.", "zh": "为了避免战争爆发并与世界第二大经济体（也是一个能在气候变化、世界健康和核不扩散等问题上发挥影响的全球大国）保持工作关系，美国在台湾问题上其实没什么腾挪的空间。 我们需要的是改变政策以应对一个更有能力和自信的中国，这包括加强美国在该地区的军事实力，与日本和澳大利亚构建更紧密的防务一体化，强化与减缓中国入侵最为相关的台湾防务能力，并与该地区和欧洲的伙伴和盟友就应对中国进逼行动的经济和军事措施进行协调。 其中一些内容应该传达给中国；目的应该是减少中方对美方意图及其实现能力的不确定性认知，同时向中国领导人强调侵略的经济和军事代价，还应考虑由国会授予总统有条件地使用军事力量以应对中国对台侵略的权力来予以宣示。 同时拜登政府应该明确表示它不会背离美国长期以来的一个中国政策，因此“承认中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府 ” ， 与台湾保持非官方关系，并坚持任何变革都不应来自于武力威胁或使用武力。 尽管中国领导人很想拿下台湾，但他们也想维持自身权力和共产党的政治垄断地位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Building Back Fairer and Greener GENEVA – Like farmers planning the following season’s crop, we must now sow the seeds of the post-pandemic future we want. That means putting gender equality and sustainability at the heart of the recovery and promoting more inclusive development through “good trade.” The most serious challenge we face is economic inequality – not only between and within countries. In particular, COVID-19 has revealed the depth of gender inequities, with women suffering the most from the pandemic’s economic fallout. Research by the International Trade Centre shows that nearly 65% of women-led small businesses across 120 countries have been strongly affected by the crisis (compared to just over half of firms led by men). Sectors that employ mostly women – including retail, hospitality, tourism, and artisanal and light manufacturing – were hit the hardest. Moreover, accelerated digitalization and shifting supply-chain configurations mean that female entrepreneurs everywhere – but especially in developing countries – face additional obstacles, ranging from accessing information and resources to building skills and networks. In a recent commentary in the Financial Times, Linda Scott of the University of Oxford’s Saïd Business School called for an end to the “male monopoly” in international trade. If women became significant agents in the economic recovery, she argued, then, “a cascade of benefits would result and suffering would be substantially reduced.” Successfully tackling this challenge would reposition women entrepreneurs in new global value chains, helping them to meet modern product standards and take advantage of proliferating e-commerce opportunities. The post-pandemic recovery also needs to be sustainable – and business is responding. Last month, more than 20 leading firms from Adidas to Unilever welcomed the European Union’s initiative to introduce new binding standards to promote sustainability, while more than 1,000 CEOs signed a United Nations statement calling for renewed global cooperation. Policymakers, too, are increasingly linking the post-COVID recovery to climate action – as the French government’s conditional bailouts of Air France and Renault illustrate. At the recent UN General Assembly, China announced its intention to become carbon-neutral before 2060, and called on all countries to, “achieve a green recovery of the world economy in the post-COVID era.”", "zh": "更公平更绿色的重建 日内瓦—就像农民规划下一季的庄稼，我们现在就必须播种我们想要的疫情后的未来。 这意味着将性别平等和可持续性列为复苏的核心，通过“好贸易”促进更加包容的发展。 我们所面临的最严峻的挑战是经济不平等 — — 包括国家之间和国家内部。 特别是，COVID-19暴露了性别不平等的程度之深，妇女承受了疫情的大部分经济后果。 国际贸易中心（International Trade Centre）的研究表明，120个国家的近65%的妇女领导的小企业受到危机的严重影响（相比而言，男性领导的企业这一比例刚刚过半 ） 。 主要聘用妇女的行业 — — 包括零售、接待、旅游以及手工业和轻工业 — — 受创最重。 此外，数字化的加快和供应链配置的变化意味着各地的女性企业家 — — 但特别是发展中国家 — — 面临着更多的障碍，如获取信息和资源打造技能和网络。 在《金融时报》的最新评论中，牛津大学赛义德商学院（Saïd Business School）的琳达·斯科特（Linda Scott）呼吁结束国际贸易领域的“男性垄断 ” 。 如果妇女成为经济复苏的重要力量，她指出，那么“将会形成一连串收益，痛苦也将大大减轻 。 ” 成功解决这一挑战将让改变妇女在新全球价值链中的地位，帮助她们满足现代产品标准并利用蓬勃发展的电子商务机会。 疫情后复苏也必须更加可持续 — — 企业正在做出响应。 上个月，包括阿迪达斯和联合利华在内的20多家领先企业表示欢迎欧盟实施新约束性标准促进可持续性的计划，1000多位首席执行官签署了一份呼吁更新全球合作的联合国声明。 决策者也在日益将COVID后复苏与气候行动挂钩 — — 法国政府有条件援助法国航空和雷诺便是明证。 在最近的联合国大会上，中国宣布准备在2060年实现碳中性，并呼吁所有国家“实现后COVID时代的世界经济绿色复苏 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turkey’s Choice In what may be Turkey’s most important political event since the republic was founded in the 1920’s, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has won a landslide parliamentary election victory, with around 47% of the vote. Only two other parties – the Republican People’s Party (CHP) with 21% and the National Movement Party (MHP) with 14% – surpassed the 10% threshold for representation in parliament. A number of independents will complete the legislative roster. What makes the result so complex is that the ruling AKP got far more votes – up 13 percentage points from 2002 – but fewer seats than it had before. The party will be able to form a government by itself, but will lack the two-thirds majority needed to bring about some of the big changes that it seeks. Still, the AKP can be satisfied that after five years in office its popular support has climbed, while the opposition has been shown to be incapable of challenging it seriously. The AKP’s resounding victory means that the Turkish republic originally shaped as a secular state by Kemal Ataturk in the 1920’s is dead. However, this does not necessarily mean that Turkey will become an Islamic, must less an Islamist, country. Ataturk viewed Islam as a major factor holding back Turkey’s progress. He sought to banish Islam as a political and social force from the public sphere, though of course the vast majority of the population remained Muslim by religion. For Ataturk, Westernization and modernization went hand in hand.", "zh": "土耳其的选择 在可能是土耳其共和国二十世纪二十年代建立以来最为重要的政治事件中，正义和发展党赢得47%的选票，获得了议会选举的压倒性胜利。 只有其他两个政党，也就是共和人民党和国家运动党分别获得21%和14%的选票，超过了在议会获得席位的10%的标准。 几名独立候选人也获得议会席位。 正义和发展党获得的选票比2002年高出13个百分点，但是获得的议会席位却少了很多，这就让选举结果如此复杂。 该党将可以自行组织政府，但是却缺少所需要的三分之二的多数来实行它所寻求的巨大变革。 然而，经过五年的执政，其大众支持上升，反对派无力对其发起严重的挑战，因此该党还是可以感到满意。 正义和发展党的大获全胜意味着二十世纪二十年代由凯末尔建立的世俗土耳其共和国的终结。 但是，这并不一定意味着土耳其将变成一个伊斯兰国家，更不会是一个伊斯兰化的国家。 凯末尔认为伊斯兰是阻碍土耳其进步的一个关键因素。 尽管土耳其人口的绝大部分在宗教上还是穆斯林，他寻求将伊斯兰作为政治和社会势力从公共领域中驱逐出去。 对于凯末尔来说，西方化和现代化是并行的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Over two decades, US operations cost more than $2 trillion, and more than 2,300 Americans, as well as tens of thousands of Afghans, lost their lives. The effort was at once both too much and not enough. While the US presence robbed the Afghan government of much of its legitimacy and generated opposition in the US, the Taliban proved to have more staying power than the US, which by 2020 had lost its will to continue a fight that promised only an open-ended stalemate. The Global War on Terrorism also led the US to launch a war in Iraq. It is an open question whether President George W. Bush would have initiated the war had it not been for 9/11. Certainly, the attacks increased his inclination to signal to the world that the US was not, as President Richard Nixon put it during the Vietnam War, a “pitiful helpless giant.” It made some in the administration (particularly Vice President Dick Cheney) unwilling to take the risk that terrorists might gain control of weapons of mass destruction, which Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein was widely thought (incorrectly, it turned out) to possess. Still others wanted to spread democracy to Iraq, and from there to the entire Middle East, on the assumption that this was not just possible, but also that it would make the region far less likely to produce terrorists and support terrorism.", "zh": "20多年来，美军耗费成本超过2万亿美元，共有2，300多名美国人，以及数以万计的阿富汗人，失去了自己的生命。 美国所做的工作一方面太过，而另一方面却又不够。 尽管美国的存在剥夺了阿富汗政府绝大部分合法性以及在美国国内引发了反对，但事实证明，塔利班远比美国更有韧性，到2020年，美国已丧失了继续战斗的意愿，因为继续战斗只能带来无休无止的僵局。 全球反恐战也导致美国在伊拉克的战端开启。 如果没有9/11恐袭，小布什总统就不一定会在伊拉克发动战争。 当然，恐袭事件提升了他向世界表态的意愿，证明美国并非像理查德·尼克松总统在越南战争期间所说的那样，不过是“引人同情的无助巨人”而已。 这导致政府中的某些人（尤其是副总统迪克·切尼）不愿继续承担恐怖分子可能控制着伊拉克领导人萨达姆·侯赛因被普遍认为的（但事实证明这是个误解）握有大规模杀伤性武器的风险。 还有人希望将民主传播到伊拉克，再从伊拉克传播到整个中东，他们认为实现上述目标不但可能，而且还可以大幅降低该地区盛产恐怖分子和支持恐怖主义的几率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But having more objectives than policy instruments is a violation of the famous Tinbergen Rule, so named for Jan Tinbergen, the Dutch economist who won the first Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1969. Tinbergen argued that n policy objectives require n independent policy instruments, and in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis, central banks rose to the challenge by transforming their balance sheets into a key instrument of monetary policy. This development was not purely a consequence of the policy rate hitting the zero lower bound, nor was it particularly unconventional, considering that central banks have always made extensive use of their balance sheets. Nonetheless, we have yet to feel the full economic impact of a larger and more diverse policy toolkit. When the short-term interest rate was its only instrument, the same monetary policy applied for all eurozone members irrespective of national circumstances. With a balance-sheet policy, it could partly address this gap in the name of pursuing 2% inflation throughout the eurozone. For example, a special medium-term lending program for banks (with the same conditions applying to all) is attractive to banks in countries with poor market access or where bank loans are more expensive. A similar argument can be made for buying financial assets in markets under pressure. The ECB’s balance-sheet policies can therefore provide greater monetary stimulus in countries where it is most needed. In a recent statement about its monetary policy strategy review, it emphasized the continued use of “asset purchases and longer-term refinancing operations,” and that it would “consider, as needed, new policy instruments.” Putting the balance sheet at the center of monetary policy amounts to a revolution. As I argued in a recent National Institute of Economic and Social Research monograph, radical whatever-it-takes monetary expansion has prevented three huge shocks (the 2008 global financial crisis, the near-collapse of the euro in 2012, and COVID-19) from triggering a global depression at a time when fiscal policies in the United States and Europe were restrictive. The prolonged pull of deflationary forces vindicated this policy choice. But all policy innovations create new dangers, and there is now a greater risk that the shift to government fiscal laxity will encroach on monetary-policy independence.", "zh": "但是这种目标多于政策工具的状况违反了著名的丁伯根法则（Tinbergen Rule，该法则得名于1969年获得首届诺贝尔经济学奖的荷兰经济学家扬·丁伯根 ） 。 他认为存在n个政策目标就需要对应n个独立政策工具，而经历了2008年危机的各大央行也都通过将其资产负债表转变为一项关键货币政策工具来迎接这类挑战。 这一事态发展并不纯粹是政策利率触及零下限的结果，同时考虑到央行一直在广泛使用其资产负债表，因此也算不上特别非常规。 尽管如此，我们也依然未能感受到一个更庞大也更多样化的政策工具箱所带来的全部经济影响。 以欧洲中央银行为例，当短期利率成为其唯一工具时，所有欧元区成员无论具体国情如何都得遵守同样的货币政策，可一旦有了资产负债表政策，它就可以用追求全欧元区2%通胀率的名义去在某种程度上弥合这一差距。 比如一个针对银行的特殊中期贷款计划（对各家银行使用相同条款）就会吸引那些市场融资途径较少或银行贷款成本较高国家的银行，而类似的理由也可以适用于在高压力市场上购买金融资产的行为。 因此欧洲央行的资产负债表政策可以为那些最需要刺激的国家提供更大规模的货币刺激。 在最近一份关于其货币政策战略的审查声明中，它强调会继续使用“资产购买和长期再融资操作”并表示将“在有必要时考虑使用新的政策工具 ” 。 将资产负债表置于货币政策核心的做法相当于一场革命。 正如我在国家经济和社会研究所最近发表的一篇专题文章中所说，不顾后果的激进货币扩张已经在美欧财政政策受限的情况下阻止了三场可能由大规模冲击（2008年的全球金融危机，2012年欧元的几乎崩溃，以及新冠疫情）引发的全球经济萧条。 而通缩力量的长期存在也证明了这一政策选择的正确性。 不过所有政策创新都会带来新的危险，而当前一个更大的风险则是向政府财政宽松的转变会侵犯货币政策的独立性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, the fact that companies are holding on to their cash, rather than paying it out in dividends, signals that they expect investment opportunities to return – a far more positive situation than in Japan, for example, where companies lack cash to invest. But European companies remain hesitant, despite low interest rates, keeping private investment well below its previous peak. Governments can help to persuade companies to let go of their cash by removing regulatory barriers such as zoning regulations in retail and a plethora of requirements in the construction sector concerning everything from the height of ceilings to the size of staircase areas. They should also address the lack of uniform standards across Europe’s internal borders; for example, there are 11 separate signaling systems for rail freight in the EU-15. After Sweden eased planning laws in its retail sector during the 1990’s, the country posted the strongest retail productivity growth in Europe (and outstripped that of the United States) between 1995 and 2005. Standardization and liberalization in European telecoms underpinned 9% growth in value added and productivity in this period, compared to 6% growth in the US. The largest scope for renewed private investment is in capital-intensive sectors in which government has a major presence as regulator. Even if European countries were to close only 10% of the variation in capital stock per worker at the subsector level, the impact could be more than €360 billion in additional investment – offsetting the €354 billion difference in private investment between 2007 and 2011.", "zh": "平心而论，公司持有现金而不是把它们以分红的形式花掉这一事实表明它们预期投资机会重现 — — 这比（比如）公司缺少投资资金的日本的情况要积极得多。 但尽管利率很低，欧洲公司仍然犹豫不决，导致私人投资远低于此前的峰值。 政府可以通过解除监管壁垒（比如零售业的分区管制、建筑部门从天花板高度到楼梯间面积无所不包的各种要求）帮助说服公司花钱。 它们还应该解决欧洲各国彼此之间缺少统一标准的问题，比如，欧盟15国存在11种彼此不同的铁路信号系统。 20世纪90年代，瑞典放松了零售部门的规划法，此后，1995—2005年，该国零售生产率增长在欧洲一马当先（甚至超过了美国 ） 。 同期，欧洲电信业的标准化和自由化带来了增加值和生产率9%的增长，而美国只有6 % 。 大规模振兴私人投资的领域在于资本密集型部门，在这些部门，政府的身影往往作为监管者出现。 即使欧洲各国的次级部门人均资本存量差距只减少10 % ， 也能带来超过3600亿欧元的投资增量，足以抵消2007—2011年间3540亿欧元的私人投资变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is unwilling to accept American leadership in Asia; but it is also reluctant to assume a more prominent role in promoting regional integration, fearing the concomitant pressure for more economic liberalization, adherence to international norms and rules, and a more transparent approach to its military buildup. Even the proliferation of China’s economic ties in Africa, the Middle East, and South America may reflect vulnerability rather than imperial ambition. China’s voracious quest for new energy sources has already caused it to overstretch its limited ability to protect its sea lanes. Despite bold reform plans – outlined at the recent Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party – China’s prospects remain compromised by deep-rooted contradictions. For example, the inherent tension between the social change that development demands and the imperative of political stability required by authoritarian rule makes the current situation unsustainable in the long run. Likewise, if the reform outline’s promise of a “decisive role” for the market ends up raising wages for poor Chinese, domestic demand might increase, but China will lose its main competitive advantage in international markets. This kind of dilemma has contributed to the fall of other developing-country dictatorships. China understands that, for now, US strategic primacy is an immutable reality. Even so, its leaders’ strategic anxiety was on display at President Xi Jinping’s June meeting with US President Barack Obama, where he demanded, with the vagueness characteristic of Chinese officials, “mutual respect” and recognition of China’s “territorial integrity.” The ostensibly trivial expression “mutual respect” actually modulates China’s true desire: a return to the Westphalian principle of non-interference in states’ domestic affairs, particularly their human-rights records. China has staunchly opposed Western efforts, whether in Syria or in North Korea, to circumvent this principle with doctrines like the “Responsibility to Protect.” Similarly, Xi’s call for the US to respect its “territorial integrity” carries a specific and pointed message. In China’s view, the US has increasingly been encroaching on its rights with regard to Taiwan, while refusing to recognize China’s many other territorial and maritime claims against US allies in the South China Sea. Experience demonstrates the dangers that can arise when vulnerable powers act independently.", "zh": "它不愿意接受美国在亚洲的领导；但它也不愿承担更多促进区域一体化的角色，担心会因此产生更多经济自由化，国际规范规则遵守，以及军力建设透明度的压力。 甚至连中国在非洲，中东和南美经济联系的扩散也可能反映了其脆弱性而不是帝国野心。 中国对新能源的贪婪追求已经超出其保护海上航线的有限能力。 尽管中国共产党十八届三中全会提出了大胆的改革计划，但中国的前景仍然会受到深层次的矛盾所阻碍。 例如社会变革和发展需要两者与专政统治所需要的政治稳定原则之间的内在紧张关系，使得当前形势在长期上是不可持续的。 同样，如果改革纲要承诺发挥市场的“决定性作用 ” ， 最终提高中国贫困人口的工资，国内需求可能增加，但中国将在国际市场上失去其主要的竞争优势。 其他专政统治下的发展中国家正是因这种困境而衰落的。 中国明白，当前美国的战略地位是不可改变的现实。 即便如此，其领导人的战略焦虑也在国家主席习近平六月会见美国总统奥巴马时体现了出来，带着中国官员式的含糊特质，他要求美国“相互尊重”并且承认中国的“领土完整 ” 。 表面上看似微不足道的“相互尊重”实际上表达了中国的真实愿望：回到不干涉它国内政的威斯特伐利亚原则，尤其是人权记录方面。 中国坚决反对西方无论是在叙利亚还是朝鲜所做的努力，以“保护责任”这类信条来规避这一原则。 同样，习近平呼吁美国尊重其“领土完整”则蕴含了具体和明确的信息。 中国认为美国已越来越多地侵蚀其对台湾的主权，并拒绝承认中国许多其他针对美国南中国海盟友的领土和领海主张。 经验表明，当弱势权力独立行动时会产生危机。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Whereas most of the “stimulus” legislation to date has been short-term and inward-looking, increased funding for sustainable infrastructure in poor countries would provide a powerful boost to rich-world economies. Developed countries should agree to channel considerable savings to developing countries to finance the scale-up of sustainable investments. This can be done directly on a bilateral basis, for example, through long-term loans from developed countries’ export-credit agencies. It can also be done multilaterally, by raising the infrastructure investment flows from the World Bank and the regional development banks (including the Inter-American Development Bank, European Investment Bank, African Development Bank, and Asian Development Bank). Both channels should be used. Developed countries also fail to recognize that without much greater financing of sustainable infrastructure in the developing world – especially sustainable power generation and transmission – a global agreement on climate change later this year (or any time soon) will be impossible. The rich world somehow expects poor countries to restrict their use of fossil fuels without any significant help in financing new and sustainable sources of energy. In almost all of the rich-country proposals about targets, limits, commitments, and permits for greenhouse gases, there is hardly a word about helping poor countries to finance the transition to sustainable technologies. The G-20 meeting in London on April 2 offers hope for a true global effort to repair the failing world economy. This is the time and place to launch the global drive toward sustainability. If we fail to meet the challenge, the global crisis will endanger the world for years to come.", "zh": "鉴于目前多数的“刺激方案”的立法都是短期措施，并针对内需的发展，加强对贫穷国家的可持续基建的资金投入将能对富裕国家的经济起到非常大的推动作用。 发达国家应允诺向发展中国家提供相当大数量的储备资金，用于对他们可持续发展投资的加大提供财政援助。 这可以直接通过双边合作进行，比如说，通过发达国家的出口信贷机构进行长期国家贷款；这也可以通过多边关系进行，采取的途径可以是从世界银行与区域发展银行（包括泛美开发银行、欧洲投资银行、非洲开发银行与亚洲开发银行）来为基建投资进行筹资。 上述这两种渠道都应该被使用。 发展中国家同样未能看清一个事实，即在发展中国家如果对可持续发展的基建项目没有更多的财政预算 — — 特别是发电与传输方面 — — 那么今年晚些时候（或今后任何时候）将要进行谈判的气候变化协议就不可能实现。 可富裕国家期待贫穷国家限制其对生物燃料的使用，而不为这些国家提供必不可少的财政援助去开发新的能源并进行能源资源的可持续发展。 在几乎所有富裕国家提出的关于温室气体目标、限制、承诺与许可的提议书中，几乎找不到一个词语是关于提供财政援助帮助贫穷国家实现可持续科技的过渡。 4月2日即将在伦敦召开的20国首脑会议充满了希望，即全球共同协作来拯救世界经济衰退的希望。 现在启动实现可持续发展的动力，既应天时又拥有地利的条件。 如果我们无法面对这种挑战，那么全球危机则将在未来的多年里让整个世界处于危险地带。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Market-Led Integration BERLIN – For two years now, one European summit after another has ended with assurances that – at long last – the necessary measures for containing the eurozone’s sovereign-debt crisis have been taken. Most were publicly portrayed as breakthroughs, though they were nothing of the sort. As a rule, it took about three days before markets caught on and the crisis entered another round. Because Europe’s political leaders have failed to manage the crisis effectively, the cost of ending it has risen. Indeed, an easily manageable financial crisis in Greece was allowed to grow into a life-threatening emergency for the states on the southern periphery of the European Union – and for the European project as a whole. This was statecraft at its worst, for which most of the blame can be laid at German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s door. Indeed, prior to the European summit in Brussels in December, the stock of trust in the European Council had become so depleted that no one seemed to take its decisions seriously. Of course, it could be that the United Kingdom’s veto of the summit’s proposed changes to the EU’s Lisbon Treaty drowned out all else, while further increasing distrust on the part of the public and financial markets of a divided Europe. But talk about an EU split is nonsense.", "zh": "由市场推动的欧洲一体化 发自柏林 — — 两年多以来欧洲已经接连召开了多个峰会，而且每一场在闭幕时都向外界保证遏制欧元区主权债务危机的必要手段“终于”得以推行。 大多数峰会都向外界自称为突破性进展，最终却名不副实。 最后竟形成了一个定势：市场一般会在峰会闭幕后的三天后意识到这个骗局，而危机也会随之进入下一个循环。 由于欧洲的政策制定者们无法有效应对这场危机，终结危机的花费也逐渐水涨船高。 事实上，一场本可以轻易处理的希腊财政危机竟然演化成影响欧盟南部各国生死的紧急事件 — — 甚至动摇了整个欧洲一体化计划。 其中体现了极为糟糕的治国方略，而大部分的责难都会指向德国总理默克尔。 其实在12月布鲁塞尔欧洲峰会之前，欧洲理事会的公信力已经沦落到了极为低下的地步，以至于根本没人会把他们的决策当回事。 当然，或许英国否决峰会里斯本条约修订案的行为压倒了对其他议题的关注，而在欧洲内部意见不合的情况下，公众舆论和金融市场中的不信任也逐渐增加。 但讨论欧盟的分裂是愚蠢的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The G-7’s Sustainability Mission FRANKFURT – In six months, representatives from countries around the world will gather in Paris in an effort to reach a global accord to fight climate change. When the G-7’s leaders meet next week in Germany, they should use the occasion to take the first steps toward avoiding the most dangerous consequences of global warming. With the world’s safety and prosperity at stake, the question is not whether or when to begin the transition to a low-carbon economy, but how to manage the effort. In 2014, investments in clean energy reached a new high of $310 billion, after two years of decline. That is good news, but it is still far short of the $1.1 trillion per year that the International Energy Agency (IEA) estimates is needed in the low-carbon energy sector. In the meantime, some $950 billion was invested in oil, gas, and coal in 2013 – a figure that has doubled in real terms since 2000. The value of an investment is based largely on the perception of how risky it is. Investment will not shift decisively toward greener sources of energy unless and until portfolio managers begin to account for the risks of dangerous climate change. Investors also need to consider “carbon bubbles,” the overvaluation of fossil-fuel companies based on the assumption that they will be able to continue burning the world’s reserves until depletion. Until recently, traditional forms of energy production have had the advantage of being based on established and mature industries. But the tides are shifting. Sovereign wealth funds and institutional and private investors are increasingly recognizing that climate change will undermine their returns, and that governments eventually will begin to address the problem. Likewise, the Bank of England is undertaking important work on the risk that assets like coal or oil reserves could be “stranded” by policy changes intended to limit dangerous climate change. And the G-20 finance ministers recently requested that the Financial Stability Board undertake a broad assessment of climate-related risks and opportunities. The G-7 countries should clearly signal that they are serious about the low-carbon transition, and the most effective way to do that would be to support a global goal of cutting net greenhouse-gas emissions to zero by 2050. In addition, governments and regulators can take concrete steps to stimulate private-sector investment in cleaner forms of energy.", "zh": "G-7的可持续性使命 法兰克福—六个月后，世界各国代表将齐聚巴黎，为达成对抗气候变化的全球协定努力。 下周，G-7领导人将在德国召开会议，他们应该抓住这次机会迈出避免全球变暖的最危险后果的第一步。 这一问题事关世界安全与繁荣，它不是是否或何时开始向低碳经济转型的问题，而是如何实现转型的问题。 2014年，清洁能源投资在经历了两年的降低后创出了3,100亿美元的新高。 这是个好消息，但距离国际原子能机构（IEA）所估算的低碳能源业所需要的每年1.1万亿美元投资还相去甚远。 与此同时，2013年石油、天然气和煤炭投资高达9,500亿美元 — — 就实际值而言较2000年翻了一番。 投资的价值主要取决于人们认为它有多大的风险。 除非投资组合经理开始算计危险的气候变化的风险，否则投资就无法决定性地向更加绿色的能源资源倾斜。 投资者还需要考虑“碳泡沫 ” ， 即基于化石燃料公司能够一直将全球储量燃烧殆尽的假设给予这些公司过高的估值。 直到最近，传统方式的能源生产一直更加有利于以成熟的老牌产业为基础。 但潮流正在发生改变。 主权财富基金以及机构和私人投资者日益认识到气候变化将制约他们的回报，政府最终将开始纠正这一问题。 类似地，英格兰银行正在进行重要的风险评估工作，研究煤炭或石油储量等资产有多大风险被旨在限制危险的气候变化的政策变革“搁置 ” 。 G-20财政部长最近要求金融稳定委员会（Financial Stability Board）对气候相关风险和机会进行广泛评估。 G-7国家应该释放明确信号表明它们将严肃对待低碳转型，而这样做最有效的办法是支持到2050年将温室气体净排放量削减到零的全球目标。 此外，政府和监管者可以采取务实举措刺激私人部门投资于更加清洁的能源形式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, it led Bush to his declared objective of cutting imports from the region by 75% over the next two decades. At first glance, Bush’s task looks easy. The US uses about 21 million barrels of oil a day, and imports about 2.5 million of it from the Persian Gulf. Even before new technologies produce that amount of fuel, the US could switch to imports from Nigeria, Venezuela, and other countries. But even if those countries remain stable, America will not be safe. What matters is the total amount of oil a country imports, not where it comes from. Suppose there is a crisis in the Persian Gulf over Iran’s efforts to get nuclear weapons. Iran has threatened to cut oil exports if the United Nations Security Council imposes sanctions against it for violating its nuclear pledges. Most experts predict that such a move would drive the price of oil – including the Venezuelan, Nigerian, and other oil that the US, China, and India consume – above $100 per barrel. The rapid spike in prices would harm all economies that import oil, regardless of where it comes from. The world learned that lesson following the 1973 Arab-Israel war. Arab oil-exporting countries embargoed oil sales to the US and the Netherlands to punish them for their support of Israel. But the oil destined for the US and the Netherlands was shifted to other countries like Japan, while oil destined for other countries found its way to the US and the Netherlands. Oil is a fungible commodity, and markets clear at a common price.", "zh": "同样地，这也促使布什宣布在未来二十年内把从该地区的石油进口削减75％的目标。 从表面上来看，布什的任务看起来是简单易行的。 美国每天大约使用2千1百万桶石油，其中从波斯湾地区进口大约250万桶。 即使新技术能够产生这些数量的燃料之前，美国仍可以转向从尼日利亚、委内瑞拉以及其他国家进口。 但是，即使这些国家保持稳定，美国还是不安全。 重要的是一个国家进口石油的总量，而不是从哪里进口。 设想一下由于伊朗拥有核武器的努力波斯湾发生危机。 伊朗已经威胁，如果联合国安理会因伊朗违反其核保证而对其施加制裁就中断石油出口。 大多数专家预计，这一举动会把包括委内瑞拉、尼日利亚以及其他美国、中国以及印度所消费的石油价格推到100美元以上。 油价急剧上升将会有害于所有进口石油的经济体，而无论石油来自何处。 世界在1973年的阿伊战争后得出了这一教训。 阿拉伯石油出口国对美国以及荷兰实行石油禁运，以惩罚它们支持以色列。 但是，运往美国以及荷兰的石油被转移到了日本，而运往其他国家的石油则被运往美国和荷兰。 石油是可替代商品，而且相同价格市场是明了的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "卷毛：“……” <它的_Pa振奋的耳朵蔫了下来。 “知道你看书快，现在应该更快了？” “文件夹里的二十本书看完，相应的二十套测试题全部拿到满分，就放你去海里玩。” “预计离搬过去还有不超过十五天的时间。”方召说道。 都是些死记硬背的知识，以卷毛现在记忆力和学习能力，拿到满分并不算难。 卷毛去海里，方召并不担心它的安全，相反，他担心的是卷毛把海里某些濒危动物吃到灭绝。 卷毛的胃究竟有多大，方召到现在都还不清楚。 在埠星录节目期间，卷毛在沙漠里偷吃过，在海里也偷吃过，只是因为方召的警告，卷毛并没有真正敞开胃去吃。 毕竟在埠星停留的时间不长，又有方召管束，还要顾及埠星其他人，它偷吃也吃不了太多。", "en": "Curly Hair: “…” His trembling ears drooped down. “I know you read fast. You ought to be even faster now, right?” “After you finish reading the twenty books in the file and get full marks for all twenty sets of test questions, I will let you out to play in the ocean.” “By my estimates, there are probably less than fifteen days before we can move in,” Fang Zhao said. This was all knowledge that could be memorized. Given Curly Hair’s current memory and learning ability, obtaining full marks wasn’t a difficult task. Fang Zhao wasn’t worried about Curly Hair’s safety when he went out into the ocean. On the contrary, he was worried that Curly Hair would eat up and eradicate endangered marine creatures. Even now, Fang Zhao didn’t know exactly how big Curly Hair’s stomach was. During the filming on Planet Bu, Curly Hair was secretly eating a lot of other creatures in the desert and the sea. It was only because of Fang Zhao’s warning that Curly Hair didn’t really go all out and eat. After all, his time in Planet Bu wasn’t very long, and Fang Zhao had given him restrictions. He also had to be careful of being seen by other people on Planet Bu and hadn’t been able to eat too much in secret."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "American Presidential Beauty NEW YORK – What is the point of a presidential debate? In the context of American presidential elections, “debate” is something of a misnomer. When former French President Nicolas Sarkozy faced his Socialist challenger, François Hollande, that was a debate – addressing substantive issues and lasting more than two hours. By contrast, presidential debates in the United States are more like staged performances, where the answers to every possible question have been rehearsed endlessly with teams of coaches and advisers. The candidates in US debates address carefully selected journalists who rarely follow up on a question. And the candidates’ performances are scrutinized less on the substance of their arguments than on their presentation, body language, facial tics, unguarded sighs, smiles, sneers, and inadvertent eye rolling. Does the candidate come across as a snob, or a friendly guy whom one can trust? Do the smiles look real or fake? These “optics” can be of great importance. After all, Richard Nixon’s race against John Kennedy in 1960 is said to have been lost on television: Kennedy looked cool and handsome, while Nixon scowled into the camera, with sweat trickling down his five o’clock shadow. In his debates with Ronald Reagan in 1980, Jimmy Carter came across as smug and humorless, and Reagan as a friendly old uncle. Carter lost.", "zh": "美国总统选美 纽约—总统竞选辩论的要点是什么？ 在美国总统大选中 ， “ 辩论”其实有用词不当的嫌疑。 法国前总统萨科齐面对其社会党挑战者奥朗德，这叫辩论 — — 辩实质性问题，论超过两小时。 相反，美国总统竞选辩论更像是舞台演出，对于每一个可能出现的问题，指导和顾问团队都早已经演练过无数次了。 美国总统辩论会精心挑选与会记者，他们都不会在一个问题上刨根问底。 候选人表现如何，也不会根据其观点是否具有实质内容决定，而是根据其演说、其肢体语言、其面部表情、其不经意的叹息、微笑、冷嘲和无意中的眼部动作决定。 候选人看起来像是势利小人还是可以信赖的朋友？ 他的微笑是真诚的还是虚伪的？ 这些“现象”可以具有极大的重要性。 毕竟，据说尼克松在1960年输给肯尼迪的原因就是败在了电视上：肯尼迪看起来又酷又帅，而尼克松在镜头前摆出一副苦瓜脸，胡渣满脸，不停地流汗。 在1980年的竞选辩论中，卡特一副缺少幽默感的书呆子相，而里根看起来像是位面善大叔。 结果卡特败下阵来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is vital that governments understand that if we want to ensure a safer world for future generations, building back better and greener is not a policy just for the next year. Vulnerable countries are tired of inaction. And they are not simply calling for help, but are committed to leading by example. The Central Bank of the Philippines, for example, recently adopted a sustainable-finance framework to safeguard the financial system from evolving climate risk. The new framework encourages banks to start pricing physical climate and transition risks, as well as valuing climate-resilience and low-carbon opportunities. Moreover, the central bank must disclose its own exposure to environmental risks, which could lead to excluding specific assets – like fossil fuels – from its policies in the future. In late October, the country also imposed a moratorium on new coal-fired power stations. On a global scale, the World Bank and the IMF are collaborating with the G20 to attract more investment to poorer countries by lowering the costs associated with “green” projects. In the United States, President-elect Joe Biden has vowed to re-establish the US as a country committed to the UN, multilateral agreements such as the Paris accord, and international law. America’s return to a position of global leadership on combating climate change is to be welcomed. But, like other developed countries, the US still needs to deliver its updated climate plan. The COVID-19 crisis underscores the urgent need for more ambitious measures. During World War I, the United Kingdom issued war bonds to finance both the conflict and the subsequent recovery. Similar instruments could be used to help the Global South claw its way out of both pandemic- and climate-related disaster. In addition, major development banks and private investors should demonstrate leadership by implementing the Paris agreement’s vision of a global investment shift from dirty to clean energy. Climate action cannot be delayed any longer, and the leaders of developed economies need to step up and follow the example already being set by developing countries. Real leaders are not those who shout the loudest or tweet the most. Real leaders are those who deliver on their promises. We urge richer countries to submit updated climate plans before the end of the year, and to uphold the other promises made in the Paris climate agreement – both for our sake and that of future generations.", "zh": "一个关键点是政府要明白，如果我们想要确保子孙后代的世界更加安全，那么更好更绿色的重建绝不仅仅是未来一年的政策。 弱势国家已经受够了不作为。 它们也不只是要求帮助，而是致力于树立榜样。 比如，菲律宾中央银行最近采取了一个可持续金融框架捍卫金融体系，防范其后风险演进。 新框架鼓励银行为实体气候和转型风险定价，重视气候韧性和低碳机会。 此外，菲律宾央行必须披露自身的环境风险敞口，可能因此将某些资产 — — 如化石燃料 — — 从其未来政策中排除。 去年10月，菲律宾停止新建燃煤电厂。 在全球层面，世界银行和IMF正在G2与G20合作引导更多投资流向穷国，降低与“绿色”项目有关的成本。 在美国，当选总统拜登承诺重新让美国称为热心于联合国、多边协定（如巴黎协定）和国际法的国家。 美国回归对抗气候变化的全球领导位值得欢迎。 但是，和其他发达国家一样，美国也仍然没有提交更新的气候计划。 COVID-19危机突显出采取更具雄心的措施的紧迫性。 第一次世界大战期间，英国发行战争债券为冲突及随后的复苏融资。 类似的工具也可以用来帮助全球南方走出疫情和气候相关灾难。 此外，主要开发银行和私人投资者应该表现出领导力，落实巴黎协定的全球投资从肮脏能源向清洁能源转变的愿景。 气候行动切不可继续推迟了，发达经济体领导人必须行动起来，遵循发展中国家所树立的榜样。 真正的领导人不是喊声最大或发推特最多的领导人。 真正的领导人是兑现承诺的领导人。 我们敦促富裕国家在今年年底前提交更新的气候计划，并兑现巴黎气候协定中所做的其他承诺 — — 为了我们，也为了子孙后代。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As of June 11, 2021, Our World in Data reports that more than 2.3 billion doses have already been administered worldwide, leaving just over seven billion doses. Divide that by a mid-range daily figure (34 million) and you get roughly 211 days – January 2022. Yes, seven billion is a very large number. But look at what is happening: every day, China is administering 17-20 million doses; India is administering just over three million; and even Africa is administering nearly 900,000 – a 37% increase since the start of the month. Moreover, these numbers are still rising in most countries. Though not every middle-income country will be able to match China’s pace, that at least should be the motivating goal. Until recently, the main constraint and source of frustration was the limited supply of vaccines. But production is rising sharply, with the global monthly output of vaccines approved by at least one major regulatory body increasing from 420 million doses in April to 822 million doses in May. China’s two vaccine makers, Sinovac and Sinopharm, accounted for more than half of this total (nearly tripling output from 164 million doses in April to 454 million in May). Output of Pfizer-BioNTech and Oxford-AstraZeneca vaccine doses in the European Union doubled, from 69 million to 140 million, while the number of Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna, and Johnson & Johnson doses in the United States rose from 71 million to 105 million. The only disappointing production figures were in India, where output slipped from 76 million doses in April to 62.6 million in May. In the coming months, the key constraint will no longer be supply shortages but rather financing and logistical challenges, particularly in poorer countries with limited infrastructure and health-care coverage. These hurdles can be lowered if rich countries release their production more quickly for others to buy, and if more bilateral and multilateral aid funding is made available to support public-health systems and vaccine purchases. Make no mistake: China will likely play a large and perhaps leading role in this process.", "zh": "截至2021年6月11日，数据看世界组织报告说全世界已经接种超过23亿剂，距离目标还只剩70多亿剂。 如果用这个数字除以每日接种中间值（3400万 ） ， 你会得到大约211天的答案 — — 也就是2022年1月。 虽说70亿是个相当庞大的数字。 但请看看当前的状况：中国日接种1700~2000万剂；印度日接种刚刚超过300万剂；甚至连非洲每天也有近90万剂 — — 自本月开始相对以往增长了37 % 。 此外大多数国家的这一数字都在上升。 虽然不是每个中等收入国家都能赶上中国的步伐，但这至少应该是一个值得追赶的目标。 直到近期主要的制约因素和沮丧来源还是疫苗的有限供应，但目前疫苗产量正急剧提升，全球至少得到一个主要监管机构批准的疫苗月产量从4月份的4.2亿剂增加到了5月份的8.22亿剂。 中国两家疫苗制造商（中国科兴和中国医药集团）占了总量的一半以上（产量从4月的1.64亿剂增加到5月的4.54亿剂，几乎增加了两倍 ） 。 辉瑞-BioNTech和牛津-阿斯利康疫苗在欧盟的产量翻了一番，从6900万剂增至1.4亿剂，而辉瑞-BioNTech、Moderna和强生疫苗在美国的产量则从7100万剂增至1.05亿剂。 唯一令人失望的生产数字来自于印度，其产量从4月的7600万剂下滑到5月的6260万剂。 未来几个月间的关键制约因素将不再是供应短缺，而是融资和后勤方面的挑战，特别是那些基础设施和卫生保健覆盖面有限的较贫穷国家。 如果富国能更快将其生产的疫苗开放给其他国家购买，或者提供更多双边和多边援助资金来支持公共卫生体系和疫苗采购，这些障碍就有可能被拆除。 毫无疑问，中国可能会在这一进程中发挥巨大甚至是主导作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, a carbon price in the range of $20-25 per ton of CO2 by 2020 is key to mobilizing climate finance at this level. Carbon prices expand the potential for both public and private financing by raising public revenue and creating private-sector demand for emission reductions. Second, new public mechanisms can mobilize tens of billions of dollars annually, an important step towards the $100-billion goal. Examples include the auctioning of emissions allowances, carbon taxes, and the pricing of emissions from international transport. Policy instruments based on carbon pricing are particularly attractive, because they raise revenue for adaptation to climate change in developing countries while creating incentives for mitigation in developed countries. Third, international private investment flows are essential. It is the private sector that will finance most low-carbon, sustainable growth. Public funding should help leverage climate-friendly private investments. The multilateral development banks, in close collaboration with the UN system, can play a significant multiplier role in this regard. Several sources of financing for adaptation and mitigation efforts in developing countries could be made operational relatively quickly. We need to make progress on establishing the Copenhagen Green Climate Fund, including, possibly, regional and thematic vehicles, such as an Africa Green Fund. Ensuring economic growth and addressing climate change do not have to be opposing goals. They can and should go hand in hand; what we need is climate-resilient, low-carbon growth. It is now up to governments, international institutions, and the private sector to draw on our analysis in support of climate action.", "zh": "首先，要筹集这笔巨资，关键是要在2020年之前执行20~25美元/吨的碳排放收费。 该费用将有助于挖掘公共和私人部门的资金潜力，一方面增加了政府收入，另一方面也能激发私人部门的减排需求。 其二，新的公共机制将调动起数百亿美元的资金，并为实现每年1000亿美元的目标迈出重要一步。 措施内容包括拍卖排放配额，征收碳税以及针对国际运输的碳排放费。 基于碳排放收费的政策工具尤其引人注目，因为它不但为发展中国的气候变化应对措施筹集了资金，还能令各发达国家产生减排的动机。 第三，来自国际私人投资的资金是必不可少的。 事实上，大多数低碳和可持续发展措施都是由私人部门提供资助的。 而公共资金的作用则是抛砖引玉，最终带动一大批环保私人投资。 而与联合国紧密合作的各跨国开发银行将在这方面发挥重大的乘数效应。 众多有助于发展中国家适应和缓和气候变化影响的资金来源可以相对较快地投入运行。 我们需要在成立哥本哈根绿色气候基金方面取得进一步进展，甚至包括一系列地区性专用架构，比如非洲绿色基金。 确保经济增长和应对气候变化这两个目标其实并不存在矛盾，也是可以并应当携手共进的；因为我们真正需要的是一个气候适应性强且低碳的经济增长。 请各国政府，国际组织和私人部门借助我们的分析，大家齐心协力扶持相关的气候应对措施吧！"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Senegal will need more resources, a stronger government commitment, increased support from development partners, and greater community involvement. Against this background, the Lives and Livelihoods Fund (LLF) – a grant facility launched by the Islamic Development Bank (IsDB) and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation – has joined Senegal’s fight against malaria. The LLF combines $500 million from donors – including Saudi Arabia’s King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Center, the Qatar Fund for Development, the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development, and the Islamic Solidarity Fund for Development (ISFD) – with $2 billion of IsDB financing for health, agriculture, and rural infrastructure projects. Administered by the IsDB, the LLF is the biggest initiative of its kind based in the Middle East, aiming to increase the resources available for development across the 30 least-developed and lower-middle-income countries in the Muslim world. One of the LLF’s first projects will be a $32 million malaria pre-elimination project in Senegal. The LLF’s governance mechanism, the Impact Committee (of which I am an alternate member, representing ISFD), approved the year-one pipeline last September. The Senegalese government officially agreed to the project – a scaled-up version of the already-successful NMCP – in February. As a result, 25 districts in five regions of Senegal will be helped in achieving malaria pre-elimination, directly or indirectly benefiting nearly four million people (about 25% of Senegal’s total population). I recently traveled to Senegal to assess the project’s progress. The other Impact Committee members and I met with Coll-Seck and other national leaders, who affirmed the project’s importance. The most moving part of the trip was our visit to the Deggo health post, in the suburbs of Dakar, where health workers and community volunteers explained to us their ongoing efforts to fight the disease. We left that meeting confident that the project possesses both the right skills and the needed commitment to succeed. Investments in combating malaria, like those by the LLF, are among the most cost-effective health interventions, yielding broad socioeconomic benefits. A healthy child is more likely to attend school, resulting in improved learning outcomes, just as a healthy adult can earn a steady income, resulting in reduced poverty and hunger.", "zh": "塞内加尔需要更多额资源、更强力的政府承诺、发达国家更有力的支持和更大的社区参与。 在这一背景下，生命和生活基金（Lives and Livelihoods Fund，LLF ） — —由伊斯兰开发银行（LsDB）和比尔和梅琳达·盖茨基金会发起的捐赠基金 — — 加入了塞内加尔的消灭疟疾运动。 LLF包括5亿美元的捐赠 — — 包括沙特阿拉伯的萨勒曼国王人道主义和救济中心、卡塔尔发展基金、阿布扎比发展基金以及伊斯兰发展团结基金（ISFD ） — —和20亿美元的IsDB卫生、农业和农村技术设施项目融资，由IsDB负责管理，是中东规模最大的同类基金，目标是扩大穆斯林世界30个最不发达和中低收入国家的可用资源。 LLF的第一批项目之一是3,200万美元的塞内加尔基本消灭疟疾工程。 LLF的治理机构 — — 影响力委员会（Impact Committee，我是其中代表ISFD的候补委员）在去年9月批准了第一年的融资额。 塞内加尔政府在2月份正式同意了该工程 — — 作为已经取得相当成功的NMCP的升级版。 据此，塞内加尔五个大区（regions）中的25个小区（districts）将获得帮助以实现基本消灭疟疾，直接或间接惠及近四百万人（塞内加尔总人口的25%左右 ） 。 我最近访问了塞内加尔，评估该工程的进展情况。 我和另外一位影响力委员会委员会见了科尔-赛克和其他国家领导人，他们向我们确认了该工程的重要性。 塞内加尔之旅中最令我感动的事迭戈（Deggo）卫生站。 它位于达喀尔郊外，卫生工作者和社区志愿者向我们讲述了正在进行的消灭疟疾的斗争。 我们很有信心，该工程具备了正确的技能和成功所需要的干劲。 和LLF所做的投资一样，打击疟疾的投资是性价比最高的卫生干预之一，能带来广泛的社会经济效益。 健康的儿童更有可能上学，从而带来更好的学习结果；而健康的成人能够获得稳定的收入，从而摆脱贫困和饥饿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Likewise, our degradation of marine ecosystems causes blooms of pathogens that can cause potentially fatal diseases such as cholera. The good news is that far-sighted political leaders and the United Nations are already formulating nature-focused action plans that could help to stop the next pandemic before it starts. These strategies include conserving ecosystems and wilderness that are still untouched by human activity, clamping down on wildlife trade (including by educating people about the risks of consuming wildlife), and restoring and protecting significant areas of land and ocean. The world already safeguards 15% of its land and 7% of the ocean. But, for the sake of our health and prosperity, we must do more. Indeed, there is increasing agreement among countries that we need to return half the planet to nature and use the other half responsibly, and that we should start by protecting at least 30% of it by 2030. Both nature and people would benefit. Research shows that abundant animals, plants, insects, and microbes living in complex, mature ecosystems can limit the spread of disease from animals to people. But natural places do much more than provide a safety net against illness. They also shield us from the destructive power of extreme weather, safeguard us from our own pollution, and supply us with food, medicine, and leisure opportunities. The Seychellois depend on the land and sea for their incomes and food. Fishing employs 17% of the country’s workforce and provides the population with a low-cost, sustainable source of protein. Tourism, which is concentrated along the Seychelles’ coastlines and is driven by the country’s natural beauty on land and underwater, employs some 25%. Safeguarding 30% of the country’s waters will end harmful activities within the fully protected areas while bolstering sustainable fishing around them. And keeping the country’s natural places pristine – including, in addition to its seas, its mangrove forests, seagrass beds, and salt marshes – can help to ensure that the Seychelles remains the natural paradise that draws responsible visitors. When the worst of the pandemic has passed and the world embarks on the hard work of nursing its people, societies, and economies back to health, we must not overlook the need to care for nature and let nature care for us.", "zh": "同样，我们破坏海洋生态系统也导致病原体大量繁殖，这些病原体有可能引发霍乱等潜在致命疾病。 好消息是，有远见的政治领袖和联合国已经在制定以自然为核心的行动计划，也许有助于阻止下一次疫情爆发。 上述策略包括保护人类活动尚未触及的生态系统和荒原，打击野生动植物贸易（其中也包括教育民众食用野生动植物所带来的危险 ） ， 以及恢复和保护重要的陆地和海洋区域。 世界已经在保护7%的海洋和15%的陆地。 但为了保护人类的健康和繁荣，我们必须采取进一步措施。 事实上，各国之间越来越多地达成一致，认为我们需要将地球的一半归还给大自然，并在使用另一半时采用负责任的方式。 而且我们应该到2030年从保护至少30%的地球开始。 大自然和人类都会从中受益。 研究显示，生活在复杂、成熟生态系统中的多种多样的动植物、昆虫和微生物可以限制疾病从动物到人的传播。 但自然保护区的作用还不仅限于提供预防疾病的安全网。 它们还保护我们免受极端天气破坏力的影响、保护我们免受自身的污染，并为我们提供粮食、药品和休闲娱乐的机会。 塞舌尔人的收入和食物来源于海洋和土地。 渔业雇用了该国17%的劳动力并为该国民众提供了低成本、可持续的蛋白质。 而旅游业则集中在塞舌尔的海岸线上，在该国陆地及水下自然美景的驱动下，提供了约25%的就业机会。 保护该国30%的水域将结束在完全保护区内进行的有害活动，同时，加强周边的可持续渔业。 而保持该国的原始自然风光 — — 包括海洋、红树林、海草床和盐碱滩 — — 可以确保塞舌尔今后仍然是吸引负责任游客的自然天堂。 当最严重的疫情过去，世界开始进行恢复民众、社会和经济健康的艰苦工作，我们绝不能忽视对自然的关怀，以及自然反过来对我们的保护。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "严格按规定实施产品准入制度，形成严密质量监管和保障体系。建立健全安全监管体系，强化对设计、施工、监理单位和生产制造企业监管力度，完善和创新监管手段和方法。强化高铁和快速干线治安防范和安全环境的综合治理，加强旅客和行李安检查危和治安管理，全面实施高铁实名制售票。坚持物防、技防和人防相结合，加快构筑安全防范体系和保障体系。加强安全基础理论和安全管理科学研究，力争在重大事故致灾机理和安全预测预防、安全综合分析等方面取得突破。建立健全涵盖运营管理、安全管理、设备维护和应急处置的铁路安全规章制度体系。强化运输安全监督、检查和监管，力口快推进安全监管体制改革和完善机制建设。严格落实安全生产责任制，深化安全生产专项治理，提高安全管理科学化、规范化水平。加强铁路公共卫生安全体系建设。完善安全行为规范和教育培训体系，加强运输主要行车工种岗位人员和相关管理人员培训。强化从业人员安全管理，严格高铁岗位准入制度，保证高铁主要行车岗位人员动态优化。", "en": "Strictly implement the product access system according to regulations, and establish a rigorous quality supervision and guarantee system. Establish and improve a sound safety supervision system, strengthen supervision over design, construction, supervision units, and production manufacturing enterprises, and improve and innovate supervision methods and means. Strengthen the comprehensive management of security prevention and safety environment for high-speed rail and rapid trunk lines, strengthen passenger and luggage security checks and public security management, and fully implement real-name ticketing for high-speed rail. Adhere to the combination of physical defense, technical defense, and personnel defense, and accelerate the construction of a security prevention system and guarantee system. Strengthen research on safety basic theory and safety management, strive to make breakthroughs in major accident disaster mechanisms, safety prediction and prevention, and comprehensive safety analysis. Establish and improve a railway safety regulatory system covering operation management, safety management, equipment maintenance, and emergency disposal. Strengthen transportation safety supervision, inspection, and regulation, and actively promote the reform of the safety supervision system and the improvement of the mechanism. Strictly implement the safety production responsibility system, deepen special governance of safety production, and improve the level of scientific and standardized safety management. Strengthen the construction of the railway public health safety system. Improve safety behavior norms and education and training systems, and strengthen training for key positions in transportation and related management personnel. Strengthen the safety management of practitioners, strictly implement the access system for high-speed rail positions, and ensure dynamic optimization of key positions for high-speed rail operation personnel."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "India’s Central Bank Under Attack ITHACA – Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has launched an all-out political assault on the Reserve Bank of India, and the barrage of criticism is already taking a toll on the institution. This is an alarming development for India, because the RBI’s credibility and effectiveness have contributed substantially to macroeconomic and financial stability, thereby helping to sustain rapid GDP growth in recent years. One key criticism leveled against the RBI is not unique to India: the central bank, the government claims, is impeding growth by raising interest rates in the name of a misguided fear of excessive inflation and financial instability. US President Donald Trump has leveled similar complaints at the Federal Reserve, claiming that interest-rate hikes are dampening economic growth and the US stock market. But the threat such attacks pose to the RBI dwarf those faced by the Fed, not least because, unlike the Fed, the RBI has no statutory independence. Making matters worse, the Modi government has, for the first time ever, invoked Section 7 of the RBI Act, which allows it to issue directions directly to the central bank governor on matters of public interest. The Modi government’s willingness to go to such lengths suggests that more than interest rates are at stake. The government is particularly unhappy with RBI measures to clean up India’s banks, many of which are burdened by a large volume of non-performing assets, and prevent risks from building up in other parts of the financial system. These measures are squeezing state-owned banks’ ability to lend to politically connected clients. Of course, government ministers can’t come right out and say that. So, instead, the Modi administration – and, in particular, Arun Jaitley, the finance minister – has taken the RBI to task for not preventing the accumulation of non-performing assets in the banking system after the credit spigots were opened to help cope with the global financial crisis. The government has also accused the RBI of subverting due process by keeping it in the dark about monetary-policy moves. This criticism is disingenuous at best. At worst, it could bring to a grinding halt much-needed banking-sector reforms aimed at, among other things, ensuring productive, rather than politically motivated, lending. Such an outcome would heighten financial risk and jeopardize the economy’s growth potential.", "zh": "被炮轰的印度央行 发自伊萨卡 — — 印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）的政府对印度储备银行（地位相当于央行）发动了全方位的政治进攻，而这一连串的抨击也已经对该机构造成了影响。 这一事态的发展应当引起印度民众的警惕，因为印度储备银行的信誉和效力一直以来都对宏观经济和金融稳定起到了极大作用，从而有助于维持近年来的GDP快速增长。 其中一项针对印度储备银行的主要批评可不是印度所独有的：莫迪政府声称央行存在着对过度通胀和金融不稳的错误忧虑，并借此提高利率来阻碍经济增长。 美国总统特朗普也对美联储做出过类似的抱怨，声称利率上调正在压抑经济增长和股市表现。 但美联储所面临的状况跟印度储备银行遭遇的威胁比起来简直是小巫见大巫，特别是印度储备银行并不像美联储那样具备法定独立性。 更糟糕的是莫迪政府首次援引了《印度储备银行法》第7条，该法允许其就公共利益问题直接向央行行长发出指示。 莫迪政府把事情做到这个地步的意愿表明受威胁的可不仅仅是利率。 政府对印度储备银行清理整顿各大印度银行不良资产并防止在金融系统其他部分积累风险的措施尤为不满，因为正是这些措施挤压了这些国有银行向其政治关联客户提供贷款的能力。 当然政府部长们不可能把这一点明说出来。 相反莫迪政府 — — 特别是财政部长阿伦•贾特利（Arun Jaitley）开始找印度储备银行的茬，指责其在打开信贷水龙头以帮助应对全球金融危机之后未能阻止银行系统中不良资产的积累。 政府还指责印度储备银行违反了正当程序，称其未将其货币政策举措提前告知政府。 往好了说，这种批评堪称睁眼说瞎话；往坏了说，它可能会导致亟待进行的，目的包括确保发放生产性而非政治性贷款的银行业改革停滞不前。 这样做的后果只会增加财政风险并危及经济的增长潜力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because no economy had ever experienced such rapid growth on such a large scale, the only way to manage China’s development was, as Deng put it, to “cross the river by feeling the stones.” China’s adaptive policymaking approach has produced both spectacular failures, with entire markets being shut down, and remarkable successes, yielding models that could be applied across the country. Some experiments have had less clear results, making, say, a positive contribution to GDP growth, but also contributing to problems like excess industrial capacity, pollution, corruption, and the creation of ghost towns. In a context of experimentation, such unintended consequences are understandable. The mere fact that they have emerged in no way suggests that China is headed for disaster; that would be the case only if these problems were allowed to persist. Preventing such an outcome requires that efforts to adjust to China’s “new normal” go beyond policies intended to sustain economic growth. Reforms must aim to bolster inclusivity, advance environmental sustainability, promote innovation, and boost competitiveness. And this is precisely the four-pronged approach that China’s leaders seem to be taking. Indeed, from slashing coal consumption to address air pollution to plans for integrating information technologies with modern manufacturing, the government has shown time and again that it recognizes its reform imperatives. And, by remaining dogged in its efforts to root out official graft, it has demonstrated its will to do what is needed to ensure that China succeeds. This is not to say that it is all smooth sailing ahead. The Chinese bureaucracy must adapt radically to cope with the risks – and take advantage of the benefits – of technology and globalization, with the biggest challenge being the shift to a knowledge-based, environmentally conscious, inclusive, and stable industrial base. And China’s government must take steps to enable market forces to play a greater role in directing economic activity, including by reducing licensing and regulatory requirements in the private sector. Market forces will also benefit from the growth in households’ spending power. Indeed, continued real-wage growth is forcing inefficient industries that relied solely on cheap labor out of the market, while bolstering the competitiveness of producers that appeal to the evolving tastes of China’s increasingly potent consumers.", "zh": "历史上从未有哪个经济体经历过如此大规模、如此快速的增长，因此，用邓小平的话说，管理中国发展的唯一办法是“摸着石头过河 ” 。 中国的“适应性学习过程”决策方法既需要面对惨痛的失败 — — 如个别市场被完全关闭，也可能有令人瞩目的成功 — — 如产生了可供其它地区借鉴的改革经验及市场模式，包括当年的包产到户、出口导向的制造业发展、成功的基础设施建设等等。 并不是所有的实验都是成功的，许多实验虽然有利于GDP增长，但也同时导致了产能过剩、污染、腐败和“鬼城”等问题。 既然是实验，产生这些意料外后果是可以理解的。 这些问题的出现是改革过程的一部分，并不能单凭实验后出现的问题就得出结论中国将迈向灾难；只有在这些问题成为持久性问题时中国才有可能面临困境。 避免这些困境需要中国制定适应“新常态”的措施时超越仅仅维持经济增长的狭隘政策范围。 改革必须将目标放在更全面的培养包容性、推进环境可持续性、激发创新和促进竞争力上，而 这正是中国领导人正在采取的步骤。 事实上，从降低煤炭使用以解决空气污染，到将信息技术与现代制造业整合的计划，中国政府一再表明它明白改革的必要性。 此外，中国政府不懈地根除官员贪污，也表明它愿意采取必要措施确保中国改革的成功。 这并不是说前途一帆风顺。 中国的官僚体系必须做出重大调整才能处理技术革命和全球化的风险， 并利用其中的好处，其中最大的挑战是朝基于��识的、有环境意识的、包容而稳定的新经济的转型。 中国政府必须采取措施让市场力量在引导经济活动中扮演更重要的角色，包括降低民营企业的审批门槛和它们面临的监管负担。 市场力量也将从家庭购买力的增长中获益。 事实上，持续实际工资增长正在迫使单纯依靠廉价劳动力的低效率行业退出市场，同时也增强了可以满足购买力日益增长、口味不断变化的中国消费者的厂商的竞争力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Facing this prospect, businesses on both sides of the English Channel would be impelled to campaign openly for Britain to keep full EU membership, instead of quietly lobbying for special deals for their own sectors. The media might even point out the constitutional absurdity of a representative democracy treating a narrow referendum majority as permanently binding on parliamentary decisions. Hard-core nationalists might pay no attention, but enough marginal Euroskeptics would probably reconsider their positions to flip the 52%-48% Brexit majority the other way. The reversal of public opinion would become near-certain if European leaders genuinely heeded UK voters’ message, not by facilitating Brexit, but by recognizing the referendum as a wake-up call for EU reform. Suppose EU leaders invited the British government to negotiate on the policies that dominated the referendum and are also fueling resentment in other European countries: loss of local control over immigration; the transfer of power from national parliaments to Brussels; and erosion of social models that depend on strong bonds of citizenship and generous welfare states. Imagine, for example, that EU leaders endorsed Denmark’s recent proposal to allow national governments to differentiate between welfare payments to citizens and recent immigrants, or that it extended to all of Europe the Swiss plan for an “emergency brake” against sudden immigration surges. Imagine them easing the counterproductive budget and banking rules that have suffocated southern Europe. Imagine, finally, that the EU acknowledged that centralization of power has gone too far and formally ended the drive for “ever closer union.”", "zh": "面临这一前景，英吉利海峡两岸的企业将有动力公开支持英国保留完全欧盟成员地位，而不是静悄悄地游说自身所在部门的特殊协议。 媒体甚至会指出代议制民主将狭义公投多数视为议会决定的永久性约束，这样的宪政安排是荒谬的。 强硬派民族主义者也许不会关注，但足够多的边缘疑欧派可能会重新思考他们的立场，从而扭转52 % - 48%的脱欧公投多数。 如果欧洲领导人不是为英国脱欧提供便利，��是认识到脱欧公投是欧盟改革的“集结号 ” ， 以此真正重视英国选民释放的信号，那么公共观点的逆转几乎是肯定的。 假设欧盟领导人邀请英国政府就主导公投并且仍在继续助长其他欧洲国家怨念的政策进行谈判。 这些政策包括本国失去对移民的控制；权力从国家议会转移到布鲁塞尔；依赖公民权与慷慨的福利国家之间的强联系的社会模式的破坏等。 比如，想象一下欧盟领导人认可丹麦的最新方案，允许国家政府区别对待本国公民和新近移民的福利支付，或者，想象一下将瑞士“紧急叫停”移民激增的计划推广到全欧洲。 想象它们放松扼杀南欧的反生产性预算和银行规则。 最后，在想象一下欧盟承认权力的集中有些过度，并正式停止推动“更加紧密的联盟 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Long Live the Bio-Revolution SAN FRANCISCO – In November, the United Nations World Food Program and the International Organization for Migration warned of the “unprecedented” threat to food security brought about by COVID-19. The pandemic’s collateral damage could turn out to be even worse than the disease itself. Most leading international institutions with an interest in food security have now called for action to prevent future outbreaks of infectious disease, and to make food systems more resistant to shocks. Biological innovation must factor into our thinking as we strive to meet the dual challenge of feeding a growing population and managing natural resources sustainably. Even before the pandemic, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN (FAO) warned that more than 820 million people did not have enough to eat. With the global population expected to grow by roughly two billion people by 2050, improving access to affordable and healthy food will be critical in reducing malnutrition and the associated health-care costs. Innovation in farming and food production is as old as agriculture itself, yet it is sorely needed today. Recent research by the McKinsey Global Institute finds that biological innovation in agriculture, aquaculture, and food production could yield economic returns of up to $1.2 trillion over the next decade or two. To put that into context, the global food and agribusiness industry is worth about $5 trillion today. What could deliver this growth? The most promising innovations include alternative proteins, marker-assisted breeding, genetic engineering of plant and animal traits, and microbiome mapping and modification.", "zh": "生物革命万岁 旧金山—11月，联合国世界粮食计划署和国际移民组织警告，2019年新冠疫情可能带来“史无前例”的粮食安全威胁。 事实证明，疫情所造成的连带损失可能比疾病本身还要严重。 现在，绝大多数关注粮食安全的著名国际组织都在呼吁采取行动，防止未来爆发传染性疾病，并确保粮食系统抵御冲击的能力更强。 在我们竭尽全力应对人口不断增长和自然资源可持续管理的双重挑战时，必须将生物创新模式纳入到我们的思维当中。 即使在疫情爆发前，联合国粮农组织（FAO）就曾警告有超过8.2万亿人面临粮食不足。 截止2050年，全球人口预计将增长约20亿，因此，拓宽人类获取廉价、健康食品的渠道将在减少营养不良及相关医疗费用方面起到至关重要的作用。 农业和粮食生产创新就像农业本身一样古老，但今天却更符合人类的迫切需要。 麦肯锡全球研究所最新研究发现，农业、水产养殖和粮食生产领域的生物创新在未来10到20年可以带来高达1.2万亿美元的经济回报。 综上所述，全球粮食和农业综合企业今天总值约为5万亿美元左右。 哪些突破可以带来这样的增长？ 前景最为广阔的创新包括蛋白质替代、分子标记辅助育种、动植物性状基因工程，以及微生物组图谱和改造。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So in college,  I was a government major,  which means I had to write a lot of papers. Now, when a normal student writes a paper,  they might spread the work out a little like this. So, you know --    you get started maybe a little slowly,  but you get enough done in the first week  that, with some heavier days later on,  everything gets done, things stay civil. And I would want to do that like that. That would be the plan. I would have it all ready to go,  but then, actually, the paper would come along,  and then I would kind of do this. And that would happen every single paper. But then came my 90-page senior thesis,  a paper you're supposed to spend a year on. And I knew for a paper like that, my normal work flow was not an option. It was way too big a project. So I planned things out,  and I decided I kind of had to go something like this. This is how the year would go. So I'd start off light,  and I'd bump it up in the middle months,  and then at the end, I would kick it up into high gear  just like a little staircase. How hard could it be to walk up the stairs? No big deal, right? But then, the funniest thing happened. Those first few months? They came and went,  and I couldn't quite do stuff. So we had an awesome new revised plan.", "zh": "上大学那会儿， 我是学政务专业的， 意味着我得写很多论文。 当一名普通的学生写论文时， 他们也许会像这样， 把任务分摊开。 所以，你明白  开始可能有点慢， 但是一个星期过后已经写了不少， 接下来有时写的更多一些， 最后一切搞定，事情不会搞砸。 我也想这样。 至少我的计划是这样。 我准备好开始， 然而，事实上，到写论文的时候， 我是这么做的。 而且每次写论文都这样。 最后到了写90页毕业论文的时候， 本应该花一年时间去写的论文。 我知道对于这样一篇论文来说， 我平常的做法行不通。 毕业论文是个大项目。 于是我计划好， 决定这么去做。 一年的工作就这么安排。 起初少干点儿， 中间几个月持续干多一点儿， 最后高速档全力以赴 就像小台阶一样。 爬台阶能有多难？ 没什么大不了的，对吧？ 但是接下来，有趣的事发生了。 起初那几个月？ 来了又走， 我基本没干什么。 于是就有了这个 很棒的修改计划。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Against this static view is the belief – or hope – that government investment programs will increase the US economy’s potential output, and thus enable faster non-inflationary growth. Much of Bidenomics is about improving the workforce’s productivity through education and training. But this is a long-term program. In the short run, so-called supply-side “bottlenecks” could drive inflation. There is thus a palpable danger that an overambitious agenda gives way to abrupt policy reversals, renewed recession, and disillusion. There is a steadier course available, but the Biden administration has ignored two radical suggestions that might make its life a lot easier. The first is a federal job guarantee. Put simply, the government should guarantee a job to anyone who cannot find work in the private sector, at a fixed hourly rate not lower than the national minimum wage. Such a scheme has many advantages, but two are key. First, a federal job guarantee would eliminate the need to calculate output gaps, because it would target not future demand for output but present demand for labor. This in turn underwrites an unambiguous definition of full employment: it exists where all who are ready, willing, and able to work are gainfully employed at a given base wage. On this basis, there is substantial underemployment in the United States today, including among people who have withdrawn from the labor market or are working less than they want. Second, the job guarantee acts as a labor-market buffer that expands and contracts automatically with the business cycle. The 1978 Humphrey-Hawkins Act in the US – which was never implemented – “authorized” the federal government to create “reservoirs of public employment” to balance fluctuations in private spending. These reservoirs would automatically deplete and fill up as the private economy waxed and waned, creating a much more powerful automatic stabilizer than unemployment insurance. As Pavlina R. Tcherneva of Bard College says, a job guarantee “continues to stabilize economic growth and prices, using a pool of employed individuals for the purpose rather than a reserve army of the unemployed.” No “management” of the business cycle, with its well-known political risks, is involved. The second radical idea is the economist Vladimir Masch’s compensated free-trade plan.", "zh": "与这种静态观点相反，人们相信 — — 或希望 — — 政府投资计划增加美国经济的潜在产出，从而实现更快的非通胀性增长。 拜登经济学的大部分内容是通过教育和培训提高劳动力的生产率。 但这是一个长期的计划。 从短期来看，所谓的供给方\"瓶颈\"可能会推高通胀。 因此，过于过于宏大的议程显然是危险的 — — 可能发生政策突然转向、衰退卷土重来，以及预期幻灭。 可以走更稳定之路，但拜登政府忽略了两个可以让自己轻松很多的积极建议。 首先是联邦 工作保障。 简言之，政府应该保证在私营部门找不到工作的人都有饭碗，其固定小时工资不低于国家最低工资。 这一计划有很多优点，关键是两条。 首先，联邦就业保障将消除计算产出缺口的需要，因为它的目标不是未来的产出需求，而是目前的劳动力需求。 这反过来奠定了充分就业的明确定义：即所有准备、愿意和能够工作的人都以给定的基本工资有薪就业。 从这个标准看，美国目前就业严重不足，包括那些已经退出劳动力市场或工作少于意愿的人。 其次，就业保障作为劳动力市场的缓冲器，随着商业周期自动扩展和收缩。 1978年美国《 汉弗莱-霍金斯法案 》 （ Humphrey-Hawkins Act）从未实施，该法案\"授权\"联邦政府建立\"公共就业储备 \" ， 以平衡私人支出的波动。 这些储备会随着私营经济的枯荣而消耗和补充，从而产生比失业保险更强大的自动稳定作用。 巴德学院的 帕夫利娜·切尔涅娃（Pavlina R. Tcherneva） 说，就业保障\"持续稳定经济增长和物价，就业人才库未此目的服务，而不是作为事业储备军 \" 。 其中并不涉及商业周期的\"管理\"及其众所周知的政治风险。 第二个积极的想法是经济学家弗拉基米尔·马施（Vladimir Masch）的 有偿自由贸易 计划。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Citizens, National Shirkers CAMBRIDGE – Last October, British Prime Minister Theresa May shocked many when she disparaged the idea of global citizenship. “If you believe you’re a citizen of the world,” she said, “you’re a citizen of nowhere.” Her statement was met with derision and alarm in the financial media and among liberal commentators. “The most useful form of citizenship these days,” one analyst lectured her, “is one dedicated not only to the wellbeing of a Berkshire parish, say, but to the planet.” The Economist called it an “illiberal” turn. A scholar accused her of repudiating Enlightenment values and warned of “echoes of 1933” in her speech. I know what a “global citizen” looks like: I see a perfect specimen every time I pass a mirror. I grew up in one country, live in another, and carry the passports of both. I write on global economics, and my work takes me to far-flung places. I spend more time traveling in other countries than I do within either country that claims me as a citizen. Most of my close colleagues at work are similarly foreign-born. I devour international news, while my local paper remains unopened most weeks. In sports, I have no clue how my home teams are doing, but I am a devoted fan of a football team on the other side of the Atlantic.", "zh": "全球公民，国家逃避者 坎布里奇—去年10月，英国首相梅驳斥了全球公民权的思想，这令许多人感到震惊。 “如果你认为你是世界公民 ， ” 她说 ， “ 那你就哪里的公民也不是 。 ” 她的话引起了财经媒体和自由派评论家的一片批评和警告。 “当今最有用的公民权形式 ， ” 一位分析师向她呛声 ， “ 就是不但要致力于伯克希尔教区的福祉，也要致力于整个地球的福祉 。 ” 《经济学人》称之为“反自由”转变。 一位学者指责她的演讲背弃了启蒙运动价值观，警告这是在“呼应1933年 ” 。 我知道“全球公民”是个什么玩意儿：照照镜子，我就能看到一个完美的样本。 我生长在一国，生活在另一国，并持有两国护照。 我撰写国际经济学文章，我的工作让我要访问非常边远的地区。 我在其他国家旅行的时间比我在两个承认我的公民地位的国家都要多。 我身边的同事大部分也都出生于国外。 我阅读大量国际新闻，订阅的本地报纸倒老是吃灰。 在体育方面，我不知道家乡球队表现如何，但我是大西洋彼岸一家足球俱乐部的铁杆“粉丝 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, there does seem to be some promising news. According to my data, real S&P Composite stock earnings have grown 1.8% per year, on average, since 1881. From the second quarter of 2016 to the second quarter of 2017, by contrast, real earnings growth was 13.2%, well above the historical annual rate. But this high growth does not reduce the likelihood of a bear market. In fact, peak months before past bear markets also tended to show high real earnings growth: 13.3% per year, on average, for all 13 episodes. Moreover, at the market peak just before the biggest ever stock-market drop, in 1929-32, 12-month real earnings growth stood at 18.3%. Another piece of ostensibly good news is that average stock-price volatility – measured by finding the standard deviation of monthly percentage changes in real stock prices for the preceding year – is an extremely low 1.2%. Between 1872 and 2017, volatility was nearly three times as high, at 3.5%. Yet, again, this does not mean that a bear market isn’t approaching. In fact, stock-price volatility was lower than average in the year leading up to the peak month preceding the 13 previous US bear markets, though today’s level is lower than the 3.1% average for those periods. At the peak month for the stock market before the 1929 crash, volatility was only 2.8%.", "zh": "但可以肯定的是，似乎也存在一些让人感觉有前景的好消息。 根据我的数据，自1881年以来标准普尔综合成分股的实际收益平均每年增长1.8 ％ 。 而在2016年第二季度到2017年第二季度之间实际收益增长为13.2 ％ ， 远高于历史年增长率 然而这一高增长并不会减少进入熊市的可能性。 事实上，过去熊市之前的高点月份也往往展现出较高的实际收益增长：所有13次熊市平均下来是每年13.3 ％ 。 此外，在1929~1932年股市出现有史以来最大跌幅之前的市场高点时期，12个月的实际收益增长率为18.3 ％ 。 另一个看上去的好消息是，股价平均波动值 — — 通过计算前一年实际股价每月百分比变动的标准差来得出 — — 是非常低的1.2 ％ 。 而在1872至2017年间的波动性几乎是上述指标的3倍，达到3.5。 然而这也并不意味着熊市并未临近。 事实上在逐渐走向前十三个熊市前高点月的那些年中，股价波动值也是低于平均水平的，虽然当前的水平低于这些时期3.1%的平均水平。 在1929年崩盘之前股市的高点月，波动值只有2.8 ％ 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Italy’s Slow-Motion Euro Train Wreck NEW YORK – The arrival in power of a populist, Euroskeptic government in Italy has focused investors’ minds like few other events this year. The yield differential, or spread, between Italian and German bonds has widened sharply, indicating that investors view Italy as a riskier bet. And Italian equity prices have fallen – particularly in domestic bank shares, the best proxy of country risk – while insurance premia against a sovereign default have increased. There are even fears that Italy could trigger another global financial crisis, especially if a fresh election becomes a de facto referendum on the euro. Even before Italy’s March election, in which the populist Five Star Movement (M5S) and the right-wing League party captured a combined parliamentary majority, we warned that the market was being too complacent toward the country. Italy now finds itself in more than just a one-off political crisis. It must confront its core national dilemma: whether to remain shackled by the euro or try to reclaim economic, political, and institutional sovereignty. We suspect that Italy will compromise and remain in the eurozone in the short run, if only to avoid the damage a full-scale rupture would cause. In the long run, however, the country could increasingly be tempted to abandon the single currency. Since Italy returned to the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1996 – after withdrawing from it in 1992 – it has surrendered its monetary sovereignty to the European Central Bank.", "zh": "众目睽睽下的意大利欧元火车出轨事件 发自纽约 — — 如同今年的其他一些事件一样，一个持民粹主义欧洲怀疑论立场的意大利政府上台的可能性让全球投资者瞪大了眼睛。 意大利和德国债券之间的收益率差距（或差价）大幅拉大，表明投资者认定意大利是一个风险较大的标的。 意大利股价下跌 — — 尤其是作为最佳国家风险测算指标的国内银行股 — — 而针对主权债务违约的保险溢价已经上涨。 甚至有人担心意大利会引发另一场全球金融危机，尤其是因为即将到来的选举很可能成为事实上的欧元全民公决。 即使是在持民粹主义立场的五星运动（Five Star Movement）和右翼联盟党夺取了议会多数议席的三月选举之前，我们就警告过市场不要对该国过于乐观。 如今意大利会发现自己不仅仅是陷入了某种一次性的政治危机，还必须面对其核心国家困境：是继续受欧元的束缚，还是试图重夺经济，政治和机构方面的主权。 我们猜测为了避免全面脱离所导致的破坏，意大利将在短期内妥协并留在欧元区。 但从长远来看，该国可能会越来越倾向于放弃单一货币。 自从意大利于1996年回归欧洲汇率机制之后（该国曾在1992年退出 ） ， 它已将其货币主权让渡给了欧洲央行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "随着现代信息社会快速发展，社会公众对创新性和综合性的时空信息服务需求日益强烈，未来基于短报文通信等特色优势的北斗卫星导航系统，在国民经济关键领域、行业、公共服务及大众市场的应用将得到极大拓展，融合移动通信、互联网技术的位置服务应用，将有力推动卫星导航应用产业结构升级，释放出更加广阔的市场空间。但是，在全球卫星导航多系统并存竞争和产业快速发展的背景下，我国卫星导航。产业仍面临突出问题：一是我国卫星导航系统建设滞后于产业发展需求，应用主。要依赖国外系统；二是缺乏统筹规划，地面应用基础设施整体能力不足与重复建设并存；三是自主创新能力不足，不掌握核心技术，集成应用能力薄弱，相关产品和解决方案与国际先进水平差距较大，北斗卫星导航系统应用市场空间被严重挤压；四是相关政策、法规、标准尚不健全，产业集中度低，缺少龙头企业，产业发展环境亟待优化。因此，需要加快我国全球卫星导航系统建设，推动民用应用系统向北斗卫星导航系统的转移，促进我国卫星导航产业健康可持续发展。", "en": "With the rapid development of modern information society, the public's demand for innovative and comprehensive spatiotemporal information services is becoming increasingly strong. In the future, the Beidou satellite navigation system, based on its characteristic advantages such as short message communication, will greatly expand its applications in key areas of the national economy, industries, public services, and the mass market. The integration of mobile communication and internet technology in location-based services will effectively promote the upgrading of the satellite navigation application industry structure and unleash a broader market space. However, in the context of global competition among multiple satellite navigation systems and the rapid development of the industry, China's satellite navigation industry still faces prominent problems. Firstly, the construction of China's satellite navigation system lags behind the development needs of the industry, and the applications mainly rely on foreign systems. Secondly, there is a lack of overall planning, with insufficient capacity and duplication of ground application infrastructure. Thirdly, there is a lack of independent innovation capability, with a weak grasp of core technologies and integration application capabilities. There is a significant gap between related products and solutions and international advanced levels, resulting in severe market pressure on the Beidou satellite navigation system application market. Fourthly, related policies, regulations, and standards are not yet sound, with low industry concentration and a lack of leading enterprises. The development environment of the industry urgently needs to be optimized. Therefore, it is necessary to accelerate the construction of China's global satellite navigation system, promote the transfer of civil application systems to the Beidou satellite navigation system, and promote the healthy and sustainable development of China's satellite navigation industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When I first began working on the bridge, we had no formal training. You struggled to funnel your way through these calls. This was not only a disservice to those contemplating suicide, but to the officers as well. We've come a long, long way since then. Now, veteran officers and psychologists train new officers. This is Jason Garber. I met Jason on July 22 of last year when I get received a call of a possible suicidal subject sitting on the cord near midspan. I responded, and when I arrived, I observed Jason speaking to a Golden Gate Bridge officer. Jason was just 32 years old and had flown out here from New Jersey. After about an hour of speaking with Jason, he asked us if we knew the story of Pandora's box. Recalling your Greek mythology, Zeus created Pandora, and sent her down to Earth with a box, and told her, \"Never, ever open that box.\" Well one day, curiosity got the better of Pandora, and she did open the box. Out flew plagues, sorrows, and all sorts of evils against man. The only good thing in the box was hope. Jason then asked us, \"What happens when you open the box and hope isn't there?\" He paused a few moments, leaned to his right, and was gone.", "zh": "当我刚开始在这座桥上工作时， 我们没有受过正式的训练， 我在这些呼叫中挣扎前进， 这是帮倒忙， 不仅是对那些想自杀的人， 对警察也是伤害。 从那以后，我们走过了漫漫长路。 如今，经验丰富的老警官和心理学家们 对新警察进行训练。 这位是杰森·加博。 我遇到杰森是在去年6月22日， 那时我接到一个电话， 说可能是一个人要自杀， 正坐在桥中段附近的钢索上。 我回应了，而当我到达时， 我看到了杰森， 他正和一位金门大桥的警官对话。 杰森年仅32岁， 是从新泽西州乘飞机来的。 在与杰森交谈了大约一个小时后， 他问我们是否知道潘多拉之盒的故事。 想一想希腊神话， 宙斯创造了潘多拉， 然后将她降于人间，还有一个盒子， 并告诉她：\"永远不要打开这个盒子。\" 终于有一天，好奇心战胜了潘多拉， 她真的打开了盒子。 飞出了瘟疫、悲伤， 以及对人类有害的种种坏事。 盒内唯一的好东西只有希望。 然后杰森问我们， \"当你打开盒子， 却没有希望，会发生什么？\" 他停顿了一会儿， 向他的右方倒下， 不见了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the Yankees Go Home ISLAMABAD – Relations between the United States and Pakistan have continued to fray since a US Special Forces team killed Osama bin Laden in a comfortable villa near a major Pakistani military academy. But the tit-for-tat retaliation that has followed the raid reflects deeper sources of mistrust and mutual suspicion. The latest round has focused on the alleged activities of the Pakistani military’s powerful intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), in the United States. ISI is accused of watching over the Pakistani diaspora and of sponsoring unregistered lobbyists working to shape congressional opinion. Indeed, this is not the first time that Pakistan’s relations with the US have been on a slippery slope. In 1965, after helping the country to build up its economy and its military strength, the US walked out over the war with India that Pakistan had provoked by sending “freedom fighters” into Kashmir. In 1989, following the Soviet Union’s exit from Afghanistan, the US lost interest in what it now calls AfPak – Afghanistan-Pakistan. The Americans began returning to Pakistan until, in 1998, the Pakistani government decided to follow India in testing an atomic bomb. This led to the imposition of US sanctions – and America’s third exit from Pakistan. That situation remained unchanged when Afghanistan-based Al Qaeda struck America on September 11, 2001. After receiving a “you are either with us or against us” warning from President George W. Bush’s administration, General Pervez Musharraf’s Pakistan decided to side with the US.", "zh": "洋基人回家 伊斯兰堡 — — 美国一支特种部队小组在一所知名巴基斯坦军校附近一栋舒适的别墅里杀死奥萨马·本·拉登后，美国和巴基斯坦之间的关系开始不断恶化。 但袭击后针锋相对的报复行动反应了双方之间更深层次的猜疑和不信任。 在美国，巴基斯坦强大的军方情报机构 — — 三军情报局的所作所为成为新一轮摩擦的焦点。 三军情报局被指监督巴基斯坦人移民，并且出资赞助未经注册的说客影响国会意见。 实际上，巴基斯坦和美国关系下滑也不是第一次了。 1965年，在帮助巴基斯坦提高经济和军事实力后，巴基斯坦派遣“自由战士”进入克什米尔挑起印巴战争导致美国退出。 1989年，随着苏联撤出阿富汗，美国对目前所谓的阿富汗巴基斯坦区域失去了兴趣。 直到1998年巴基斯坦政府决定步印度后尘试验原子弹，美国才开始对巴基斯坦的回归。 巴基斯坦核试验决策招致美国制裁 — — 以及美国第三次从巴基斯坦撤出。 直到2001年9月11日驻阿富汗的基地组织袭击美国之前，一直维持着这样一种形势。 在接到乔治·W·布什总统“要么与我们为友、要么为敌”的最后通牒后，巴基斯坦的穆沙拉夫将军决定和美国站在一起。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The enormous vessel settled slowly. Following it down, the Nautilus kept watch on its every movement. Suddenly there was an eruption. The air compressed inside the craft sent its decks flying, as if the powder stores had been ignited. The thrust of the waters was so great, the Nautilus swerved away. The poor ship then sank more swiftly. Its mastheads appeared, laden with victims, then its crosstrees bending under clusters of men, finally the peak of its mainmast. Then the dark mass disappeared, and with it a crew of corpses dragged under by fearsome eddies. . . . I turned to Captain Nemo. This dreadful executioner, this true archangel of hate, was still staring. When it was all over, Captain Nemo headed to the door of his stateroom, opened it, and entered. I followed him with my eyes. On the rear paneling, beneath the portraits of his heroes, I saw the portrait of a still-youthful woman with two little children. Captain Nemo stared at them for a few moments, stretched out his arms to them, sank to his knees, and melted into sobs.", "zh": "那艘巨大战舰慢慢地下沉。诺第留斯号追随着它，窥伺着它的所有动作。忽然战舰上发生了爆炸。被压缩的空气把战舰的甲板轰跑了，就像船舱中着了火一样。海水涌入的力量十分强大，影响到诺第留斯号，它也倾斜了。这么一来，那艘不幸受害的战船就迅速地下沉。它的桅槁架满挤着遇难人，首先现出来，其次是它的横木架，上面有一串一串的人把它压得弯曲了，最后是那大桅顶。然后，那沉黑的巨体沉没水中，跟它一起，这一群死尸组成的船员都被强大无比的漩涡拉下……我转过头来看尼摩船长。这个可怕的裁判执行人，是真正的仇恨天神，眼睛老是盯着看。当一切都完了，尼摩船长向他的房门走去，把门打开，走进房中。我眼看着他。在他房间里面的嵌板上，他的那些英雄人物的肖像下面，我看到一个年纪还轻的妇人和两个小孩的肖像。尼摩船长两眼看这肖像一下，向像中人伸出两只胳膊，同时跪着，抽咽起来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If that meant that the EU would end up bribing Erdoğan with several billion euros in order to violate international legislation protecting refugees like Shabbir, so be it. In September alone, another 2,238 refugees arrived in Lesbos, despite Turkey’s attempts to cut the flow. A camp designed for 2,000 people now “houses” three times that number. In early October, the first autumnal storms turned the Moria camp into a mud field again. Europe pretends to itself that this crime against humanity is no one’s fault. The Greek authorities blame the EU for not providing funds, the EU blames Greece for not doing enough with available funds, and large NGOs are preoccupied with maintaining their own line of command and funding. The only survivors in this moral shipwreck are the local grassroots teams – comprising volunteers from all over the world and smaller NGOs – that have been keeping the spirit of humanity alive. Meanwhile, the West in general, and the EU in particular, perpetuates the economic, environmental, and military factors driving the unfolding humanitarian disaster. Galrim, another Pakistani refugee in Lesbos, explained to us Europe’s blunder: “The Islamist extremists have a plan. By spreading fear and loathing,” he says, “they wish to ghettoize refugees in Europe, to cut them off from European societies, to make them victims of European xenophobia. It is their recruitment strategy by which to stoke the fires of East-West hatred and render them significant players.” Galrim should know.", "zh": "如果这意味着欧盟将因此用数十亿欧元来贿赂埃尔多安去违反保护沙比尔这样的难民的国际法，也照做不误。 尽管土耳其试图切断难民流，但光是在9月份，就有2,238名难民到达莱斯博斯。 一座设计容量2,000人的难民营，目前“定居”着三倍于此的人数。 10月初，秋季的第一场风暴就让莫利亚难民营重新夷为一片泥地。 欧洲假装这场人道犯罪并不是谁的错。 希腊当局指责欧盟没有提供资金，而欧盟指责希腊没有充分利用可用资金，而大型非政府组织在使命和资金方面各自为政。 在这艘道德的沉船上，唯一能够独善其身的只有地方草根团队 — — 他们由来自全世界的志愿者和小型非政府组织组成，并一直坚守着人道主义谨慎。 与此同时，西方特别是欧盟导致了引发人道主义灾难的经济、环境和军事因素始终难以根治。 另外一名莱斯博斯的巴基斯坦难民加尔林（Galrim）向我们诉说了欧洲的愚蠢 ： “ 伊斯兰极端分子有一套计划。 通过散播恐惧和憎恨 ， ” 他说 ， “ 他们想要让难民在欧洲集中，切断他们与欧洲社会的联系，让他们成为欧洲仇外主义的受害者。 他们的招募策略煽动了东方-西方怨恨，也给了他们一手好牌 。 ” 加尔林应该知道这些。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Central banks have been stung by growing criticism that their policy mix of low or even negative interest rates, combined with quantitative easing, has given the wealthier members of society huge uncovenanted gains by pushing up asset prices. Those fortunate members of society with money to invest in stocks, high-end property, and expensive artworks have seen their net worth grow rapidly as funds flowed into appreciating assets. So central bankers have been forced to defend their actions and to attempt to prove that, taken in the round, the chosen policy mix has also benefited poorer families by sustaining jobs. Some have been convinced by that argument; others not so much. The mixed reaction has drawn a further response from monetary authorities. One element has been rhetorical. In 2009, less than 0.5% of all central bankers’ speeches recorded on the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) database mentioned inequality, or the distributional consequences of their policies. In 2021, the figure is 9%, almost 20 times as many. But talk is cheap. Is there any evidence that a concern for inequality has influenced policy? Indeed, is there any evidence that monetary policy can be used to moderate or reverse growing inequality? The Chief Economist of the BIS, Claudio Borio, believes there is. He argued at the end of last month that “there is a lot that monetary policy can do to foster a more equitable distribution over business cycles.” Part of the argument is traditional, drawn from the textbook of central banking 101. He refers to “the havoc that high inflation can wreak on the poorer segments of society,” and shows that income inequality tends to decline when inflation averages less than 5%. So far, so conventional. But he accepts that there can be a problem if interest rates are kept low for a long time to fight off recession. In those circumstances, “there may be a trade-off in terms of wealth inequality.” That is particularly true, he thinks, in the case of financial recessions, which can be more long-lasting, and where interest rates need to be held down for a long period to allow credit excesses to be worked off. So, what is the answer? It is “a more holistic macro-financial stability framework.” Oh, dear.", "zh": "中央银行震惊于它们受到越来越多的批评，认为它们低利率甚至负利率政策组合与量化宽松相结合，通过推高资产价格给社会中较富裕的成员带来了巨大的意外收益。 那些有钱投资股票、高端房产和昂贵艺术品的幸运的社会成员，随着资金流入升值资产，他们的净资产迅速增长。 因此，央行官员被迫为自己的行为辩护，并试图证明，从整体上看，所选择的政策组合也通过维持就业而使贫困家庭受益。 有些人已经被这个论点说服了；其他人没有那么容易。 这种不一的反应引起了货币当局的进一步动作。 一个要素是口风。 2009 年，国际清算银行 (BIS) 数据库所记录的所有央行行长的讲话中，只有不到 0.5% 提到不平等或其政策的分配后果。 到 2021 年，这个数字是 9 % ， 几乎翻了 20 倍。 但说起来容易。 有证据表明对不平等的担忧影响了政策吗？ 事实上，有证据表明货币政策可以用来缓和或扭转日益加剧的不平等吗？ 国际清算银行首席经济学家克劳迪奥·博里奥 (Claudio Borio) 认为有。 他在上个月底指出 ， “ 货币政策可以做很多事情来促进整个商业周期上的更公平的分配 。 ” 部分论点是传统的，可以从央行基本教科书中找到。 他提到“高通胀会对社会较贫困阶层造成严重破坏 ” ， 并表示当通胀平均低于 5% 时，收入不平等往往会下降。 到这里一切都很传统。 但他承认，如果利率长期保持在低位以抵御经济衰退，可能会出现问题。 在这种情况下 ， “ 可能会出现一个财富不平的权衡 。 ” 他认为，在金融衰退的情况下尤其如此，这种衰退可能会更持久，而且需要长期压低利率以消除信贷过剩。 所以答案是什么？ 是“一个更全面的宏观金融稳定框架 ” 。 哦，天哪。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why China is Right on the Renminbi BERKELEY – After a period of high tension between the United States and China, culminating earlier this month in rumblings of an all-out trade war, it is now evident that a change in Chinese exchange-rate policy is coming. China is finally prepared to let the renminbi resume its slow but steady upward march. We can now expect the renminbi to begin appreciating again, very gradually, against the dollar, as it did between 2005 and 2007. Some observers, including those most fearful of a trade war, will be relieved. Others, who see a substantially undervalued renminbi as a significant factor in US unemployment, will be disappointed by gradual adjustment. They would have preferred a sharp revaluation of perhaps 20% in order to make a noticeable dent in the US unemployment rate. Still others dismiss the change in Chinese exchange-rate policy as beside the point. For them, the Chinese current-account surplus and its mirror image, the US current-account deficit, are the central problem. They argue that current-account balances reflect national savings and investment rates. China is running external surpluses because its saving exceeds its investment. The US is running external deficits because of a national savings shortfall, which once reflected spendthrift households but now is the fault of a feckless government. There is no reason, they conclude, why a change in the renminbi-dollar exchange rate should have a first-order impact on savings or investment in China, much less in the US. There is no reason, therefore, why it should have a first-order impact on the bilateral current-account balance, or, for that matter, on unemployment, which depends on the same saving and investment behavior. In fact, both sets of critics have it wrong. China was right to wait in adjusting its exchange rate, and it is now right to move gradually rather than discontinuously. The Chinese economy is growing at potential: forecasts put the prospective rate for 2010 at 10%; the first-quarter flash numbers, at 11.9%, show it expanding as fast as any economy can safely grow. China successfully navigated the crisis, avoiding a significant slowdown, by ramping up public spending.", "zh": "人民币渐进升值完全正确 伯克利 — — 前一阵子，美中关系非常紧张，到4月初最严重的时候，差点爆发一场全面贸易战。 目前，形势已有所缓和，中国即将调整汇率政策这一点，也已经明朗了。 最终，中国准备让人民币重拾缓慢、稳步升值的脚步。 我们现在可以预计，人民币将再度开始对美元渐进升值，就像2005到2007年时那样。 一部分观察家，尤其是那些最担心贸易战的人，应该可以放心了。 但其他一些人，认为人民币低估是造成美国失业的一个重要因素，渐进升值会令他们失望。 他们更希望见到人民币一下子升值20 % ， 从而明显地遏制美国的失业上升势头。 还有一些人则认为，中国调整汇率政策是避重就轻。 在他们看来，中国经常账户盈余和相应的美国经常账户赤字才是问题的关键。 他们说经常账户平衡是国民储蓄—投资率的反映。 中国账上之所以有对外盈余，是因为其国民总储蓄超出其国民总投资。 美国账上之所以是对外赤字，是因为其国民总储蓄不足 — — 以前这得怪居民的过度开支，现在则是政府大手大脚的错。 他们从而得出结论说，人民币对美元汇率上的调整没有理由对中国的储蓄与投资产生重大影响，更别提对美国的储蓄与投资有什么影响了。 因此，看不出这个调整能对双方经常账户的平衡起到什么显著作用，换言之，对美国的失业也不会有什么作用，因为后者也是储蓄和投资行为的一种反映。 事实上，上述两种批评都错了。 不论是之前暂缓调整汇率，还是现在选择渐进调整而非激进调整，中国都是对的。 中国经济的增长率接近潜在增长率：多方预测2010年中国经济将增长10 % ； 第一季度的初步统计是11.9 % ， 表明中国经济的扩张速度已达到安全增长水平的上限，再快就不安全了。 中国成功地应对了全球金融危机，避免了大幅度的经济减速，靠的是扩大公共支出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "新型功能材料产业，主要包括新型金属功能材料、新型功能陶瓷材料、稀土功能材料、高纯元素及化合物、表面功能材料、高品质新型有机活性材料、新型膜材料、功能玻璃和新型光学材料、生态环境材料、高品质合成橡胶、高性能密封材料、新型催化材料及助剂、新型化学纤维及功能纺织材料、其他功能材料等。新型金属功能材料，主要包括稀有稀贵金属材料如金属储氢材料等。新型功能陶瓷材料，主要包括热电陶瓷材料等。稀土功能材料，主要包括高性能稀土（永）磁性材料及其制品等。高纯元素及化合物，主要包括高功率石墨电极等。表面功能材料，主要包括功能型涂料等。高品质新型有机活性材料，主要包括高品质无机颜料等。新型膜材料，主要包括生物功能和仿生分离膜材料等。功能玻璃和新型光学材料，主要包括光功能玻璃及纤维等。生态环境材料，主要包括生物材料等。高品质合成橡胶，主要包括耐热、耐蚀、耐磨损功能橡胶等。", "en": "The new functional materials industry mainly includes new metal functional materials, new functional ceramic materials, rare earth functional materials, high-purity elements and compounds, surface functional materials, high-quality new organic active materials, new membrane materials, functional glass and new optical materials, ecological environmental materials, high-quality synthetic rubber, high-performance sealing materials, new catalytic materials and additives, new chemical fibers and functional textile materials, and other functional materials. New metal functional materials mainly include rare and precious metal materials such as metal hydrogen storage materials. New functional ceramic materials mainly include thermoelectric ceramic materials. Rare earth functional materials mainly include high-performance rare earth (permanent) magnetic materials and their products. High-purity elements and compounds mainly include high-power graphite electrodes. Surface functional materials mainly include functional coatings. High-quality new organic active materials mainly include high-quality inorganic pigments. New membrane materials mainly include biological functional and biomimetic separation membrane materials. Functional glass and new optical materials mainly include optical functional glass and fibers. Ecological environmental materials mainly include biological materials. High-quality synthetic rubber mainly includes heat-resistant, corrosion-resistant, and wear-resistant functional rubber."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Will Rising Interest Rates Torpedo Stock and House Prices? Interest rates around the world are poised to rise. Short-term rates have gone so low since the worldwide recession of 2001 - 1% and 2%, respectively, in the United States and the Eurozone, and practically zero in Japan - that a strengthening world economy will force central banks to tighten the monetary reins. Australia's central bank has already been raising rates since May 2002, and Great Britain's since November 2003. In the US, the two-day Federal Open Market Committee meeting on June 29-30 is likely to mark a major turning point, reversing the steady decline of the benchmark federal funds rate since Alan Greenspan began loosening monetary policy in 2001. This is likely to be followed by rate increases in China, the Eurozone, and elsewhere. Given the tendency of central banks to change interest rates gradually, any change of direction likely means more changes in the same direction later. What will this landmark change mean for prices of such assets as stocks and homes? In theory, when interest rates go up, there is reason to believe that asset prices will go down. The higher interest rates go, the better are investments in bonds, which compete with investments in other assets such as stocks or homes. Higher interest rates also raise the cost of borrowing to buy these assets, which may diminish demand for them, exerting downward pressure on their prices.", "zh": "利率上升会危及股价和房价吗？ 世界范围内的银行利率都呈上升之势。 短期利率自2001年世界经济不景气以来已降到如此之低-美国和欧元区的利率分别为1%和2 % ， 日本的利率几乎为零-以至于正在走强的世界经济会迫使各国央行收紧货币政策。 澳大利亚中央银行自2002年5月以来就一直在调高利率，英国自2003年11月以来也一直在这么做。 在美国，即将于6月29-30日召开的联邦开放市场委员会会议可能会标志一个重要的转折点。 它会扭转自格林斯潘2001年放松货币政策以来基准联邦基金利率持续降低的趋势。 这有可能进一步带动中国、欧元区和其它地区调高利率。 由于各国央行通常会逐渐调整利率，所以某一大方向上的调整往往意味着一种持续而来的趋势。 这一重大调整对诸如股票和住房一类的资产又意味着什么呢？ 从理论上讲，当利率提高时，人们就有理由相信资产价格会走低。 利率越高，债券的投资行情就越被看好。 投资债券与投资股票和房产是一种竞争的关系。 更高的利率还会使用于购买这些资产的贷款成本增加。 增加的贷款成本可能会减少人们对这些资产的需求，并给这些资产施加降价的压力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发行人是一家主要从事重组蛋白质及其长效修饰药物研发、生产及销售的国家创新型生物医药企业，已开发完成4个治疗用生物技术产品派格宾、特尔立、特尔津、特尔康，用于病毒性肝炎、恶性肿瘤等疾病的治疗。 2016年公司历时14年开发的生物制品国家1类新药——长效干扰素派格宾获批上市，成为国内自主研发的全球首个40kD聚乙二醇长效干扰素α-2b注射液。 派格宾的药物研发及相关临床应用得到了4项“重大新药创制”国家科技重大专项的支持，拥有独创的结构设计及完整的专利保护，突破了国外医药巨头的专利封锁，入选中国医药生物技术协会评选的当年度“中国医药生物技术十大进展”。 公司是重组人粒细胞巨噬细胞刺激因子、重组人粒细胞刺激因子、重组人白介素-11、重组人干扰素a2a、重组人干扰素a2b等多个国家标准物质的原料提供单位；多次参与国家同质标准品的研制和协作标定。 此外，公司多次参与美国药典委员会（USP）、世界卫生组织（WHO）等国际机构组织的标准品协作标定。 发行人产品具有较高的附加值，毛利率保持较高的水平，报告期主营业务毛利率平均值为87.80%。 在药品营销方式上，通过公司自身学术推广团队对公司产品的药理特性、适应症、使用方法及最新临床研究成果进行专业化的学术推广；公司保持较高的研发投入，持续的高水平研发投入保障了公司在新药研发领域的可持续增长能力。", "en": "The issuer is a national innovative biopharmaceutical company mainly engaged in the research and development, production, and sales of recombinant proteins and their long-acting modified drugs. It has developed four therapeutic biotechnology products, Pegbin, Telri, Teljin, and Telkang, for the treatment of viral hepatitis, malignant tumors, and other diseases. In 2016, the company's 14-year development of a biologic product, Pegbin, a long-acting interferon, was approved for listing as a national class 1 new drug, becoming the world's first 40kD polyethylene glycol long-acting interferon α-2b injection independently developed in China. The drug development and related clinical applications of Pegbin have been supported by four major national science and technology projects for \"major new drug creation.\" It has original structural design and complete patent protection, breaking through the patent blockade of foreign pharmaceutical giants, and was selected as one of the \"Top Ten Advances in Chinese Pharmaceutical Biotechnology\" by the China Association for Pharmaceutical Biotechnology in the same year. The company is a raw material provider for multiple national standard substances, including recombinant human granulocyte macrophage colony-stimulating factor, recombinant human granulocyte colony-stimulating factor, recombinant human interleukin-11, recombinant human interferon a2a, and recombinant human interferon a2b. It has participated in the development and collaborative calibration of national homogeneity standards multiple times. In addition, the company has participated in the collaborative calibration of standard substances by international organizations such as the United States Pharmacopeia (USP) and the World Health Organization (WHO). The issuer's products have high added value, and the gross profit margin remains at a high level. The average gross profit margin of the main business during the reporting period was 87.80%. In terms of drug marketing, the company conducts specialized academic promotion of its products through its own academic promotion team, focusing on the pharmacological characteristics, indications, usage methods, and the latest clinical research results. The company maintains a high level of research and development investment, ensuring its sustainable growth capability in the field of new drug development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump does not want to reform the system; he wants to sink it. In fact, with Trump seeking to use bilateral deals to secure reductions in America’s trade deficit, the possibility that the US will leave the WTO altogether – a nightmare scenario for the EU, which advocates shared norms over force – cannot be excluded. Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama, had his own solution. New multilateral frameworks – the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with Asia and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the EU – would circumscribe China’s room for maneuver. As such frameworks brought about regulatory convergence, the US and the EU would be able to define the standards of the emerging new global economy, forcing China either to accept those standards or be left behind. But this project has now been fatally undermined. Obama’s effort to finalize both agreements before the end of his presidency, though understandable, bred serious concerns about hastiness. Europeans recognized that full regulatory convergence between the US and the EU would, in reality, take at least a decade. So, under pressure from their citizens, European leaders began to express concern about what the TTIP was lacking in terms of, say, environmental and sanitary regulations and transparency. Given their shared interest in regulatory convergence, particularly to strengthen their position vis-à-vis China, the US, and the EU will eventually have to resume cooperation toward that end. But, as long as Trump is in power, advocating bilateral reciprocity over multilateralism, such an effort will probably be impossible.", "zh": "特朗普并不想改革现有制度；他想要废弃它。 事实上，因为特朗普试图利用双边协定来减少美国贸易赤字，美国未来彻底退出世贸组织的可能性将无法排除 — — 这对欧盟而言不啻于一场噩梦，后者一直主张不使用武力而使用共同规则。 特朗普的前任奥巴马提出了自己的解决方案。 新一代多边框架协定 — — 与亚洲的跨太平洋伙伴关系（TPP）和与欧盟的跨大西洋贸易和投资伙伴关系（TTIP ） — —将会限制中国的回旋空间。 因为这样的框架协定会带来监管趋同效应，美国和欧盟将能借此定义新兴全球经济标准，从而迫使中国要么接受要么被甩开。 但该计划已经遭到了致命的破坏。 奥巴马试图在任期结束前最终敲定这两份协定的努力虽然可以理解，但却引发了对匆忙决策的严重关切。 欧洲人认识到美国和欧洲间实现全面监管趋同实际上至少需要十年时间。 因此在国内民众的压力下，欧洲领导人开始对环境和卫生法规及透明度的缺乏表达关注。 因为在监管趋同，尤其是强化对中国立场方面拥有共同的利益，美国和欧盟最终将不得不恢复合作。 但只要特朗普掌权，积极宣扬双边互惠并压制多边主义，这样的努力也许根本就不可能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Japanese government is probably too sophisticated to exert direct pressure on the content of the scholarships and programs it sponsors, though some professors have told me in private that there could be worry of needlessly upsetting donors by supporting doctoral research on subjects that might seem provocative. China, however, goes about things in a very different way. Criticism of Xi, especially but not only regarding human rights in Xinjiang or Tibet, is quickly punished. China slapped economic sanctions on Australia after the Australian government called for an independent inquiry into the origins of COVID-19. Similarly, Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch, was barred from entering Hong Kong because his organization had criticized China’s human-rights record. In short, what Peverelli, or anyone else, really thinks is irrelevant. Subsidies from China don’t come without a quid pro quo. This may be true of many kinds of financial support. What matters is whether there are strings attached. Governments have political priorities. Private donors, whether former criminals or not, have personal interests. But academic independence cannot be guaranteed if financial donations come with expectations of intellectual conformity and political compliance. The Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam has realized this now. Better late than never.", "zh": "日本政府可能手法比较老练，让人看不出它对赞助的奖学金和项目内容施加了什么直接压力，但一些教授曾私下跟我表示他们会担心是否应该支持某些可能涉及挑衅性课题的博士研究，因为那会不必要地激怒其捐助者。 而中国的做事方式则大相径庭。 对习近平的批评 — — 尤其但不限于对新疆或西藏人权状况的批评 — — 会很快受到惩罚。 在澳大利亚政府要求对新冠病毒的起源进行独立调查后中国当即对其实施了多项经济制裁。 同样，人权观察组织执行主任肯尼思·罗夫（Kenneth Roth）被禁止进入香港，因为他的组织曾批评过中国的人权记录。 简而言之，佩韦雷利或其他任何人的真实想法其实并不重要。 中国的资助并可不是没有交换条件的。 许多种类的财务支持可能都是如此，关键在于有无附加条件。 大学需要资金，媒体机构有商业诉求，政府有政治优先事项，而私人捐助者，无论是否曾经犯罪，都怀有个人利益。 但如果财务赠与伴随着对学术响应和政治顺从的期望，那么学术独立性就无法得到保证。 阿姆斯特丹自由大学现在已经意识到这一点 — — 迟到总比不到好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Something came whizzing down the kitchen chimney as he spoke and caught him sharply on the back of the head. Next moment, thirty or forty letters came pelting out of the fireplace like bullets. The Dursleys ducked, but Harry leapt into the air trying to catch one. \"Out! OUT!\"Uncle Vernon seized Harry around the waist and threw him into the hall. When Aunt Petunia and Dudley had run out with their arms over their faces, Uncle Vernon slammed the door shut. They could hear the letters still streaming into the room, bouncing off the walls and floor.\"That does it,\" said Uncle Vernon, trying to speak calmly but pulling great tufts out of his mustache at the same time. I want you all back here in five minutes ready to leave. We're going away. Just pack some clothes. No arguments!\"He looked so dangerous with half his mustache missing that no one dared argue. Ten minutes later they had wrenched their way through the boarded-up doors and were in the car, speeding toward the highway. Dudley was sniffling in the back seat; his father had hit him round the head for holding them up while he tried to pack his television, VCR, and computer in his sports bag.", "zh": "在他说话的时候，厨房的烟囱一直飕飕作响，接着有什么东西突然掉在了他的后脑勺上。再下来，三十或者四十封信像子弹一样从烟囱里飞了下来。杜斯利一家吓得躲到了一边，哈利趁机跳起来抓到了一封——\"出去！给我出去！\"维能姨丈把哈利拦腰抱起丢进了客厅。帕尤妮亚姨妈和达德里抱着脸跑出了厨房，维能姨丈砰的一声把门关上了。他们还可以听到那些信通过烟囱掉在墙上和地板上的声音。\"就这样办吧，\"维能姨丈一边拔下一搓胡子一边尽量平静地说，\"我命令你们用五分钟的时间收拾好东西准备离开。我们必须离开这里，只许带几件衣服，不要跟我讲条件！\"他看上去十分可怕，因为他的胡子已被拔去了一半，于是没有人敢反抗。十分钟以后，他们已经拆掉被打死的门坐到了车子里，向高速公路开去。达德里在后座上哭哭啼啼，因为刚刚他的爸爸因为他耽误了时间而打了他的头。当时达德里试着把他的电视机、录像机和电脑通通装进旅行袋。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In some European countries, where income inequality has remained in check, this has been a component of a deliberate strategy to maintain employment growth and competitiveness in the tradable part of the economy, with wage restraint partly shared across the income distribution. In the United States, income inequality has risen as the upper end of the income and education spectrum benefits from globalization, while the rest experience declining employment opportunities in the tradable sector. For two decades prior to the 2008 crisis, employment levels were maintained – and downward pressure on incomes mitigated – by creating jobs in non-tradable sectors. In some cases, this took the form of rapid growth in government; in others, like the US, a pattern of excessive, debt-fueled consumption underpinned a large shift in employment to (non-tradable) services and construction. Indeed, government and health care (both largely non-tradable) accounted for almost 40% of net employment growth in the US between 1990 and 2008. That pattern came to a sudden stop in the financial crisis of 2008. Private-sector leverage declined and public-sector leverage reached – and exceeded – sustainable limits, with Greece being only the most extreme example. But expectations created by pre-crisis growth patterns adjust slowly. Because the dominant narrative still maintains that the pre-crisis period was normal, at least in terms of the growth pattern in the real economy, the perceived challenge is to restore growth according to the pre-crisis pattern.", "zh": "在一些收入不平等程度仍然较小的欧洲国家，维持就业增长和可贸易部分的竞争力已成为有意为之的战略，工资限制在一定程度上是由所有收入水平阶层共同承担的。 在美国，高端收入和教育人群受益于全球化，而其他阶层则因可贸易部门就业机会不断减少而受到了打击，因此收入不平等性增加了。 在2008年危机爆发前的20年时间里，就业水平得以维持，收入水平的下降压力也得到了缓解，这要归功于非贸易部门所创造的就业岗位。 在一些国家，这是由政府部门的快速扩张实现的；而其他国家（比如美国）则走了一条债务驱动的过度消费模式，用（不可贸易的）服务和建筑部门吸收大量就业。 事实上，1990—2008年间，政府和医疗部门（均为不可贸易部门）创造了美国就业岗位净增量的近40 % 。 2008年金融危机的爆发让这一模式戛然而止。 私人部门的杠杆降低了，而公共部门的杠杆已经触及（并超过）了可持续的最大规模，希腊只是一个较极端的例子。 但产生于危机前增长模式的预期的调整速度并没有那么快。 主流观点仍认为危机前的时期属于常态，至少从实体经济增长模式的角度看是如此，因此人们认定当前挑战在于用危机前模式重塑增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, crop loss becomes serious as a result of frosts and droughts. Whereas a below-threshold level of climate change may not affect the risk of frost or drought, a higher level increases disproportionately the risk of these extreme events. It is precisely when the consequences of climate change are large that we are least able to absorb the costs. There’s no insurance fund to draw upon if we need investments to respond to large increases in sea levels, unforeseen health risks, and migration on a massive scale as a result of climate change. The fact is that in these circumstances, our world will be poorer, and less able to absorb these losses. Finally, those who argue for a wait-and-see approach to climate change – that it’s a waste of money to take large actions today for an uncertain risk far in the future – typically discount these future losses at a high rate. That is, whenever one takes an action that has a future cost or benefit, one must assess the present value of these future costs or benefits. If a dollar 50 years from now is worth the same as a dollar today, one might be motivated to take strong action to prevent a loss; but if a dollar 50 years from now is worth three cents, one wouldn’t. The discount rate (how we value future costs and benefits relative to today) thus becomes critical. US President Donald Trump’s administration has in fact said that one wouldn’t want to spend more than roughly three cents today to prevent a dollar loss in 50 years.", "zh": "例如，由于霜冻和干旱，农作物损失变得严重。 低于阈值水平的气候变化可能不会影响发生霜冻或干旱的风险，而高于该水平则会不成比例地增加这些爆发极端事件的风险。 而我们才最无力去承担气候变化的成本之时恰恰是当其后果变得巨大之时。 没有保险基金可以拿钱出来让我们投资于应对海平面大幅上涨，不可预见的健康风险以及气候变化所导致的大规模移民。 事实上在这种情况下我们的世界将变得更加贫穷，消化这些损失的能力也将降低。 最后，那些主张对气候变化采取观望态度的人 — — 即所谓今天采取大规模行动来应对未来的不确定风险是浪费金钱 — — 通常都会以较高的折扣来评估这些未来的损失。 也就是说每当有人采取一项具有未来成本或收益的行动时，就必须评估这些未来成本或收益的现值。 如果五十年后的一美元与今天的一美元一样值钱，可能会激励人们采取有力行动来止损。 但是如果50年后的一美元只相当于现在的三美分，那么人们就不会采取行动。 因此折现率（我们如何评估相对于今天的未来成本和收益）就显得至关重要。 特朗普政府实际上已经表示当前不想花费超过三美分来防止50年后的一美元损失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More broadly, COVID-19 has exposed the shortcomings of narrow nationalism and populist policies that disdain scientific evidence and empathy. No country, regardless of its power or size, can tackle the public-health threat effectively on its own. It is essential that leaders learn from their mistakes and heed the recommendations of the expert Independent Panel for Pandemic Preparedness and Response. Only properly financed, integrated, and organized health systems will be able to withstand future pandemics and health emergencies. As matters stand, however, the rich world’s failures in tackling COVID-19 have increased the trust deficit between the Global North and South. This in turn will make it more difficult to reach an agreement at the next critical international diplomatic gathering: the COP26 climate summit in Glasgow in November. All countries need to ratchet up their near-term emissions-reduction targets ahead of COP26, and we are still waiting for the major emitters to do so. In addition, rich countries must rebuild trust by showing how they will increase their climate finance contributions – including a greater share for adaptation – to deliver the long-pledged $100 billion per year to help developing countries combat global warming and its effects. Two common threads run through the shared challenges we face in defending human rights, overcoming the pandemic, and tackling the climate crisis: the need for vigilance against complacency, and the responsibility to act for the greater good. In these testing times, we can all draw inspiration from a leader who never wavered in his commitment to human rights and justice: Nelson Mandela. It is a historical irony that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in the same year that South Africa established its apartheid regime. But Mandela immediately saw the declaration’s power and potential. Speaking in 1997 as president of South Africa, he reflected that, “For all the opponents of this pernicious system, the simple and noble words of the Universal Declaration were a sudden ray of hope at one of our darkest moments.” Today more than ever, we need to rediscover and reassert the declaration’s principles of solidarity and common endeavor that Mandela so powerfully articulated throughout his life. Our task now is not to “build back better,” because we cannot build back from a status quo ante that produced inequitable and dysfunctional systems.", "zh": "从更广义的角度讲，2019年新冠疫情暴露了狭隘民族主义和民粹主义政策的缺陷，因为它们对科学证据和同情心嗤之以鼻。 无论其规模及实力如何，没有哪个国家可以凭借一己之力有效面对公共卫生威胁。 领导人必须从错误中汲取教训，并且听取疫情防范与应对独立专家小组的建议。 只有资金充足、统一且井然有序的医疗系统才能抵御未来疫情和卫生紧急事件的侵袭。 但就目前情况而言，富裕世界应对新冠疫情的失败已经加深了全球南北国家间的信任赤字。 而这反过来，又将导致在下一次重要国际外交会议上达成协议变得更加困难：那就是今年11月将在格拉斯哥举办的COP26气候峰会。 所有国家都必须在COP26峰会召开前逐步调高近期的减排目标，而迄今为止，我们仍在静待主要排放国完成这项任务。 此外，富国应通过展示如何提高气候融资贡献 — — 包括更大比例的适应出资 — — 来重建信任，真正兑现早就承诺的每年1，000亿美元，以协助发展中国家应对全球变暖及其影响。 我们在捍卫人权、战胜疫情和应对气候危机等领域所面临的共同挑战都有两条共同线索：警惕洋洋自得，以及有责任捍卫共同利益。 在这样充满考验的时刻，我们可以从纳尔逊·曼德拉这位从未动摇过对人权和正义信心的领导人身上得到启示。 颇具历史讽刺意味的是，世界人权宣言通过的同一年，南非种族隔离制度建立。 但曼德拉立即看到了宣言的力量和潜力。 他曾在1997年的一次总统演讲中表示 ， “ 对这项邪恶制度的所有反对者而言，世界人权宣言简单而高贵的语言突然在最黑暗的时刻为我们带来了希望的光明 。 ” 今天，相比以往任何时候，我们都更需要重新发现并重申曼德拉终其一生都如此有力阐述的团结和共同努力的原则性宣言。 我们现在的任务不是“更好的重建 ， ” 因为从产生不平等乃至混乱制度的现状重建没有任何意义。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And he doesn't grow roses because they use too much water, by the way. So the first step is to inspire young people, and in that room, Mohamed's presence had a really profound impact on the youth in that room. They had never really thought about starting up a business. They've thought about working for an NGO, working for the government, but his story, his innovation, really had a strong impact on them. He forced them to look at their city as a place of opportunity. He empowered them to believe that they could be entrepreneurs, that they could be change makers. By the end of the day, they were coming up with innovative solutions to some of the biggest challenges facing their city. They came up with entrepreneurial solutions to local problems. So inspiring young people and creating a culture of entrepreneurship is a really great step, but young people need capital to make their ideas a reality. They need expertise and mentorship to guide them in developing and launching their businesses. Connect young people with the resources they need, provide them the support they need to go from ideation to creation, and you will create catalysts for urban growth. For me, entrepreneurship is more than just starting up a business. It's about creating a social impact. Mohamed is not simply selling flowers. I believe he is selling hope. His Peace Park, and that's what he calls it, when it's created, will actually transform the way people see their city. Aden hired street kids to help rent out and maintain those bikes for him. He gave them the opportunity to escape the paralysis of waithood. These young entrepreneurs are having a tremendous impact in their cities. So my suggestion is, turn youth into entrepreneurs, incubate and nurture their inherent innovation, and you will have more stories of flowers and Peace Parks than of car bombs and waithood. Thank you.", "zh": "顺便说下，他之所以不种植玫瑰 是因为它们需要很多水分 所以第一步就是要鼓舞年轻人 所以在那个房间里，Mohamed的出席 对在座的年轻人影响非常深 他们从没想过能创业 他们想过为民间组织工作 为政府工作 但在这个故事里，他的创新 对那些年轻人的影响非常大 他使得那些年轻人用机遇之地 重新看待这座城市 他使得他们相信他们也能成为企业家 也能成为改变世界的人 那一天结束之前，他们想出了 新颖的解决办法 解决这个城市目前一些最为棘手的问题 他们想出了企业式的解决方法 对付当地的问题 所以激励年轻人 创造企业文化 是很大的一步跨越 但年轻人需要资金 来实现他们的想法 他们需要专业知识和导师指导 带领他们发展和启动他们的商业 为年轻人提供他们需要的资源 为他们提供需要的支持，帮助他们从构思转变到创造 你就等同于为城市发展创造催化剂 对我来说，企业家精神不仅仅是 开启商业 它还包括创造社会影响 Mohamed不单是在卖花 我相信他也是在销售希望 他的和平公园，名字是他取的 当它建立之时，将会真正意义上 改变人们对这座城市的看法 Aden雇佣街边的孩童帮他出租 也帮他维护那些摩托车 他给了他们机会去挣脱 去挣脱等待成年期的无奈 这些年轻的企业家 都对他们的城市有着深远的影响 所以我的建议是 带动更多年轻人成为企业家 培养发展他们内在的创新精神 那么就会有更多花和和平公园的故事出现 而不是那些汽车炸弹和等待成年期的故事 谢谢"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They hated communism, but, convinced that the system could not be reformed, they avoided the democratic opposition. While others took risks or sat in jails, they functioned in official and legal structures. One should not blame anyone today for such behavior. But it is surprising when these people accuse participants in the Prague Spring and the democratic opposition of links with communism. Communism was obviously an instrument of Soviet domination over conquered societies, but it was also a modus vivendi for large parts of these nations under the conditions in which they were obliged to live. Imre Nagy, the leader of the Hungarian revolt in 1956, and Dubcek became parts of their national legends, which belies the claim that communism was exclusively a foreign imposition. The Prague Spring appealed to elementary values: freedom, pluralism, tolerance, sovereignty, and rejection of the dictates of communist orthodoxy. When I recall these events after 40 years, I see not only revolt, but also the great illusion that it might be possible to outfox the Kremlin and painlessly move society from communism to democracy. This belief was naïve, but it also underpinned a national awakening in which the potential for freedom found its voice.", "zh": "他们痛恨共产主义，但是却相信体制无法改良，回避要求民主的反对派。 当其他人冒险或者蹲监狱的时候，他们在官场和法律界活动。 人民不应当在今天指责这样的行为。 但是，这些人指责布拉格之春的参与者以及反共民主反对派的时候就令人惊讶了。 共产主义明显是苏联统治其所征服的社会的工具，但是它也是这些国家中那些不得不在这一情形下谋杀的大多数人的方式。 1956年匈牙利革命领导人纳吉以及杜布切克成为各自国家的象征，这就否定了那种共产主义完全就是外国强加之物的说法。 布拉格之春感召了基本价值，也就是自由、多元、宽容、主权以及拒绝共产主义教条。 四十年后我重温这些往事的时候，我看到的不仅是反抗，而且还有巨大的幻觉，也就是或许有可能智胜苏联、毫无痛苦地把社会从共产主义移向民主。 这一信念是天真的，但是也突出了自由表达潜能的民族觉醒。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fear Factor LOS ANGELES – The debate over fiscal expansion versus consolidation continues to divide the developed world. In response to the global recession of 2008, the United Kingdom embarked on an austerity program while the United States enacted an $800 billion fiscal stimulus. Despite a softening economy, British Prime Minister David Cameron is promising to stay the austerity course. Obama, too, is sticking to his guns with his recent proposal for an additional $450 billion of government expenditure and tax cuts to help boost employment. Unemployment in the US has remained above 9% for 22 of the last 24 months. While some are supporting additional stimulus, others are calling for UK-style austerity. But would either of these approaches reduce unemployment most effectively, or would a new round of “quantitative easing” (an unconventional form of economic stimulus by which the central bank purchases financial assets) work better? With Nobel prize-winning economists on both sides of the current debate about how to solve the unemployment problem, the public is rightly confused. Paul Krugman and Joseph Stiglitz are calling for an even larger fiscal stimulus to target government spending on education and infrastructure investment. On the other side, Robert Mundell, Myron Scholes, and Reinhard Selten have called for “draconian measures” to tame debt levels. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) that Obama passed barely three weeks after his inauguration was disappointing. An $800 billion stimulus did not have the effect for which its proponents hoped, largely because it was accompanied by a big increase in private savings. Backers of the stimulus plan now claim that things would have been much worse without ARRA. I am skeptical. A better approach to reducing unemployment would be a new and expanded round of quantitative easing. I am heartened by calls for this in the UK, and that the talk is now turning to the purchase of risky assets, such as corporate bonds or bundles of loans to the private sector, as opposed to long-term government securities. This is a step in the right direction that I have been advocating for the past three years. But I would go even further.", "zh": "恐惧因素 洛杉矶 — — 关于财政扩张还是财政整合的争论在发达世界愈演愈烈。 为了应对2008年的全球衰退，英国实施了财政紧缩，而美国抛出了8 000亿美元财政刺激。 尽管经济疲软，但英国首相卡梅伦仍然承诺将把紧缩进行到底。 奥巴马则继续着财政刺激，在最新的方案中提出追加4 500亿美元政府支出和减税，以帮助提振就业。 在过去24个月中，美国的失业率有22个月高于9 % 。 有些人支持进一步实施刺激以，但其他人要求实施英国式的紧缩计划。 这两种做法可以有效地使失业降下来吗？ 再来一轮“量化宽松 ” （ 通过央行买入金融资产实现的非常规经济刺激）效果会更好吗？ 诺贝尔经济学奖获得者在如何解决失业问题上也分裂为两个阵营，这让公众无所适从。 保罗·克鲁格曼（Paul Krugman）和约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨（Joseph Stiglitz）认为应该扩大财政刺激，以教育和基础设施投资上的政府支出为目标。 另一方面，罗伯特·蒙代尔（Robert Mundell ） 、 迈仑·斯科尔斯（Myron Scholes）和莱茵哈德·泽尔腾（Reinhard Selten）认为应该采取“严厉措施”来控制债务水平。 奥巴马在正式就任总统大约三周后就出台了美国复苏和再投资法案（ARRA ） ， 但该法案令人失望。 8 000亿美元的财政刺激并未达到支持者所希望看到的效果，主要原因是该投入的资金都被私人储蓄大增所抵消了。 如今，刺激计划支持者声称，如果不是ARRA，将会糟糕得多。 我对此不敢苟同。 就减少失业而言，更好的办法是新一轮扩大的量化宽松。 英国已经出现了这样的声音，而且有人提出应该购买风险资产（比如公司债券和流向私人部门的贷款束）而不是长期政府证券，这令我倍感欣慰。 这一举措与我过去三年来所呼吁采取的措施不谋而合。 但我还要更进一步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I would aim to have more trust in the trustworthy but not in the untrustworthy. In fact, I aim positively to try not to trust the untrustworthy. And I think, of those people who, for example, placed their savings with the very aptly named Mr. Madoff, who then made off with them, and I think of them, and I think, well, yes, too much trust. More trust is not an intelligent aim in this life. Intelligently placed and intelligently refused trust is the proper aim. Well once one says that, one says, yeah, okay, that means that what matters in the first place is not trust but trustworthiness. It's judging how trustworthy people are in particular respects. And I think that judgment requires us to look at three things. Are they competent? Are they honest? Are they reliable? And if we find that a person is competent in the relevant matters, and reliable and honest, we'll have a pretty good reason to trust them, because they'll be trustworthy. But if, on the other hand, they're unreliable, we might not. I have friends who are competent and honest, but I would not trust them to post a letter, because they're forgetful. I have friends who are very confident they can do certain things, but I realize that they overestimate their own competence.", "zh": "我会说，人们应该对值得信赖的更加地信任。 而不是去信任不值得信赖的人。 实际上，我所说的目的是尽量不要信任不值得信赖的人。 比如说，那些 把自己的积蓄交给那个看起来很象样的 却把他们的钱都卷走的麦道夫先生 的人，我觉得那些人呀，怎么说呢，对， 太容易信任别人了。 过度地信任别人不是一个很明智的目的。 明智地信任和明智地选择不信任 才是正确的目的。 那么有人说，好呀，好， 这不就是说最重要的 不是要去信任，而是信誉度吗？ 就是说要判断别人在某些方面 是否值得信任。 我觉得要想正确做出判断需要考虑三点。 要看他们是否称职？是否诚实？是否可靠？ 如果我们觉得一个人是称职的， 在他自己的领域是称职的。 而且是诚实可靠的。 我们就有理由去相信他们， 因为他们是可信赖的。 但是反过来，如果他们不可靠，那我们就不能信任他们。 我有一些诚实可靠的朋友， 但我就信不着他们去帮我寄信， 因为他们很健忘。 我有些非常自信的朋友， 他们很能干， 但是我觉得他们有些过于自信。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加强农机装备薄弱环节研发。加强大中型、智能化、复合型农业机械研发应用，打造农机装备一流企业和知名品牌。推进粮食作物和战略性经济作物育、耕、种、管、收、运、贮等薄弱环节先进农机装备研制。加快研发制造适合丘陵山区农业生产的高效专用农机。攻关突破制约整机综合性能提升的关键核心技术、关键材料和重要零部件。加强绿色智能畜牧水产养殖装备研发。推进农业机械化全程全面发展。健全农作物全程机械化生产体系，加快推进品种、栽培、装备集成配套。加大对智能、高端、安全农机装备的支持力度，突出优机优补、奖优罚劣，支持探索研发制造应用一体化，提升我国农机装备水平和国际竞争力。推进机械装备与养殖工艺融合，提升畜牧水产养殖主要品种、重点环节、规模养殖场以及设施农业的机械化水平。推动绿色环保农机应用。加强机耕道、场库棚、烘干机塔等配套设施建设，发展“全程机械化+综合农事”等农机服务新模式。专栏3农业质量效益和竞争力提升工程。", "en": "Strengthen the research and development of weak links in agricultural machinery and equipment. Strengthen the research and development and application of large and medium-sized, intelligent, and composite agricultural machinery, and build first-class enterprises and well-known brands in agricultural machinery and equipment. Promote the research and development of advanced agricultural machinery and equipment for weak links in the cultivation, management, harvesting, transportation, and storage of grain crops and strategic economic crops. Accelerate the research and development and manufacturing of efficient specialized agricultural machinery suitable for hilly and mountainous agricultural production. Overcome key core technologies, key materials, and important components that restrict the improvement of the overall performance of agricultural machinery. Strengthen the research and development of green and intelligent livestock and aquaculture equipment. Promote the comprehensive development of agricultural mechanization. Improve the whole process mechanization production system for crops, and accelerate the integration of varieties, cultivation, and equipment. Increase support for intelligent, high-end, and safe agricultural machinery and equipment, highlight the selection of excellent machinery and the elimination of inferior ones, support the exploration of integrated research, development, manufacturing, and application, and enhance the level of agricultural machinery and equipment in China and international competitiveness. Promote the integration of machinery and equipment with breeding processes, and improve the mechanization level of major livestock and aquaculture species, key processes, large-scale breeding farms, and facility agriculture. Promote the application of green and environmentally friendly agricultural machinery. Strengthen the construction of supporting facilities such as farm roads, storage sheds, and drying towers, and develop new models of agricultural machinery services such as full-process mechanization + comprehensive farming. Column 3: Enhance the quality, efficiency, and competitiveness of agriculture."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "娄永琪 同济大学设计创意学院教授、院长、博士生导师。 瑞典哥德堡大学、意大利米兰理工大学、芬兰阿尔托大学客座教授。 长期致力于社会创新和可持续设计实践、教育、研究，积极探索设计在新时代的新使命、新角色、新方法和新工具，并将“设计驱动式创新”应用到城乡交互、产业转型、创新教育、社区营造、政策研究等多个领域。 目前担任全国艺术专业学位研究生教育指导委员会委员、WDO（世界设计组织）执委、中国工业设计协会副主席、维也纳应用艺术大学国际咨询委员会主席、意大利高等理工学院（米兰理工大学和都灵理工大学）科学委员会委员，曾任CUMULUS国际艺术、设计与媒体院校联盟副主席、瑞典艺术设计研究平台国际咨询委员会委员等国内外学术职务；担任She Ji： the Journal of Design， Innovation， and Economics (Elsevier) 的创刊执行主编、Design Issues (MIT Press)编委、Journal of Visual Art Practice (Taylor & Francis)编委。", "en": "Yongqi Lou Professor, Dean, and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Design and Innovation, Tongji University. Visiting Professor at University of Gothenburg, Sweden, Polytechnic University of Milan, Italy, Aalto University, Finland. She has long been committed to practice, education and research of social innovation and sustainable design, actively explores the new mission, new roles, new methods and new tools of design in the new era, and applies Design-driven Innovation to a number of fields including Urban-rural Interaction, Industrial Transformation, Innovative Education, Community Building, and Policy Research. Currently he serves as the Member of the National Art Professional Degree Graduate Education Steering Committee, Member of the Executive Committee of the World Design Organization, Vice Chairman of China Industrial Design Association, Chairman of the International Advisory Committee of the Vienna University of Applied Arts, Member of the Scientific Committee of the Italian Polytechnic Institute (Polytechnic University of Milan and Politecnico di Torino), and he formerly served as Vice Chairman of CUMULUS International Art, Design and Media College Alliance, Member of the International Advisory Committee of the Swedish Art Design Research Platform, the Founding Executive Editor of She Ji: the Journal of Design, Innovation, and Economics (Elsevier), and the Editorial Member of Design Issues (MIT Press) and Journal of Visual Art Practice (Taylor & Francis)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Stickiness of Pandemic-Driven Economic Behavior MUMBAI/SAN FRANCISCO –When COVID-19 arrived, firms, workers, and consumers had to adapt quickly in order to continue operating under the constraints that the pandemic imposed. As vaccines enable a resumption of more “normal” activities, at least in some countries, the extent to which these changes will stick is one of the most pressing questions businesses face. Our research finds that the persistence of pandemic-induced behavioral changes will depend on a combination of corporate decisions and government policies, which in turn determine choices by consumers and employees. These factors don’t always conspire to make consumer preferences stick. For example, surveys indicate that 30-50% of consumers intend to buy sustainable products. But such products typically account for less than 5% of overall sales, in part because companies charge higher prices for them and governments offer no purchasing incentives. In contrast, the global disruption triggered by COVID-19 created a perfect storm in which some shifts in consumer behavior were matched by changes in business operations and government regulations. Many such behaviors in fact accelerated practices that held promise before the pandemic but had failed to gain traction because of cost concerns or widespread skepticism. The virus, by creating an opportunity to experiment with them, made their value much more apparent. Moreover, advances in digital technologies helped create a broad ecosystem to support these behavioral changes. Some companies combined videoconferencing with augmented-reality technologies for the first time to enable technicians in one location to repair machinery at another site. Other businesses stepped up investment in robotic processing, thereby transforming management of routine paperwork. The cost savings and convenience resulting from the use of such tools are likely to bolster the staying power of remote work and reduce business travel, among other changed practices. To determine whether such pandemic-driven shifts will endure, we examined a wide array of behaviors. We applied a “stickiness test” to each, taking into account consumers’ and workers’ preferences, as well as the actions of companies – including the innovation unlocked by digital tools – and government policies. Consider online retail. Many consumers who shopped online for groceries out of necessity during the pandemic have found it convenient.", "zh": "疫情经济行为的粘性 发自孟买/旧金山 — — 当新冠病毒来袭时，企业、劳动者和消费者都必须迅速适应以便在疫情产生的各项限制下继续过日子。 而随着疫苗让更多的“正常”活动得以恢复，这些变化（至少在一些国家）能在多大程度上延续下去则是企业面临的最紧迫问题之一。 我们的研究发现这类疫情下行为变化的持久性取决于企业决策和政府政策的结合，而这反过来又决定了消费者和员工的选择。 但这些因素的合力并不总是能让消费者偏好一直延续。 比如调查显示30~50%的消费者打算购买可持续产品，但此类产品通常只占总体销售额的不到5 % ， 部分原因就是企业对此类产品的定价较高，同时政府也不会提供购买激励。 相比之下，由新冠引发的全球混乱触发了一场令消费者行为的某些转变与商业运营和政府法规的变化相匹配的完美风暴。 许多这类行为事实上加速了那些在疫情之前就崭露头角、但却出于成本或普遍怀疑态度而未能得到推广的做法。 病毒为它们创造了一个实践机会，使其价值越发得以凸显。 此外数字技术的进步也协助创造了一个广泛的生态系统来支持这些行为变化。 一些公司首次将视频会议和增强现实技术结合起来，使身处异地的技术人员能够对另一处的机器进行维修。 其他企业加强了对机器人处理流程的投资并以此改变了对日常文书工作的管理。 使用这些工具所带来的成本节约和便利可能会增强远程工作的持久力，减少商务旅行，还会改变其他一些做法。 为确定这种由疫情驱动的转变能否延续，我们广泛考察了一系列行为。 我们对每一种行为都进行了“粘性测试 ” ， 其中包括消费者和劳动者的偏好，以及企业的行动 — — 包括数字工具所释放的各类创新 — — 和政府政策。 以在线零售为例，在疫情期间许多消费者出于需要在网上购买各类杂货并体验到了便利性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "忽然，“无尸不欢”战队的中心塔遭到攻击！ 高佑明着急开口：“‘无尸不欢’集中走中路，可‘君临天下’显然提前研究过他们的战术，从边路集中来到中心，‘无尸不欢’虽然来到了天子脚下，可此刻也不得不集中回来救援……快看！天哪，‘尸长’竟然一个人回城，也太自大了！ 话说到这里，乔恋却开口：“我跟你刚好意见不同。‘尸长’一个人回城，肯定是算好了时间！” 这话落下，就看到他们这方已经已经派出了特种兵！ ‘尸长’回城，血满，加上特种兵的帮忙，竟然以一敌三，直接将对方斩杀！ 与此同时，自己的队友也击溃了对方的中心塔！ 高佑明感叹：“真是年轻，竟然敢这么干。", "en": "Suddenly, ‘We Love the Dead’s central tower was suddenly attacked by the enemy team! Gao Youming anxiously said, “‘We Love the Dead’ chose to focus their efforts on the middle lane. However, ‘Sovereigns Ruling the World’ had obviously seen through their tactics, and thus they shifted their positions from the edges of the map to the centre. Even though ‘We Love the Dead’ is within an inch of victory, they currently have no option but to rush back to provide aid and assistance… but look! Oh my goodness, ‘Zombie Leader’ is the only player returning back to their base. That’s so conceited of him! The results are clear…” As he finished, Qiao Lian instead rebutted his words, saying, “I don’t really agree with you. ‘Zombie Leader’ is returning to base alone because he has already predicted that this exact scenario would happen!” As she finished speaking, she saw that ‘We Love the Dead’ had already sent out their special soldiers! ‘Zombie Leader’ returned to base, his blood gauge full. Furthermore, thanks to the boost from the special soldiers, he was able to fend off three players at once! It was an absolute bloodbath! At the same time, his teammates struck the opponents’ central tower. The match ended with ‘We Love the Dead’ as the winners!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Brexit’s Questions for Europe MADRID – In three months, British citizens will have to decide whether or not to remain in the European Union. But they are not the only ones who must consider their political future. The upcoming referendum also poses two important questions for the rest of Europe. The first question is which outcome Europeans would and should prefer. Some have already written off the United Kingdom, claiming that a partner that would consider leaving is not the kind of partner they want, anyway. Whether or not one shares this opinion, the point is worth studying. Indeed, it would be naive not to ask whether retaining a member that is challenging the very principle of European integration would really be in the EU’s best interests. The reality is that the British public debate on sovereignty will not end when the votes are counted. After all, even if the majority says “yes” to the EU, a share of the population – a substantial one, according to the polls – will remain convinced that Brexit would have been much better for the UK. Given this, debates and negotiations involving the UK and its European partners will continue to feature deep disagreements over the restrictions and conditions that accompany membership in the EU. For years to come, the British will demand a constant drumbeat of reaffirmation that they made the right choice. This is an important consideration that should not be dismissed out of hand. But it should not lead the rest of Europe to favor Brexit.", "zh": "欧洲的英国退出问题 马德里—三个月后，英国公民必须决定是否留在欧盟。 但他们不是唯一必须考虑政治未来的一群人。 即将到来的全民公决也给欧洲其他国家带来了两个重要问题。 第一个问题是欧洲人将偏好和应该偏好哪个结果。 一些人已经把英国一笔勾销，声称考虑离开的伙伴已经不是他们想要的伙伴了。 不管你是否赞同这一观点，它的要点值得思考。 事实上，不问一问保留一个挑战欧洲一体化原则的成员是否真的符合欧盟的最佳利益是幼稚的。 现实是，英国公众对主权问题的争论不会因为投票而结束。 毕竟，即使大部分人对欧盟投“是”票，一定比例 — — 根据民调，这个比例不小 — — 的人口仍然认为英国退出对英国更有利。 基于此，英国及其欧洲伙伴的争论和谈判将继续在围绕欧盟成员资格的限制和条件上存在深刻分歧。 在多年的时间里，英国人将要求不断地确认他们做出了正确的选择。 这是一个重要的考虑，不应该置之不理。 但也不应该因此导致欧洲其他地区偏向英国退出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Brexit and the Future of Europe NEW YORK – Britain, I believe, had the best of all possible deals with the European Union, being a member of the common market without belonging to the euro and having secured a number of other opt-outs from EU rules. And yet that was not enough to stop the United Kingdom’s electorate from voting to leave. Why? The answer could be seen in opinion polls in the months leading up to the “Brexit” referendum. The European migration crisis and the Brexit debate fed on each other. The “Leave” campaign exploited the deteriorating refugee situation – symbolized by frightening images of thousands of asylum-seekers concentrating in Calais, desperate to enter Britain by any means necessary – to stoke fear of “uncontrolled” immigration from other EU member states. And the European authorities delayed important decisions on refugee policy in order to avoid a negative effect on the British referendum vote, thereby perpetuating scenes of chaos like the one in Calais. German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to open her country’s doors wide to refugees was an inspiring gesture, but it was not properly thought out, because it ignored the pull factor. A sudden influx of asylum-seekers disrupted people in their everyday lives across the EU. The lack of adequate controls, moreover, created panic, affecting everyone: the local population, the authorities in charge of public safety, and the refugees themselves. It has also paved the way for the rapid rise of xenophobic anti-European parties – such as the UK Independence Party, which spearheaded the Leave campaign – as national governments and European institutions seem incapable of handling the crisis. Now the catastrophic scenario that many feared has materialized, making the disintegration of the EU practically irreversible. Britain eventually may or may not be relatively better off than other countries by leaving the EU, but its economy and people stand to suffer significantly in the short to medium term. The pound plunged to its lowest level in more than three decades immediately after the vote, and financial markets worldwide are likely to remain in turmoil as the long, complicated process of political and economic divorce from the EU is negotiated. The consequences for the real economy will be comparable only to the financial crisis of 2007-2008.", "zh": "英国退出与欧洲的未来 纽约—我认为，英国与欧盟之间的协议已是最为有利的了，它身为共同市场成员而不属于欧元区，并且保有诸多其他不实行欧盟规则的选择权。 饶是如此，仍不足以阻止英国选民选择脱离。 为什么？ 答案可以从“英国退出”全民公决前几个月所进行的民意调查中一窥端倪。 欧洲移民危机和英国退出互相强化。 “脱欧”阵营抓住恶化的难民状况 — — 成千上万寻求庇护者在加莱集中，不惜一切代价要进入英国，诸如此类符号化的骇人图片 — — 煽动对来自其他欧盟成员国的“失控”的移民的恐慌。 而欧洲当局推迟了重要的难民政策决定，以避免对英国全民公决造成消极影响，从而让加莱等地的乱象持久持续。 德国总理默克尔决定洞开国门迎接难民，这是一个鼓舞人心的姿态，但考虑欠妥，因为这样做没有考虑到拉动因素。 寻求庇护者的猛然涌入干扰了全体欧盟人民的日常生活。 此外，控制力不足还造成了恐慌，影响到所有人：本地居民，负责公共安全的当局、以及难民本身。 这也为仇外反欧政党的迅速崛起创造了条件 — — 比如英国脱欧阵营领袖独立党（Independence Party ） — —因为国家政府和欧洲机构似乎无力应对这场危机。 如今，许多人所担心的灾难情景成为了现实，欧盟解体实际已经无可挽回。 退出欧盟的英国可能会比其他国家相对状况好一些，也可能差一些，但在短期和中期，其经济和人民必定会蒙受巨大的损失。 公决之后，英镑立即下跌至三十多年来的最低水平，在漫长而复杂的脱欧政治和经济谈判进行期间，全球金融市场可能一直保持动荡。 对实体经济所造成的后果只有2007—2008年的金融危机才能与之相提并论。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Pandemic Pain of Emerging Markets CAMBRIDGE – The public-health and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic have varied across countries. This is true even among emerging-market and developing economies (EMDEs), which, compared to advanced economies, have higher poverty rates, poorer health care, and a lower share of jobs that can be performed remotely. And yet, surprisingly, COVID-19 infection and death rates have so far been lower in most EMDEs than in the United States and Europe, as Pinelopi Goldberg and Tristan Reed have noted (and as Raghuram Rajan has also pointed out). But this may partly reflect massive undercounting, and in any case the situation is evolving rapidly. Latin America’s EMDEs have been the worst hit, with those of Southeast Asia the least affected. Vietnam and Thailand, for example, have reported remarkably few cases so far. Obvious possible reasons why the coronavirus has hit Latin America so hard include the region’s inequality, large and densely populated cities, sizeable informal sectors, inadequate public-health systems, and high levels of internal migration. A less obvious factor is that Latin America has less recent experience of pandemics than East Asia or Africa, where SARS and Ebola have made people more aware of the dangers of deadly viruses and the consequent need for social distancing. The picture in Sub-Saharan Africa is unclear. Although the numbers of COVID-19 cases and deaths to date are relatively low, owing perhaps in part to the region’s young population, the situation in South Africa is worsening quickly. Apparently COVID-19 hotspots emerge in major metropolises with busy international airports – think of Milan, London, New York, and now Johannesburg – and then spread to neighboring regions with a lag. There are also significant differences within regions. In Latin America, Brazil and Mexico are suffering especially badly: Brazil has reported more COVID-19 cases and deaths than any country except the US. Uruguay seems to be coping the best – but not by following US President Donald Trump’s logic of conducting fewer tests in order to report fewer cases.", "zh": "新兴市场的疫情之痛 发自剑桥—新型冠状病毒疫情对各国公众健康和经济造成的影响各不相同，甚至在新兴市场和发展中经济体内部也是如此。 与发达经济体相比前者的贫困率更高，医疗保健水平较低，适合远程办公的岗位占总就业的比率也较小。 然而令人惊讶的是，正如佩内洛佩·戈德博格（Pinelopi Goldberg）和特里斯坦（Tristan Reed ） — —还有拉古兰·拉贾（Raghuram Rajan）在视频中 — — 所指出的那样，到目前为止大多数新兴市场和发展中经济体的新冠病毒感染率和死亡率均低于美国和欧洲。 但这可能在某种程度上反映出当地统计数据存在大规模遗漏，且疫情状况肯定也在迅速发展变化。 拉美新兴市场和发展中经济体受灾最严重，东南亚则受灾最少，比如越南和泰国迄今就只报告了为数不多的病例。 而拉丁美洲之所以会遭如此沉重打击的一些显而易见的潜在原因包括该地区的不平等状况、城市人口稠密，非正规部门庞大，公共卫生系统配置不足以及频繁的内部迁徙。 另一个不太显著的因素则是与东亚或非洲相比拉美在近十几年内积累的流行病经验要少得多 — — SARS和埃博拉病毒使东亚或非洲人更加意识到致命病毒的危害以及随之而来的社会隔离需求。 撒哈拉以南非洲的情况尚不明朗。 尽管到目前为止该地新冠病毒病例和死亡人数相对较低，但可能部分是由于人口相对年轻所致，但南非的局势正在迅速恶化。 很显然，新冠病毒热点都会首先出现在拥有繁忙国际机场的主要大都市中（例如米兰、伦敦，纽约以及当前的约翰内斯堡 ） ， 并在隔一段时间之后扩散到邻近地区。 而区域内部也存在显着差异。 在拉丁美洲，巴西和墨西哥的受灾状况尤为严重：巴西报告的新冠病毒病例和死亡人数比美国以外的任何国家都多。 乌拉圭似乎正在仿效那些最佳应对操作 — — 但不是遵循美国总统特朗普那种实施更少测试以报告更少病例的逻辑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From the jihadist perspective – the one that American or French Muslims, for example, may pick up in training camps in Afghanistan, Syria, and Yemen – daily life is ultra-violent. Death is pervasive, coming as often as not from the bombs, drones, and troops of the United States, France, and other Western powers. And the victims are often the innocent “collateral damage” of Western strikes that hit homes, weddings, funerals, and community meetings. We in the West hate to acknowledge – and most refuse to believe – that our leaders have been flagrantly wasteful of Muslim lives for a century now, in countless wars and military encounters instigated by overwhelming Western power. What is the message to Muslims of the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003? More than 100,000 Iraqi civilians – a very conservative estimate – died in a war that was based on utterly false pretenses. The US has never apologized, much less even recognized the civilian slaughter. Or consider Syria, where an estimated 200,000 Syrians have recently died, 3.7 million have fled the country, and 7.6 million have been internally displaced in a civil war that was stoked in no small part by the US, Saudi Arabia, and other allied powers. Since 2011, the CIA and US allies have poured in weapons, finance, and training in an attempt to topple President Bashar al-Assad. For the US and its allies, the war is little more than a proxy battle to weaken Assad’s patrons, Iran and Russia.", "zh": "从圣战者的角度讲 — — 比如美国或法国穆斯林在阿富汗、叙利亚和也门的训练营中所体验到的 — — 日常生活是极度暴力的。 死亡无处不在，即使没有美国、法国和其他西方列强的炸弹、无人机和军队也是家常便饭。 而受害者往往是针对家园、婚礼、葬礼和社区集会的西方打击的无辜的“附带伤害 ” 。 我们西方人讨厌承认 — — 常常也拒绝相信 — — 如今，我们的领导人明目张胆践踏穆斯林生命已经一个世纪，数不清的战争和军事冲突都是由具压倒性实力的西方列强挑起的。 美国所领导的2003年入侵伊拉克对穆斯林来说意味着什么？ 超过100,000伊拉克平民 — — 这是相当保守的估计 — — 在这场基于完全虚伪的借口的战争中丧命。 美国从未道歉，甚至连承认屠杀平民也没有。 再以叙利亚为例，据估计，目前已有200,000叙利亚人死去，370万人逃离祖国，760万人在国内流离失所，而这场内战与美国、沙特阿拉伯和其他联合力量有着脱不开的干系。 2011年以来，中央情报局和美国盟友大量提供武器、资金和训练，目的是推翻总统巴沙尔·阿萨德。 对美国及其盟国来说，这场战争只不过是一场旨在削弱巴沙尔赞助人 — — 伊朗和俄罗斯的代理战争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They acted as if the strategy that helped end the crisis could achieve the same traction in fostering a cyclical rebound in the real economy. In fact, they doubled down on the cocktail of zero policy rates and balance-sheet expansion. And what a bet it was. According to the Bank for International Settlements, central banks’ combined asset holdings in the major advanced economies (the US, the eurozone, and Japan) expanded by $8.3 trillion over the past nine years, from $4.6 trillion in 2008 to $12.9 trillion in early 2017. Yet this massive balance-sheet expansion has had little to show for it. Over the same nine-year period, nominal GDP in these economies increased by just $2.1 trillion. That implies a $6.2 trillion injection of excess liquidity – the difference between the growth in central bank assets and nominal GDP – that was not absorbed by the real economy and has, instead been sloshing around in global financial markets, distorting asset prices across the risk spectrum. Normalization is all about a long-overdue unwinding of those distortions. Fully ten years after the onset of the Great Financial Crisis, it seems more than appropriate to move the levers of monetary policy off their emergency settings. A world in recovery – no matter how anemic that recovery may be – does not require a crisis-like approach to monetary policy. Monetary authorities have only grudgingly accepted this. Today’s generation of central bankers is almost religious in its commitment to inflation targeting – even in today’s inflationless world.", "zh": "他们的所作所为仿佛是认定那些有助于结束危机的战略也可以在促进实体经济周期性反弹方面达到同样的效果，因此他们将零政策利率和资产负债表扩张的鸡尾酒疗法用药量增大了一倍。 这个赌注是如此之大，根据国际清算银行的统计，过去九年来中央银行在各主要发达经济体（美国，欧元区和日本）的合共持有的资产增加了8.3万亿美元，从2008年的4.6万亿美元扩大到2017年初的12.9万亿美元。 但这一庞大的资产负债表扩张却没有体现出来。 在同样的九年间这些经济体的名义GDP增长了2.1万亿美元。 这意味着6.2万亿美元的过剩流动性注入 — — 中央银行资产增长与名义GDP之间的差 — — 并未被实体经济所吸收，而是在全球金融市场中徘徊，扭曲了整个风险波段的资产价格。 这类扭曲早该得到纠正，而正常化就是药方。 在金融危机爆发十多年之后将货币政策杠杆从紧急状态下解除出来似乎再合适不过了。 无论复苏有多疲软，一个复苏中的世界都已经不需要那种危机式的货币政策操作手法了。 但众多货币当局只是勉强接受了这一点。 当前这一代中央银行家对通货膨胀目标有着近乎宗教式的狂热 — — 即便在今天这个缺乏通货膨胀的世界上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is partly because Liberals have usually thrived by winning seats from Conservatives when Conservative administrations are unpopular. Conservatives, for their part, think of Liberals as combining sanctimoniousness with hard-ball electoral tactics. Moreover, there are substantial policy differences between the two parties, with Liberals placing political reform at the top of their agenda, in order to establish an electoral system that would suit them better. Despite all this, the marriage has taken place, with the two parties’ smart, attractive, and socially similar leaders – David Cameron and Nick Clegg – taking a bold gamble on their ability to get this new show on the road and to keep it there. Cameron and Clegg have agreed, in a constitutional innovation, that the coalition should last the full five years until the deadline for the next election. They have hammered out a common platform that has involved give-and-take on both sides. The Liberals have taken five seats in the Cabinet, and more in the lower ministerial ranks. The Conservatives have agreed to hold a referendum on whether Britain should change its first-past-the-post electoral system to an alternative-vote arrangement. For both parties, the biggest justification for this unorthodox act of political courage is the scale of the economic problems facing Britain. The Liberal-Conservative coalition inherits, by common consent, the worst economic legacy since the war, with a huge hole in the public finances that is starting to look ever deeper as new ministers get a chance to inspect things for themselves. Indeed, Liam Byrne, the outgoing Labour budget chief, left a note to his successor saying “I’m afraid there is no money. Kind regards and good luck.” It was meant to be a joke. But there won’t be many laughs when cherished public programs are cut, welfare entitlements curbed, and taxes raised. The bond markets will demand quick and effective action. So the new government has no alternative but to begin the long haul of restoring the nation’s finances to the black. The lesson for other governments is clear: if you want independence of action, don’t put yourself in hock.", "zh": "这在某种程度上是因为当保守党政府不受欢迎时自由党人往往通过夺取保守党人的席位而得势。 在保守党人看来，自由党人只不过是一帮喜欢耍下三滥手段却还要假装清高的人罢了。 此外，两党在某些政策上还存在着巨大分歧，自由党人总是把政治改革放在议程的第一位，以便建立一个对它们有利的选举体制。 然而虽然有上述困难存在，这场政治联姻却最终得以成功举行，双方的两位机智，迷人且善于交际的领导人 — — 大卫·卡梅隆和尼克·克列格 — — 都冒了巨大的风险将这出新戏搬上舞台并将其导演下去。 作为一项体制创新，卡梅隆和克列格双方都同意将联盟维持整整5年直到下一次大选来临。 他们打造了一个双方都各有取舍的平台。 自由党人取得了五个内阁大臣席位以及更多的部长级职位。 保守党人则同意举行全民公决，确定英国是否要将其得票数多者当选的选举制度，转换成选民依个人偏好来给候选人排序，最终偏好程度高低来确定胜者(alternative-vote)的新选举安排。 对双方来说，推动这一需要极大政治勇气的非传统举动的最大理由就是英国目前所面对的大规模经济问题。 两党联盟继承了自二战以来公认最大的经济烂摊子，估计当新任部长们得以亲自视察问题之时，公共财政的窟窿甚至已经开始不断扩大了。 事实上，即将离职的工党首席预算官员利亚姆·伯恩在自己的办公室里给继任者留了张字条，上面写着 ： “ 恐怕已经没钱剩了，此致敬礼，祝您好运 。 ” 这本身只是开个玩笑而已，但当重要公共项目遭削减，福利资格门槛升高和加税的时候，恐怕就没什么人能笑得出来了。 此外，岌岌可危的债券市场也需要及时而有效的行动来解救。 所以新政府别无选择，只能开始将国家财政扭亏为盈的漫长过程。 对于其他国家的政府同行来说，英国的教训很明确：如果你想自由自在，那就别欠债。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Markets were known to move on particular remarks, which is why officials would spend hours refining the communiqués, lest they be misinterpreted. The charitable reading of this change is that the substance has shifted to the parallel events. Consider the IMF. The communiqué of the International Monetary and Financial Committee (IMFC), the Fund’s top member-country policymaking panel, is preceded by the release of two flagship IMF publications on economic and financial trends (respectively, the World Economic Outlook and the Global Financial Stability Report). These are supplemented by press conferences and speeches involving many Fund officials. The themes are then picked up in a host of seminars, as well as in presentations by national officials. As a result, many policy implications are covered well before the IMFC meets. Yet, as much as I respect and admire the multilaterals, and I have done so for decades, I fear that this explanation is too partial. Yes, the IMF maintains an impressive analytical edge, owing to its talented and dedicated staff as well as its unique links to countries. Yes, it has made important strides in improving its understanding of the relationship between financial markets and the real economy. And, yes, it has bravely taken the lead in shining more light on the economic impact of gender inequality and climate change. But its forward-looking analyses have too often proved to be backward-looking, and its quantitative projections have consistently been subject to considerable revisions. Even more worryingly, the Fund’s policy recommendations – especially those pertaining to the advanced economies – have little impact (to put it politely). One need only look at the widening gulf between what IMF officials have said and the bland, repetitive language of the IMFC communiqués. The policy insights fall on more deaf ears when finance ministers and central bankers are back in their national capitals, underscoring the current ineffectiveness of what once was a key opportunity for improving win-win policies. Many of the key reasons for this diminished influence have little to do with the multilateral institutions themselves. Politics in many advanced economies has turned increasingly inward, amplifying disdain for policies advocated by the Fund.", "zh": "众所周知，市场总会因某些特别言论而出现波动，这就是为什么官员们会花费数小时来完善各项公报以免它们遭到误读。 对上述变化的关联性解读是真正实质性的东西已转移至会议附属活动中。 以国际货币基金组织为例，在国际货币与金融委员会 — — 也是基金组织最高成员国决策小组 — — 公报发表之前，两份有关经济和金融趋势的旗舰报告（分别是《世界经济展望》和《全球金融稳定报告 》 ） 就已经发布了。 围绕着这两份报告会召开有许多基金组织官员参加的新闻发布会和讲话。 然后这些报告的主题将在被许多研讨会以及国家官员演讲所选用。 因此许多政策含义在国际货币与金融委员会开会之前就已经被讨论过了。 然而，虽然我尊重并钦佩那些多变主义者并为这一理念付出了数十年心血，但我担心这种解读会过于偏颇。 是的，由于其才华横溢，敬业奉献的员工以及与各国之间的独特联系，基金组织依然维持着令人印象深刻的分析优势。 它确实在增进自身对金融市场与实体经济之间关系的理解方面取得了重要进展，也勇敢地带头探究性别不平等和气候变化所产生的经济影响。 但它的前瞻性分析经常被证明是滞后的，其定量预测始终与事实相差甚多。 更令人担忧的是，基金组织的政策建议，尤其是那些与发达经济体有关的政策建议，往往（婉转地说）影响甚微。 这点只需要看一下基金组织官员的言论与国际货币与金融委员会公报中那些寡淡而重复措辞之间日益扩大的鸿沟就能意识到。 而当财政部长和央行行长各自回归本国首都后，那些政策见解就更加无人听闻了，这突显了这一过往的双赢政策关键促进契机在当前的无效性。 而影响力减弱的许多关键原因都与多边机构本身无关。 许多发达经济体的政治已逐渐转向国内，从而加剧了对基金组织所提倡政策的不满。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“白夜，你能有办法救我爹地妈咪吗？” 小孩子的眼睛很亮，如两颗黑葡萄镶嵌在白嫩的脸上，充满了期盼，仿佛白夜一摇头，他眸中的亮光就会黯淡了。 杰森一把揪起小奶包抱在怀里，豪气万千，“宝贝儿，你放心，小白死人都能救，别说活生生的人了，你担心个屁，有空过来给我轰了黑手党的防护。” “刚是谁质疑白夜的医术的？” 黑杰克对此表示疑惑，杰森一掌过去，他敏捷闪开。 小奶包被大高个子抱着，异常的纠结，踢了踢杰森，“放我下来。” “老子也想要这么个儿子，宁宁，你来当我儿子吧？老子垂涎你很久了。”杰森湛蓝色的眸迸发出澎湃的光芒，活似小奶包就是一块肥肉。 众人，“……” 白夜微笑说道，“杰森，你中文再让你妈教教，别老说长官不会用词语，你也好不到哪儿去。” “我和长官不是一个级别的好吧？”", "en": "“Bai Ye, do you have a way to save my daddy and mommy?” The child’s eyes were like two black grapes embedded in his tender face, extremely bright and filled with hope. Once Bai Ye shook his head, the brightness in his gaze dimmed. Jason, in one fell swoop, swooped the young kid into his embrace and grandly said, “Dear child, relax. Mister Stupid can save even the dead, let alone somebody alive. Why worry then? When you are free, help me level the Mafia’s defenses.” “Who had just doubted Bai Ye’s medical skills?” Black J expressed his doubts. Jason’s slap came over, and he deftly avoided it. The young kid, who was being hugged by a tall guy, felt extremely conflicted. He kicked Jason and said, “Let me down.” “Damn it, I want such a son too. Ning Ning, would you want to be my son? Gee, I’ve been craving for you for a tad too long,” Jason said as emotions surged in his eyes. It was as though the young kid was like a piece of meat to be savored. Everybody was stunned into silence. Bai Ye smiled and said, “Jason, please have your mommy brush up your mandarin and stop blaming Commander for his poor choice of words. You are… no better off.” “Commander and I are of different leagues, okay?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Intelligence -- what is it? If we take a look back at the history of how intelligence has been viewed, one seminal example has been Edsger Dijkstra's famous quote that \"the question of whether a machine can think is about as interesting as the question of whether a submarine can swim.\" Now, Edsger Dijkstra, when he wrote this, intended it as a criticism of the early pioneers of computer science, like Alan Turing. However, if you take a look back and think about what have been the most empowering innovations that enabled us to build artificial machines that swim and artificial machines that [fly], you find that it was only through understanding the underlying physical mechanisms of swimming and flight that we were able to build these machines. And so, several years ago, I undertook a program to try to understand the fundamental physical mechanisms underlying intelligence. Let's take a step back. Let's first begin with a thought experiment. Pretend that you're an alien race that doesn't know anything about Earth biology or Earth neuroscience or Earth intelligence, but you have amazing telescopes and you're able to watch the Earth, and you have amazingly long lives, so you're able to watch the Earth over millions, even billions of years. And you observe a really strange effect.", "zh": "智能--它是什么？ 当我们回顾在历史上 智能是如何被看待的， 一个开创性的例子是 艾兹格•迪杰斯特拉的著名引述， \"关于一台机器能否思考的问题 与关于 一艘潜艇是否会游泳的问题 几乎同样有趣\"。 当艾兹格•迪杰斯特拉 写下这句话的时候， 他的用意是去批判那些 早年间开辟了计算机科学的先锋， 比如阿兰 · 图灵。 然而，如果你回顾过去 并予以思考，有哪些 最有利于发展的创新， 让我们有机会能够制造出 会游泳的机器 和会[飞]的机器， 你会发现，只有通过了解 游泳和飞行 背后的物理机制， 我们才有能力去制造这些机器。 所以说，在几年前， 我着手了一个项目， 试图去了解 智能背后的 基础物理机制。 我们先退一步说。 首先，让我们从一个思维实验开始。 假装你是一个外星人， 你对地球上的生物学、 神经科学和智能一无所知， 但你有绝佳的望远镜， 因此你能观望地球， 你的寿命也惊人地长， 所以你可以观察地球 超过数百万年，甚至几十亿年。 然后你观察到一个很奇怪的现象。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pandemic Policy Must be Climate Policy CALAMBA – While the world focuses on the COVID-19 crisis, climate change continues to advance. The consequences are devastating and becoming more so – and that includes for the pandemic response itself. There is no doubt that natural disasters are increasing in frequency and intensity as a result of climate change. This year alone, Australia grappled with its most destructive bushfires on record. East African countries have been battling the worst outbreak of desert locusts in decades. The Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, Fiji, and Tonga were hit by a category 5 tropical cyclone. Europe has blistered under a record-breaking heat wave. My country, the Philippines, has faced intense flooding, and typhoon season is far from over. Such hazards, scientists warn, are likely to intersect with the COVID-19 outbreak and the public-health response, including by compounding stress on health-care systems, depleting emergency-response resources, and undermining people’s ability to adhere to social distancing. They will exacerbate and be exacerbated by both the unfolding economic crisis and long-standing socioeconomic disparities, both within countries and across regions. The recent typhoon in the Philippines illustrates the challenges ahead. Strong winds and severe flooding forced many to break quarantine and flee to cramped evacuation centers, where social-distancing protocols are virtually impossible to maintain. Distancing rules have complicated the rescue of some 200,000 people who are at risk from flooding or landslides. The number of people in need of aid – already significant during lockdown – has increased substantially.", "zh": "疫情政策必须也是气候政策 加兰巴—世界的焦点集中在COVID-19危机上，而气候变化仍在发生。 其结果是灾难性的，并且日益严重 — — 其中也包括对疫情应对政策本身的结果。 毋庸置疑，自然灾害的频率和严重程度正因为气候变化而增加。 光是在今年，澳大利亚爆发了有记录以来最严重的丛林火灾。 东非国家一直在与几十年来最严重的沙漠蝗灾斗争。 所罗门群岛、瓦努阿图、斐济和汤加受到5级热带气旋侵袭。 欧洲遭遇创纪录的热浪。 我的国家菲律宾也面临严重洪灾，而台风季还远未结束。 科学家警告，这些风险有可能与COVID-19和公共卫生响应措施疫情交织在一起，加剧医疗体系压力，耗尽紧急响应资源，破坏人民保持社交距离的能力。 它们还会与经济危机和长期社会经济差距（包括国内和地区间）彼此强化。 最近在菲律宾的台风说明了我们面临着怎样的挑战。 强风和大洪水迫使许多人冲出隔离，逃往狭隘的疏散中心，根本无法保持社交距离规定。 社交距离规则让200,000面临洪水或山体滑坡的人获救难度增加。 需要援助的人数 — — 在封锁期间便已经相当庞大 — — 大幅增加。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Road to a TB-Free World GENEVA – When Mabruka was 18, she came home from school one day and started coughing up blood. She had been feeling sick for about two months, and when she went to a health clinic, she described symptoms such as weight loss, fatigue, shortness of breath, fever, night sweats, chills, loss of appetite, and pain when breathing and coughing. Mabruka was diagnosed with tuberculosis (TB) and prescribed a daily regimen of 9-10 pills. The treatment lasted six months, and during that time she could not attend school. Shockingly, Mabruka’s experience was almost the same as that of someone contracting TB in the 1950s, when the first treatments were discovered. Owing to a lack of therapeutic innovation since then, poor living conditions, and widespread poverty, millions of people around the world are still being deprived of their right to live free of TB. More than ten million people contract the disease each year. Despite being preventable and curable, it is the leading cause of death among people living with HIV, and the most common cause of death by an infectious agent in modern times. The standard treatment for TB is unacceptably antiquated. The process is so long, and the side effects so unpleasant, that, in the absence of community-based treatment programs, many people with TB stop taking their medicines midway through the regimen. One consequence has been a rise in antimicrobial resistance (AMR), which is now a top global health threat. In 2016, multidrug-resistant TB killed 240,000 people. More than half of those with MDR-TB do not have access to effective treatment. And for those who do, treatment often lasts for at least two years, assuming a drug can be found to fight the resistant bacteria. The United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda aims to eliminate TB by 2030. Yet the global leadership and investment needed to achieve that goal has been sorely lacking. At the current rate of progress, it will take us until 2180 to end one of the world’s oldest public-health threats. The international community needs to take five specific actions to eliminate the scourge of TB once and for all. For starters, the gaps in existing health systems must be closed, so that all people have access to services for preventing, diagnosing, and treating TB.", "zh": "通向没有结核病的世界之路 日内瓦—马布鲁卡（Mabruka）18岁的时候，有一天放学回家开始了咯血。 她觉得自己生病已经有两个月左右，来到诊所后，她描述自己出现了体重减轻、疲倦、气短、发热、夜间盗汗、冷战、食欲不振、呼吸和咳嗽时伴有疼痛等症状。 马布鲁卡被诊断为结核病，每天需要服用9—10片药。 治疗持续了六个月，在此期间她无法上学。 令人震惊的是，马布鲁卡的经历和20世纪50年代的结核病疗法刚刚被发现时的患者几乎一模一样。 由于此后至今一直缺少疗法创新、贫穷的生活条件，以及广泛的贫困，全世界有数百万人仍然无法免于结核病。 每年都有一千万多人罹患结核病。 尽管结核病可防可治，但它仍然是艾滋病毒携带者的首要致死原因，也是现代最常见的致死传染病。 结核病标准疗法之陈旧令人无法接受。 疗程漫长、副作用巨大，如果没有基于社区的治疗方案，许多结核病患者都会中途停药。 一个后果是产生了抗生素耐药性（AMR ） ， 它已经成为当今最大的全球健康威胁之一。 2016年，多重抗药性结核病夺走了240,000人的生命。 这些多重抗药性结核病患者中，有一大半无法获得有效治疗。 对于能够获得有效治疗的患者，疗程也常常至少要持续两年，如果能找到可以对抗耐药细菌的药物的话。 联合国可持续发展议程的目标是到2030年消灭结核病。 但实现这一目标所需要的全球领导力和投资处于严重短缺状态。 按照当前的进展速度，我们要等到2108年才能消灭这个全世界最古老的公共卫生威胁之一。 国际社会需要采取五项具体的行动，来一劳永逸地消灭结核病。 首先，必须填补现有医疗体系的缺口，从而让所有人都能获得预防、诊断和治疗结核病的服务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One recent study documents how the Chinese government’s desire to quell political unrest at home drives a large proportion of the country’s overseas aid. For example, when Chinese workers protest, the central government often allocates foreign-aid contracts to large state-owned firms in the area. These companies then hire additional employees and send labor and materials to recipient countries for several years to build roads, ports, or cell-phone towers. Politically, therefore, aid is a win-win for China. Aid money helps to reduce domestic unemployment, which presumably eases social tensions, and the recipient country is grateful for the financial assistance. US food aid operates on a similar principle: the US government buys up wheat in boom production years to provide a secure price floor for American farmers, and then sends the excess food to poor countries as bilateral aid. But the most important revelation from recent economic studies is that Chinese aid increases GDP growth, household consumption, and employment in recipient countries. So, contrary to conventional wisdom, the benefits of Chinese foreign aid spill over to ordinary citizens. In fact, as difficult as it may be for many to accept these findings, they are not surprising. Most economists, as well as officials at institutions such as the World Bank, agree that modern infrastructure is key to promoting economic growth in poor countries. Yet, the countries that are most in need of such infrastructure are frequently the ones with the most dysfunctional institutions, which is often the reason why these countries are poor and have been unable to build their own infrastructure in the first place. In such cases, Chinese aid can provide a neat solution. Because Chinese firms bring in their own workers and materials and do not rely on local supply chains, they are largely insulated from local graft and corruption. Moreover, the infrastructure that China builds can have wide-ranging benefits even if the recipient country’s government is uninterested in its citizens’ welfare. A new road connecting a mine to a port also provides access to transportation for the people who live along it, encouraging development there. Telecom towers built for government purposes can increase information flow and market access for farmers. Electric power lines along a road or railway can also provide lighting that allows local children to learn to read. Chinese aid’s undoubted flaws will come into sharper focus as researchers devote more attention to the subject.", "zh": "最近的一项研究记录了中国政府是如何出于平息国内政治动荡的意愿而去推动该国很大一部分海外援助行动的。 例如当国内某地工人爆发抗议行动时，中央政府通常会将援外合同分配给该地的一些大型国有企业。 随后这些企业会雇佣更多员工并在几年内向受援国输送劳动力和原材料以建设道路、港口或手机通讯基站。 因此援助在政治上对中国来说是个双赢举措。 援助资金有助于降低国内失业率，进而可能有助于缓解社会紧张局势，同时受援国家则会对此感恩戴德。 美国的粮食援助也是基于类似的原则：美国政府会在丰年收购小麦，从而为本国农民提供价格兜底，然后将这些余粮作为双边援助输送到贫穷国家。 但近期各项经济研究所带来的最重要启示在于中国的援助其实推动了受援国的GDP增长、家庭消费和就业。 因此与以往的看法相反，中国对外援助的好处是可以外溢到普通民众身上的。 事实上，虽然许多人或许难以接受这些研究结论，但这些发现也是合乎情理的。 大多数经济学家以及世界银行等机构的官员都认同现代基础设施是促进贫困国家经济增长的关键。 但最需要这类基础设施的国家往往都是些体制最不健全的国家，而这种不健全又经常是这类国家陷入贫困以及无法自行建设基础设施的原因。 在这种状况下中国的援助可以提供一个良好的解决方案。 由于中国企业自带工人和材料且不依赖当地供应链，因此它们可以在很大程度上免遭当地的贪污和腐败现象影响。 此外，就算受援国政府毫不关心本国公民的福祉，中国建造的基础设施也能带来广泛的利益。 一条连接矿山和港口的新路可以为沿线居民提供交通便利，促进当地发展。 为政府目的建造的信号基站可以帮助农民获取更多信息和连结市场。 公路或铁路沿线的电线也可以为附近儿童提供学习照明。 随着研究人员加大对这一主题的关注，中国援助中存在的那些无可否认的缺陷将变得更加突出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But de Coubertin had more in mind than this. On one hand, he harked back to the medieval tradition of knightly jousting tournaments as alternatives to full-scale battles. But he also adhered to the nineteenth-century faith that freedom of commerce, ideas, travel, and communication of all kinds would soften the antagonism of tribes, classes, and countries. The more people knew about each other, the better they would understand the other’s point of view and seek peaceful coexistence. The impossibility of sealing off international athletics from international politics is illustrated by the case of Eileen Gu, an 18-year-old Chinese-American freestyle skier who won her first gold medal at the current Games. Gu, who was born in California, previously competed for the US before choosing in 2019 to compete for her mother’s homeland, China. Her decision has prompted adulation in China and accusations of ingratitude and shamelessness from her American critics. Publicly, Gu refuses to recognize any political aspect to the situation, preferring to repeat a favorite mantra: “I am American when I am in the US, and Chinese when I’m in China.” Gu is, in her own way, both attempting to revive the ideаl of an apolitical Olympics and showing how the ideal is – and always has been – a pipedream. Rather than aiming to exclude politics, the Olympic authorities should promote the Games’ role as an alternative to war. Diplomatic boycotts, like economic sanctions, cut links between countries and, contrary to accepted theory, desensitize people to others’ opinions. This makes politics impossible, or at least more difficult. I wish that US President Joe Biden, Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky had all gone to Beijing to cheer on their countries’ athletes and also talk informally with each other, as well as with Xi. Had they done so, we would be further removed from the prospect of war in Ukraine today.", "zh": "但顾拜旦的想法远不止于此。 一方面，他回顾了中世纪骑士比武的传统，把它作为全面战斗的替代方案。 但他也坚持 19 世纪的信念，即商业、思想、旅行和各种交流的自由会缓和部落、阶级和国家之间的对抗。 人们越了解对方，就越能理解对方的观点，寻求和平共处。 18 岁的美籍华裔自由式滑雪运动员谷爱凌在本届奥运会上赢得她的第一枚金牌的例子说明了将国际运动竞技与国际政治隔绝是不可能的。 出生在加利福尼亚州的谷爱凌曾代表美国征战，2019年选择代表她母亲的祖国中国。 她的决定在中国受到热捧，而美国批评者指责她忘恩负义和无耻。 在公开场合，谷爱凌拒绝承认这一局面存在任何政治因素，而是更喜欢重复一句口头禅 ： “ 我在美国时是美国人，在中国时是中国人 。 ” 谷爱凌以她的方式，试图重振奥运会与政治无关的理想，展示了这一理想是为何 — — 并且一直 — — 是白日梦。 奥林匹克当局不应旨在排除政治，而应促进奥运会作为战争替代品的作用。 外交抵制，如经济制裁，切断了国家之间的联系，并且与公认的理论相反，使人们对他人的意见不再敏感。 这使得政治变得不可能，或者至少更加困难。 我希望美国总统拜登、俄罗斯总统普京和乌克兰总统弗拉泽连斯基都去北京为各自国家的运动员加油，并与彼此以及与习近平进行非正式交谈。 果真如此的话，我们将进一步远离今天在乌克兰发生战争的前景。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The number of African centers capable of performing diagnostic tests has increased from two to 40 in a month, thanks to the World Health Organization, and the AU Africa Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has received a large donation of COVID-19 testing kits from China. Now, the year-old African Medicines Agency must become operational to ensure the coordination of a pharmaceutical manufacturing plan for the continent. Aside from the health effects, the looming global recession is bound to destabilize Africa’s economies and transform their structure, trade, and commercial channels, as well as how people work and study. Under these circumstances, Africa has no choice but to rely on its own resilience, strengths, and agility, rather than hoping for external salvation, to mitigate the impact of the coming crisis and prepare for the next cycle of globalization. More than ever, new technology will be called upon to play a critical role. African companies must speed up their digital transition to remain attractive, which means that governments must accelerate their rollout of essential telecommunication infrastructure, including fiber optics and high-speed Internet, and invest in human capital and capacity building. The effort will be complex and demanding, but the time has come for large-scale mobilization. In this context, there is a pressing need to reduce the continent’s high trade dependence on non-African partners. The AfCFTA can help facilitate this, but that means dismantling tariff and non-tariff barriers as much as possible, and intensifying the economic regionalization processes that have now begun. The liberalization of tariff barriers on 90% of products, for example, was originally scheduled to take place over five years. This timeframe must be reduced. As it stands, Africa is the least integrated continent. Intra-African trade accounts for less than 16% of the continent’s total trade. Once fully operational, the AfCFTA could boost intra-African trade by 60% in just three years. The agreement will be a catalyst for endogenous development, through trade, with the extension of value chains across the continent helping to lay the groundwork for industrialization. The acceleration of the AfCFTA is above all a matter of political will. The cost of dismantling the customs taxes that weigh on intra-African trade amounts to $3.5 billion, or a little more than 0.1% of the continent’s GDP.", "zh": "在世界卫生组织的帮助下，具备新型冠状病毒检测能力的检验中心在一个月内从2所增加到了40所，非洲联盟非洲疾病控制和预防中心也获得了由中国捐赠的大批新型冠状病毒检测套件。 已经成立一年有余的非洲药品管理局也必须开始运作以确保该大陆的药品生产计划能协调进行。 除了对健康的影响之外，即将降临的全球衰退必将破坏非洲各经济体的稳定并改变其架构，贸易和商业渠道，还有人们工作和学习的方式。 在这种情况下非洲别无选择，只能依靠自身的韧性，优势和灵活性 — — 而不是寄望于外部救助 — — 来缓解即将来临的危机冲击同时为下一个全球化周期做好准备。 同时我们将比以往任何时候更需要新技术来发挥关键作用。 非洲企业必须加快其数字化转型以保持吸引力，这意味着政府必须加快其基本电信基础设施（包括光纤和高速互联网）的部署，并投资于人力资本和能力构建。 这项工作虽然复杂且艰巨，但现在已经是大规模动员的时候了。 在这一背景下，非洲大陆迫切需要减少对非洲以外伙伴方的高度贸易依赖。 非洲自贸区可以帮助实现这一目标，但这意味着要尽可能消除关税和非关税壁垒并加紧推进现已开始的经济区域化进程。 例如原定90％产品的关税壁垒会在五年内撤销，如今这一进度必须加快。 就目前而言，非洲是整合程度最低的大陆。 非洲内部贸易占非洲大陆总贸易的比例还不足16 ％ 。 一旦全面运作，非洲自贸区可以在短短三年内将该比例提高至60 ％ 。 该协议将通过贸易来催化内生性发展，而价值链在整个大陆的延伸则会为工业化奠定基础。 非洲自由贸易区的加速推进首先是一个政治意愿问题。 消除那些压制非洲内部贸易的关税需要付出总计35亿美元的成本，约相当于非洲大陆GDP的0.1 ％ 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "生物化工制品制造，主要包括有机化学原料制造、其他基础化学原料制造、化学试剂和助剂制造、专项化学用品制造、林产化学产品制造、环境污染处理专用药剂材料制造、其他专用化学产品制造、塑料零件及其他塑料制品制造等。有机化学原料制造，主要包括有机酸产品和医药中间体（指乳酸、丁二酸、己二酸、聚羟基脂肪酸、琥珀酸以及各种具有特定性能的产品）、高生物相容性葡甘聚糖、壳聚糖复合材料和产品、生物化学原料（指蛋白质、核酸、多糖、氨基酸、核苷酸、糖、脂肪酸、甘油、萜类、生物碱等产品）异戊二烯、丙烯酸、乙醇、乙二醇、丙二醇、异丙醇、3-羟基丙酸、丁醇、异丁醇、丁二醇、丁三醇、多元醇、乙酸、乳酸、丙酸、丁酸、丁二酸、乙醛酸、富马酸、长链二元酸、长链脂肪酸、苹果酸、衣康酸、柠檬酸、柠檬酸酯、异山梨醇、手性化合物、甾体化合物。其他基础化学原料制造，主要包括秸秆糖、寡糖、稀少糖。", "en": "The manufacturing of biochemical products mainly includes the production of organic chemical raw materials, other basic chemical raw materials, chemical reagents and additives, specialized chemical products, forest chemical products, specialized materials for environmental pollution treatment, other specialized chemical products, plastic parts and other plastic products manufacturing, etc. The production of organic chemical raw materials mainly includes organic acid products and pharmaceutical intermediates (referring to lactic acid, succinic acid, adipic acid, polyhydroxy fatty acids, succinic acid, and various products with specific properties), high biocompatible dextran, chitosan composite materials and products, biochemical raw materials (referring to proteins, nucleic acids, polysaccharides, amino acids, nucleotides, sugars, fatty acids, glycerol, terpenes, alkaloids, etc.), isoprene, acrylic acid, ethanol, ethylene glycol, propylene glycol, isopropanol, 3-hydroxypropionic acid, butanol, isobutanol, butanediol, butanetriol, polyols, acetic acid, lactic acid, propionic acid, butyric acid, adipic acid, acetic aldehyde, fumaric acid, long-chain diacids, long-chain fatty acids, malic acid, itaconic acid, citric acid, citric acid esters, isosorbide, chiral compounds, steroidal compounds. The manufacturing of other basic chemical raw materials mainly includes straw sugars, oligosaccharides, rare sugars."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is the view taken by the Bank for International Settlements, which argues that it is time to lower the inflation target from 2% to 0% – the rate that can now be expected, given permanent supply shocks. Trying to achieve 2% inflation in a context of such shocks, the BIS warns, would lead to excessively easy monetary policies, which would put upward pressure on prices of risk assets, and, ultimately, inflate dangerous bubbles. According to this logic, central banks should normalize policy sooner, and at a faster pace, to prevent another financial crisis. Most advanced-country central banks don’t agree with the BIS. They believe that, should asset-price inflation emerge, it can be contained with macroprudential credit policies, rather than monetary policy. Of course, advanced-country central banks hope such asset inflation won’t appear at all, because inflation is being suppressed by temporary supply shocks, and thus will increase as soon as product and labor markets tighten. But, faced with the possibility that today’s low inflation may be caused by permanent supply shocks, they are also unwilling to ease more now. So, even though central banks aren’t willing to give up on their formal 2% inflation target, they are willing to prolong the timeline for achieving it, as they have already done time and again, effectively conceding that inflation may stay low for longer.", "zh": "这也是国际清算银行所持的观点，认为现在是时候将通胀目标从2% 调低到0 % — —这是在长期性供应冲击下目前可预期的利率。 该行警告说试图在这种冲击下实现2% 的通胀将导致货币政策过于宽松，给风险资产的价格带来上行压力并最终催生出危险的泡沫。 根据这一逻辑，各国央行应更早启动政策正常化并以更快的步骤加以执行，以防另一场金融危机爆发。 但大多数发达国家央行不认同上述观点。 它们认为一旦出现资产价格通胀，就可以用宏观谨慎的信贷政策而非货币政策来进行遏制。 当然，发达国家央行希望这样的资产通胀一点都不要出现，因为通胀只是受到了暂时性供应冲击的压制，一旦产品和劳动力市场收紧就会回升。 但考虑到当前的低通胀也可能是由长期性供应冲击所导致，它们也不愿意进一步实施宽松。 因此尽管各国央行不愿放弃其正式的2% 通胀目标，但也愿意延长实现这一指标的时间期限，因为它们已经反复做过几次了，也实际上承认了通胀可能会长期保持在低位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This could be a model for the separatist-controlled areas of Donbas if the political will is there to make such an arrangement work. But is the Kremlin serious about recognizing Ukraine’s sovereignty in the Donbas and resuming normal relations with the West? At the moment, I strongly doubt it. It is worth bearing in mind that Russia has driven every step toward escalation in this conflict – including the establishment of the separatist enclaves. Indeed, the Kremlin appears to be waiting for Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko’s government to fail and the West to split on the issue and stop taking an interest in its resolution. At that point, perhaps, Putin will be ready to move against Ukraine to secure his own desired long-term outcome. But if Ukraine’s government and the West remain united, the Kremlin might see that its enclaves in Donbas represent a threat mainly to Russia itself. After all, the grim reality is that the separatist enclaves are in economic free-fall, with their societies becoming increasingly criminalized. Donbas risks becoming a tar baby for which no one wants to take responsibility. As this becomes apparent, Russia’s leaders could start to envisage a UNTAES-type solution for the region. Absent any other arrangement, the Kremlin will have to do just that. Former US Secretary of State Colin Powell’s doctrine – if you break it, you own it – applies to Putin’s intervention in Ukraine as much as to George W. Bush’s misadventure in Iraq. There certainly are very difficult issues that must be sorted out before a peacekeeping mission could go into Donbas, notably the composition and formal mandate of whatever force is deployed. But, again, if the will is there, these questions should not be intractable. Such a mission could then ensure the real implementation of the political provisions of the Minsk II agreement. Genuinely free and fair local elections, with the participation of all displaced people and refugees, will never be possible without a substantial international presence. Today, this idea is sure to be dead on arrival. So was UNTAES in the early discussions on Eastern Slavonia. The Milošević regime then sounded exactly like the Kremlin now. But tomorrow really is another day, and it is certainly not too early to start exploring options that promise not just to manage the conflict, but to resolve it.", "zh": "如果存在切实解决问题的政治意愿，顿巴斯分离分子控制区域可以效仿这一模式。 但克里姆林宫是否真的承认乌克兰对顿巴斯地区拥有主权并愿意与西方恢复正常关系？ 至少到目前为止我强烈怀疑。 我们应该记住是俄罗斯一直在推动包括建立分离主义分子飞地在内的冲突升级。 事实上，克里姆林宫似乎一直在等待乌总统波罗申科政府失败和西方发生分歧并对冲突的解决失去兴趣。 真到那时，普京将准备对乌克兰采取行动，以实现他所希望的长期目的。 但如果乌克兰政府和西方保持团结，克里姆林宫可能会看到它在顿巴斯的飞地主要对俄国自身构成威胁。 毕竟，严酷的现实是分离主义分子飞地在经济上近乎自由落体，而且还有越来越难以解决的社会犯罪问题。 顿巴斯可能令各路势力避之惟恐不及。 如果出现这种状况，俄国领导人可能效仿UNTAES解决地区问题。 如果没有其他安排，克里姆林也只能这样做。 美国前国务卿鲍威尔的信条 — — 自己的烂摊子自己收拾 — — 既适用于小布什在伊拉克的失败，也适用于普京对乌克兰的干预。 必须在维和部队开进顿巴斯前解决部队组成和正式任命等艰难问题。 不过同样，如果确有意愿，上述问题应该总能解决。 这样的任务应该可以确保明斯克II协议政治规定的真正落实。 吸纳流离失所者和难民参与的真正自由公正的地方选举，如果没有大规模国际势力的介入永远不可能成为现实。 今天，就像东斯拉沃尼亚早期讨论UNTAES时一样，这样的理念注定要胎死腹中。 当时米洛舍维奇政权的口吻和现在的克里姆林宫如出一辙。 但明天是崭新的一天。 现在是时候开始解决、而非仅仅是管理冲突。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "一进宿舍门，南风就看到卷毛在面壁，垂着狗头蔫蔫蹲那儿，狗眼下方还有泪痕。 脚步顿了顿，南风将视线移开，去找方召，先解决手头的事情。 至于卷毛这边，这是常态，南风已经能很淡定地看待了。 谈完装修的事情，南风想起今天看到的事，又道：“对了老板，今天网上的事情你知道么？” “什么事？” 方召今天在写论文，通讯设置过了，没重要的事情不会打扰他。 这段时间网上关于他的话题很多，找他的人也多，方召只能设置勿扰模式。 “威尔的画你知道吗？” 南风问。 “知道，是关于威尔结业作品的？” 威尔的结业画展方召去看过，也是A+高分，结业作品其中一幅画画的就是卷毛，名字叫《邻居家的狗》。 画展都过去两天了，再加上今天从早上开始方召就在宿舍写论文，网上发生了什么他还真不知道。 南风将了解到的信息说给方召听。 原来，威尔的结业画展结束后，学院将他的画放在学校网站内展示，引发热议。 威尔顺利完成了他去年制定的进修计划——短期目标画方召，终期目标画方召的狗。 短期目标早就完成，威尔的那副《我的邻居》当初在网上引起了热议，还有网友开玩笑说威尔将方召画得像个外星人。 这次，继《我的邻居》之后，《邻居家的狗》再次登上当天的热搜榜。", "en": "Upon entering the dormitory, Nanfeng saw Curly Hair facing the wall with a drooped head. There were tear stains beneath his dog eyes. Nanfeng paused for a moment, then looked away and went to find Fang Zhao. He had to settle the matters at hand first. Besides, this was normal behavior from Curly Hair. Nanfeng had already gotten used to it and could remain calm when seeing this. After discussing the renovation issue, Nanfeng recalled something he had seen today and asked, “Oh, right. Boss, did you see the stuff online today?” “What stuff?” Fang Zhao had been writing a thesis today and had set his personal terminal to “Do not disturb”. There was a lot of talk online regarding Fang Zhao. Many people were looking for him. Thus, Fang Zhao could only use the “Do not disturb” mode. “Do you know about Will’s painting?” Nanfeng asked. “Yeah, is it regarding Will’s graduation works?” Fang Zhao had gone to see Will’s graduation exhibition already. Will too had gotten a high A+ evaluation. Amongst his graduation pieces was a painting of Curly Hair titled “My Neighbor’s Dog”. The exhibition had already ended two days ago. Furthermore, because Fang Zhao had been working on a thesis in his dormitory since morning, he really wasn’t aware of the online news. Nanfeng told Fang Zhao what he knew. It turned out that after Will’s graduation exhibition had concluded, the school had displayed his art pieces on the school’s website. This had garnered a lot of discussion. Will had successfully both of his goals set last year from his advanced student plan. His short-term objective had been to paint Fang Zhao. His final objective had been to paint Fang Zhao’s dog. His short-term objective had long been completed. Back then, Will’s painting of “My Neighbor” had generated quite some buzz online. There were even netizens joking that Will had painted Fang Zhao like an alien. Following “My Neighbor”, “My Neighbor’s Dog” became a trending search on that day."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Narrative Structure of Global Weakening NEW HAVEN – Recent indications of a weakening global economy have led many people to wonder how pervasive poor economic performance will be in the coming years. Are we facing a long global slump, or possibly even a depression? A fundamental problem in forecasting nowadays is that the ultimate causes of the slowdown are really psychological and sociological, and relate to fluctuating confidence and changing “animal spirits,” about which George Akerlof and I have written. We argue that such shifts reflect changing stories, epidemics of new narratives, and associated views of the world, which are difficult to quantify. In fact, most professional economists do not seem overly glum about the global economy’s prospects. For example, on September 6, the OECD issued an interim assessment on the near-term global outlook, written by Pier Carlo Padoan, that blandly reports “significant risks” on the horizon – the language of uncertainty itself. The problem is that the statistical models that comprise economists’ toolkit are best applied in normal times, so economists naturally like to describe the situation as normal. If the current slowdown is typical of other slowdowns in recent decades, then we can predict the same kind of recovery. For example, in a paper presented last spring at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, James Stock of Harvard University and Mark Watson of Princeton University unveiled a new “dynamic factor model,” estimated using data from 1959 to 2011. Having thus excluded the Great Depression, they claimed that the recent slowdown in the United States is basically no different from other recent slowdowns, except larger.", "zh": "全球经济走弱的叙事结构 发自纽黑文 — — 最近出现的全球经济走弱迹象令许多人开始思考未来几年的恶劣经济表现究竟会蔓延到何种地步。 我们是否正面对着一个长时间的全球低迷期，甚至可能是一场萧条？ 当今在预测上的一个根本问题就是经济减缓的最终成因其实是在心理学和社会学意义上的，并与不断波动的信心和变化中的“动物精神（animal spirits ） ” 相关联。 在乔治·阿科洛夫（George Akerlof）与笔者合著的《动物精神》一书中，我们提出这些转化反映了不断改变的故事内容，新叙事方式的流行，以及互相关联的世界观，而这些都是难以被量化的。 事实上，大多数专业经济学家似乎并不对全球经济的前景感到极度忧心。 比如说，9月6日世界经济合作与发展组织发表了一份针对近期全球经济展望的中期评估，这份由该组织副秘书长兼首席经济学家皮尔·卡罗·帕多安（Pier Carlo Padoan）执笔的报告只是轻描淡写地指出可能很快会出现“重大风险 ” — —这其实就是不确定性的另一种说法。 问题是经济学家工具箱里的统计模型最适用于正常时期，因此经济学家们自然也喜欢找正常那样描述情况。 如果当前的放缓跟近几十年的经济放缓一样具有典型性的话，那么我们就可以预测同一类型的复苏。 以去年春在华盛顿特区的布鲁金斯学会上发表的一篇论文为例，其作者哈佛大学教授詹姆斯·斯托克（James Stock）和普林斯顿大学教授马克·沃森（Mark Watson）公布了一个新的“动力因素模型 ” ， 采用了1959到2011年的数据进行估算。 在因此排除了大萧条之后，他们宣称美国当前的放缓基本上跟其他近期放缓并无差异，只不过是幅度更大而已。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The plan’s centerpiece is a lifetime exemption from personal income tax for women who bear and raise four or more children (Orbán and his wife have five). This and other policies in the new package will have a real impact on all families in Hungary. Women under 40 who marry for the first time and have worked for at least three years will be eligible for a $36,000 “childbearing” loan at a discounted rate, which will be forgiven as they have children. Larger families can apply for an $9,000 government grant toward the purchase of a seven-seat automobile. Grandparents taking care of children will be eligible for leave from work and benefits. And the government will create 21,000 new subsidized childcare places. Leading Western media, analysts, and politicians have been almost universally critical of the plan, thereby falling right into Orbán’s trap. The Economist, a longtime advocate of the free-market economic policies that have impoverished many in Eastern Europe while producing great wealth for a few and higher living standards for a middle-class minority, predictably criticized Orbán’s plan for being too expensive. The new measures are “unlikely to give birth to a baby boom” and could “swell an economy that is close to overheating, and inflate house prices.” Journalist Adam Taylor echoed these sentiments in The Washington Post, arguing that Orbán’s policies will “barely move the needle on birthrate and may represent a poor return on investment.” We have heard this same Western critique for decades: helping people is too expensive and does not work, paying for houses will only make them pricier, and it’s better to rely on markets than on public policies. But Orbán’s critics ignore the examples of Poland and Russia, which also have implemented natalist policies in recent years. Russia’s fertility rate is up to 1.75 children per female, from a low of 1.17 in 1999, partly owing to a grant program for new parents. Poland, too, has achieved higher birth rates since 2015 after introducing the massive Family 500+ initiative, which enables parents to pay for school supplies, clothes, and vacations. Both schemes were criticized as being too expensive, but Poland’s public deficit has fallen, not risen.", "zh": "该计划的核心是生育四个或更多孩子的妇女将享受终身免缴个人所得税（欧尔班和他的妻子有五个孩子 ） 。 这与新方案中的其他政策将给匈牙利所有家庭带来切实的影响。 40岁以下且至少工作了三年的初婚妇女有资格获得36,000美元的“生育”贷款，利率优惠，只要生孩子就可以豁免。 成员人数较多的家庭可以申请9,000美元七座汽车政府购置补贴。 照顾孩子的祖父母有资格获得带薪假和福利。 政府还将建立21,000个新补贴托儿所。 主流西方媒体、分析师和政客几乎一边倒地批评该计划，这正中欧尔班下怀。 向来支持自由市场经济政策的《经济学人 》 （ The Economist ） — —这些政策让许多东欧人陷入贫困，而让一小撮人暴富，让中产阶级少数过上更好的生活 — — 不出意料地批评欧尔班的政策靡费甚巨。 这些新措施“不可能带来婴儿潮 ” ， 倒是可能“让接近过热的经济膨胀起来，推高房价 。 ” 记者亚当·泰勒（Adam Taylor）在《华盛顿邮报》上附和这些情绪，说欧尔班的政策“不太可能对生育率造成多大影响，投资回报也很低 。 ” 我们听说同样的西方批评已经有几十年了：帮助人民靡费甚巨，并且无效，补贴房价只能让房子更贵，依赖市场好过依赖公共政策。 但欧尔班的批评者忽视了波兰和俄罗斯的例子。 它们在近几年中也实施了鼓励生育政策。 俄罗斯生育率从1999年每位妇女生育1.717个孩子上升到1.75个孩子，部分原因便在于面向新父母的奖励计划。 波兰也在2015年后提高了生育率，他们引入了规模庞大的家庭500+计划（Family 500+ ） ， 让家长付得起学费、衣着费和疫苗费。 这两套机制被批过于昂贵，但波兰公共赤字出现了下降而非上升。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The resulting product, for example eye color, is your phenotype. Genotyping can be used to determine which genes you have, but it cannot always predict your phenotype. The inheritance of some characteristics, including eye color, is simple. The majority of phenotypes are, however, the product of complex multi-gene interaction, environment, and lifestyle choices. This includes our risk of developing a host of age-related diseases. Genes code for proteins, the body’s workers, which are not made directly from DNA, because they do not speak the same language. Ribonucleic acid (RNA) acts as an interpreter in a process called transcription (the reading of genes). Translation from RNA creates three-dimensional proteins from combinations of 22 essential amino acids – essential only because our bodies are not able to make them, so they must be obtained from our diet instead. The proteins that are produced, their quantities, and their characteristics collectively form the proteome, and their activities, in combination or in response to signals from within the body or external to it, form our metabolism. Such is the complexity of nutrigenomics that it is no longer possible for nutritional researchers to work alone. Expertise in a wide variety of different areas – molecular and cell biology, mathematics and statistics, nutrition and diet, food chemistry, and social science – is fundamental to progress.", "zh": "而它的产物，诸如眼睛的颜色，就是你的表现型。 基因型定型可被用于鉴定你拥有何种基因，但是却不能预测你的表现型。 鉴定某些特征的遗传，诸如眼睛的颜色，是很容易的。 然而，大部分表现型是在多种基因相互作用、环境以及生活方式的复杂影响下的选择。 这其中也包括我们患上老年疾病的风险性。 由于DNA与生命大厦的“工人 ” — —蛋白质性质不同，蛋白质并非直接由DNA产生而来。 基因编写着蛋白质的密码。 核糖核酸在转录（读取基因）过程中充当了“翻译者”的角色。 来自RNA的“翻译”从22种必需氨基酸中制造出了三维蛋白质 — — 之所以必需是因为我们的身体无法制造它们，而必须从我们的饮食中摄取。 由此产生的蛋白质的数量和特征共同形成了蛋白组，而它们对身体内部或外部信号发生反应而形成的活动，就是我们的新陈代谢。 这些就是营养基因学的复杂性，而营养学研究者也再也不会单独工作了。 来自不同领域的专家意见 — — 分子和细胞生物学、数学和统计学、营养和饮食、食品化学和社会科学 — — 对营养基因学的发展非常重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Puerto Rico Needs WASHINGTON, DC – President Donald Trump and the US Congress are coming under mounting pressure to increase assistance to Puerto Rico. The devastation caused there last week by Hurricane Maria has only exacerbated severe longer-term problems resulting from deferred maintenance on the island’s critical infrastructure. Puerto Rico needs more than short-term assistance (although this is also urgent); it needs bipartisan support to rebuild, with an initial and essential focus on a more robust and cheaper supply of electricity. The existing electricity grid has substantially collapsed, with the Federal Emergency Management Administration (FEMA) estimating that up to 90% of the transmission system may have been destroyed by the hurricane. A major dam is at risk. Damage to the air traffic control infrastructure has severely limited flights to and from the island. As Governor Ricardo Rosselló has stated publicly, there is now a real risk of a major humanitarian disaster. Donations are flowing in, but the total will be small relative to what is needed. The Trump administration says that FEMA is working hard and effectively. Let’s hope they are right. There will be a lot of questions about whether Puerto Rico’s roughly 3.4 million US citizens receive the same support as Texas and Florida (and other parts of the 50 states) when natural disaster strikes. But the bigger question is this: What will be done – and by whom – to help Puerto Rico really recover?", "zh": "波多黎各需要什么 华盛顿—特朗普总统和美国国会正在受到越来越大的压力，要求他们增加对波多黎各的援助。 上周的玛利亚飓风给波多黎各带来的灾难让波多黎各严重的长期问题 — — 重要基础设施维护不力雪上加霜。 波多黎各所需要的不仅仅只有短期援助（尽管这也颇为紧急 ） ； 还需要两党共同支持它重建，其中，首要的重点是建立更稳定、更廉价的电力供应。 现有电网已经处于基本瘫痪的状态，联邦经济管理局（FEMA）估算，高达90%的输电系统可能已经被飓风损坏。 一座大坝状态危险。 空中交通控制基础设施受损严重限制了进出波多黎各的航班数量。 执政官里卡多·罗赛洛（Ricardo Rosselló）公开表示，波多黎各极有可能爆发重大人道灾难。 捐赠正在涌入，但数量跟不上需要。 特朗普政府说，FEMA正在进行努力而有成效的工作。 但愿他们说得对。 波多黎各有大约340万美国公民，但愿他们能够在自然灾难来袭时获得和德克萨斯州和佛罗里达州（以及其他50个州）同样的支持。 但更大的问题是：怎样，以及由谁来帮助波多黎各真正恢复？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Breaking Germany’s Coal Addiction BERLIN – Germany is about to break its coal addiction. Last year, the government created a 28-member “coal commission” – comprising scientists, politicians, environmental campaigners, trade unions, and utilities representatives – with the unenviable mandate of deciding when the country would get clean. Balancing pragmatic considerations with recognition of the reality of climate change, the commission has now set 2038 as the deadline for reaching zero coal, with the withdrawal beginning immediately. The Wall Street Journal calls it the “world’s dumbest energy policy.” In fact, Germany’s shift is vital and long overdue. The real question is whether it will be enough to support meaningful progress in the global effort to mitigate climate change. It is scientifically well established that if the world is to keep the average increase in global temperature “well below” 2°C relative to pre-industrial levels – the “safe” limit enshrined in the 2015 Paris climate agreement – no more than another 500-800 billion tons of carbon dioxide can be emitted. On current trends, this would take just 12-20 years. Instead, the world needs to follow a trajectory called the “carbon law,” which requires reducing CO2 emissions by half each decade until, 30-40 years from now, we have achieved a carbon-free global economy. Growing evidence shows that adhering to the carbon law is technologically feasible and economically attractive.", "zh": "打破德国的煤炭依赖 柏林—德国即将打破煤炭依赖。 去年，德国政府成立了一个28人组成的“煤炭委员会 ” ， 成员包括科学家、政客、环保人士、工会和公用事业代表等，来负责棘手的任务 — — 德国什么时候能变得清洁。 委员会平衡了务实考量和气候变化的现实，目前将2038年定为实现零煤炭的截止期，并从现在就立刻开始减少煤炭依赖。 《华尔街日报》称之为 “全世界最沉默的能源政策 ” 。 事实上，德国的转型是至关重要的，早就应该开始。 真正的问题是它是否足以支持全球遏制气候变化方面的进步。 在科学上，如果世界想要将全球气温平均升幅保持在“显著低于”前工业化水平以上2℃ — — 写入了2015年巴黎气候协定的“安全”极限 — — 那么最多只能再排放5,000—8,000吨二氧化碳，这是一个定论。 按照当前趋势，距离这一极限只有12—20年。 反之，世界必须走一条“碳法则”之路，即每十年降低一半二氧化碳排量，如此经过三四十年，我们就能实现无碳全球经济。 越来越多的证据表明，遵循碳法则在技术上是可行的，在经济上是诱人的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rupee depreciation can make merchandise exports more competitive and limit consumption of imports. But the Reserve Bank of India, treating exchange rate stability as an important totem, has been reluctant to let the rupee fall. In the future, Indian exporters will face a less favorable external environment. China’s economy has slowed. The United States may not be able to avoid recession, and Europe is already in one. So it is not clear whence demand for India’s exports will come. Every Asian economy that has successfully expanded its manufacturing sector has scaled up by exporting, but this avenue may no longer be available to India. The country can of course borrow abroad to finance its current-account deficit and domestic investment. But India continues to underperform as a destination for foreign direct investment, which is deterred by bureaucratic obstacles to doing business. Having discarded suggestions that it issue dollar bonds, the government now seeks to encourage foreign investors to purchase local currency bonds. But this revised strategy is no less risky. Foreign investors in local currency bonds tend to cut and run at the first sign of trouble, since they otherwise will be hit by the double whammy of falling bond prices and a falling exchange rate. Nor does the government have space to borrow from residents to finance additional spending on the infrastructure, health care, and education needed to sustain long-term economic growth. General government debt is already 90% of GDP. The primary budget deficit, which excludes interest payments, is 3% of GDP. The government pays an average of 8% interest on its debt. But the authorities are able to keep interest rates at that level, and maintain a veneer of debt sustainability, only by requiring banks and other institutional investors to hold government bonds. This in turn limits the banks’ ability to provide essential investment finance to the private sector. Meanwhile, much of what the government takes in as revenue goes to entitlements and interest payments. Additional capital spending will therefore have to come from the private sector. And private savings are low by international standards. Most fundamentally, the government seems to have found it hard to implement structural reforms. Having experienced pushback from vested interests, it has basically taken significant reforms of labor and product markets off the table.", "zh": "卢比贬值可以使商品出口更具竞争力并限制进口商品的消费，无奈把汇率稳定当作重要图腾的印度储备银行一直不愿让卢比下跌。 未来印度出口商将面临一个不太有利的外部环境。 中国的经济已然放缓，美国可能无法避免衰退，而欧洲业已处于衰退之中，因此目前尚不清楚印度的出口需求将从何而来。 每一个成功扩大自身制造业的亚洲经济体都是通过出口来扩张规模的，但这条路印度可能行不通了。 印度当然可以向国外借款来为其经常账户赤字和国内投资提供资金。 但印度从来不是个优质的外国直接投资目的地，因为在这里做生意会遇到各类官僚主义障碍。 在放弃了发行美元债券的建议后，政府现正尝试鼓励外国投资者购买本地货币债券。 但这一修订后的策略风险不小，因为害怕受到债券价格和汇率双重下跌打击的外国本币债券投资者往往一有风吹草动就会跑路。 而在维持长期经济增长所需的基础设施、医疗保健和教育方面，印度政府也缺乏向居民借款来为额外支出融资的空间。 政府负债总额已经相当于GDP的90 % ， 基本预算赤字（不包括利息支付）达到GDP的3 % ， 还得为其债务平均支付8%的利息。 但当局只有通过要求银行和其他机构投资者持有政府债券才能将利率保持在这一水平并维护债务可持续的表象，而这反过来又限制了银行向私营部门提供基本投资资金的能力。 同时政府的大部分收入都被用于支付福利和利息。 因此额外的资本支出将不得不来自私营部门，而印度的私人储蓄按照国际标准来说是很低的。 最根本的一点是政府似乎意识到自己很难实施结构性改革。 对劳动力和产品市场进行重大改革的想法在遭遇既得利益集团反击之后基本放弃了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Europe Still Needs Cash FRANKFURT – Payment systems in Europe are facing upheaval. With the digital revolution offering ever-faster and more convenient means for settling transactions, cash seems to some to have no future. But to write off the role of banknotes and coins in the economy would be a mistake. Non-cash payment options have been proliferating in recent years. Credit cards, online transfers, and direct-debit payments are already well established. Now, smartphone-enabled digital-payment solutions and mobile wallets are also gaining ground. The emergence of potentially disruptive innovations like distributed ledger technologies indicate that further and possibly fundamental change may be on the horizon. Independent of these new and incipient options, there are a number of studies making the case to abolish cash. Advocates of a cashless society tend to fall into three distinct camps. The first camp, the alchemists, wants to overcome the restrictions that the zero lower bound (ZLB) imposes on monetary policy. The second, the law and order camp, wants to cancel the primary means of payment for illicit activities. And the third camp, the fintech (financial technology) alliance, anticipates major business opportunities arising from the elimination of the high storage, issuance, and handling costs of cash that the financial industry currently faces. But the arguments for going cashless do not withstand scrutiny. Start with the alchemists’ case. It is true that, in an environment of very low interest rates, the conduct of monetary policy becomes difficult. Yet experience has shown that the effective lower bound is different from the ZLB.", "zh": "为何欧洲需要纸币 发自法兰克福 — — 欧洲的支付体系如今正是风气云涌之际。 数字革命为交易结算提供了比以往更快捷，更方便的手段，以至于现金看似已经穷途末路。 然而抹杀钞票和硬币在经济中所扮演的角色可是要犯错误的。 近年以来非现金支付方式不断增加。 信用卡，在线转帐和直接付款技术都已极为成熟。 支持智能手机的数字支付解决方案和手机钱包也在攻城拔寨。 而一些潜在的破坏性创新（如分布式分类账技术）的出现也表明，进一步的根本性变革可能为时不远了。 在这些新生的选项之外，还有一些研究正在为消灭现金寻找依据。 而无现金社会的倡导者一般会分为三个不同的阵营。 第一阵营是一帮炼金术士，他们想要突破零利率下限对货币政策所施加的限制。 第二阵营是想要取缔现金这种非法活动主要支付方式的法律与秩序派。 而位处第三个阵营的金融技术联盟则在筹划一旦免除了金融业当前现金存储，发行和营运等高额成本之后所产生的巨大商机。 但这些要求取消现金的论据其实都经不起推敲。 让我们先从炼金术士说起：无可否认，在极低利率环境下，货币政策的执行确实困难重重。 但经验表明，更低下限与零利率下限其实是不同的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Could Hensarling’s Dodd-Frank “Off-Ramp” Work? CAMBRIDGE – Jeb Hensarling, the Republican chair of the Financial Services Committee in the US House of Representatives, delivered a wide-ranging speech last month at the Economic Club of New York, proposing to overhaul US financial regulation. Hensarling blamed regulators and excused Wall Street for the financial crisis; condemned government-funded bank bailouts; characterized the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation as a power grab; and called for increased congressional oversight of the Federal Reserve. Most of Hensarling’s proposals – even backed, as they now are, by a partisan-sounding document from the House Banking committee and a favorable Wall Street Journal review – are political nonstarters. (They would have to get 60 Senate votes and a presidential signature to pass.) They have already been sharply criticized by Democrats as being too risky and pro-bank – which they largely are. That said, one of Hensarling’s ideas is well worth exploring: an “off-ramp,” as he put it, from Dodd-Frank regulation for banks that willingly increase their available capital. Let’s go back to basics for a moment. The government guarantees bank deposits because a banking failure could hurt the entire economy. This creates moral hazard, as banks, looking for big shareholder gains, become lax in managing what effectively becomes the public’s money. They feel comfortable taking big risks, because if they lose, they just turn the bank over to the government to pay off depositors and other creditors. And if they win, they and their shareholders keep the bonanza. Regulators use two key measures to mitigate such risk-taking: they require banks to hold more capital and to keep investments, loans, and operations safer (and potentially less profitable) than the banks want them to be. Because these two central regulatory methods achieve the same end, they can theoretically be substituted for one another – regulators can set banks’ capital requirement very high, or they can set the riskiness of banks’ activities very low.", "zh": "亨萨林的多德-弗兰克法案“匝道”能奏效吗？ 发自剑桥 — — 上个月，美国众议院金融服务委员会的共和党人主席杰布·亨萨林（Jeb Hensarling）在纽约经济俱乐部发表了一次内容广泛的演讲，提议彻底改革美国金融监管制度。 关于金融危机的责任，亨萨林一面指责监管机构，一面为华尔街开脱；谴责政府资助下的银行救助行动；还将2010年的多德 - 弗兰克金融改革立法视为夺权之举；并呼吁国会强化对美联储监督。 大多数亨萨林的提议 — — 即便如今得到了一份党派意味浓厚的众议院银行委员会文件和一篇有偏向性的华尔街日报评论文章支持 — — 在政治上都是毫无意义的（这些提案都必须得到参议院60票赞成以及总统签字方能通过 ） ， 同时也已经被民主党尖锐批评为过于冒险和偏袒银行 — — 大多数提议确实如此。 即便如此，亨萨林的其中一项理念是非常值得探讨的：那些愿意增加自身可用资本金的银行是否可以摆脱多德-弗兰克法案的监管，照他的话说，与其大家都挤在一条路上，为何不能安排一条“匝道”让一些人能选择另一条路线？ 让我们先回到一些基本问题上：政府之所以会为银行存款做担保，是因为银行破产可能会损害整个经济。 这引发了道德风险，因为银行为了增加大股东的收益，会疏于管理那些实际上属于公众的资金。 它们毫不介意去冒巨大的风险，反正出事了只要把银行交回给政府来去偿还储户和其他债权人就行了。 反之一旦博赢，银行及其股东们就赚大了。 监管机构使用两个关键措施来遏制这种冒险行为：它们要求银行持有更多资本，并保证投资，贷款和操作比银行计划中更为安全（也意味着潜在利润减少 ） 。 因为这两大核心监管手段都指向同样的目的，所以理论上是可以互相替换的 — — 监管机构可以将银行的资本要求设置到极高水平，也可以将银行活动的风险程度压得极低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the past, resettlement programs in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East screened people to establish their status as refugees; assessed their education, skills, and family relations to determine where they might be integrated most easily; and worked with European, North American, and Australian governments to find them new homes. In the 1980s, such programs helped thousands of Ethiopians, Vietnamese, and Argentines, and a look at the communities in which the beneficiaries were resettled reveals that the vast majority have become self-reliant taxpayers. There is no reason that something similar cannot be done for those fleeing violence and persecution today. If asylum seekers were provided with opportunities to present their claims in the countries where they currently find themselves, they would not be forced to risk their lives at sea to reach Italy or Greece. Eritreans could file applications in Khartoum for asylum in Sweden, Germany, or the United Kingdom. Syrians in Cairo or Beirut could do the same. The claims could be prioritized and processed in a regular manner, and the refugees could arrive in Europe healthy and ready to work or study. The crisis in the Mediterranean cannot be managed in a piecemeal manner. The financial costs of patrolling its waters and rescuing those adrift are exorbitant. The loss of lives is inexcusable. But we do not have to wait until the root causes of displacement – state failure and civil war – are addressed. We need only to find the courage to create a system in which desperate people do not have to risk their lives to apply for asylum and resettlement.", "zh": "在过去，非洲、亚洲和中东的安置措施会审查相关人员以确定他们的难民身份；评估他们的教育、技能和家庭关系以确定他们在哪里最有可能实现融入；并且与欧洲、北美和澳大利亚政府合作为他们寻找新家。 20世纪80年代，这些措施帮助了成千上万埃塞俄比亚人、越南人和阿根廷人。 看看那些安置受益者的社区就能发现，绝大多数已成为自食其力的纳税人。 没有理由认为今天逃离暴力和迫害的人不能获得同样的待遇。 寻求庇护者如果可以有机会再当地获得表达诉求的机会，他们就不会被迫冒着生命危险渡海前往意大利或希腊。 厄立特里亚人将会在喀土穆申请瑞典、德国或英国庇护。 开罗或贝鲁特的叙利亚人也可以这样做。 这些诉求可以按照规定方式予以优先处理，这样难民就可以健康地到达欧洲并随时开始工作或学习。 地中海危机无法通过零敲碎打的措施管理。 搜寻水域、拯救漂流者的财务成本非常高。 生命的损失是不可挽回的。 但我们不必坐等流离失所的根源 — — 国家失败和内战 — — 得到纠正。 我们只需要找到勇气建立一套制度，让绝望的人不再需要拿生命冒险以求庇护和安置。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Right Way to Electric Cars NEW YORK – Excitement about electric cars abounds nowadays, but consider the number of existing gasoline-powered cars: about 850 million. It would take years of new-car sales to make a dent in that number. That fact at first depressed Jiri Räsänen, a civil servant in Helsinki – but then it gave him and his friends a good idea. Why not keep the cars but replace their engines? That idea would solve a lot of problems, starting not just with today’s installed base of cars, but with the installed base of car makers . Even though many of them are in trouble, it’s probably not the best time to start a new car company, either. Yet while the market for new cars has slowed dramatically, it could be a good time to start a business replacing gasoline engines with electric ones. The group’s initiative, led by Räsänen, is called eCars - Now! A small operation in Finland, it is less a company than a role model for companies that the team hopes will spring up worldwide. Borrowing from the open-software movement, Räsänen and his colleagues want to make the idea and the basic designs free, and encourage lots of companies all over the world to implement it locally. Some companies will make batteries or electric engines or retrofit kits; others will retrofit gasoline cars with the new engines – a great job opportunity for unemployed auto workers. eCars- Now! hopes to foster an ecosystem of car service workers and parts makers similar to the ecosystem of open-software programmers and generic computer hardware. Of course, the parallels end at some point, because batteries and engines aren’t quite the equivalent of PCs, but the ethos is much the same. Räsänen and his team started by measuring the potential demand for electric cars in Finland. “No one had done that before in Finland,” he recalls.", "zh": "电动汽车发展的正确方向 纽约 — — 电动汽车的出现会让我们感到欣喜，但一想到现有的以汽油为动力汽车的数量：8亿5千万辆，我们可能就乐观不起来了。 如果电动汽车也要达到如此数量，恐怕还需许多年的努力。 面对如此的现实，住在赫尔辛基的公务员Jiri Räsänen刚开始也同样感到沮丧，但随后他和他的朋友们想到了一个好主意：为什么不能在保留汽车的前提下，而只是更换发动机呢？ 这样的想法不仅解决了现有汽车的问题，而且也给汽车生产厂家指出了一条新的出路。 目前，他们的日子并不好过。 新车的销售量下滑的很厉害，如果他们另起炉灶，开设新工厂显然不是好时候。 所以这正给我们一个机会，用电动引擎来替代汽油动力的汽车。 一项命名为“eCars - Now ! ” 的项目已经启动。 该项目由Räsänen牵头，与其说是一个公司，不如说是一个在芬兰的项目小组，不过，目前，该项目正处于模型阶段，他们希望通过推广此项目，以在全球范围得到共鸣。 受到开放软件的启示，Räsänen 和他的同事希望将他们的思路和基本设计方案公开，鼓励全世界的公司在此基础上进行本土化设计。 一些公司可以生产电动汽车的电池，电动发动机或是其他款式翻新的配件，其他公司则可以专注研究如何将新的发动机来替代汽油发动机。 — — 同样，这给那些已经被裁员的汽车员工提供了一个很好的工作机会。 正如开放软件和通用电脑硬件产品的生态系统那样，eCars- Now! 也希望给汽车服务商和配件商培育出一个生态系统。 虽然两者也有一些区别，因为电池和发动机不等同于电脑产品，但二者的原理是相同的。 Räsänen 和他的团队开始调查芬兰人对电动汽车到底有多大的潜在需求。 “在芬兰，这是一个从来没有人涉足的领域 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Inflation Could Return NEW YORK – Debates about inflation in advanced economies have changed remarkably over the past decades. Setting aside (mis)measurement issues, concerns about debilitatingly high inflation and the excessive power of bond markets are long gone, and the worry now is that excessively low inflation may hamper growth. Moreover, while persistently subdued – and, on nearly $11 trillion of global bonds, negative – interest rates may be causing resource misallocations and undercutting long-term financial security for households, elevated asset prices have heightened the risk of future financial instability. Also, investors have become highly (and happily) dependent on central banks, when they should be prudently more fearful of them. In search of new ways to produce higher inflation, the major central banks have tended to favor a cyclical mindset, making frequent references to insufficient aggregate demand. But what if that is the wrong lens through which to view current conditions, and we are actually in the middle of a multi-stage process in which strong disinflationary supply-side forces eventually give way to the return of higher inflation? In that case, monetary policymakers and market participants would need to consider quite a different opportunity-risk paradigm than the one currently being pursued. To be sure, after coming close to central banks’ 2% target in 2018, core inflation rates in Europe and the United States have since been declining. The conventional measure of market expectations for inflation – the break-even rate on five-year US Treasuries – remains stubbornly below target, even though the six-month moving average pace of job creation is almost 50% above the historical level needed to absorb new labor-market entrants so deep in the economic cycle. Though the US unemployment rate (3.6%) is at its lowest level in around five decades, the labor-force participation rate (62.8%) also remains relatively low. Owing to the persistence of low inflation, monetary policies have remained ultra-loose for an unusually long time, raising concerns that the US or Europe may succumb to “Japanification” as consumers postpone purchases and companies reduce investment outlays. So far, that risk has led to protractedly low or negative (in the case of the European Central Bank) policy rates and bloated central-bank balance sheets, despite the potentially deleterious effects of such policies on the integrity of the financial system.", "zh": "通胀如何卷土重来 纽约—关于发达经济体的通货膨胀的争论，在过去十年中发生了巨变。 （错误）测量问题已无人关注，对削弱性高通胀和债券市场权力过大的担忧不复存在，现在的担心是过低的通胀可能拖累增长。 此外，利率长期受到抑制 — — 近11万亿美元全球债券甚至为负利率 — — 可能导致资源配置不当，冲击家庭长期财务安全；而高企的资产价格让未来金融动荡风险变得十分突出。 同时，投资者变得高度（并愉快地）依赖中央银行，而实际上他们应该审慎地畏惧它们。 为了寻找产生更高通胀的新方法，主要央行倾向于周期思维，频繁参考不充分的总需求。 但如果这一评估当前条件的方法根本就是错误的，我们实际上是处于多阶段过程的中部，强大的反通胀供给侧力量最终将让位于高通胀的回归，情况会如何？ 果真如此的话，货币决策者和市场参与者就需要考虑与当前截然不同的机会-风险范式。 诚然，欧洲和美国核心通胀率在2018年一度靠近央行的2%的目标，此后一直在下降。 通胀市场预期的传统衡量指标 — — 五年期美国国债盈亏平衡利率 — — 仍然显著低于目标，尽管就业创造指标的六个月移动平均值比经济周期同深度吸收新晋劳动力所需历史水平高出近50 % 。 尽管美国失业率（3.6 % ） 徘徊在约五十年来的最低点，但劳动力参与率（62.8 % ） 也相对较低。 拜通胀始终保持低迷所赐，货币政策保持极端宽松时间反常地漫长，让人担心美国和欧洲可能陷入“日本化 ” ， 即消费者暂停支出，企业削减投资。 目前，这一风险已导致政策利率长期低迷或为负（如欧洲央行的例子 ） ， 央行资产负债表大幅膨胀，尽管这样的政策组合会对金融系统的完整性造成有害影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Promise of Liberal Identity Politics SANTIAGO – Utter the words “identity politics” nowadays and you risk igniting a row. On the American left, almost all politics is identity politics. That drives the American right crazy. And not only the right: liberal intellectuals like Mark Lilla of Columbia University are making the increasingly persuasive case that identity politics is bad electoral politics. A weak Democratic Party that is little more than an amalgam of myriad identity-based groups, they argue, may well be to blame for the election of Donald Trump in 2016. The problem is that some American critics of identity politics assume there is such a thing as identity-less politics. But a quick look around the world suggests exactly the opposite: what Brexiteers, Russian nationalists, and Islamic fundamentalists have in common is that their politics are all about identity. And what is the massive backlash against immigration if not the assertion of one identity over another? The more globalized the economy becomes, the more politics around the world is being driven by very local identities. Why is this troubling? And what can be done about it? Start with the obvious: not all forms of identity politics are noxious. In an age of generalized distrust of politicians, when a voter identifies with a candidate, that is something to celebrate. Familiarity (and similarity) can breed confidence instead of contempt. A woman voter may be more likely to identify with a woman candidate. The same holds true for members of ethnic and religious minorities. And politicians, in turn, are more likely to deliver for citizens with whom they share an identity. Without Martin Luther King, Jr. and other inspiring African-American leaders, there might have been no civil rights movement. Raghabendra Chattopadhyay of the Indian Institute of Management and Esther Duflo of MIT have shown that in India the needs of women get more attention when women politicians are elected. Harvard’s Rohini Pande finds a similar effect when members of disadvantaged castes reach political office. So identity can improve the representativeness of representative democracy. And at a time when credibility is in short supply among politicians, candidates with a strong identity can make more credible promises. That is one good side of identity politics. But there is also a bad side – several, in fact. The most obvious is that a political system driven by different identities can easily become fragmented.", "zh": "自由身份政治的希望 圣地亚哥 — — 现在说出“身份政治”这个词是要冒着一连串风险的。 对美国左冀而言，几乎所有政治都是身份政治。 这几乎把美国右翼逼疯。 而且还不仅仅是右翼：像哥伦比亚大学马克·里拉这样的自由派知识分子正越来越有说服力地证明身份政治是糟糕选举政治的一种。 他们认为，脆弱的民主党不过是无数身份群体的混合体，很可能是2016年唐纳德·特朗普当选的罪魁祸首。 问题在于身份政治的某些美国批评者认为这个世界上存在与身份无关的政治。 但只要快速浏览世界各地状况就能证明结论恰恰相反：英国脱欧派、俄国民族主义分子和伊斯兰原教旨主义者的共同点就是其政治完全是身份政治。 如果没有一种身份凌驾于另一种身份之上，那么移民问题为何引发大规模抗议活动？ 经济越全球化，世界各地的政治就越会被当地身份所驱动。 这种状况为什么令人不安？ 我们能够采取哪些举措？ 让我们从显而易见的问题开始：那就是并非身份政治的所有形式都是有害的。 在选民普遍对政治家缺乏信任的年代，选民认同某个候选人是值得庆贺的。 熟悉（和相似性）可以培养信心而非歧视。 女性选民可能更容易认同女性候选人。 种族和宗教少数群体成员也同样如此。 反过来，政治家也更有可能为拥有共同身份的选民提供服务。 没有马丁·路德·金和其他鼓舞人心的非洲裔美国领袖，民权运动可能就不会发生。 印度管理学院的Raghabendra Chattopadhyay和麻省理工学院的Esther Duflo已经证明女性政治家当选时会更关注印度的女性需求。 哈佛大学的罗西尼·潘德发现弱势种姓成员担任公职也会起到同样的作用。 因此身份可以提升代议制民主的代表性。 而且因为政治家信誉缺失，具有强烈身份色彩的候选人可以做出更令人信赖的承诺。 这是身份政治的一项长处。 但身份政治也有不好的方面 — — 事实上还不止一个。 最明显的是由身份驱动的政治体系很容易就变得支离破碎。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 1971-1973, Japan’s per capita GDP fell to roughly 65% of that of the United States in purchasing-power-parity terms, while the Asian Tigers experienced economic downturns of varying degrees when they reached roughly the same income level relative to Japan. But Eichengreen, Park, and Shin also found that once this income level is reached, annual growth rates tend to fall by no more than two percentage points. This means that GDP growth should have slowed gradually in Japan after 1971, instead of plummeting by more than 50%. Likewise, given the remaining income gap with the US, the Asian Tigers should have grown faster than they have in the last two decades. But they each suffered a substantial slowdown (albeit less sharp than Japan’s). These inconsistencies can be explained by external shocks – a point emphasized by Hideo Kobayashi in his book Post-War Japanese Economy and Southeast Asia. During Japan’s economic boom, its total factor productivity (TFP, or the efficiency with which inputs are used) contributed about 40% to GDP growth. When growth plummeted, TFP fell even faster – a dramatic change that was clearly linked to the 1971 yen appreciation and the 1973 oil crisis. From a microeconomic perspective, a sudden exchange-rate shock and sharp increase in oil prices impedes firms’ ability to adjust their technology and production methods to meet new cost conditions, eventually undermining TFP growth. Such a cost shock has a more prolonged effect than a negative demand shock.", "zh": "1971—1973年，按购买力平价计算的日本人均GDP落在美国的65%左右，而亚洲四小龙也在到达相对日本的类似收入水平时经历了不同程度的经济放缓。 但艾肯格林、朴东炫和康镐炫还发现，一旦收入水平达到这一水平，年增长率的下降一般不会超过两个百分点。 这意味着日本GDP增长应该在1971年后逐渐放缓，而不应该大幅降低超过50 % 。 类似地，亚洲四小龙与美国仍然存在收入差距，因此在过去二十年中，它们本应增长得更快。 但所有四小龙都经历了大幅放缓（尽管没有日本那么剧烈 ） 。 这些不一致可以用外部冲击来解释 — — 小林英夫（Hideo Kobayashi）的著作《战后日本经济和东南亚 》 （ Post-War Japanese Economy and Southeast Asia）强调了这一点。 在日本经济繁荣期，其全要素生产率（TFP，或投入的使用效率）贡献了40%的GDP增长。 当增长大幅降速时，TFP下降得更快 — — 这一戏剧性变化显然与1971年日元升值和1973年石油危机有关。 从微观经济学角度看，突发汇率冲击和石油价格暴涨妨碍了企业调整技术和生产方式从而适应新的成本条件的能力，最终伤害了TFP增长。 这样的成本冲击具有比消极需求冲击更长的影响期。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe's Refugee Opportunity ROME – Europe’s so-called refugee crisis should never have become an emergency. Accommodating one million asylum-seekers should not be a huge challenge for the European Union – an area with 500 million citizens that welcomes more than three million immigrants every year. Unfortunately, the lack of a coordinated response is transforming a manageable problem into an acute political crisis – one that, as German Chancellor Angela Merkel has rightly warned, could destroy the EU. Most EU member states are selfishly focusing on their own interests. This pits them against one another and has precipitated panic, putting refugees in even greater peril. A smart, comprehensive plan would calm the fears. Instead, Europe has preferred to search for scapegoats – and Greece is the latest to be targeted for blame. Greece has been accused of not doing enough to process and house refugees. And yet, even if the country were not crippled by economic crisis, it would be unreasonable to expect a single small country to bear the burden alone – especially in a year when more than 800,000 refugees are expected to pass through its territory. This is a European and global problem, not solely a Greek problem. There is plenty of blame to go around. In Greece, George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, acting in partnership with European Economic Area and Norway Grants, anticipated the problems that the lack of a serious European asylum policy would create. In 2013, the partnership established an organization, Solidarity Now, run by the cream of Greek civil society. Solidarity Now needs just €62 million ($67 million) to care for 15,000 of the 50,000 refugees who need to be housed in Greece next year. And yet, though the EU has promised to spend €500 million to help Greece manage the crisis, some member states have failed to pay their share. In addition to supporting Greece, the EU needs a comprehensive plan for managing the arrival of asylum-seekers in a safe, orderly way. That means operating beyond Europe’s borders, as, from the donors’ perspective, it is much less disruptive and expensive to maintain asylum-seekers close to their present locations.", "zh": "欧洲的难民机会 罗马—欧洲的所谓难民危机原本绝不应该成为一种紧急状况。 安置一百万寻求庇护者不应该成为欧盟的艰巨挑战 — — 欧盟拥有5亿公民，每年都要迎来三百多万移民。 不幸的是，缺乏协作应对措施正在将这个可管理的问题变为一场尖锐的政治危机 — — 如德国总理默克尔所正确地警告的，这场危机可能毁掉欧盟。 大部分欧盟成员国都自私地只关注自身利益。 这让它们彼此对立，也制造了恐慌，让难民的境况更加危险。 明智的全面计划可以平息恐慌。 相反，欧盟却偏好于寻找替罪羊 — — 而希腊则是最新的指责对象。 希腊被指责在处理和安置移民方面做得不够。 然而，即使希腊没有受到经济危机影响，要求像它这样的小国独自承担这一负担也是不合理的 — — 特别是面临一年800,000多难民过境的情况。 这是一个欧洲和全球问题，而不仅仅是希腊的问题。 应该负责的对象有很多。 在希腊，乔治·索罗斯（George Soros）的开放社会基金会（Open Society Foundations）与欧洲经济区（European Economic Area）和挪威捐赠基金（Norway Grants）合作行动，预见到欧洲高层避难政策缺位可能带来的问题。 2013年，它们合作成立了一个叫作“立刻团结 ” （ Solidarity Now）的组织，由希腊公民社会精英运营。 立刻团结组织只需要6,200万欧元就可以为明年需要住在希腊的50,000难民中的15,000人提供照顾。 但是，尽管欧洲承诺拿出5亿欧元帮助希腊管理这场危机，但一些成员国并没有拿出应当的份额。 除了支持希腊，欧盟还需要一个全面的计划让寻求庇护者以安全有序的方式到来。 这意味着在欧洲边界之外展开工作，从出资者的角度看，让寻求庇护者保持在现在所处的位置附近要安全得多，成本也低得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Climate Science or Climate Evangelism? COPENHAGEN – As George W. Bush and Tony Blair learned the hard way, the public does not take kindly to being misled about the nature of potential threats. The after-the-fact revelation that the reasons for invading Iraq were vastly exaggerated – and in some cases completely fabricated – produced an angry backlash that helped toss the Republicans out of power in the United States in 2008 and may do the same to Britain’s Labour Party later this year. A similar shift in global public opinion is occurring with respect to climate change. The process picked up momentum late last year, after hackers leaked thousands of e-mails from a top British research facility showing that some of the world’s most influential climatologists had been trying to disguise flaws in their work, blocking scrutiny, and plotting together to enforce what amounts to a party line on climate change. More recently, the United Nations’ respected advisory group, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), has been deeply embarrassed by the revelation that some alarming predictions contained in an influential report that it released in 2007 have little or no scientific basis. Although none of these lapses provides any reason to doubt that global warming is real, is man-made, and will create problems for us, these challenges to the IPCC are taking their toll.", "zh": "气候科学还是气候传教？ 发自哥本哈根 — — 美国前总统小布什和英国前首相布莱尔这两位仁兄都已经深刻地领悟到，如果公众发现自己在某些潜在威胁的真相上受到了误导，那么后果就会很严重。 在入侵伊拉克问题上，事后调查发现其中的动因都被极度夸大了 — — 某些甚至是捏造出来的 — — 于是民众为此爆发出来的愤怒和反抗在 2008 年把美国共和党赶下了台，而这一切也很可能在今年晚些时候在英国工党身上重演一遍。 而在气候变化问题上，全球舆论也发生了类似的转向。 自从去年年底网络黑客公布了数千封来自英国某顶尖研究机构的电子邮件，揭露某些全球最具影响力的气象学家一直以来都在努力粉饰其在气候变化问题上的研究缺陷，阻挠审查，并合谋将自己这一派的气候变化观点强加于人之后，这一转向过程更呈现出加速的趋势。 而美国权威咨询小组政府间气候变化专门委员会（ IPCC ）最近也陷入了十分尴尬的境地，因为该机构在 2007 年发布的一份影响重大的报告中的某些骇人听闻的预测也被揭露出是毫无科学依据的。 尽管这些谬误并未让我们质疑全球变暖确实正在发生，确实是人为所致，而且确实将带来很多麻烦，但这些对 IPCC 的质疑也造成了极大的损害。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany’s Misunderstood Trade Surplus BERLIN – Now that Germany’s current-account surplus has reached a record €270 billion ($285 billion), or close to 8.7% of GDP, the ongoing debate about its economic model has intensified. Eurozone politicians and Donald Trump’s administration in the United States are each blaming the other for the economic imbalance; and all are blaming the euro. Trump’s administration, for its part, has attacked Germany for exporting too much, and accused it of manipulating the euro. In fact, Germany’s trade surplus has little to do with the euro; which has become a convenient scapegoat – a stand-in for other policy mistakes. Many Germans view the latest wave of criticism as a sign that others are merely envious of their country’s success, and they have angrily refuted arguments that Germany has tried to gain an unfair competitive advantage. Germany, they point out, does not engage in price dumping or direct export promotion, and its leaders do not target the euro. On the contrary, prior to adopting the common currency, Germany had for decades pursued a strong-Deutsche Mark policy, because it wanted to encourage domestic exporters to maintain competitiveness through innovation, rather than reliance on the exchange rate. This was the central feature of Germany’s economic model after World War II, and the main reason its long Wirtschaftswunder (“economic miracle”) could be sustained. The criticism of Germany’s trade surplus suffers from three fallacies.", "zh": "被误解的德国贸易盈余 柏林—德国经常项目盈余已经达到了创纪录的2,700亿美元，接近GDP的8.7 % ， 这使得关于德国经济模式的争论变得更加激烈了。 欧元区政客和美国特朗普政府互相指责对方要为经济失衡负责，而欧元又是他们一致的矛头。 特朗普政府抨击德国出口太多，指责德国操纵欧元。 事实上，德国的贸易盈余与欧元没有什么关系；而欧元早已成为理所当然的替罪羊 — — 随时拿来替其他政策错误顶罪。 许多德国人把最近的批评潮视为德国因为成功遭受妒忌的信号，他们愤怒地驳斥说，德国从未试图赢得不公平的竞争优势。 他们指出，德国没有做过低价倾销或直接出口刺激的勾当，德国领导人也没有把欧元当作目标。 相反，在采取这一共同货币之前，德国几十年来一直采取的是强势德国马克政策，因为德国希望鼓励本国出口商通过创新而不是依靠汇率保持竞争力。 这是二战后德国经济模式的核心特征，也是其保持长盛不衰的“经济奇迹”的主要原因。 对德国贸易盈余的批评有三个漏洞。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And, over the last three years, China has worked hard to keep economic losses within its 1.5%-of-GDP target. Meanwhile, Turkey will have earthquake-proofed every school and hospital in the country by 2017. Ethiopia has developed a sophisticated data-management system to help guide its efforts to address not only drought but also other natural hazards. Both countries – and many others – have incorporated the study of disaster risk into their school curriculum. In Latin America, a cost-benefit analysis in Ecuador has concluded that each dollar invested in disaster risk reduction, by eliminating recurring losses from floods and storms, ultimately provides $9.50 in savings. Similarly, the European Union estimates that €1 ($1.18) spent on flood protection brings €6 in savings. In the United Kingdom, for example, investment in flood defenses meant that 800,000 properties were protected during last winter’s storms, significantly reducing the bill for response and recovery. But more must be done. In the last 44 years, disasters caused by weather, climate, and water-related hazards have led to 3.5 million deaths. Though progress has been made in reducing disaster-related mortality – according to the Center for Research into the Epidemiology of Disasters, the number of disaster-related deaths has not increased significantly in the last decade, despite the uptick in disasters – this figure remains far too high. Moreover, even where people’s lives are saved, their livelihoods are often decimated.", "zh": "而在过去三年中，中国花大力气将经济损失限制在GDP的1.5%以内。 与此同时，土耳其将在2017年实现所有学校和医院的抗震改造。 埃塞俄比亚开发了先进的数据管理系统帮助指导干旱和其他自然风险治理措施。 土耳其和埃塞俄比亚 — — 以及其他许多国家 — — 都将灾难风险研究纳入了学校课程。 在拉丁美洲，厄瓜多尔的一项成本效益分析表明，投资于遏制灾难风险的每一美元，通过消除洪水和风暴的再发损失，最终可以为社会节省9.5美元。 类似地，据欧盟测算，用于洪水保护的每1欧元可以为社会节省6欧元。 比如，在英国，防洪投资让800,000座房产在去年冬天的风暴中得到了保护，极大地降低了灾难响应和恢复支出。 但我们还必须做更多事。 在过去44年中，天气、气候和水相关风险导致的灾难夺走了350万人的生命。 尽管在降低灾难致命性方面已经取得了一些进展 — — 根据灾难导致流行病研究中心（Center for Research into the Epidemiology of Disasters）的数据，灾难呈现升级之势，但灾难相关死亡人数在过去十年中没有增长 — — 但死亡人数仍然太高了。 此外，即使人们的性命保住了，但生活往往遭到毁灭性打击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Infrastructure’s Class of Its Own BEIJING – After several months of disappointing economic indicators, China’s State Council has unveiled a “mini-stimulus” package, focused on social-housing construction and railway expansion. The decision came a month after Premier Li Keqiang’s declaration that China had set its annual growth target at “around 7.5%” – the same as last year’s goal. The implication is clear: While consumption-driven growth remains a long-term goal for China, infrastructure will continue – at least in the short term – to serve as a key driver of China’s economy. Of course, China is not the only economy that depends on infrastructure investment to buttress economic growth. The World Bank estimates that infrastructure investments accounted for nearly half of the acceleration in Sub-Saharan Africa’s economic growth in 2001-2005. According to the Bank, a 10% increase in infrastructure investment is associated with GDP growth of 1%. Such investment also creates jobs, both in the short term, by creating demand for materials and labor, and in the long term, for related services. For example, every $100 million invested in rural road maintenance translates into an estimated 25,000-50,000 job opportunities. But these benefits are diluted in China, owing to its excessive reliance on public funding. Indeed, in recent years, less than 0.03% of Chinese infrastructure investment – which amounted to roughly 9% of GDP – was derived from private capital. This problem is not limited to China; of the 7.2% of GDP that Asian countries spend, on average, on infrastructure development, only about 0.2% is privately funded. By contrast, in Latin America and the Caribbean, private capital finances, respectively, 1.9% and 1.6% of infrastructure investment. Discussions within the G-20 have produced two possible explanations for Asian countries’ inability to attract more private capital to infrastructure projects. Most developing countries argue that the problem is rooted in the provision of capital, with investors preferring to fill their infrastructure portfolios with low-risk projects, and insurance companies and banks facing overly restrictive regulations. OECD countries like Germany counter that the problem is the lack of investment-worthy assets; there are simply not enough bankable projects available. In fact, both explanations are correct – but neither is complete.", "zh": "基础设施应单独成一类 北京—近几个月来，中国的经济指标令人失望，中国国务院抛出了集中于社会保障房和铁路建设的“迷你刺激”计划。 此前一个月，李克强总理宣布中国的年增长目标是“7.5%左右 ” ， 与去年持平。 言下之意是明确的：尽管消费推动型增长仍是中国的长期目标，但基础设施 — — 至少在短期 — — 依然是中国经济的重要推动力。 当然，中国决非唯一一个依赖基础设施投资支持经济增长的经济体。 世界银行估算，2001—2005年，基础设施投资贡献了撒哈拉以南非洲地区经济增长加速的近一半。 据世界银行的数据，基础设施投资增加10%将伴随GDP增长1 % 。 这笔投资还能创造就业 — — 从短期看，是通过创造对原材料和劳动力的需求；从长期看，是通过创造对相关服务的需求。 比如，每1亿美元农村公路维持投���可以创造约25,000—50,000个就业机会。 但这些好处在中国被稀释了，因为中国过度依赖公共融资。 事实上，在最近几年中，中国基础设施投资（约占GDP的9 % ） 中只有不到0.03%来自私人资本。 这不仅仅是中国的问题；平均而言，亚洲国家将GDP的7.2%花在了基础设施开发上，其中只有0.2%为私人供资。 相反，在拉丁美洲和加勒比地区，基础设施投资的私人资本融资比例分别为1.9%和1.6 % 。 二十国集团的内部讨论就亚洲国家无法吸引更多私人资本投向基础设施项目的问题提出了两个解释。 大部分发展中国家认为问题的根源在于资本供给，投资者更喜欢投资低风险基础设施项目，而保险公司和银行业面临着过度严格的监管。 德国等经合组织国家反驳说问题在于缺少值得投资的资产；即这只不过是可获得银行可接受的项目太少的缘故。 事实上，两种解释都是正确的 — — 但都有失偏颇。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“啊，这个，一定是他！新手袍呀！！”烈烈已经是第十七次指着某个玩家嚷嚷了。 落落使用了一下鉴定术后，叹息道：“烈烈啊！高手不一定要很英俊，那只是你一厢情愿的想法罢了，你不要看到一个长得帅的法师就说是。你刚刚指的这个人才12级。” “哦……” “咱们在这里多长时间了？”七月问。 “差不多快半小时了。”落落说。 “难道这人不打算来自首？”七月道出了真相。 “不会吧？pk值15啊，那他要在外面漂30个小时的，中间不下线了？如果要下线，回下线区的路上就很可能被人发现，只要是领取了通缉任务的玩家，在安全区也一样可以攻击他。”落落说。 “那他怎么还不现身？”七月扫了一眼通缉榜。 “也许他也料到会有好多人等他过来自首，故意在哪个地方耗着吧！”落落说。 “哦！那再等等吧！” 所有人都是抱着这样的心思，耐心的等待着，直至一个小时过去。", "en": "“Ah, that one! That’s definitely him! He’s wearing a beginner robe!” Lie Lie boomed as she pointed to a player for the seventeenth time. Luo Luo appraised the player and sighed, “Lie Lie! A pro may not necessarily be handsome, so curb your wishful thinking and stop calling my attention to every good-looking Mage here! That last one is only at level 12.” “Oh....” “How long have we been here, anyway?” July asked. “Close to half an hour,” Luo Luo answered. “Is it possible that he does not intend to turn himself in?” July wondered. “That can’t be. With a PK value of 15, he’ll have to drift outside the city for thirty hours. Doesn’t he have to go offline? If he goes to a designated log-off point, any player who has taken the ‘Bounty Mission’ might manage to kill him off before he reaches the safe zone,” Luo Luo said. “How else would you explain why he hasn’t shown up yet?” July swept her gaze across the Wanted Players list. “Maybe he has predicted that there’ll be plenty of people waiting for him to surrender himself, so he found a place to while his time away instead!” Luo Luo suggested. “Oh! Guess we’ve got to wait a bit more, then!” They held onto that sort of mentality as they patiently waited until it was past an hour."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Maduro’s conspiracy theory that his mentor’s cancer was the result of poisoning by “the dark forces that wanted him out of the way” is not particularly original, though it does raise the stakes. Chávez himself always maintained that his idol, Simón Bolívar, was poisoned by his enemies in Colombia in 1830. History, more imaginary than real, offers Maduro a score of additional examples. Was Napoleon slowly poisoned by arsenic during his exile in St. Helena? Did Lenin die of syphilis, a massive stroke, or poisoning by Stalin? Given the bizarre circumstances of Stalin’s own death, was he poisoned by his secret police chief, Lavrentiy Beria, or perhaps by his archenemy, Yugoslavia’s Josip Broz Tito? Did “Dear Leader” Kim Jong-il suffer a heart attack in bed, or, more nobly, on a train trip while working for the welfare of his beloved people? Allegations of poisoning by the wicked imperialists are, of course, a feature of the official Kim death story. Maduro himself invoked the rumor that the Israelis poisoned former Palestinian President Yasser Arafat. He could just as well refer to Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser, who dropped dead of a heart attack in 1970; Nasser’s confidant, the journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, always maintained that the president had been poisoned by his deputy and successor, Anwar El Sadat.", "zh": "马杜罗的阴谋论 — — 他的革命导师的癌症是因为“想让他让路的黑暗势力”投毒造成的 — — 并不新鲜，尽管这的确增加了传奇性。 查韦斯本人一直说，他的偶像玻利瓦尔1830年在哥伦比亚死于敌手投毒。 历史的想象力总是大于现实。 历史给了马杜罗的说法更多例证。 拿破仑是因为在圣赫勒拿岛流放期间被砒霜慢慢毒死的吗？ 列宁是死于梅毒、大中风还是被斯大林毒死的？ 斯大林本人也死得颇为离奇，他是被秘密警察头子贝利亚毒死的吗？ 又或许是被主要对手、南斯拉夫的铁托毒死的？ “敬爱的领袖”金正日的心脏病是在床上还是在火车上为他所爱的人民谋福利时发作的？ 当然，指控邪恶帝国主义者投毒也是金正日之死官方消息的一部分。 马杜罗本人援引了以色列毒杀前巴勒斯坦总统阿拉法特的流言。 他还提到了埃及1970年死于心脏病的纳赛尔；纳赛尔的密友、记者西凯尔（Mohamed Hassanein Heikal）一直宣称纳赛尔是被其副手兼继任者萨达特毒死的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, financial innovation and globalization allow markets to spread risk more effectively than ever before, placing it in the hands of those who can best manage it. Improved central bank policy is another huge factor. In the early 1990’s, the average level of world inflation exceeded 30%; now it is less than 4%. All of these changes have in turn contributed to lower economy-wide output and consumption volatility in both rich and developing countries. They have also contributed mightily to the high general level of asset prices, helping create the vast riches of which today’s hungry young traders are so jealous. So will today’s relative market calm continue? Unfortunately, no. Today’s brave new world of financial globalization will almost surely face severe new stress tests, reminding us that recessions still happen. Frankly, although I do not see the five-year-old global expansion coming to an end yet, there is no question that risks are on the rise, with output in the United States having slowed sharply in the third quarter, and central banks’ hands tied by inflation risks. Further ahead, it is not hard to imagine geopolitical instability – possibly emanating from Iran, Iraq, or North Korea – unsettling markets. Whatever the scenario that ends the calm, today’s age of low volatility will seem like a distant dream to most of us – and a forgotten nightmare for ambitious financial traders.", "zh": "另外，金融革新和全球化使市场比以前能更有效地传播风险，而把它放在那些能最好地控制它的人手中。 中央银行政策的改进也是另外一个巨大的因素。 在二十世纪九十年代早期，世界通货膨胀的平均水平超过30 % ； 而现在它只有不到4 % 。 所有这些变化反过来使富有国家和发展中的国家经济方面的产量和消费波动都降低了。 它们还大大地帮助使资产价值总体上处于一个很高的水准，并且创造了令当今的饥渴的年轻投资者们如此羡慕的巨大的财富。 那么今天市场相对的平静会一直延续下去吗？ 不幸的是，答案是否定的。 今天金融全球化美妙的新世界几乎肯定会面临严峻的新的压力的挑战，提醒我们衰退依然在发生着。 坦率地说，尽管我并不认为长达五年的全球增长已经走到了尽头，但是毫无疑问风险正在加大，美国第三季度的产量就大大放缓了，而中央银行正在极力消除通货膨胀的危险。 不管用什么方案来结束现在市场的平静，今天的低波动对于我们大多数人来说将会成为一个遥远的梦 — — 并且成为雄心勃勃的金融交易者们的一个遗忘的恶梦。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Their continued independence is now deemed essential to China’s national security. As a result, any more Russian efforts to establish even informal suzerainty over the Soviet successor states are, following the dismemberment of Georgia, likely to meet Chinese resistance. The economic components of the Sino-Russian relationship – where real attachments are tested – are also dissatisfactory, at least from China’s point of view. China’s major interest in Russia is oil and gas. But, while Russia is firmly committed to being a major supplier of gas and oil to Europe, it is hesitant to play a similar role with China. Moreover, Russia’s efforts to gain monopoly control of the gas pipeline networks across Eurasia pose a direct danger for China, because monopolists can not only gouge their consumers, but also shut off supplies for political purposes, as Russia has done repeatedly over the past two decades. So China’s national security interest is to ensure that the gas-supplying nations of Central Asia have outlets to sell their gas that are not under Kremlin control. Other than oil, gas, and other commodities, China has rather limited interests in Russia. Russia has been China’s major supplier of weapons since the late 1990’s. But, given the stagnant state of Russian science and technology, even the best Russian equipment nowadays seems out of date.", "zh": "现在，这些缓冲国持续的独立被中国认为是对其国家安全极其重要的。 结果，在格鲁吉亚被分裂后，俄罗斯任何新的对原苏联国家的即使是建立非正式的宗主国地位的努力，都有可能遭到中国的抵制。 中俄关系的经济元素 — — 在这里双方关系真正地得到考验 — — 也不令人满意，至少从中国方面的观点来看如此。 中国对俄罗斯最感兴趣的是石油和天然气。 但是，在俄罗斯坚定地承诺成为欧洲石油和天然气主要供应商的同时，它却对向中国扮演同样的角色很犹豫。 而且，俄罗斯努力取得对跨越欧亚的天然气管道网络的垄断地位，对中国构成了直接的威胁，因为垄断主义者不但可以欺骗其消费者，而且还可以为了政治目的而切断供应，像俄罗斯在过去20年里多次做过的那样。 所以，中国的国家安全利益是保证中亚的天然气供应国有不受克里姆林宫控制的出售天然气的管道。 除了石油、天然气以及其他商品外，中国对俄罗斯的兴趣相对有限。 俄罗斯从20世纪90年代后期开始成为中国主要的武器供应国。 但是，鉴于俄罗斯科学和技术停滞不前的状态，现在即使最好的俄罗斯装备也似乎过时了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putting it together, I concluded that it was only a matter of time before another dip would occur. So, what happened? Basically, the shock turned out to be short-lived – also for three reasons: vaccines, human nature, and Bidenomics. Just as Americans signed up for shots, COVID infection rates plunged to just 26% of their early January peaks. That development, together with a sharply accelerated vaccination trajectory, pointed to sooner-than-expected herd immunity and a prompt end to the pandemic. Second, dismissing worrisome new COVID variants, impatient Americans and their compliant political leaders are breaking with recommended public health restrictions. And, third, the fiscal floodgates have been opened as never before: the $900 billion package of late 2020, followed by the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan in March, and now a proposed $2 trillion-plus of additional stimulus for infrastructure writ large dubbed the American Jobs Plan. With the end of COVID in sight, all this has turned into a powerful pro-cyclical fiscal stimulus, which, together with ongoing unprecedented monetary accommodation, has made the boom a one-way bet. And those ever-fickle economic indicators that were heading down late last year have now broken to the upside with a vengeance. In the end, the confluence of science, politics, and the indomitable human spirit left my out-of-consensus double-dip call in tatters. It wasn’t my first forecasting mistake, but it is probably the most glaring. Mea culpa is an understatement. Back to the ivory tower.", "zh": "综合起来，我的结论是，二次探底只是时间问题。 那么，发生了什么？ 基本上，这种冲击是短暂的 — — 原因也有三：疫苗、人性和拜登经济学。 美国人踊跃接种，新冠感染率 跌至1月初峰值的26 % 。 这一趋势，再加上疫苗接种迅速加快，意味着比预期更快地建立群体免疫，并迅速结束疫情。 其次，不耐烦的美国人和他们的顺从的政治领导人不顾令人担忧的新冠病毒新变种，正在打破建议的公共卫生限制。 第三，财政闸门前所未有地洞开 2020年底的9000亿美元一揽子计划 ，3月份的1.9万亿美元 美国救援计划 ，以及现在提出的2万亿美元以上的被称为“美国就业计划”额外基础设施刺激。 随着疫情结束近在眼前，所有这一切变成了强力顺周期财政刺激，再加上持续前所未有的货币宽松，使得经济繁荣成为不二之选。 去年年底探底的经济指标，如今已以报复性反弹。 最后，科学、政治和不屈不挠的人类精神的合力，让我特立独行的二次探底预测成为笑话。 这不是我第一次预测错误，但它可能是最“耀眼”的。 说“责任在我”是轻描淡写。 还是回到象牙塔比较好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if for-profit models become dominant, however, open-source competitors could chip away at their market share, just as Mozilla’s Firefox did to Google’s Chrome browser and Android did to Apple’s mobile operating system, iOS. Then again, cloud computing giants like AWS and Microsoft Azure could also leverage generative AI products to increase their market power. As was debated at the recent World Economic Forum meeting in Davos, generative AI is too powerful and potentially transformative to leave its fate in the hands of a few dominant companies. But while there is a clear demand for regulatory intervention, the accelerated pace of technological advance leaves governments at a huge disadvantage. To ensure that the public interest is represented at the technological frontier, the world needs a public alternative to for-profit LLMs. Democratic governments could form a multilateral body that would develop means to prevent fakery, trolling, and other online harms, like a CERN for generative AI. Alternatively, they could establish a publicly-funded competitor with a different business model and incentives to foster competition between the two models. Whichever path global policymakers choose, standing in place is not an option. It is abundantly clear that leaving it to the market to decide how these powerful technologies are used, and by whom, is a very risky proposition.", "zh": "而即使营利性模式成为主导，开源竞争者也可以削减其市场份额，就像Mozilla的火狐浏览器对谷歌的Chrome浏览器和安卓对苹果iOS移动操作系统所做的那样。 然后亚马逊网络服务和微软Azure这样的云计算巨头也可以利用生成性人工智能产品来增加其市场实力。 正如人们最近在达沃斯世界经济论坛会议上所讨论的那样，生成性人工智能过于强大且具备潜在变革性，不能任由其命运掌握少数主导企业手中。 但虽然有明确的监管干预需求，但技术进步的加速却使政府处于极大不利地位。 为确保公共利益能在技术前沿得到体现，世界需要一个可替代营利性大型语言模型的公共机构。 民主政府可以成立一个多边机构去开发各类防止造假、网暴和其他在线危害行为的手段，类似于一个生成性人工智能界的欧洲核子研究中心，或者还可以建立一个采用不同商业模式和激励手段的公共资助竞争者去促进两种模式之间的竞争。 无论全球政策制定者选择哪条道路，原地踏步都不是一个选项。 任由市场来决定如何使用这些强大的技术以及由谁来使用很显然是一个非常危险的提议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such leaders will have a hard time supporting programs that imply rapid deficit growth, like the Green New Deal or a single-payer health-care plan, or forgiveness of all student debt. It is unclear, at best, how the country would pay for such programs, and their constituents will largely find them threatening as a result. The bold ideas now coming to the fore among some Democratic candidates may sound appealing, especially to a party searching for ways to galvanize young voters, and they surely contain elements that address important issues facing the US. But policy ideas are not campaign soundbites. Each must be weighed in terms of what it would cost, what would have to be sacrificed to pay for it, the net impact on the deficit, and critically, whether it empowers or alienates swing-state leaders. Over the last two generations, the US presidency has become more powerful than ever, dominating the political system in a way never intended in the Constitution. Historically, presidents have nonetheless been constrained by a combination of respect for the rule of law, a default to truthful and ethical behavior, a willingness and ability to act strategically to strengthen the US in the long run, and, critically, the Senate’s constitutional duty to act as an independent limiter to a president’s power. Today, all four of these constraints are gone. Trump has no interest in the constitution, honesty, or best positioning the US for the long term.", "zh": "上述领导人将很难支持那些意味着赤字快速增长的项目，例如绿色新政或单一付款人医疗保健计划，或者免除所有学生债务。 充其量，国家将如何支付上述项目的费用尚不明确，而选民因此将在很大程度上发现其中的威胁因素。 现在在某些民主党候选人中流行的大胆想法听上去可能颇具吸引力，尤其是对于一个正在千方百计激励年轻选民的政党来说，而且它们肯定包含解决美国所面临主要问题的相关要素。 但政策理念并非竞选口号。 必须从所要付出的代价、为支付费用所需付出的牺牲、对赤字的净影响以及更为关键的是，这样做究竟授权抑或疏远摇摆州领袖等方面来权衡它们的轻重。 在过去两代人中，美国总统权力比以往任何时候都更强大，并以一种宪法从未预想过的方式主宰政治制度。 从历史上看，总统无一例外的受制于尊重法治、自动选择符合真理和道德的行为，从长远来看战略性强化美国力量的意愿和能力，以及更为关键的是，参议院作为总统权力独立限制者的宪法义务的约束。 而今天，所有上述4个限制因素都已经消失了。 特朗普对宪法、诚实或美国的长期最佳利益并不关注。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the same time, plummeting prices would attract new homebuyers in major cities, causing the market to stabilize. And China’s recently announced urbanization strategy should ensure that cities’ demographic structure supports intrinsic demand. If that were not enough to ward off disaster, the government could purchase unsold properties and use them for social housing. Moreover, if necessary, banks could recover funds by selling collateral. As a last resort, the government could step in, as it did in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s, to remove NPLs from banks’ balance sheets. Indeed, China has a massive war chest of foreign-exchange reserves that it would not hesitate to use to inject capital into commercial banks. That remains a highly unlikely scenario. China’s banking system does face risks stemming from a maturity mismatch between loans and deposits. But the mismatch is less severe than some observers believe. In fact, the average term of deposits in China’s banks is about nine months, while medium- and long-term loans account for just over half of total outstanding credit. A more salient threat would arise if the government pursued too much capital-account liberalization too fast. If China eases restrictions on cross-border capital flows, an unexpected shock could trigger large-scale capital flight, bringing down the entire financial system. Given this, it is vital that China maintains controls over short-term cross-border capital flows in the foreseeable future. Likewise, the Chinese government must address a fundamental contradiction. Monetary interest rates have increased steadily, owing to rampant regulatory arbitrage (whereby banks find loopholes that enable them to avoid unfavorable rules) and the fragmentation of the credit market, while return on capital has fallen rapidly because of overcapacity. If the Chinese government fails to reverse this trend, a financial crisis – in one form or another – will become inevitable. But, given the authorities’ broad scope for policy intervention, the crash will not come anytime soon – if it comes at all.", "zh": "与此同时，价格剧降会吸引大城市的新买家，让市场企稳。 中国最近宣布的城市化战略应能确保城市人口结构支持内在需求。 如果这还不足以防止灾难，那么政府还可以收购未出售住房用于社会保障房。 此外，如有必要，银行可以拍卖抵押品回收资金。 最后，政府也可以介入，如20世纪90年代末、21世纪初那样将不良贷款从银行帐上剥离。 事实上，中国有巨大的外汇储备，向商业银行注入资本根本不需要犹豫。 这样的情景可能性很低。 中国银行系统确实面临存贷款期限不匹配问题所产生的风险。 但这一不匹配的程度比一些观察者认为的轻。 事实上，中资银行平均存款期限是九个月左右，中长期贷款只是刚刚超出总未偿还信用的一半。 如果政府的资本账户自由化步子迈得太大太快，就会产生更大的风险。 如果中国放松跨境资本流限制，那么意外冲击就可能引发大规模资本外逃，拖垮整个金融体系。 因此，中国，在可预见的未来，中国应该保持对短期跨净资本流的管制。 类似地，中国政府必须纠正一个基本矛盾。 由于监管套利肆虐（银行借此寻找漏洞规避不利规则）和信用市场分裂，货币利率稳步上升，与此同时，产能过剩却让资本回报快速下降。 如果中国政府不能扭转这一趋势，金融危机 — — 不管以何种形式 — — 就将难以避免。 但是，考虑到当局有很大的政策干预余地，即使不能完全排除崩溃的可能，短期也不太可能发生崩溃。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There are four fundamental ingredients of such man-made disasters: repression of the market, suppression of information, systematic persecution of dissent, and attribution of blame for the disaster to the victims (which justifies radicalizing the policies that led to the problem in the first place). Sadly, Ukraine is not the only example: The human toll in China of Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward of 1958-1961 was even greater, causing an estimated 15-45 million deaths. As in Ukraine and China, Venezuela’s government has been trying to collectivize production. After Hugo Chávez was re-elected in 2006, he decided to accelerate the “revolution” and nationalized banks, telecoms, cement, steel, supermarkets, hundreds of other firms, and millions of hectares of land. And, as in Ukraine and China, the affected firms’ output quickly collapsed. Beyond outright expropriation, the government implemented a system that attacked the market’s natural ability to self-organize the economy. The market is no panacea, and it can work only with a state that operates properly, but it is a powerful stabilizing force. Market prices provide information about what is in short supply. Profits create incentives to respond to the information contained in prices. And capital markets allocate resources in pursuit of profits. Markets may fail, and policies can improve on outcomes; but Chávez and Maduro, like Stalin and Mao, attacked the market mechanism itself. In Venezuela, a generalized system of price and foreign-exchange controls is causing havoc. Foreign exchange is allocated administratively at a price that is about 130 times cheaper than the market rate. Not even drug trafficking is as profitable as this arbitrage opportunity, with obvious consequences. A formula for “just” prices keeps all prices artificially low (setting higher prices buys violators a ticket to prison), causing shortages, rationing, and queues that consume many hours of most Venezuelans’ days. Shortages of critical items have already cost many lives, not to mention the devastating effects on production. And, despite price controls, inflation is above 200%, because the central bank monetizes a fiscal deficit of more than 20% of GDP. The rising oil prices that accompanied the adoption of these policies initially muted their impact, as imports could make up for the fall in output.", "zh": "这样的人为灾难有四个基本要素：抑制市场、压制信息流动、对持不同政见者的全面迫害以及将灾难责任归咎于受害者本身（即证明从一开始就导致上述问题的极端政策的合理性 ） 。 可悲的是，乌克兰并不是唯一的例子：1958至1961年毛泽东在中国开展的大跃进造成的人员伤亡更大，估计导致大概1，500万到4，500万人死于非命。 步乌克兰和中国的后尘，委内瑞拉政府一直不遗余力地推动生产集体化进程。 2006年查韦斯再次当选后，他决定加快推进“革命 ” ， 实现银行、电信、水泥、钢铁、超市、数以百计的企业和数以百万计公顷土地的国有化进程。 而且，就像乌克兰和中国一样，受影响企业的生产很快就陷入崩溃的境地。 除直接征收外，政府还实施一套攻击市场自我组织经济能力的系统。 市场是强大的稳定力量而非万能良药，需要政府正常运作才能发挥作用。 供不应求的商品信息反映在市场价格当中，而利润则刺激人们对价格所包含的信息做出反应。 而资本市场配置资源目的是追求利润。 市场有可能失灵，政策的结果也可以改善；但查韦斯和马杜罗就像斯大林和毛泽东一样攻击市场机制本身。 在委内瑞拉，对价格和外汇的全面管制正造成明显的破坏作用。 行政管制方式确定的外汇价格比市场价便宜约130倍。 就连贩毒这样有明显后果的行为都比不上上述套利机会所带来的利润。 “公平”价公式人为压低所有商品价格（违法提价者往往会因此而获刑 ） 。 结果造成商品短缺、配给制和每天耗费多数委内瑞拉人高达数小时排队的购物长龙。 重要物品短缺已经造成很多委内瑞拉人死亡，更不用说严重破坏了生产活动。 而且，通货膨胀在实行价格管制的情况下仍然超过200 % ， 因为央行货币化的财政赤字超过GDP的20 % 。 伴随上述政策的油价上涨最初屏蔽了其负面影响，因为进口可以弥补产能的不足。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My Best Investment JAKARTA – When I was boy, I dreamed of becoming a doctor. I was born in Indonesia in the early 1950’s, a time when most families in my country lacked access to health care. As a result, thousands of children died each year from preventable diseases such as measles, polio, and malaria. But revolutionary breakthroughs in medicine were starting to turn the tide on these killers, and Indonesia’s doctors were celebrated as heroes. I wanted to be a hero, too, so I studied hard and enrolled in medical school. My plans changed, however, when my father got ill. He was a hard-working man who made pedicabs in Surabaya, and I left university when he could no longer manage the family business. Ultimately, I became a successful entrepreneur and established a bank that is now one of Southeast Asia’s largest financial institutions. Looking back, I have no regrets. Indeed, I know that I have been incredibly blessed. Millions of children in developing countries in Africa, Asia, and the Western Pacific are forced into extreme poverty when a parent gets sick or dies. And millions more suffer from diseases that prevent them from leading a healthy and productive life. That is why I have decided to invest $65 million in the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. When the Global Fund was created a decade ago, HIV incidence was rising around the world, and the drugs used to treat the virus were still prohibitively expensive. Malaria was killing one million people each year, with mortality concentrated among pregnant women and children under the age of five. More than two million people were dying from tuberculosis, because they lacked access to low-cost, first-line treatment. Since then, the Global Fund has played a key role in reversing the course of these epidemics. Worldwide, HIV incidence has fallen by one-third, and the cost of HIV drugs has dropped more than 99%. The number of African households that sleep under insecticide-treated bed nets has risen from 3% to 53%, and malaria deaths have fallen by one-third. And TB mortality has dropped more than 40%. Altogether, support provided by the Global Fund has saved more than nine million lives – a remarkable achievement. But the impact of the Global Fund extends far beyond lives saved.", "zh": "我的最佳投资 雅加达—小时候我的梦想是成为一名医生。 我出生于20世纪50年代初的印尼，当时的印尼大部分家庭无法获得医疗服务。 因此，每年都有数千儿童因为麻疹、小儿麻痹症和疟疾等可预防的疾病而死亡。 但医学的革命性突破正在扭转这些致命疾病，而医生在印尼被视为英雄。 我也想成为英雄，因此努力学习并进入了医学院。 但在我父亲病倒后，我改变了计划。 他是个工作努力的人，在泗水市（Surabaya）做三轮车生意。 当他无法再管理家族企业时，我就从大学辍学了。 最终我成��一名成功的企业家，建立了身为当今东南亚最大金融机构之一的银行。 回头看，我并不后悔。 事实上，我知道我是个名符其实的幸运儿。 非洲、亚洲和西太平洋发展中国家的数百万儿童因为父亲或母亲的病倒或离世而被迫忍受极端贫困。 还有数百万儿童因为疾病无法过上健康的、能为社会出力的生活。 这就是我决定投资6500万美元给全球抗击艾滋病、结核病和疟疾基金（Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria，以下简称全球基金）的原因。 全球基金成立于十年前，当时艾滋病正在全球蔓延，治疗艾滋病毒的药物极其昂贵。 疟疾每年要夺走数百万人的生命，其中绝大多数是孕妇和五岁以下儿童。 因肺结核而死的人数超过两百万，因为他们得不到廉价的优质治疗。 自成立以来，全球基金在扭转这些传染病局面方面起到了关键作用。 在全球层面，艾滋病感染率下降了三分之一，抗艾滋病药物成本下降了99%以上。 可以睡在杀虫蚊帐里的非洲家庭比例从3%增加到53 % ， 疟疾致死人数也下降了三分之一。 结核病致死人数下降了40%多。 总而言之，全球基金的支持挽救了九百多万人的生命 — — 了不起的成就。 但全球基金的影响力远不止于拯救生命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Despite Bo’s nostalgia for Maoist rhetoric, he is conspicuously wealthy. His son’s expensive lifestyle as a student at Oxford and Harvard has been described in lavish detail in the press. In other words, Bo bore all the hallmarks of a gangster boss: corrupt, ruthless towards his enemies, contemptuous of the law, and yet moralistic in his self-presentation. But the same could be said of most Party bosses in China. They all have more money than can be explained by their official pay. Most have children studying at expensive British or American universities. All behave as though they are above the laws that constrain normal citizens. What was unusual about Bo was his open ambition. Chinese party bosses, like Japanese politicians – or, indeed, Mafia dons – are supposed to be discreet in their appetite for power. Bo behaved more like an American politician. He liked to throw his weight around in public. That was enough to annoy other party bosses. Since factional rivalry inside the Party cannot be handled discreetly, some of Bo’s colleagues felt that he had to go. The way that party bosses, in China no less than in Japan, get rid of irksome rivals is to bring them down through public scandals, leaked to an obedient press, which then fans the flames. The appearance of a wicked wife in Chinese public scandals is a common phenomenon. When Mao Zedong purged his most senior Party boss, Liu Shaoqi, during the Cultural Revolution, Liu’s wife was paraded through the streets wearing ping-pong balls around her neck as a symbol of wicked decadence and extravagance. After Mao himself died, his wife Jiang Qing was arrested and presented as a Chinese Lady Macbeth. It is possible that the murder accusations against Bo’s wife, Gu Kailai, are part of such political theater. In fact, Bo’s fall from grace involves not only his wife, but his entire family. This, too, is a Chinese tradition. The family must take responsibility for the crimes of one of its members. When that individual falls, so must they. On the other hand, when he is riding high, they benefit, as was the case with many of Bo’s relatives and his wife, whose businesses thrived while he was in power.", "zh": "虽然薄熙来看上去无比怀念过去那套毛泽东理论，但他自己显然富得流油。 其子在牛津和哈佛上学期间的奢侈生活方式也都被媒体不厌其烦地逐条披露了出来。 换句话说，薄熙来身上拥有一个黑帮老大的所有特质：腐败，对对手毫不留情，蔑视法律，但一张嘴满口都是道德说教。 这一点对大多数中共领导人来说都是如此。 他们都拥有无法用自身工资收入来解释的财富。 许多人的子女都在英美那些学费昂贵的大学就读。 所有人的行为似乎都凌驾于法律之上，仿佛法律只是制订来管制普通公民的。 但薄熙来的不寻常之处在于他那种公开表露的权力欲。 中共大佬们，跟日本政客 — — 或者，事实上还有黑手党教父 — — 那样，本应尽力隐藏自己的权力欲。 而在这一点上薄熙来则表现得像一个美国政治家。 他喜欢公开叫板。 而这也足以激怒其他党内大佬了。 由于党内的派系争端无法暗中调和，因此薄熙来的某些同僚觉得是时候让他走人了。 无论是中国还是日本，党派大佬消灭恼人对手的方式就是通过公众丑闻让他们倒台，先把消息透露给手下俯首帖耳的媒体，然后再煽风点火。 而在中国的公众丑闻中恶妻的登场堪称一个常见的情境。 当年毛泽东在文化大革命中整倒身边级别最高的党内大佬刘少奇时，后者的妻子就被戴上乒乓球做成的项链游街，以示其生活奢靡堕落。 在毛泽东死后，其妻江青旋即被捕并被描绘成中国的麦克白夫人（莎士比亚悲剧人物，怂恿其夫弑君篡位 ） 。 而对薄熙来妻子谷开来的谋杀指控很可能就是这出政治戏剧的其中一幕。 事实上，薄熙来的倒台不仅牵涉到他的妻子，还包括其整个家庭。 这也是一项中国传统。 家族必须为其中一位成员的罪行负责。 一个人倒台了，所有人都无法幸免。 另一方面，当一个人扶摇直上，其他人也随之鸡犬升天，正如薄熙来大权在握的时候其妻子以及许多亲戚都生意兴隆那样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Courage to Normalize Monetary Policy NEW HAVEN – Three cheers for central banks! That may sound strange coming from someone who has long been critical of the world’s monetary authorities. But I applaud the US Federal Reserve’s long-overdue commitment to the normalization of its policy rate and balance sheet. I say the same for the Bank of England, and for the European Central Bank’s grudging nod in the same direction. The risk, however, is that these moves may be too little too late. Central banks’ unconventional monetary policies – namely, zero interest rates and massive asset purchases – were put in place in the depths of the 2008-2009 financial crisis. It was an emergency operation, to say the least. With their traditional policy tools all but exhausted, the authorities had to be exceptionally creative in confronting the collapse in financial markets and a looming implosion of the real economy. Central banks, it seemed, had no choice but to opt for the massive liquidity injections known as “quantitative easing.” This strategy did arrest the free-fall in markets. But it did little to spur meaningful economic recovery. The G7 economies (the United States, Japan, Canada, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and Italy) have collectively grown at just a 1.8% average annual rate over the 2010-2017 post-crisis period. That is far short of the 3.2% average rebound recorded over comparable eight-year intervals during the two recoveries of the 1980s and the 1990s. Unfortunately, central bankers misread the efficacy of their post-2008 policy actions.", "zh": "实现货币政策正常化的勇气 发自纽黑文 — — 让我们为中央银行欢呼致意！ 这句话出自我这么一个常年批评世界货币当局的人之口可能有点奇怪。 但我对美联储终于履行了其政策利率和资产负债表正常化的迟到承诺是表示赞赏的，对英国央行的类似行为以及欧洲央行朝着这个方向的不情愿转向也持同样态度。 然而风险在于，这些举动可能太微小，也太迟了。 中央银行的非常规货币政策 — — 具体来说就是零利率和大量资产购买 — — 在2008~09年金融危机的谷底时出台实施。 这本质上是个紧急行动，由于传统的政策工具已经全部耗尽，当局必须非常拿出极具创新的方案去应对金融市场的崩溃以及可能随之而来的实体经济垮塌。 当时中央银行似乎别无选择，只能选择被称之为“量化宽松”的大量流动性注入方案。 这个策略确实阻止了市场的自由下跌。 但它在促进实质性经济复苏方面作用不大。 七国集团经济体（美国，日本，加拿大，德国，英国，法国和意大利，合称G7）在2010~17年后危机时期的集体年均增长率仅为1.8 ％ ， 远低于1980年代和1990年代两次复苏期间可供对比的八年间隙期平均3.2％的比率。 不幸的是，那些中央银行家误判了2008年后政策行动的效力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She wrote a diary for the BBC blog, she volunteered herself for the New York Times documentaries, and she spoke from every platform she could. And her voice was the most powerful voice. It spread like a crescendo all around the world. And that was the reason the Taliban could not tolerate her campaign, and on October 9 2012, she was shot in the head at point blank range. It was a doomsday for my family and for me. The world turned into a big black hole. While my daughter was on the verge of life and death, I whispered into the ears of my wife, \"Should I be blamed for what happened to my daughter and your daughter?\" And she abruptly told me, \"Please don't blame yourself. You stood for the right cause. You put your life at stake for the cause of truth, for the cause of peace, and for the cause of education, and your daughter in inspired from you and she joined you. You both were on the right path and God will protect her.\" These few words meant a lot to me, and I didn't ask this question again. When Malala was in the hospital, and she was going through the severe pains and she had had severe headaches because her facial nerve was cut down, I used to see a dark shadow spreading on the face of my wife. But my daughter never complained.", "zh": "她把自己的一篇日记作为BBC的博客， 她自愿参加 《纽约时代》一些纪录片的制作， 她尽力登上每一个展台去发出自己的声音。 她的声音是世界上最强有力的声音。 她的声音逐渐传播到世界的每一个角落。 这就是为什么塔利班 不能容忍她的宣传活动， 在2012年10月9日， 她头部被近距离射击。 那天对我们全家人尤其对我自己来说，简直是世界末日。 整个世界变成了一个大黑洞。 我的女儿 处于生命垂危状态， 我低声对妻子说， \"对于发生在我们女儿身上的事情， 我是不是有责任？\" 她立刻打断我： \"请别责备自己。 你之前所做的没有错。 你将自己的生命至于危险的环境， 是为了真理， 为了和平， 也为了教育， 你的女儿受到了启发， 并愿意和你并肩作战。 你们两个人都在正确的道路上， 真主会保佑她。\" 这一番话对我意义非常大， 此后我也没有再问过这样的问题。 当马拉拉在医院的时候， 她忍受着巨大的痛苦， 她头痛极为严重， 因为她的面部神经被切断了， 我妻子的脸 成天被阴云笼罩着。 但我的女儿从来没有抱怨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I had brain surgery 18 years ago, and since that time, brain science has become a personal passion of mine. I'm actually an engineer. So that said, there's a stigma when you have brain surgery. Are you still smart or not? And if not, can you make yourself smart again? Immediately after my surgery, I had to decide what amounts of each of over a dozen powerful chemicals to take each day, because if I just took nothing, I would die within hours. There have been several close calls. But luckily, I'm an experimentalist at heart, so I decided I would experiment to try to find more optimal dosages because there really isn't a clear road map on this that's detailed. I began to try different mixtures, and I was blown away by how tiny changes in dosages dramatically changed my sense of self, my sense of who I was, my thinking, my behavior towards people. One particularly dramatic case: for a couple months I actually tried dosages and chemicals typical of a man in his early 20s, and I was blown away by how my thoughts changed. I was kind of extreme. But to me, the surprise was, I wasn't trying to be arrogant. I was actually trying, with a little bit of insecurity, to actually fix a problem in front of me, and it just didn't come out that way. But that experience, I think, gave me a new appreciation for men and what they might walk through, and I've gotten along with men a lot better since then. What I was trying to do with tuning these hormones and neurotransmitters and so forth was to try to get my intelligence back after my illness and surgery, my creative thought, my idea flow.", "zh": "我18年前做过脑部手术， 从那时起， 我就非常热衷于脑科学研究。 我的本职其实是工程师。 现在说正题。¶ 做过脑手术之后就出现这样一个问题： 你还和以前一样聪明吗? 如果不是，你还能重新变聪明吗？ 在手术刚刚结束之后， 我就得决定每天要吃的十几种强力药物里， 每一种吃多少。 如果什么药都不吃， 几个小时内我就会死掉。 有几次都差点没命。 不过幸好我打心底里是个实验科学家， 所以我觉得我要试验一下， 找到更合适的剂量， 因为这方面实在是没有个详细的 路线图可参考。 我开始尝试不同的药物搭配， 而我完全没有想到的是， 剂量上的微小改变 竟然会剧烈地改变我的自我感觉， 我认为自己是谁，我的想法， 我对待他人的行为。 一个非常极端的例子： 有几个月我尝试的药物和剂量 正常是用于20出头的男性的。 让我非常惊讶的是我的想法完全改变了。 我那样的比较极端。 对我来说，让我惊讶的是， 我并不是想要做个傲慢的人， 我实际上是想， 虽然不是很确定， 要解决摆在我面前的一个问题， 可结果却不是那样的。 不过那段经历，我觉得， 让我对男性有了新的认识， 包括他们可能的感受。 而且从那以后 我和男性之间相处得也更好了。 我当时试图 调节这些激素 和神经递质等的剂量， 我想要做的是 在生病和手术之后，重新找回我的智慧， 我的创造性思维，我的思考能力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In other words, there are externalities to robotization that justify some government intervention. Critics of a robot tax have emphasized that the ambiguity of the term “robot” makes defining the tax base difficult. The critics also stress the new robotics’ enormous, undeniable benefits to productivity growth. But let’s not rule out so quickly at least modest robot taxes during the transition to a different world of work. Such a tax should be part of a broader plan to manage the consequences of the robotics revolution. All taxes, except a “lump-sum tax,” introduce distortions in the economy. But no government can impose a lump-sum tax – the same amount for everyone regardless of their income or expenditures – because it would fall heaviest on those with less income, and it would grind the poor, who might be unable to pay it at all. So taxes have to be related to some activity indicative of ability to pay taxes, and whatever activity it is will be discouraged as a result. Frank Ramsey published a classic paper in 1927 arguing that to minimize taxation-induced distortions, one should tax all activities, and he proposed how to set tax rates. His abstract theory has never been a fully operational principle for actual tax rates, but it provides a powerful argument against presuming that the tax should be zero for all but a few activities, or that all activities should be taxed at the same rate. Activities that create externalities might have a higher tax rate than Ramsey would have proposed. For example, taxes on alcoholic beverages are widespread. Alcoholism is a major social problem. It destroys marriages, families, and lives. From 1920 to 1933, the United States tried a much harsher market intervention: outright prohibition of alcoholic beverages. But it turned out to be impossible to eliminate alcohol consumption. The alcohol tax that accompanied the end of Prohibition was a milder form of discouragement. Discussion of a robot tax should consider what alternative we have to deal with rising inequality. It would be natural to consider a more progressive income tax and a “basic income.” But, these measures do not have widespread popular support.", "zh": "换句话说，机器人化存在一些外部性，必须通过政府干预来矫正。 机器人税的批评者们则强调“机器人”一词的模糊性使得税基难以界定。 评论家还强调新机器人对生产率的增长拥有巨大且不可否认的好处。 但在过渡到另一个职业世界的过程中，我们可不能那么快就将机器人税排除在外，而是应该将其归入针对机器人革命所产生后果的更宏大应对方案中。 除了“定额税”之外的所有税收都会在经济体中引发扭曲作用。 但没有一个政府可以征收定额税 — — 不管收入或支出如何，都缴一样的税 — — 因为这意味着收入越少税负越大，还可能会压垮那些无力付税的穷人。 所以税收必须与一些提示纳税能力的活动相关联，可不管是什么活动，只要关联起来就会被遏制。 弗兰克·拉姆齐（Frank Ramsey）在1927年发表了一篇经典论文，指出如果要尽量减少因税收引起的经济扭曲，就该对所有的活动都征税，并提出了一个税率设定方法。 虽然他的抽象理论从来没有成为指导制定实际税率的全面可操作原则，但它提供了一个强有力的论据，反驳了那种认为除少数活动之外所有活动的税收都应该为零，或者所有的活动都应以同样税率征税的观点。 创造外部性的活动应该承担的税率可能比拉姆齐所提出的更高。 例如，酒精饮料税是普遍存在的，因为嗜酒是一个重大的社会问题，会对婚姻，家庭和个人生活都造成破坏。 从1920年到1933年，美国试图进行更严格的市场干预：彻底禁止含酒精饮料。 但事实证明是不可能消除酒精消费。 而与禁酒令的终结相伴而生的酒精税则是一种温和的遏制形式。 针对机器人税的讨论应该考虑我们在面对不断拉大的不平等状况时究竟有何种替代方案。 探讨实施更高的所得累进税并界定“基本收入”是自然而然的，但这些措施缺乏广泛的民众支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More revealingly, Johnson’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sajid Javid, has declined to produce an impact assessment of the new proposed deal, fueling suspicions that the government is far from confident about the outcome of such an evaluation. After all, how can the UK possibly be better off outside its closest and largest market than inside it? Why should we be able to negotiate bigger and better trade deals with other countries on our own rather than as part of a market almost ten times our size? Some optimists believe that the UK can take the world by storm as a deregulated, free-market trader (“Singapore-on-Thames”). But they ignore the fact that stripping away environmental regulations, health and safety checks, and workers’ rights would be politically calamitous for the Conservative Party. Assuming the UK leaves on the terms of Johnson’s deal, it will have until the end of 2020 to negotiate a free-trade agreement with the EU, with the government seemingly regarding Canada’s existing FTA with the bloc as its preferred model. But projections of the UK’s future economic performance under different Brexit scenarios ranked this option as the second worst, just above a no-deal rupture. One of the many downsides of a Canada-type arrangement is that it hardly covers services, in which the UK had a trade surplus of £29 billion ($37.3 billion) with the EU in 2018. That is one reason why an agreement like this would suit the EU much more than the UK.", "zh": ")更具启发性的是，约翰逊内阁的财政大臣赛义德·贾维德(Sajid Javid)拒绝对这项新协议进行影响评估。 这无不使人怀疑政府对该协议评估结果不报积极希望。 毕竟，相比作为欧盟的一员，英国经济怎么可能在欧盟这一最邻近、规模最大的市场之外风生水起呢？ 为什么我们要作为独立的个体和其他国家展开更大规模的贸易，而不是参与到一个几乎是我们十倍大的市场之中呢？ 一些乐观主义者认为，英国可以作为一个政策管制宽松的自由市场贸易国 ( “ 泰晤士河上的新加坡 ” ) ，从而可以在国际上取胜。 但他们忽略了这样一个事实，即放宽环境、医疗和安全检查方面的规章以及剥夺工人权利对保守党来说将是一场政治上的灾难。 假设英国按照约翰逊协议的条款脱欧，它将在2020年底之前与欧盟共同制定一项自由贸易协定，而政府似乎将加拿大与欧盟现有的自由贸易协定视为其首选模式。 但根据英国对未来不同脱欧情形的预测显示，这一模式是第二负面的选项，仅略好于无条件脱欧。 加拿大模式有着众多缺陷，且几乎不涵盖服务业方面的贸易协定，而2018年英国在服务业领域对欧盟的贸易顺差高达290亿英镑(373亿美元 ) 。 这就是为什么这样的协议更有利于欧盟而不是英国的原因之一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In recent years, the inadequacies of existing global governance structures, particularly with regard to issues like taxation and employment, have become starkly apparent. The agenda for next month’s G20 summit in China includes discussion of concrete measures to reduce inequality. But talk is not enough; leaders must ensure that discussion is translated into real action. The sooner, the better: the labor-market transformation now occurring as a result of progress in robotics and artificial intelligence will only make inequality more difficult to address in the future. As the OECD has warned, the automatization of manual and repetitive tasks will chiefly affect those without college degrees – the same group that is already frustrated with their economic circumstances. Over the next year, important national elections will take place in Europe and in the US. If populists triumph, many important social achievements will be put at risk. That is why it is so important that national leaders prove, right now, that they can and will tackle inequality and the plight of those who feel left behind by globalization. A victory for populism would indicate that the political classes really have failed their citizens. The victory of the campaign in the United Kingdom to leave the European Union should have jolted all of us from the illusion that we are somehow protected from the risks we see around us. The unthinkable can happen. Populists can win. It is time for national leaders to show that they are paying attention.", "zh": "近年来，现有全球治理结构的不足之处，特别是在税收和就业等方面，已经暴露得十分显著。 下月将在中国举行的G20峰会议程包括探讨减少不平等现象的具体举措。 但光是空谈还远远不够；领导人必须确保讨论能够转化为实际行动。 采取应对措施越快越好：机器人及人工智能应用进步所带来的劳动力市场转型只会加大未来解决不平等问题的难度。 经合组织曾经警告手工和重复任务的自动化将主要影响那些不具备大学学历者 — — 而已经对自身经济状况感到不满的同样是这些人。 接下来的一年，欧洲和美国将举行重要的全国选举活动。 如果民粹主义获胜，将会危及很多重要的社会成功。 因此，国家领导人立即证明他们有能力也有意愿解决不平等问题和在全球化中落后的民众的困境起着至关重要的作用。 民粹主义的胜利将显示政治阶层真的辜负了自己的民众。 英国脱欧公投的胜利应该已经惊醒了所有人幻想我们能在周围危险中得到保护的好梦。 不可思议的事随时可能发生。 民粹主义份子随时可能获胜。 国家领袖是时候向外界证明这个问题已经引起了他们的关注。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As the philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre argued in After Virtue, narratives frame individuals’ moral choices. Likewise, narratives frame the choices that governments make. After his brush with Communists in Spain, George Orwell captured the essence of the narrative’s importance in his novel 1984: “Who controls the past controls the future; who controls the present, controls the past.” For example, maintaining open labor markets in the European Union requires people to regard themselves and their new neighbors as European. Similarly, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro cannot stop inflation, because the narrative of economic warfare in which he is trapped prevents him from justifying the decisions needed to stabilize prices. Marx’s comparative advantage was to read Hegel and create a narrative in which history is the history of class struggle, with the newly emergent industrial proletariat destined to develop “class consciousness” and overthrow the political and economic order created by the bourgeoisie. Liberal democracy has been at a disadvantage in the battle for the narrative because it tends to treat the collective self as if it were just a rational median voter in search of a better job. But that is inadequate. Policies must fit within the prevailing narrative framework, while the great task of politics is to shape the narrative of tomorrow. No wonder, then, that while Obama used his eight minutes in Panama to delineate concrete policy initiatives that would bring happiness to the greatest number, Castro spent 48 minutes reinventing the past.", "zh": "哲学家阿拉斯代尔·麦金泰尔（Alasdair MacIntyre）在《追求美德 》 （ After Virtue）中指出，叙事框定了个体的道德选择。 类似地，叙事也框定了政府决策。 在与西班牙共产主义者发生摩擦后，乔治·奥威尔（George Orwell）在其小说《1984》中抓住了叙事重要性的本质 ： “ 控制了过去就控制了未来；控制了现在就控制了过去 。 ” 比如，保持欧盟内部劳动力市场开放需要人们将自己和新邻居视为欧洲人。 类似地，委内瑞拉总统马杜罗无法阻止通货膨胀，因为他所陷入的经济福利叙事让他无法证明稳定物价所需要的决定的正确性。 马克思的比较优势是阅读了黑格尔并创造了一套历史是阶级斗争的历史的叙事，新出现的工业无产阶级必定会形成“阶级意识 ” ， 推翻由资产阶级建立的政治和经济秩序。 自由民主在叙事之争中处于劣势，因为它总是将集体自我视为一个寻找更好的工作的理性的普通选民。 但这是不够的。 政策必须契合时下的叙事框架，而政治的伟大任务是决定明天的叙事。 因此，毫不奇怪，奥巴马用他的巴拿马八分钟来描绘能给最广大人民带来幸福的务实政策，而卡斯特罗用了48分钟重新阐述了过去。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“好好一个小可爱给画成个怪物了！” “这叫艺术！” “艺术家的世界果然不是我等凡人能懂的。” “不吹不黑，我盯着画看了整整五分钟，还是体会不到他要表达啥，但就是莫名觉得好牛逼，心里还有股怪怪的感觉。” “这种属于更深层面的画作，需要细细研究。” “这画不好卖吧？” “买回去辟邪也可以。” “还是值得投资的，看好威尔这个画家，他还年轻。” 其实在威尔的画在校网展示之后，就有人找他买画了。 最后一名来自牧洲的收藏家高价买下了《邻居家的狗》这幅画，出价远超过了皇艺的预估价位。 有些人认为这名牧洲的收藏家对卷毛过分狂热了，在面对卷毛时，牧洲人似乎总是不够冷静。 也有人认为这是纯炒作，不是为威尔这个人就是为方召那条狗，牧洲人在对待狗的事情上的确令人无法理解，仿佛失了智。 对此，皇洲电视台书画频道特意派人去采访了这名高价买画的人。", "en": "“A little cutie has been turned into a monster!” “This is called art.” “Indeed, ordinary people like us aren’t able to understand an artist’s world.” “Objectively speaking, after staring at it for a whole five minutes, I am still unable to decipher what it is that he wants to express. However, I undoubtedly feel that is impressive despite the weird sensation.” “This probably classifies as a more abstract art which requires more meticulous viewing.” “This painting wouldn’t sell well, right?” “It can be purchased to ward off evil spirits too.” “I think it’s worthwhile as an investment. This artist Will is still young.” In actuality, Will had already received some inquiries about purchasing the painting after it was displayed on the school’s website. Finally, it was a collector from Muzhou who bought “My Neighbor’s Dog”. His bid far exceeded HuangArt’s estimated valuation. Some people reckoned that this Muzhou collector was overly crazy about Curly Hair. After all, many Muzhou people couldn’t stay calm when it came to Curly hair. There were also some who felt that this was purely hype, whether because of Will or because of Fang Zhao’s dog. The way that Muzhou people viewed dogs could be impossible to understand sometimes. Thus, Huangzhou TV Station’s painting and calligraphy channel specially dispatched someone to interview the person who had bought this painting."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Japan Reboot? CAMBRIDGE – Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s recent policy decisions – to increase monetary stimulus dramatically, to postpone a consumption-tax increase, and to call a snap election in mid-December – have returned his country to the forefront of an intense policy debate. The problem is simple: How can aging advanced economies revive growth after a financial crisis? The solution is not. It is now clear that the first round of Abe’s reforms – known as “Abenomics” – has failed to generate sustained inflation. Hopes for continued recovery have now given way to two consecutive quarters of negative growth. The question is whether Abenomics 2.0 will put Japan’s economy back on the path to renewed prosperity. My own view is that the “three arrows” of Abenomics 1.0 basically had it right: “whatever it takes” monetary policy to restore inflation, supportive fiscal policy, and structural reforms to boost long-run growth. But, though the central bank, under Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, has been delivering on its side of the bargain, the other two “arrows” of Abenomics have fallen far short. There has been no significant progress on supply-side reforms, especially on the core issue of how to expand the labor force. With an aging and shrinking population, Japan’s government must find ways to encourage more women to work, entice older Japanese to remain in the labor force, and develop more family-friendly labor policies. Above all, Japan needs to create a more welcoming environment for immigrant workers. There has been some movement on immigration. Panicked by deadlines for the 2020 Summer Olympics in Tokyo, the government managed to clear the import of foreign construction workers (though the decision had to make its way through a half-dozen ministries). But overall progress has been slow. Japan desperately needs more nurses and hospice workers to care for its aging population, but bureaucratic and political resistance to immigration is deeply entrenched. When I first started asking my Japanese academic friends about Abe’s supply-side reforms, they said, “Don’t worry, they’re coming.” Then, after a while, they would say, “Don’t worry, they’re coming – but slowly.” Recently, the mantra has changed to, “Don’t worry, we still think they’re coming.”", "zh": "日本能够重启吗？ 美国剑桥—日本首相安倍晋三的最近的政策决定 — — 大幅加码货币刺激、暂停消费税提高、决定在12月中旬举行大选 — — 让日本又回到了激烈政策争论的前沿。 问题很简单：老龄化发达经济体如何在金融危机后恢复增长？ 答案可不简单。 如今，很显然安倍的第一轮改革 — — 被称为“安倍经济学 ” — —没能带来持续通胀。 如今，对持续复苏的希望已经因为连续两季度的负增长而烟消云散。 问题在于安倍经济学2.0是否能让日本经济回到重新繁荣之路。 我本人的观点是安倍经济学1.0中的“三支箭”基本上都是有的放矢：重塑通胀的“竭尽全力 ” 、 支持性财政政策和提振长期增长的结构性改革。 但是，尽管日本央行在黑田东彦的领导下完成了自己的使命，但安倍经济学的其他两支“箭”远远落后了。 供给端改革一直没有重大进展，特别是在如何扩大劳动力这一核心问题上。 在老龄化且不断减少的人口条件下，日本政府必须找到办法鼓励更多妇女去工作，引导日本老人留在工作岗位，并发展更有利于家庭的劳动力政策。 最重要的是，日本需要创造更加欢迎移民工人的环境。 在移民方面已经有了一些动作。 受2020年东京夏季奥运会期限的刺激，政府已明确要进口外国建筑工人（尽管该决定需要闯过通过六个部门 ） 。 但总体进展仍然很慢。 日本急需更多护士和护工照看老龄化的人口，但对移民的官僚和政治抵制根深蒂固。 我第一次向我的日本学术界朋友询问安倍供给端改革方面的问题时，他们说 ： “ 不要担心，会来的 。 ” 接着，过了一段时间，他们又说 ： “ 不要担心，会来的，就是慢点 。 ” 最近，口头禅变成了“不要担心，我们仍然认为会来的 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是专业从事污泥处理、成套设备销售与水环境生态修复的高新技术企业，通过多源污泥深度脱水与多元化处置利用系列技术的持续研发与工程实践，实现了研发成果的产业化，成为我国污泥处理行业重要企业之一。 公司的污泥处理服务系接收污水处理过程中产生的生活污泥、工业污泥及企业污泥等多种污泥；经过对污泥的结合水转化、稳定化调理和改性调理后，在常温低压条件下压滤脱水，将污泥的含水率降至45%左右（部分污泥可降至40%以下），达到符合后续处置利用必要条件的污泥减量化与稳定化处理过程。 公司专注于污泥处理、处置利用相关技术的研究开发与产业化应用，经过持续不断的技术创新、配方改进与项目运行经验的积累，公司构建了针对不同来源、。 不同成分及多种不同含水率污泥的减量化、稳定化、无害化和资源化的普适性技术体系，形成的多源污泥深度脱水与多元化处置利用系列技术整体达到国内领先水平，其中城市生活污水、工业污水污泥深度脱水及其流化床焚烧协同技术达到国际先进水平，为解决我国污泥处理处置难题提供了一种高效、实用的工艺技术和成套装备。", "en": "The company is a high-tech enterprise specializing in sludge treatment, complete equipment sales, and water environment ecological restoration. Through continuous research and engineering practice of a series of technologies for deep dehydration and diversified disposal and utilization of multi-source sludge, the industrialization of research and development achievements has been achieved, making it one of the important companies in China's sludge treatment industry. The company's sludge treatment service involves receiving various types of sludge generated during the sewage treatment process, including domestic sludge, industrial sludge, and enterprise sludge. After combined water transformation, stabilization conditioning, and modified conditioning of the sludge, it is dewatered by pressure filtration under normal temperature and low pressure conditions, reducing the moisture content of the sludge to about 45% (some sludge can be reduced to below 40%), achieving the reduction and stabilization treatment process of sludge that meets the necessary conditions for subsequent disposal and utilization. The company focuses on the research and development and industrial application of sludge treatment and disposal-related technologies. Through continuous technological innovation, formula improvement, and accumulation of project operation experience, the company has built a universal technical system for the reduction, stabilization, harmlessness, and resource utilization of sludge from different sources, different compositions, and various moisture contents. The overall technology of deep dehydration and diversified disposal and utilization of multi-source sludge has reached the leading level in China. Among them, the deep dehydration of urban domestic sewage and industrial wastewater sludge and the coordinated technology of fluidized bed incineration have reached the international advanced level, providing an efficient and practical process technology and complete equipment for solving the problem of sludge treatment and disposal in China."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though Germany is surely a benign hegemon, mono-national domination of Europe controverts the very basis for the EU’s creation. On a more practical level, Germany will not be a strong enough international champion for Europe. In our increasingly Hobbesian world, demonstrations of conventional strength are needed. Germany’s traditional aversion to hard power will hamper its ability to project its influence – and Europe’s – globally. There are, to be sure, ways the rest of Europe can help. Most notable, the long-stalled effort to coordinate and streamline European defense could be reinvigorated. Fortunately, there have been signs of life on that front in recent weeks, with European foreign and defense ministers agreeing to move forward on cooperation. Placing those efforts under de facto German leadership is not optimal, but it may be the best possible outcome, given the circumstances. Ideal outcomes in Europe are not realistic. And, as Havel pointed out, clinging to optimism – the belief that things will end well – is pointless. Instead, we must find grounds for hope – the belief that things will eventually make sense. The only way to do that is to be honest with ourselves and take a sober look at what we can and must do to ensure the most that can be achieved. Europe has the potential to play a leading role in the world, but lacks the self-confidence and dedication to make it happen. It is time to recognize that, and to acknowledge the real threat that the liberal world order faces. Only then can we figure out how, realistically, to safeguard our interests and ideals in a challenging world. This, I believe, would be Havel’s message today.", "zh": "尽管德国肯定是个温和的霸主，但一国主导欧洲违反了创建欧盟的基本精神。 从更实际的角度，德国也无法成为符合欧洲需要的足够强大的世界领袖。 在我们这个日益信奉霍布斯哲学的世界里，必须向世界展示常规力量。 德国传统上对硬实力的厌恶将阻碍该国和欧洲在全球范围内投射影响力。 可以肯定，欧洲其他国家能以某种形式贡献自己的力量。 最值得注意的是，可以重振协调和精简欧洲防务这项长期工作。 幸运的是，近几周在这方面出现了积极的迹象，欧洲外长和防长同意推动合作。 将上述努力置于事实上的德国领导之下并不是最佳选择，但考虑到现实情况，它或许已经是最好的结果。 期望欧洲取得理想成果是不现实的。 而且，如哈维尔所说，坚持乐观主义 — — 相信事情会取得很好的结果 — — 是毫无意义的。 相反，我们必须找到希望的理由 — — 相信事情终将取得合理的结果。 达到目的唯一的方法是诚实地对待自己、清醒地看待我们可以和必须做些什么，以确保取得最好的结果。 欧洲有能力在全球发挥领导作用，但缺乏实现目标所需的自信和专注。 现在是时候认清这一点，认清自由世界秩序所面临的真正威胁。 只有这样，我们才能在充满挑战的现实生活中捍卫我们的利益和理想。 我相信，这才是哈维尔今天要说的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Powell has invented a new acronym – FAIT: a French word usually followed by “accompli,” signifying a completed task. But the acronym stands for a Flexible Average (2%) Inflation Target, which will take some time to come to fruition. The idea is that if achieved inflation falls below 2%, the Fed should be prepared to allow it to run above that rate, to catch up lost ground. And in assessing unemployment, policymakers should consider employment “shortfalls,” rather than “deviations,” relative to its maximum level. That is a subtle distinction, but it means that the Fed may allow employment to climb above its maximum level for a while, as long as inflation does not accelerate. In the past, the Fed would have raised rates pre-emptively. As a sign of an accommodative monetary policy for some time to come, Powell’s speech has received a generally positive reception. Bankers may be excused for being less rhapsodic, because interest rates lower for even longer are not good for profits. But one consequence may be a steeper yield curve when inflation expectations rise. And banks could take some comfort from the fact that there was no mention of negative rates, which are not on the agenda in the US at least. But uncertainties remain. How will the Fed measure u-star in the future? Over what period will it determine an inflation shortfall?", "zh": "鲍威尔发明了一个新的首字母缩略词 — — FAIT：这是一个法语词汇，后面通常搭配单词“既成事实 ” （ accompli ） ， 表示一项已经完成的任务。 但鲍威尔用这一缩略语指代一个灵活的平均通货膨胀目标(2 % ) ，需要一段时间才能实现。 即如果已实现的通货膨胀率降至2%以下，美联储应准备允许其高于该水平，以弥补损失。 在评估失业率时，政策制定者应该考虑就业相对于最高水平的“不足 ” ， 而不是“偏差 ” 。 这是一个微妙的区别，但它意味着，只要通胀没有加速，美联储可能会允许就业在一段时间内攀升至最高水平之上。 在过去，美联储会先发制人地提高利率。 作为未来一段时间将实施宽松货币政策的标志，鲍威尔的讲话普遍受到好评。 银行家们不那么狂热或许是情有可原的，因为利率再低下去，对利润就不好了。 但一个后果可能是，当通胀预期上升时，收益率曲线会更加陡峭。 银行可以从没有提到负利率的事实中得到一些安慰，负利率至少在美国没有提上议程。 但是仍有不确定性存在。 比如未来美联储将如何衡量自然失业率? 它将在什么时期内决定通胀缺口?"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By 2030, three out of five people living in cities will be under the age of 18. If we do not include young people in the growth of our cities, if we do not provide them opportunities, the story of waithood, the gateway to terrorism, to violence, to gangs, will be the story of cities 2.0. And in my city of birth, Mogadishu, 70 percent of young people suffer from unemployment. 70 percent don't work, don't go to school. They pretty much do nothing. I went back to Mogadishu last month, and I went to visit Madina Hospital, the hospital I was born in. I remember standing in front of that bullet-ridden hospital thinking, what if I had never left? What if I had been forced into that same state of waithood? Would I have become a terrorist? I'm not really sure about the answer. My reason for being in Mogadishu that month was actually to host a youth leadership and entrepreneurship summit. I brought together about 90 young Somali leaders. We sat down and brainstormed on solutions to the biggest challenges facing their city. One of the young men in the room was Aden. He went to university in Mogadishu, graduated. There were no jobs, no opportunities. I remember him telling me, because he was a college graduate, unemployed, frustrated, that he was the perfect target for al Shabaab and other terrorist organizations, to be recruited. They sought people like him out. But his story takes a different route.", "zh": "到2030年，五个住在城市里的人，就有三个 是属于18岁以下的人群 如果我们在城市的发展中 不把年轻人考虑在内的话 如果我们不给他们提供机会的话 等待成年期的这个故事 踏入恐怖主义，暴力和帮派这些雷池 将是未来城市的主题 在我出生的城市，摩加迪休 70%的人处于失业状态 70%没有工作 没有书读 基本无所事事 上个月我回了一趟摩加迪休 然后我走访了玛迪娜医院 那家我出生的医院 我记得我站在那个满是弹眼的医院前面 我不禁思考 如果我没有离开的话会是怎样？ 如果我也无奈地处于 同样的等待成年期呢？ 我会成为一名恐怖分子吗？ 这答案我还真说不准 上个月我回摩加迪休的原因 其实是去举办一场 青年领导力和创业学的峰会 我带了约90名索马里来的领导 我们坐下来一起集思广益 想办法解决城市面临的最大难题 其中一个在房间里的年轻人叫Aden 他在摩加迪休上了大学，之后毕业 当时没有工作也没有什么机会 我记得他告诉我 因为他是大学毕业生 没工作，很沮丧 算是\"青年党\"的理想人选 也是其他恐怖组织想招募的人 那些人专门寻找像他一样的人 但他的故事，则是另外一个版本"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since he made no allusion to his absence the past eight days, I also refrained from mentioning it, and I simply answered that my companions and I were ready to go with him. “Only, sir,” I added, “I’ll take the liberty of addressing a question to you.” “Address away, Professor Aronnax, and if I’m able to answer, I will.” “Well then, captain, how is it that you’ve severed all ties with the shore, yet you own forests on Crespo Island?” “Professor,” the captain answered me, “these forests of mine don’t bask in the heat and light of the sun. They aren’t frequented by lions, tigers, panthers, or other quadrupeds. They’re known only to me. They grow only for me. These forests aren’t on land, they’re actual underwater forests.” “Underwater forests!” I exclaimed. “Yes, professor.” “And you’re offering to take me to them?” “Precisely.” “On foot?” “Without getting your feet wet.” “While hunting?” “While hunting.” “Rifles in hand?” “Rifles in hand.”", "zh": "既然他一点不提他八天不露面的原因，我也不便打听，所以只是干脆地回答说，我的同伴和我都很乐意跟他去打猎。 “不过，”我又补上一句，“先生，请允许我向您提一个问题。” “提吧，阿龙纳斯先生，只要我能答复，我就一定答复。\" “那么，船长，既然您跟陆地割断了任何联系，您怎会有森林在克利斯波岛上呢？” “教授；\"船长回答，“我的森林不需要太阳，不需要它的光，也不需要它的热。狮子，老虎，豹子，等等，不管什么四足兽都不能到我的森林中来。林中的一切东西只为我一个人生长。这不是陆地的森林，而是海底的森林。” “海底的森林！”我喊道。 “是的，教授。” “您请我到海底森林中去吗？” “正是” “步行去吗？” “步行去，而且不沾一点海水.” “一面打猎吗？” “一面打猎。” “手拿着猎枪吗？” “手拿着猎枪。\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Evidence-Based Medicine Broken? LONDON – Evidence-based medicine, as David Sackett and his colleagues wrote in 1996, is “the conscientious, explicit, and judicious use of current best evidence in making decisions about the care of individual patients.” At first glance, this seems entirely logical; indeed, many would say that this simply could be called “medicine.” But the approach is generating considerable controversy, with many asserting that it is “broken.” Last month, when the British Medical Journal asked its readers whether evidence-based medicine is malfunctioning, the responses were almost evenly split: 51% answered positively, and 49% negatively. The controversy stems from the kind of evidence that is used. Sackett implies, but does not stipulate, that epidemiological evidence (findings from randomized controlled trials and large-cohort studies carried out over many years) should underpin doctors’ decisions about patients – and, one hopes, in consultation with them. Epidemiological research studies address questions like, “If 1,000 people with type 2 diabetes were randomly allocated to four groups of 250 people that each received either no treatment (or a placebo), drug A, drug B, or drug C for ten years, how would it impact survival rates, and what, if any, complications and side effects would there be?” If the trial is conducted properly – it is large enough; people are allocated in a truly random way; and “blind” assessments of the outcomes are conducted – the results should be reliable. Consider the following scenario: Ten-year survival rates for the four groups are 70%, 71%, 80%, and 82%, respectively, and the proportion of people developing troublesome side effects is 1%, 2%, 5%, and 50%. Most people trade a small reduction in the chance of survival for a large reduction in the chance of adverse effects; in other words, they would opt for drug B.", "zh": "基于证据的医学破产了吗？ 伦敦—基于证据的医学，如大卫·萨克特（David Sackett）及其同事在1996年所写 ， “ 有意识地、明确地、明智地使用当下最佳证据做出个体病人的医疗方案 。 ” 乍一看，这完全合乎逻辑；事实上，有许多人都说，这已足以称为“医学 ” 。 但这一方法正在引起巨大的争议，许多人认为它已“破产 ” 。 上个月 ， 《 英国医学杂志 》 （ British Medical Journal）做了一次读者调查，询问基于证据的医学是否出了问题，回答几乎是五五开：51%的人表示肯定，49%的人表示否定。 争议来自什么样的证据被使用。 萨克特暗示（但并不确定）流行病学证据（从随机控制实验和多年期大群体研究中发现）应该成为医生诊疗病人的决策基础 — — 人们希望咨询病情亦是如此。 流行病学研究回答类似于这样的问题 ： “ 如果1,000个患有2型糖尿病的人随机地分为四个组，每组250人并在十年的时间里分别不治疗（或使用安慰剂 ） 、 使用药物A、使用药物B和使用药物C，存活率将会受到什么影响？ 副作用和并发症（如有）情况又会如何 ？ ” 如果实验设计合理 — — 规模足够大、人群真正以随机方式分组、结果为“盲”测 — — 那么其结果应该是可靠的。 考虑以下情形：四个组别的十年存活率分别为70 % 、 71 % 、 80%和82 % ， 并且出现棘手副作用的人数比例分别为1 % 、 2 % 、 5%和50 % 。 大部分人会用生存机会的小幅下降换取副作用的大幅下降；换句话说，他们会选择药物B。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A crucial lesson for leaders (particularly at the local level) is that resilience is most important when it comes to risks that are difficult to predict or, owing to a dearth of knowledge, manage effectively. The most important lesson is to avoid examining these risks in isolation. Instead, leaders should adopt the mindset of systems thinking, relying on a multi-layered process to determine risks. Leaders now need to think of their country as a system that is comprised of smaller systems and is a part of larger systems that affect their country’s resilience. Global risks can have profound effects on politicians’ ability to govern, business-government relations, the efficiency of government spending and reform implementation, public trust, anti-corruption measures, and provision of services to improve business performance. Unlike predicting stresses on a building in a hurricane, predicting those related to COVID-19 is a Sisyphean task. Systems like health care or education are too complex for mathematical calculations to determine the risk and fallout. But systems thinking can provide a foundation to assess resilience by considering a system’s – and a country’s – robustness, redundancy, resourcefulness, response, and recovery. Some definitions are in order. “Robustness” means designing fail-safes and firewalls into a nation’s critical networks and making decision-making chains of command modular to respond to changing circumstances. “Redundancy” involves having excess capacity and back-up systems so that the core functionality of critical infrastructure and institutions can be maintained during disturbances. “Resourcefulness” is the ability to adapt flexibly to crises so that industries and communities can build trust and discover solutions to resolve unanticipated challenges. “Response” refers to the ability to mobilize quickly in the face of crises, equipped with sound methods for gathering relevant information from all parts of society and communicating it to others. “Recovery” is the ability to regain a degree of normality after a crisis or event. It is imperative that leaders increase resiliency. To do so, governments must ensure public trust in order to act effectively and efficiently, and the private sector must work with governments to ensure local preparedness and response. Another way to increase resiliency is for civil society to be a watchdog on corruption, wastefulness, and transparency.", "zh": "对于领导人(尤其是地方领导人)来说，一个重要的教训是：当遇到难以预测的风险，或者由于缺乏知识而无法有效管理的风险时 ， “ 韧性”是最重要的。 而最重要的教训是：要避免孤立地研究这些风险。 相反，领导者应该采用系统性思维，依靠一个多层次的过程来确定风险。 现在，领导人需要把他们的国家看作是一个系统，这个系统由较小的系统组成，是影响他们国家恢复力的较大系统的一部分。 全球风险可能对政治家的执政能力、企业与政府的关系、政府支出和改革实施的效率、公众信任、反腐败措施以及改善企业绩效的服务提供产生深远影响。 与预测飓风中建筑物的压力不同，预测与COVID-19有关的压力是一项没有意义的任务。 医疗和教育等系统过于复杂，无法通过数学计算来确定风险和后果。 但是，系统思维可以通过考虑系统和国家的健壮性、冗余、应变能力、响应和恢复能力，为韧性评估提供基础。 关于这些词的定义如下。 “稳健性”意味着将故障保险和防火墙设计成一个国家的关键网络，并使指挥决策链模块化，以应对不断变化的环境。 “冗余”包括拥有过剩的产能和备用系统，以便关键基础设施和机构的核心功能能够在受到干扰的时间段得以维持。 “足智多谋”是指灵活地适应危机的能力，以便行业和社区能够建立信任并找到解决未预料到的挑战的解决方案。 “反应”是指在面对危机时迅速动员的能力，具备从社会各方面收集相关信息并将其传达给他人的可靠方法。 “恢复”是指在危机或事件后恢复一定程度正常的能力。 领导者必须增强韧性。 为此，各国政府必须确保公众的信任，以便采取有效和有效率的行动，私营部门必须与各国政府合作，确保地方做好准备和做出反应。 提高复原力的另一个方法是让公民社会监督腐败、浪费和透明度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "管家面露欣喜之色，他可是按照老爷的吩咐派人时时刻刻盯着宸王妃，一旦宸王和宸王妃回来就立马将消息通报回来。 此话一出，李承乾三人不由得一愣，随即眼中绽放了浓郁的光芒。 等待了这么久，总算是在皇室狩猎赛的前一天等到了百里红妆回来！ 只要百里红妆今日能够将李钰玥的脸治好，那么一切都会平安无事。 想到这一点，李承乾三人心里都是止不住的激动！ 李承乾立即派人准备了一辆马车，带着李钰玥就向着宸王府赶去，如今这件事情可是一点都耽搁不得。 百里红妆回到屋内刚准备休息片刻便听到下人禀报丞相来了。 听闻这个消息，百里红妆挑了挑眉，嘴角勾勒出嘲讽的弧度。 看来她离开的这些日子里，李钰玥的日子可不好过啊。 与此同时，帝北宸也来到了屋内，“李承乾来了，点名要见你，怎么样？ 去陪他们玩玩？”", "en": "The housekeeper’s face revealed joy. In accordance to the lord’ s instructions, there was a person sent to watch Chen Wangfei at all times. In the case Chen Wang and Chen Wangfei returned, they would inform the lord right away. Hearing that, Li Chengqian and the other two looked stunned for a moment, then a strong shine bloomed in their eyes immediately. Waiting for so long, Baili Hongzhuang finally came back the day just before the royal family’s hunting competition begins! As long as Baili Hongzhuang was able to cure Li Yuyue’s face, everything would be safe and sound. Thinking of that, Li Chengqian and the rest of the Li Family suddenly felt their hearts stir with excitement! Li Chengqian immediately sent someone to prepare a carriage and hurried Li Yuyue to the Prince’s mansion. Right now, this couldn’t be delayed. Baili Hongzhuang had barely returned to her room and was about to rest when she heard a servant report the arrival of the Prime Minister. When she heard that report, Baili Hongzhuang raised her eyebrows and her lips curled into a sneering shape. It seemed that during the days she’d left, Li Yuyue didn’t have an easy time ah. At the same time, Dibei Chen also entered the room, “Li Chengqian came, and specifically wanted to see you; how are things? Going to play with them?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany Can Reduce Its External Surplus MUNICH – At just below 8% of GDP, Germany’s current-account surplus is the highest of any country in the world. Since the 2008 financial crisis, the size of the German surplus has raised hackles around the world, and it remains a topic of concern at the International Monetary Fund and other global institutions. Nonetheless, early this year, Economy Minister Peter Altmaier’s Scientific Advisory Council published a report with a conclusion that is nothing short of astonishing: Germany, the report says, has no available instruments to reduce its massive external imbalance. That finding comes after repeated complaints about the German surplus from US President Donald Trump’s administration, which has threatened to impose import tariffs and other protectionist measures. Even during former President Barack Obama’s administration, the United States repeatedly called on the German government to reduce its surplus. More recently, the G20 made “global imbalances” one of its central areas of concern. By suggesting that Germany cannot do anything about its current-account balance, the Scientific Advisory Council of the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Energy is not offering sound advice. The current-account balance reflects the difference between exports and imports. To reduce its massive surplus, Germany can either reduce its exports or increase its imports (or do both at the same time). Both options are within the government’s power to pursue. For example, an expansion of imports can be achieved relatively easily through increased public investment. Oddly, the Scientific Advisory Board’s report does not consider this simple and obvious solution, even though it well knows that Germany’s current-account surplus is the result of too much saving and too little investment. Not only does the German government balance its fiscal budget – known as the schwarze Null (black zero) – every year, but, as Bruegel’s Guntram B. Wolff shows in Explaining Germany’s Exceptional Recovery (which I edited), German companies also invest much less than their French and Italian counterparts do. Investments typically induce higher imports. Building new roads, for example, usually requires additional construction machinery. This, in turn, requires additional intermediate inputs, which must be imported. Moreover, 30-40 cents of every additional euro the German government allocates toward public investment is spent on imports.", "zh": "德国能够降低外部盈余 慕尼黑—德国经常项目盈余略低于GDP的8 % ， 是世界之最。 2008年金融危机后，德国盈余的规模引起了全世界的不满，至今仍是国际货币基金组织（IMF）和其他全球机构的关注之一。 尽管如此，今年年初，经济部长彼得·阿尔特迈尔（Peter Altmaier）的科学顾问委员会（Scientific Advisory Council）发布了一篇报告，结论令人吃惊：德国没有降低其大规模外部失衡的工具。 在宣布这一发现之前，美国总统特朗普政府多次抱怨德国的盈余，威胁要采取进口关税和其他保护主义手段。 哪怕是在前总统奥巴马执政期间，美国也多次要求德国政府降低其盈余。 最近，G20将“全球失衡”列为其核心关注领域之一。 科学顾问委员会和联邦经济事务和能源部表示德国对其经常项目平衡问题无能为力，这可算不上可靠的建议。 经常项目平衡反映了出口和进口之间的差额。 要减少大规模盈余，德国要么减少出口，要么增加进口（或两者同时进行 ） 。 两个选项都在政府的能力范围内。 比如，通过增加公共投资，就可以相对容易地实现进口扩张。 怪异的是，科学顾问委员会的报告没有考虑这一简单又明显的方案，尽管众所周知，德国经常项目盈余是储蓄过多而投资国少的结果。 不但德国政府的财政预算年年平衡 — — 被称为（黑零，schwarze Null ） ， Bruegel的甘特拉姆·沃尔夫（Guntram B. Wolff）还在（由我编辑的 ） 《 解释德国的出色复苏 》 （ Explaining Germany’s Exceptional Recovery）中指出，德国公司的投资力度也不如法国和意大利公司大。 投资一般会带来更多的进口。 比如，修筑公路通常需要更多的建筑机械。 这反过来需要更多的中间投入品，而这些东西都需要进口。 此外，德国政府配置给公共投资的每一欧元增量中，又30-40欧分被用在了进口上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Global Incentive to Reduce Emissions CHICAGO – With President Joe Biden’s administration recommitting the United States to the Paris climate agreement, and with a major United Nations climate-change conference (COP26) coming later this year, there is new hope for meaningful global policies to meet the challenge. But while mounting evidence of increasing climate volatility – unprecedented wildfires in Australia, droughts in California and Sub-Saharan Africa, intensifying hurricane and cyclone seasons – suggests that we must move fast in curbing planet-warming greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions, there are serious impediments to concluding any new global accord. Economists generally agree that the way to reduce GHG emissions is to tax them. But such taxes almost certainly will cause disruptive economic changes in the short run, which is why discussions of imposing them tend to run quickly into free-rider or fairness problems. For example, industrialized countries such as the US are concerned that while they work hard to reduce emissions, developing countries will keep pumping them out with abandon. But at the same time, developing countries like Uganda point out that there is profound inequity in asking a country that emitted just 0.13 tons of carbon dioxide per capita in 2017 to bear the same burden as the US or Saudi Arabia, with their respective per capita emissions of 16 and 17.5 tons. The least costly way to reduce global emissions would be to give every country similar incentives. While India should not keep building more dirty coal plants as it grows, Europe should be closing down the plants it already has.", "zh": "一项减少排放的全球倡议 发自芝加哥—随着拜登政府对巴黎气候协定再次做出承诺以及联合国气候变化框架公约第26届缔约方大会（COP26）即将于今年晚些时候召开，各项意义重大的全球气候挑战应对政策也开始重现曙光。 但尽管已有越来越多表明气候正日益变得反复无常的证据（澳大利亚规模空前的丛林大火，美国加州和撒哈拉以南非洲地区的干旱以及更为密集的台风和暴风天气）提示我们必须迅速采取行动遏制导致地球变暖的温室气体排放，然而任何新全球协定的缔结都依然面临着诸多严重障碍。 经济学家普遍认为减少温室气体排放的有效手段是征税，但这种税收几乎必定会在短期内造成破坏性的经济变化，这也是为何关于该税项的讨论往往很快会牵扯到搭便车或公平问题。 比如美国这类工业化国家会担心在自身奋力减少排放的同时发展中国家将继续我行我素。 但与此同时乌干达等发展中国家则指出要求一个2017年人均二氧化碳排放量仅为0.13吨的国家承担与美国或沙特相等的负担是极不公平的 — — 后两国的人均排放量分别为16吨和17.5吨。 而全球减排的最低成本方法则是将类似的激励给予每一个国家。 印度不应在发展过程中继续建造更多肮脏的燃煤发电厂，欧洲也应该关闭那些已经建成的发电厂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Banking Reform’s Fear Factor WASHINGTON, DC – Nearly five years after the worst financial crisis since the 1930’s, and three years after the enactment of the Dodd-Frank financial reforms in the United States, one question is on everyone’s mind: Why have we made so little progress? New rules have been promised, but very few have actually been implemented. There is not yet a “Volcker Rule” (limiting proprietary trading by banks), the rules for derivatives are still a work-in-progress, and money-market funds remain unreformed. Even worse, our biggest banks have become even larger. There is no sign that they have abandoned the incentive structure that encourages excessive risk-taking. And the great distortions from being “too big to fail” loom large over many economies. There are three possible explanations for what has gone wrong. One is that financial reform is inherently complicated. But, though many technical details need to be fleshed out, some of the world’s smartest people work in the relevant regulatory agencies. They are more than capable of writing and enforcing rules – that is, when this is what they are really asked to do. The second explanation focuses on conflict among agencies with overlapping jurisdictions, both within and across countries. Again, there is an element of truth to this; but we have also seen a great deal of coordination even on the most complex topics – such as how much equity big banks should have, or how the potential failure of such a firm should be handled.", "zh": "银行业改革的恐惧因素 发自华盛顿特区 — — 20世纪30年代后最严重的经济危机过去五年后，也就是美国多德·弗兰克金融改革实施三年之后，有一个问题盘旋在每个人的心中:为什么过去几年我们几乎没什么进展? 政府承诺会出台新的规则，但实际上实施的却很少。 迄今仍没有“沃尔克法则 ” ( Volcker Rule，用以限制银行自营交易 ) ， 对衍生品的规定仍处于进展当中，货币市场基金仍未改革。 更糟糕的是，我们最大的银行变得更大了。 现在没有任何迹象表明银行放弃了那些鼓励过度冒险的激励机制。 对过去发生的问题有三种合理的解释。 一是金融改革本质上是复杂的。 然而，虽然很多技术细节需要被具体化，我们有世界上最聪明的一群人正在相关的监管机构工作，所以这并不构成问题。 他们不仅可以编写并实施法规 — — 也就是说，如果真的需要他们做得更多，他们也可以胜任。 第二种解释关注国家内及国家之间具有重叠权限的部门之间的矛盾。 再强调一次，这种观点有一定的道理; 但我们也看到了即使是在最复杂的问题上也有大量的协调 — — 比如大银行应该要有多少股本，或者应该怎样应对这样一所银行的破产可能性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Learning About Growth from Austerity MILAN – In a recent set of studies, Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff used a vast array of historical data to show that the accumulation of high levels of public (and private) debt relative to GDP has an extended negative effect on growth. The size of the effect incited debate about errors in their calculations. Few, however, doubt the validity of the pattern. This should not be surprising. Accumulating excessive debt usually entails moving some part of domestic aggregate demand forward in time, so the exit from that debt must include more savings and diminished demand. The negative shock adversely impacts the non-tradable sector, which is large (roughly two-thirds of an advanced economy) and wholly dependent on domestic demand. As a result, growth and employment rates fall during the deleveraging period. In an open economy, deleveraging does not necessarily impair the tradable sector so thoroughly. But, even in such an economy, years of debt-fueled domestic demand may produce a loss of competitiveness and structural distortions. And the crises that often divide the leveraging and deleveraging phases cause additional balance-sheet damage and prolong the healing process. Thanks in part to research by Reinhart and Rogoff, we know that excessive leverage is unsustainable, and that restoring balance takes time. As a result, questions and doubts remain about an eventual return to the pre-crisis trend line for GDP, and especially for employment. What this line of research explicitly does not tell us is that deleveraging will restore growth by itself. No one believes that fiscal balance is the whole growth model anywhere. Consider southern Europe. From the standpoint of growth and employment, public and private debt masked an absence of productivity growth, declining competitiveness in the tradable sector, and a range of underlying structural shortcomings – including labor-market rigidities, deficiencies in education and skills training, and underinvestment in infrastructure. Debt drove growth, creating aggregate demand that would not have existed otherwise. (The same is true of the United States and Japan, though the details differ.) Government is not the sole actor in this.", "zh": "从紧缩中学懂增长 发自米兰 — — 在最近一系列研究中，卡门·莱恩哈特（Carmen Reinhart）和肯尼斯·罗格夫（Kenneth Rogoff）使用了大量历史数据来表明处于高位的公共（及私人）债务/GDP累积对经济增长存在着长期的负面影响。 虽然对这种影响作用范围的描述引发了人们对于他们计算缪误的讨论，但只有很少人会怀疑这种模式的有效性。 这一点也不奇怪。 债务积累过多通常也会同时推动国内总需求，因此减少债务必然包含更多的储蓄和需求消失。 这种负面冲击反过来会不利于非贸易部门 — — 该部门约占发达国家经济的2/3且非常依赖国内需求。 因此在去杠杆化过程中经济增长和就业率都会有所下降。 在一个开放经济体中，贸易部门不会像非贸易部门那样受到去杠杆化如此彻底的破坏。 但即使如此，连续几年由债务推动的国内需求也有可能导致竞争力丧失，经济结构扭曲。 而通常位于负债运行和去杠杆化时期两者之间的危机也会对资产负债表造成额外损害并拖累恢复进程。 部分得益于莱恩哈特和罗格夫的研究，我们知道过度杠杆化是不可持续的，恢复平衡也需要时间。 因此人们仍然会怀疑GDP尤其是就业水平是否能恢复到危机前的趋势水平上。 这一系列研究没有明确告诉我们的是去杠杆化本身就能实现经济增长的恢复。 没有人相信财政平衡能在任何地方成为一个完整的增长模式。 以南欧为例,从经济增长和就业的角度来看，公共和私人债务掩盖了以下事实：生产率缺乏增长，贸易部门竞争力下降，以及一系列根本的结构性缺陷 — — 包括劳动力市场僵化、教育和技能培训缺乏以及对基础设施投资不足。 是负债在推动经济增长，创造出原本不可能存在的总需求。 （虽然细节有所不同，但同样的情况在美国和日本也出现了。 ） 这种情况下,政府并不是惟一的参与者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"The same reason everyone else wants it,\" said Hermione, \"to read up on the legend of the Chamber of Secrets.\"\"What's that?\" said Harry quickly.\"That's just it. I can't remember,\" said Hermione, biting her lip. \"And I can't find the story anywhere else -\"\"Hermione, let me read your composition,\" said Ron desperately, checking his watch.\"No, I won't,\" said Hermione, suddenly severe. \"You've had ten days to finish it -\"\"I only need another two inches, come on -\"The bell rang. Ron and Hermione led the way to History of Magic, bickering.History of Magic was the dullest subject on their schedule. Professor Binns, who taught it, was their only ghost teacher, and the most exciting thing that ever happened in his classes was his entering the room through the blackboard. Ancient and shriveled, many people said he hadn't noticed he was dead. He had simply got up to teach one day and left his body behind him in an armchair in front of the staff room fire; his routine had not varied in the slightest since.", "zh": "“和别人想看它的理由一样，”赫敏说，“查一查关于密室的传说。”“密室是什么?”哈利紧跟着问道。“问题就在这里，我记不清了，”赫敏咬着嘴唇，说道，“而且我在别处查不到这个故事—— ”“赫敏，让我看看你的作文吧。”罗恩看了看手表，心急火燎地说。“不，不行，”赫敏说，突然严肃起来，“你本来有十天时问，完全来得及写完。”“我只差两英寸了，再..”上课铃响了。罗恩和赫敏一路争吵着，朝魔法史课的课堂走去。魔法史是他们课程表上最枯燥的课程。在他们的所有老师中，只有教这门课的宾斯教授是一个鬼。在他的课上，最令人兴奋的事情是他穿过黑板进入教室。他年纪非常老了，皮肉皱缩得很厉害，许多人都说他并没有留意自己已经死了。他活着的时候，有一天站起来去上课，不小心把身体留在了教工休息室炉火前的一张扶手椅里。从那以后，他每天的一切活动照日，没有丝毫变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I would also like to see the Johnson government link its goals to those of its predecessors and offer a foundation upon which future governments can build. In one of Johnson’s earliest speeches as prime minister, he announced a plan to introduce a “Northern Powerhouse Growth Board.” But this ambition has apparently vanished; in fact, the words “northern powerhouse” did not appear even once in his latest speech. Similarly, while Johnson and his ministers have previously spoken with gusto about introducing Northern Powerhouse Rail, that project wasn’t mentioned, either, even when the speech touched directly on infrastructure and trains. That omission would seem to confirm rumors that the government is abandoning the NPR project, just as it did the growth board. Johnson also appears suddenly to be favoring small towns rather than big urban areas. This might be politically expedient, but it will not necessarily help to improve national performance. If leveling up the UK economy is the objective, the government will need to bring all regions’ productivity up to the same level as London’s. Here, it could consult the recommendations of the 2013-14 RSA City Growth Commission, which examined urban areas with at least 500,000 inhabitants. A final crucial factor is education. Johnson listed many failures in this domain, and it is the area that most economists would put first in a strategy to achieve sustained productivity growth and socioeconomic fairness. But the government’s ambitions seem to be limited to advocating academies (government-funded independent schools) and recruitment of better teachers. It is blatantly obvious to everyone who works in, or relies on, the education sector that much more is needed to help left-behind areas. Let us hope that the coming white paper offers a proper policy framework, with targets for which the government can be held to account. To level up the UK economy, Johnson must first level up rhetoric and substance.", "zh": "我也希望看到约翰逊政府将其目标与前几届政府的目标联系起来，并为未来的政府提供一个基础。 在约翰逊作为首相最早的一次演讲中，他宣布了一项引入“北方振兴增长委员会”的计划。 但这一志向显然已经消失；事实上 ， “ 北方振兴”这个词在他最近的演讲中甚至一次也没有出现。 同样，尽管约翰逊和他的部长们此前曾兴致勃勃地谈到引入北方振兴铁路系统，但该项目也没有被提及，即使演讲直接触及基础设施和火车。 这一遗漏似乎证实了政府放弃北方振兴铁路项目的谣言，就像他们放弃增长委员会一样。 约翰逊似乎也突然倾向于小城镇，而不是大城市地区。 这可能在政治上是权宜之计，但不一定有助于改善国家的表现。 如果稳定英国经济是目标，政府需要将所有地区的生产率提高到与伦敦相同的水平。 在这里，他们可以参考2013-14年英国皇家艺术学会城市增长委员会的建议，该委员会审查了至少有50万居民的城市地区。 最后一个关键因素是教育。 约翰逊列举了这一领域的许多失败案例。 教育是大多数经济学家在实现持续生产力增长和社会经济公平的战略中首先考虑的领域。 但政府的雄心似乎仅限于倡导学院（政府资助的独立学校）和招聘更好的教师。 对每一个在教育部门工作或依赖教育部门的人来说，显而易见的是，需要更多的帮助落后地区。 让我们希望即将发表的白皮书能提供一个适当的政策框架，并制定出政府可对其负责的目标。 为了提升英国经济水平，约翰逊必须首先将他的华丽辞藻和实质内容“拉平 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "为建设科技强国、质量强国、航天强国、网络强国、交通强国、数字中国、智慧社会提供有力支撑。 加强国家创新体系建设，强化战略科技力量。 深化科技体制改革，建立以企业为主体、市场为导向、产学研深度融合的技术创新体系，加强对中小企业创新的支持，促进科技成果转化。 倡导创新文化，强化知识产权创造、保护、运用。 培养造就一大批具有国际水平的战略科技人才、科技领军人才、青年科技人才和高水平创新团队。 （三）实施乡村振兴战略。 农业农村农民问题是关系国计民生的根本性问题， 必须始终把解决好“三农”问题作为全党工作重中之重。要坚持农业农村优先发展， 按照产业兴旺、生态宜居、乡风文明、治理有效、生活富裕的总要求，建立健全城乡融合发展体制机制和政策体系，加快推进农业农村现代化。 巩固和完善农村基本经营制度，深化农村土地制度改革，完善承包地“三权”分置制度。 保持土地承包关系稳定并长久不变，第二轮土地承包到期后再延长三十年。 深化农村集体产权制度改革，保障农民财产权益，壮大集体经济。 确保国家粮食安全，把中国人的饭碗牢牢端在自己手中。 构建现代农业产业体系、生产体系、经营体系，完善农业支持保护制度，", "en": "These efforts will provide powerful support for building China’s strength in science and technology, product quality, aerospace, cyberspace, and transportation; and for building a digital China and a smart society. We will improve our national innovation system and boost our strategic scientific and technological strength. We will further reform the management system for science and technology, and develop a market-oriented system for technological innovation in which enterprises are the main players and synergy is created through the joint efforts of enterprises, universities, and research institutes. We will support innovation by small and medium-sized enterprises and encourage the application of advances in science and technology. We will foster a culture of innovation, and strengthen the creation, protection, and application of intellectual property. We should cultivate a large number of world-class scientists and technologists in strategically important fields, scientific and technological leaders, and young scientists and engineers, as well as high-performing innovation teams. 3. Pursuing a rural vitalization strategy Issues relating to agriculture, rural areas, and rural people are fundamental to China as they directly concern our country’s stability and our people’s wellbeing. Addressing these issues should have a central place on the work agenda of the Party, and we must prioritize the development of agriculture and rural areas. To build rural areas with thriving businesses, pleasant living environments, social etiquette and civility, effective governance, and prosperity, we need to put in place sound systems, mechanisms, and policies for promoting integrated urban-rural development, and speed up the modernization of agriculture and rural areas. We will consolidate and improve the basic rural operation system, advance reform of the rural land system, and improve the system for separating the ownership rights, contract rights, and management rights for contracted rural land. Rural land contracting practices will remain stable and unchanged on a long-term basis; the current round of contracts will be extended for another 30 years upon expiration. We will press ahead with reform of the rural collective property rights system, safeguard the property rights and interests of rural people, and strengthen the collective economy. We must ensure China’s food security so that we always have control over our own food supply. We will establish industrial, production, and business operation systems for modern agriculture, and improve the systems for supporting and protecting agriculture."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Summit of Europe’s Ineffectiveness LONDON – The European Union likes summits. Just look at the way it reacts when the other side decides not to show up (for example, its response to President Barack Obama’s decision not to attend the May EU-US summit in Madrid). If the EU wants to be taken seriously and have a tangible impact, it needs to learn that talking about the right things is no substitute for taking the right kind of action. No policy area better illustrates this EU preference for talk over action than Pakistan. The Pakistan-EU summit will take place on April 10, a follow up to the first meeting last autumn. But you would be hard-pressed to know anything about the event, since nobody is taking ownership of it: not Herman Van Rompuy, the European Council’s new permanent president; not Catherine Ashton, the EU’s new foreign policy chief; not even Spanish Prime Minister José Luis Zapatero, who has pushed Spain onto the stage in plenty of other areas. The reason is simple: the EU has nothing new to say or offer. Pakistan desperately needs the EU’s vaunted expertise in police training. But any deployment of trainers is seen as too dangerous, expensive, and likely to fail. Instead, individual member states are going it alone, with their own bite-sized assistance projects. The EU is equally unlikely to change dramatically its development-aid policies towards Pakistan.", "zh": "欧洲无效率的峰会 发自伦敦 — — 欧盟喜欢召开峰会。 但当峰会的另一方决定不出席会议的时候，让我们看看欧盟是如何反应的（正如巴拉克·奥巴马总统决定不出席5月马德里举行的欧美首脑会议时，欧盟的反应 ） 。 而倘若欧盟想要得到别人的重视并发挥显著影响的话，它就得明白，正确的空谈是无法取代正确的行动的。 没有比欧盟的巴基斯坦政策更能揭示欧盟崇尚空谈的偏好了。 作为去年8月首次会议的延续，巴基斯坦-欧盟峰会将会在4月10日召开。 但是你无法对这一大事有什么了解，因为没有人在负责筹备这一会议：新任欧洲理事会常任主席赫尔曼·范龙佩没有在筹备这场会议；新任的欧盟外长凯瑟琳·阿斯顿也不管这事；那位在其他许多领域都把西班牙推向了前台的西班牙首相何塞·路易斯·萨帕特罗也没有在筹备这场会议。 原因很简单：欧盟将要在会上说的都是些陈词滥调，毫无新意可言。 一方面，巴基斯坦渴望得到欧盟引以为豪的警察培训经验，但另一方面，任何部署培训人员的行动都被认为是十分危险，费用高昂且极易失败的。 为此，只有由某几个成员国单独用自己的小规模援助项目来进行培训。 在对巴基斯坦的发展援助政策方面，欧盟也同样不会有太大程度的改变。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the US, Congress is likely to pass legislation mandating the reshoring of China-based production of goods deemed relevant to national security. And the Trump administration will probably impose new sanctions, including tighter restrictions on technology transfers. Because such punitive measures enjoy wide public support – 71% of Americans want to pull manufacturing back from China – the only real question is how harsh they will be. Given the political stakes, Trump is unlikely to show much restraint. After all, the US relationship with China is set to be the most important foreign-policy issue in the November election. Already, Trump has begun attacking his presumptive Democratic challenger, former Vice President Joseph Biden, for being “soft” on China, while Biden has responded by accusing Trump of being softer. As for Chinese President Xi Jinping, he is unlikely to back down. Earlier this month, at a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee (the CPC’s top decision-making body), he declared that “we must maintain ‘bottom-line thinking’ and make mental and material preparations for changes in the external environment that will last a relatively long period of time.” It is not yet clear exactly what Xi’s “bottom-line thinking” is, but it is a safe bet it implies that China will respond to intensifying US pressure not with concessions, but with retaliation. At a time when the world is facing an imminent shared threat, a worsening cold war between its two largest economies is the last thing anyone needs. But with neither leader likely to change his approach, this outcome will be hard to avoid. In fact, far from catalyzing global cooperation, the pandemic may well lock the US and China into a vicious cycle of escalation, leading directly to full-blown conflict.", "zh": "在美国，国会很可能会通过一项法案，要求将目前位于中国的国家安全相关产品生产迁回美国。 特朗普政府可能会实施新的制裁，包括对技术转让施以更严格限制。 由于此类惩罚性措施得到了公众的广泛支持（71％的美国人想让制造业从中国回归本国 ） ， 因此唯一未知的只是其严厉程度。 考虑到自身政治利益，特朗普不太可能在这方面表现出太大的克制。 毕竟在11月大选期间美中关系将成为最重要的外交政策问题。 特朗普已经开始抨击其想定的民主党挑战者 — — 前副总统乔·拜登 — — 对中国“立场软弱 ” ， 而拜登则通过指责特朗普对华措施日益软化来予以回击。 而中国国家主席习近平也不太可能退缩。 本月初，在中共最高决策机构中央政治局常委会议上，他指出“我们要坚持‘底线思维 ’ ， 做好较长时间应对外部环境变化的思想准备和工作准备 。 ” 虽然尚不清楚习近平这个“底线思维”的具体含义，但可以在很大程度上推断这暗示着中国不会对美国不断加大的压力做出让步，而是以牙还牙。 在世界面临迫在眉睫的共同威胁之时，两个最庞大经济体之间不断加剧的冷战是任何人都不愿意看到的。 但由于双方领导人都不可能改变自身手段，因此这一后果将难以避免。 事实上当前这场疫情非但无法促进全球合作，反而可能将美国和中国锁死在一个不断升级的恶性循环之中，最终直接导致一场全面冲突的爆发。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Embracing the Empire Bernard Kouchner, France’s new foreign minister, has a long and distinguished record as an advocate of intervention in countries where human rights are abused. As a co-founder of Doctors Without Borders, he stated that “we were establishing the moral right to interfere inside someone else’s country.” Saddam Hussein’s mass murder of Iraqi citizens is why he supported the war in Iraq. One should always be careful about attributing motives to other people’s views. But Kouchner himself has often said that the murder of his Russian-Jewish grandparents in Auschwitz inspired his humanitarian interventionism. One may or may not agree with Kouchner’s policies, but his motives are surely impeccable. The fact that many prominent Jewish intellectuals in Europe and the United States – often, like Kouchner, with a leftist past – are sympathetic to the idea of using American armed force to further the cause of human rights and democracy in the world, may derive from the same wellspring. Any force is justified to avoid another Shoah, and those who shirk their duty to support such force are regarded as no better than collaborators with evil. If we were less haunted by memories of appeasing the Nazi regime, and of the ensuing genocide, people might not be as concerned about human rights as they are. And by no means do all those who work to protect the rights of others invoke the horrors of the Third Reich to justify Anglo-American armed intervention. But the term “Islamofascism” was not coined for nothing. It invites us to see a big part of the Islamic world as a natural extension of Nazism. Saddam Hussein, who was hardly an Islamist, and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who is, are often described as natural successors to Adolf Hitler. And European weakness, not to mention the “treason” of its liberal scribes, paving the way to an Islamist conquest of Europe (“Eurabia”) is seen as a ghastly echo of the appeasement of the Nazi threat. Revolutionary Islamism is undoubtedly dangerous and bloody. Yet analogies with the Third Reich, although highly effective as a way to denounce people with whose views one disagrees, are usually false.", "zh": "迎接帝国 法国新外长库施奈尔长久以来一直呼吁对人权遭到践踏的国家进行干预，其记录非同一般。 作为医生无疆界组织的创始人，他说过“我们是在建立一种可以在其他国家实行干预的道德权利 。 ” 萨达姆大肆屠杀伊拉克人是他支持伊拉克战争的理由。 在确定人们观点的动机的时候要小心谨慎。 但是，库施奈尔本人经常说他的俄罗斯犹太裔祖父母在奥斯威辛集中营被害激发了他的人道干预主义。 人们或许同意或许不同意库施奈尔的政策，但是他的动机却是无可指摘的。 欧洲和美国的众多著名犹太裔知识分子都经常像库施奈尔一样有过左倾历史。 他们对使用美国武力在世界上促进人权和民主事业表示同情。 他们的观点可能也来自同样的源泉。 他们认为，为了避免另一场犹太人浩劫，使用武力都是应该的，而那些逃避支持使用武力责任的人则被认为是邪恶的同犯。 如果我们不是那么被绥靖纳粹政权的记忆以及随后的种族屠杀所困扰，那么人们就可能不会如此关心人权问题了。 而且，那些保护他人人权的人不用引用第三帝国的恐怖来给英美武装干预提供理由。 但是“伊斯兰法西斯主义”这一词汇并非空穴来风。 这会让我们将伊斯兰世界的一大部分视为纳粹主义的自然延伸。 萨达姆根本就不是什么伊斯兰主义者，而伊朗总统内贾德则经常被描绘成为希特勒天然的继承人。 而欧洲的软弱，更不要说对其自由主义的“背叛 ” ， 进而造成伊斯兰对欧洲的征服（所谓“欧洲伊斯兰 ” ） 则被认为是对纳粹威胁采取绥靖主义的可怕回响。 革命伊斯兰主义毫无疑问是危险和充满暴力流血的。 但是，把它和第三帝国相比较尽管在谴责政见不同的人士上高度有效，却通常是错误的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "主持完成的教学科研成果曾获上海市高校优秀教材三等奖（2000），上海市高校优秀教学成果二等奖（2001）、全国优秀规划设计二等奖（2007）、上海市决策咨询三等奖（2007）、二等奖（2008），上海市科技进步二等奖（2008）。 多次赴美国、英国、法国、德国、意大利、瑞士、荷兰、澳大利亚、新加坡、印度等国的著名高等院校或研究机构访问、讲学。 曾任同济大学建筑与城市规划学院副院长、同济大学校长助理兼人事处处长，同时兼任国际建协暨联合国教科文组织建筑教育评估委员会（四区）委员，国际建协“北京之路”工作组委员会委员，全国高等学校建筑学专业指导委员会副主任委员。 2003年2月至2008年10月任上海市城市规划管理局副局长，2008月11月至2009年2月任上海市规划与国土资源管理局副局长。", "en": "The teaching and research results completed by him have won the Third Prize of Excellent Textbook of Universities in Shanghai (2000), the Second Prize of Excellent Teaching Achievements Award of Universities in Shanghai (2001), Second Prize of National Excellent Planning and Design Award (2007), the Third Prize and Second Prize of Shanghai Decision-making Consultation (2007 and 2008), the Second Prize of Science and Technology Progress Award of Shanghai (2008). He has visited prestigous Universities and research institutes in United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Netherlands, Australia, Singapore, India to give lectures. Previously he served as the Deputy Dean of School of Architecture and Urban Planning, Tongji University, Assistant to the President and Director of the Personnel Department of Tongji University, and concurrently served as Member of the International Construction Association and UNESCO Construction Education Evaluation Committee, Member of the \"Beijing Road\" Working Group Committee of the International Construction Association, Deputy Chairman of the National Steering Committee of Architecture of Higher Education Institutions. From February 2003 to October 2008, he served as Deputy Director of Shanghai Urban Planning Administration, and as the Deputy Director of the Shanghai Municipal Planning and Land Resources Administration from November 2008 to February 2009."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Overcoming the COVID-19 Disruption to Essential Health Services KIGALI – Health-care delivery in nearly every country has been disrupted by policymakers’ mistaken initial assumption that health systems would quickly win the fight against COVID-19. As the pandemic’s caseload and death toll are increasing daily, it is often stalling or reversing hard-won progress on minimizing the impact of other diseases, from diabetes to malaria. At the start of the pandemic, many policymakers and health leaders considered a relatively short disruption of essential health services acceptable, but it is now clear that COVID-19 will persist much longer than anticipated. Countries can no longer postpone the delivery of crucial health services. Without immediate action to ensure their continuity, the future death toll from communicable and non-communicable diseases will be unacceptably high. In a grim recent assessment of the global costs of the COVID-19 crisis, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation reported that in 25 weeks, the pandemic had set the world back about 25 years in terms of vaccine coverage – a good proxy for how health systems are functioning overall. Clearly, now is the time to make sure that essential health services are not left behind. This will require dedicated funding, innovative approaches, and decentralized services to reach the world’s sickest and poorest communities. Policymakers should reallocate funds in national budgets and form partnerships with private investors to marshal the necessary resources. It is also crucial to establish domestic and global solidarity funds, similar to The Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. Creating such dedicated funds could help countries and multilateral institutions maintain the continuity of essential health services, thereby strengthening health-care systems and national economies in the long term. Even before the pandemic, it was estimated that at least half of the world’s 7.8 billion people lacked access to essential health services. Globally, six million children and adolescents, and 2.8 million pregnant women and newborns, die from preventable or treatable diseases annually. COVID-19 has increased these numbers and eroded access to health care.", "zh": "克服新冠对基础卫生服务的影响 基加利-当初，决策者们都以为，医疗卫生系统可以迅速战胜2019冠状病毒病；这一错误的预判几乎让每个国家的医疗服务供给都受到了冲击。 此次病毒大流行中的感染病例和死亡人数每天都在增加，这严重拖慢甚至反转了从糖尿病到疟疾等疾病防控中所取得的来之不易的进展。 在疫情大流行开始时，许多决策者和卫生部门负责人都认为，基本医疗服务的短暂中断是可以接受的；但是现在很明显，疫情的持续时间将比预期长得多。 重启各国提供核心医疗服务已经不能再拖延。 如果不立即采取行动，确保医疗机构能持续运作，那么今后由传染病和非传染病造成的死亡人数将会达到不可承受的数量。 比尔及梅琳达·盖茨基金会( Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation)最近对疫情危机造成的全球损失进行了评估。 这份报告表明，形势不容乐观：在25周的时间里，大流行使疫苗接种范围倒退回了大约25年前的水平 — — 而疫苗接种范围是衡量医疗系统总体运行质量的重要标准。 很明显，是时候采取措施防止核心医疗服务继续倒退了。 保证医疗系统覆盖世界上最穷困和疾病最多发的地区，需要专门的资金，创新的方法和去中心化的服务。 决策者应重新分配国家预算，并与私人投资者建立伙伴关系，以调配必要的资源。 建立与抗击艾滋、结核和疟疾全球基金（ The Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis, and Malaria）相似的国内和全球合作基金，也至关重要。 设立这种专项资金可以帮助各国和多边机构维持基本卫生服务持续运行，从而长期维持卫生保健系统和国民经济。 在2019冠状病毒病大流行之前，据估计，世界上78亿人口中至少有一半无法获得基本的医疗服务。 每年全球有600万儿童和青少年以及280万孕妇和新生儿死于可预防或可治疗的疾病。 疫情让这些数字进一步增长，剥夺了人们获得医疗保健的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"it took a very long time for stupid little Ginny to stop trusting her diary,\" said Riddle. \"But she finally became suspicious and tried to dispose of it. And that's where you came in, Harry. You found it, and I couldn't have been more delighted. Of all the people who could have picked it up, it was you, the very person I was most anxious to meet . . . .\"\"And why did you want to meet me?\" said Harry. Anger was coursing through him, and it was an effort to keep his voice steady.\"Well, you see, Ginny told me all about you, Harry,\" said Riddle. \"Your whole fascinating history. \" His eyes roved over the lightning scar on Harry's forehead, and their expression grew hungrier. \"I knew I must find out more about you, talk to you, meet you if I could. So I decided to show you my famous capture of that great oaf, Hagrid, to gain your trust -\"", "zh": "“过了很长很长时间，傻乎乎的小金妮才不再信任她的日记本了。”里德尔说，“她终于起了疑心，试图把它扔掉。你就是那个时候插进来的，哈利。你发现了它，我真是再高兴不过了。没想到在这么多人里面，居然是你捡到了这本日记，你是我最迫切想见的人啊..”“你为什么想见我?”哈利问。他气得浑身冒火，费了很大力气才使语调保持了平稳。“噢，是这样的，哈利，金妮把你的情况都告诉我了，”里德尔说，“你的那些惊险迷人的往事。”他的目光掠过哈利前额上那道闪电形伤疤，脸上的神情变得更饥渴了。“我知道，我必须更多地了解你，跟你谈谈，如果可能的话还要亲自见到你。所以我决定让你亲眼目睹我抓住海格那个大蠢货的著名壮举，以获取你对我的信任。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They also cite investment opportunities in emerging markets, and make the obvious point that if China and India stay on track, their economies' relative weight in the world will double in the next decade or so, as rapid real growth is accompanied by appreciation in their real exchange rates. Sooner or later, the Chinese and Indian central banks' desire to hold down exchange rates to boost exports and their rich citizens' desire to keep their money in accounts at Bank of America will be offset by the sheer magnitude of investment opportunities. In this scenario, bond prices in post-industrial countries are heading for a serious fall - as are real estate prices in California, New York, and London. What, then, is an economist to do? One could emulate J.P. Morgan, whose standard response to questions about stock prices, bond prices, and interest rates was to say simply, \"The market will fluctuate.\" Another alternative is to recall the late Rudi Dornbusch, who taught that any economist who forecasts interest rates based on fundamentals is a fool, because fundamentals are complex and unstable, shifting suddenly and substantially. Even if an economist correctly understands fundamentals, Dornbusch warned, that doesn't mean that markets do. In forecasting interest rates one is engaged not in examining fundamentals, but in predicting what average market opinion expects average market opinion about fundamentals to be. But Rudi never followed his own advice.", "zh": "他们还援引新兴市场的投资机会作为预测依据，并明确指出如果中国和印度沿着现有轨道发展，其经济总量在世界经济中的比重会在未来十年左右翻一番，因为货币的实际升值总是伴随着经济的实际快速增长。 中国和印度的央行压低汇率以促进出口的愿望和其富有的国民将钱存入美洲银行的意愿迟早会被巨大的投资机会所抵消。 在这种情况下，后工业化国家的债券价格会严重下跌-正如加州、纽约和伦敦的不动产价格下跌那样。 那么，经济学家们应该如何作为呢？ 我们可以仿效J. P. 摩根公司的做法，对股价、债券价格和利率方面的问题都只有一句标准的回应 ： \" 市场会波动 。 \" 另一个选择是回忆已故的Rudi Dornbusch的教诲。 他教导我们说任何以基本的经济指标为依据预测利率的经济学家都是愚蠢的，因为基本的经济指标十分复杂并且变化无常。 他警告说，即便经济学家对基本经济指标的理解正确也并不意味着市场对这些指标有同样的理解 。 在预测利率时，我们并不是要对基本的经济指标进行分析，而是预测市场对基本经济指标的变化会有怎样的判断。 但Rudi 从来也没有遵循自己的建议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was an insane idea. Fortunately I controlled myself and stretched out on the bed to soothe my bodily agitation. My nerves calmed a little, but with my brain so aroused, I did a swift review of my whole existence aboard the Nautilus, every pleasant or unpleasant incident that had crossed my path since I went overboard from the Abraham Lincoln: the underwater hunting trip, the Torres Strait, our running aground, the savages of Papua, the coral cemetery, the Suez passageway, the island of Santorini, the Cretan diver, the Bay of Vigo, Atlantis, the Ice Bank, the South Pole, our imprisonment in the ice, the battle with the devilfish, the storm in the Gulf Stream, the Avenger, and that horrible scene of the vessel sinking with its crew . . . ! All these events passed before my eyes like backdrops unrolling upstage in a theater. In this strange setting Captain Nemo then grew fantastically. His features were accentuated, taking on superhuman proportions. He was no longer my equal, he was the Man of the Waters, the Spirit of the Seas.", "zh": "这简直是疯狂的想法。很运气，我抑制住自己，我躺在床上，让我身体的激动平息下来。我的神经安静了一些，但我的脑子受了过度的刺激，在迅速的记忆中，我重又看见我在诺第留斯号船上度过的整个生活，自我脱离了林肯号以来所碰到的：或快乐或痛苦的所有意外事件：海底打猎，多列斯海峡，巴布亚岛的土人，坐礁搁浅，珊瑚墓地，苏伊士海底地道，桑多林岛，克里特的潜水人：维哥湾，大西洋洲，冰山。南极，被困在冰层中，跟章鱼战斗，大西洋暖流的风暴。复仇号，以及那把船跟船员一起撞沉的可怕场面！……所有这些事件都涌现在我眼前，好像那些背后的布景，在舞台底层，一幕一幕地揭开，这时候，尼摩船长在这离奇古怪的环境中间显得异常巨大。他的形象集中起来，现出超人的典型。他并不是我的同类人，他是水中人，是海中神。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now, with the COVID-19 pandemic, the Chinese government is offering to help a beleaguered Europe, and in so doing boosting China’s soft power. China is thus not only extending its global influence through trade and investment, but also extending its protection to a divided and confused Europe. The pandemic is all the more destabilizing for the West because it is piling uncertainty on top of doubt. COVID-19 is heightening an already existing culture of fear in the West and revealing deeper fractures, both within Europe and between Europe and the US. While China sends medical experts, protective masks, and respirators to Italy and France, America is abruptly and unilaterally closing itself off to Europe, probably to compensate for Trump’s erratic and confused early denial of the danger. Meanwhile, Europe has turned its back on Italy for the third time in just over a decade – first during the 2008 economic and financial crisis that seriously impacted the country, then with the migrant crisis that started in 2014, and now by limiting exports of urgently needed medical goods. What is Europe good for if it does not protect its citizens? Indeed, Italy’s growing disillusion and distance from the European Union is probably much more serious for the future of the European project than the UK’s decision to leave. As Europe betrays Italy and America betrays Europe, European and transatlantic solidarity increasingly look like relics of a near-forgotten past. By contrast, Asian societies may be better prepared to fight pandemics, because they have found a better balance between the individual and the collective. This is not a matter of political regimes. After all, the Asian countries that so far have best managed the pandemic include democracies such as South Korea, Taiwan, and Japan, a country with democratic institutions and the rule of law (Singapore), and a purely authoritarian state (China). Rather, the key difference is the spontaneous (or in China’s case enforced) practice of civic values in these Asian societies. Wearing a protective mask is much more common in Asia than in the West, not only because masks are more readily available, but also because their wearers value consideration and respect for the health of others. Democracy without a civic culture, a common phenomenon in the West, is a recipe for disaster in the event of a pandemic.", "zh": "现在，随着COVID-19的蔓延，中国政府提出帮助陷入困境的欧洲，并以此来提升中国的软实力。 因此，中国不仅通过贸易和投资扩大其全球影响力，还将其保护范围扩大到一个分裂与混乱并存的欧洲。 这场大流行病破坏了西方的稳定，因为它使得西方备受质疑的境况雪上加霜。 COVID-19加剧了西方业已存在的恐惧文化，并揭示出欧洲内部以及欧洲与美国之间更深层次的裂痕。 当中国分别向意大利和法国派遣医疗专家、赠送防护口罩和呼吸器时，美国却突然单方面关闭了与欧洲的联系，这可能是为了弥补特朗普早期对危险的飘忽不定和困惑的否认。 与此同时，欧洲十多年来第三次背弃意大利 — — 第一次是在2008年严重影响该国的经济和金融危机期间，然后是2014年开始的移民危机，而现在是限制了急需的医疗用品的出口。 如果欧洲不保护自己的公民，那它又有什么好处呢? 事实上，对于欧洲一体化的未来而言，意大利日益增长的幻灭感和与欧盟的渐长的距离，可能比英国的脱欧决定要严重得多。 随着欧洲背叛意大利和美国背叛欧洲，欧洲和跨大西洋的团结越来越像是一段几近被遗忘的历史遗迹。 相比之下，亚洲社会在抗击流行病方面可能准备得更好，因为它们在个人和集体之间找到了更好的平衡。 这不是一个政治体制的问题。 毕竟，迄今为止，对这场大流行病管理得最好的亚洲国家包括韩国和日本等民主国家，一个拥有民主制度和法治的国家(新加坡 ) ， 以及一个民主集中制的国家(中国 ) 。 相反，关键的区别在于，这些亚洲社会中，公民价值观的实践是自发的(或者在中国是强制的 ) 。 带防护口罩在亚洲比在西方普遍得多，这不仅是因为口罩更容易买到，还因为戴口罩的人重视对他人健康的关心和尊重。 没有公民文化的民主在西方是一种普遍现象，在大流行病的情况下，它会导致灾难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Mexico is Sick Mexico City – As I reflect on my troubled country, the lyrics of a Bruce Springsteen song come to mind: “We are far, far away from home. Our home is far, far away from us.” That’s how it feels to live in Mexico nowadays: far from democratic normalcy; far from a health system that inspires confidence; far from a government that builds trust; far from home and close to everything that imperils it. My homeland has become a place where too many people are victims, succumbing to a virus, or gunned down by a drug-trafficker; assaulted by a robber, shot by an ill-trained policeman, or kidnapped by a member of a criminal gang. The flu epidemic, which probably began in the southern state of Veracruz, is yet another sign that all is not well in Mexico. The country seems to be caught in a permanent, uneasy tug-of-war between the past and the future, between change and the actors who seek to place obstacles in its path. For example, when initial reports surfaced about the first swine flu cases, it took three weeks for the information to reach federal health authorities, because state governments were reluctant to report cases quickly due to political and electoral considerations. Mexico faces mid-term elections for Congress in the fall, and President Felipe Calderón’s National Action Party is trailing slightly in the polls over its main rivals, who would like nothing better than to see a health emergency translate into a political defeat.", "zh": "墨西哥病在何处 墨西哥城 — — 故乡墨西哥层出不穷的问题让我不禁想起布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀的一句歌词 — — “我们离家乡很远很远；家乡在那很远很远的远方 。 ” 这句歌词正是今天墨西哥人的真实感受：正常的民主、可靠的医疗卫生体系、可信的政府都已远去，不见了家乡，只剩下危机重重。 今天的墨西哥，病毒肆虐、毒贩猖獗、盗贼横行，再加上警察训练无素，有太多人为此丢了性命，太多人被犯罪团伙所挟持绑架。 这场可能源自南部韦拉克鲁斯州的猪流感疫情则给墨西哥目前一团糟的局面雪上加霜。 墨西哥似乎陷入了一场过去与未来、变革与阻碍之间的、永久的、令人不安的拉锯战中。 从这场猪流感疫情暴发来看，各州政府出于政治选举考虑，不愿尽快向上报告疫情，因此直到第一批猪流感病例出现三周以后，墨西哥联邦医疗卫生部门才得到消息。 今年秋天，墨西哥国会将迎来中期选举，总统费利佩·卡尔德龙所在的国家行动党在民意调查中目前略微落后于主要竞争对手。 这些竞选对手最希望看到的莫过于国家行动党在医疗卫生事件上政治行动的失败。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "构建创新创业孵化生态系统，充分发挥大学科技园、科技企业孵化器在大学生创业中的载体作用，引导企业、社会资本参与投资建设孵化器。促进天使投资与创业孵化紧密结合，推广“孵化+创投”、创业导师等孵化模式，探索基于互联网的新型孵化方式。加强创业孵化服务的衔接，支持建立“创业苗圃+孵化器+加速器”的创业孵化服务链条，鼓励开源社区、开发者社群等各类互助平台发展，为培育新兴产业提供源头支撑。构建区域间孵化网络，促进孵化器跨区域协同发展。促进互联网孵化平台与实体经济的骨干企业合作，实现实体经济与虚拟经济融合发展。加强创业培训，提升创业孵化从业人员的专业化能力。提高创业孵化机构国际化水平，加强海外科技人才离岸创业基地建设，吸引更多的国际创新创业资源。鼓励通过开展创新创业大赛和大学生挑战赛等活动，加强创新创业项目与投资孵化机构对接。支持知识产权服务机构为创业孵化提供全链条知识产权服务。", "en": "Build an innovative entrepreneurship incubation ecosystem, fully leverage the role of university science parks and technology business incubators in student entrepreneurship, and guide enterprises and social capital to participate in investment and construction of incubators. Promote the close integration of angel investment and entrepreneurship incubation, promote incubation models such as incubation + venture capital and entrepreneurship mentors, and explore new incubation methods based on the Internet. Strengthen the connection of entrepreneurship incubation services, support the establishment of an entrepreneurship incubation service chain consisting of entrepreneurship seedbed + incubator + accelerator, encourage the development of various mutual assistance platforms such as open-source communities and developer communities, and provide support for nurturing emerging industries. Build a regional incubation network to promote the coordinated development of incubators across regions. Promote cooperation between Internet incubation platforms and backbone enterprises in the real economy, and achieve the integration and development of the real economy and the virtual economy. Strengthen entrepreneurship training and enhance the professional capabilities of entrepreneurship incubation practitioners. Improve the internationalization level of entrepreneurship incubation institutions, strengthen the construction of offshore entrepreneurship bases for overseas scientific and technological talents, and attract more international innovation and entrepreneurship resources. Encourage the integration of innovation and entrepreneurship projects with investment incubation institutions through activities such as innovation and entrepreneurship competitions and university student challenges. Support intellectual property service institutions in providing full-chain intellectual property services for entrepreneurship incubation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The children they help are more likely to be able to attend school, and grow into healthy, educated adults. The third key intervention is vaccination. Vaccines represent the most cost-effective intervention for preventing childhood illness, and they already exist for most common bacterial causes of pneumonia (pneumococcus and Hib) and for the leading causes of diarrhea (rotavirus). Yet half of the world’s children live in areas where the pneumococcal vaccine is not available through a national immunization program, and only 15% of the children in the world’s poorest countries have access to the rotavirus vaccine. By making vaccines available through national immunization programs, governments can protect all children from the diseases that are most likely to harm or kill them. Efforts to ensure that families take advantage of vaccination services, including by educating parents about their value, will also be needed. Pneumonia and diarrhea should not still be taking children’s lives. No single intervention will be enough. But the accelerated and coordinated implementation of the three interventions described here could go a long way toward preventing pneumonia and diarrhea, especially for the most vulnerable children, enabling them to lead healthy, productive lives.", "zh": "获得帮助的儿童更有可能进入学校、成长为受过教育的健康成年人。 第三项关键干预是免疫。 疫苗是性价比最高的预防儿童疾病的干预手段，最常见的细菌性肺炎（肺炎双球菌和乙型流感嗜血杆菌）以及腹泻（轮状病毒）疫苗早已面世。 但全世界一半儿童生活在国家免疫计划不提供肺炎双球菌疫苗的地区，而在全球最贫困国家，只有15%的儿童能接种轮状病毒疫苗。 政府要通过国家免疫计划推广疫苗，这样就可以保护所有儿童免受最有可能伤害或杀害他们的疾病的影响。 确保家庭能得到接种服务的措施 — — 包括通过教育家长疫苗的重要性 — — 也是必不可少的。 肺炎和腹泻本不应该还能夺走儿童的生命。 采取单一干预是不够的。 加快和综合实施本文所述的三种干预手段能够极大地改善肺炎和腹泻的预防情况，特别是对最脆弱儿童而言，让他们能够过上健康的、富有创造力的生活。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Diplomacy and Double Standards CANBERRA – When does acceptable diplomatic caution and realism become indefensible abdication of moral standards? Not everyone on the foreign-policy frontline cares, but those who do often face deeply uncomfortable choices. Negotiating a life-saving peace may mean giving amnesty to the murderously guilty. Living with tyranny might be less life-threatening than embracing anarchy. Calming a volatile situation may mean not publicly denouncing behavior that cries out for condemnation. Making the right call is more difficult in the real world than in a philosophy classroom. But sometimes the line really is crossed, all relevant players know it, and the consequences are potentially profound. The United States’ failure so far to cut off its military aid to Egypt in response to the regime’s massacre of hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood supporters, in the streets and in prisons, is as clear a recent case as one can find. Former President Mohamed Morsi’s government was a catastrophic failure – ruthlessly ideological, economically illiterate, and constitutionally irresponsible. It deeply polarized a society yearning for a new inclusiveness. But, had the army held its nerve – and triggers – there is every reason to believe that Morsi would have been voted out in the next election. If the Muslim Brotherhood denied a ballot, or refused to accept defeat, tougher measures could then have been contemplated.", "zh": "外交和双重标准 堪培拉—可接受的外交警告和现实主义何时变成了站不住脚的不顾道德标准？ 并非所有外交界人士都在乎这一点，但在乎这一点的，通常要面临令人极度不安的选择。 谈判救命的和平可能意味着给予罪大恶极者赦免。 生活在暴政中可能比接受无政府状态对生命的威胁更小。 平息动荡局势可能意味着不公开谴责应该被定罪的行为。 在现实中发出正确的声音比在哲学教室中更难。 但有时这条线真的会被越过，所有相关方都知道这一点，而且后果可能影响深远。 美国至今没有因为军队在街头和监狱中屠杀数百名穆斯林兄弟会支持者而砍掉其对埃及的军事援助，这是人人都看到的最新例子。 前总统穆尔西政府是一场灾难性的失败 — — 意识形态上冷酷无情，经济上完全外行，宪政上又不可靠。 它将一个渴望新的包容性的社会深深地极化了。 但是，如果军队保持冷静 — — 并且管住扳机 — — 有充分的理由相信穆尔西在下一次选举中将被选下台。 如果穆斯林兄弟会否认投票结果，或拒绝接受被击败的事实，此时再采取更严厉的措施不迟。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More to the point, we must recognize that, in many ways, defending public health and defending democracy are two fronts in the same battle. Fortunately, civil-society organizations and individuals are not powerless in the face of pandemic crackdowns. After more than three decades on the front lines in defense of democracy, we at the Open Society Foundations have learned some relevant lessons. For starters, we must use every tool available to protect civil liberties. While the pandemic calls for social distancing, it does not justify police brutality and abuse of government power. The instant that political leaders start restricting free speech and the right to protest, or spurn checks on their power, the risk of a slide into authoritarianism becomes real. Governments that start to test these limits must be held accountable immediately. The second lesson is that we must resist scapegoating. In responding to the pandemic, too many governments have sought to label COVID-19 a “Chinese” virus, setting the stage for surveillance and stigmatization of people of Chinese descent. As a Haitian-American, I witnessed such persecution firsthand during the HIV/AIDS crisis in the 1980s, when the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention announced that AIDS was being transmitted by “homosexuals, heroin users, hemophiliacs, and Haitians.” As a result of that unscientific, biased messaging, the US started detaining Haitian asylum seekers in a horrific Guantánamo Bay prison camp, which actually undermined efforts to prevent the spread of HIV. Finally, we must address the underlying economic and social disparities that pandemics tend to exacerbate. To see how the coronavirus has laid bare America’s profound inequities, look no further than Rikers Island, New York City’s main jail, which now has the highest infection rate on the planet. More broadly, the crisis is demonstrating once again that far too many American families lack access to health care, paid sick leave, worker protections, personal savings, and other basic needs. Even as we fend off new attacks on democracy and civil rights, we must use this moment to recognize all the ways our societies were stripping the rights of citizens, refugees, migrants, and asylum seekers before the pandemic hit. Yes, concerns about the state of democracy is not most people’s main concern nowadays.", "zh": "更重要之处在于我们必须认识到，在许多方面来说捍卫公共卫生和捍卫民主是同属一场战役的两条战线。 幸运的是，民间社会组织和个人在面对疫情期间的镇压行为时并非无能为力。 在投身捍卫民主前线的三十年余间，我们这些开放社会基金会的成员也吸取了一些相关的经验教训。 首先，我们必须动用手中所有的工具来保护公民自由。 疫情要求社会隔离，但并不是警察野蛮执法和政府滥权的理由。 政治领导人从开始限制言论自由和抗议权或是拒绝对其权力进行监督的那一刻起就可能陷入专制主义的危险，因此必须在这些政府刚开始触犯这些限制时就立即追究其责任。 第二个教训是我们必须抵制那种寻找替罪羊的行为。 为了应对这场疫情，太多的政府试图将新型冠状病毒冠以“中国”之名，从而为监视和污蔑本国华裔民众的行径奠定了基础。 作为一名海地裔美国人，我在1980年代的HIV/AIDS危机中亲眼目睹了这种迫害，当时美国疾病控制与预防中心宣布艾滋病正在“同性恋者、海洛因吸食者，血友病人和海地人”之间传播。 由于这种不科学且带有偏见的信息，美国开始在恐怖的关塔那摩监狱关押来自海地的寻求庇护者，而这实际上扰乱了防止艾滋病毒传播的努力。 最后，我们必须解决可能因疫情加剧的潜在经济和社会差距。 如果想了解新型冠状病毒是如何揭露了美国的严重不平等状况，就请看看纽约市的主要监狱里克斯岛 — — 也是目前全球病毒感染率最高的地方。 从更广泛的角度看，这场危机再次表明有太多的美国家庭无法拥有医疗保健、带薪病假、劳动者保障，个人储蓄以及其他基本需求。 即使抵抗住了对民主制度和公民权利的新一轮攻击，我们也必须利用这一时机识别出我们的社会在疫情来袭之前被剥夺公民、难民，移民和寻求庇护者权利的所有手段。 虽然民主制度的运作状态确实不是当今大多数人的主要关注点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As an historian, she was committed to getting the facts right and ensuring that we had sufficient context. Her approach helped to shape Human Rights Watch’s research methodology, which has proved vital to our reputation for responding to developments not only rapidly, but also appropriately, based on accurate information. As director of the nascent Human Rights Watch, I relied heavily on Alexeyeva, who also became my friend. In the late 1980s, when Mikhail Gorbachev began freeing disidenty from prison, Alexeyeva returned to Moscow, where she revived the Moscow Helsinki Group, which had been forced to suspend its activities in 1982, because almost all of its members had been in prison or exile. Since then, the organization has done battle with the Russian government time and again, including standing up to the ever-more despotic Vladimir Putin. Under Putin, the challenge of upholding human rights in Russia has remained acute. The Kremlin has effectively prohibited some foreign donors, including the Open Society Foundations, from issuing grants in Russia, and has implemented a requirement that organizations receiving any foreign funding declare themselves to be “foreign agents” – essentially, spies. Such policies have hit the Moscow Helsinki Group hard, because it was forced to choose losing much of its funding and, in turn, its staff. Yet the group has persisted. Though Alexeyeva criticized Putin, he manifested a grudging respect for her, perhaps because he viewed her as a Russian patriot. On one occasion, Putin’s annual meeting with human-rights leaders coincided with her birthday, so he brought her a bouquet of flowers. He congratulated her again on her 90th birthday. I doubt that Alexeyeva was much moved by such gestures. But they reflect the respect she commanded, and her commitment to conducting herself in a civil manner even when dealing with her opponents. She knew what she stood for, and so do the many people who benefited from her tireless efforts to protect human rights.", "zh": "作为一名历史学家，她致力于弄清事实真相，同时确保向我们提供充足的背景资料。 她的所作所为有助于塑造人权观察机构的研究方法，事实证明，这种基于准确信息的研究方法对我们的信誉至关重要，因为它能迅速并且恰当地对事态发展作出反应。 作为新生的人权观察组织的负责人，我非常信赖阿列克谢耶娃，她也成了我的朋友。 20世纪80年代后期，当米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫开始从监狱中释放持不同政见者，阿列克谢耶娃借此机会重返莫斯科，并在那里重建了莫斯科赫尔辛基集团，直到1982年该集团活动被迫停止，因为几乎所有成员均被监禁或流放。 从那以后，该组织一直与俄国政府进行斗争，包括抵制越来越专横的弗拉基米尔·普京的做法。 在普京治下，维护俄罗斯人权的挑战依然非常严峻。 克里姆林宫有效地限制了某些国外捐助机构在俄国发放补贴，其中就包括开放社会基金会，并要求所有接受外国资助的机构公开宣布自己是“国外代理人 ” — —实际就是公开承认自己的间谍身份。 此类政策给莫斯科赫尔辛基集团带来了沉重的打击，因为该机构被迫选择失去其大部分资金，进而解雇大部分员工。 但该集团仍然坚持下来了。 尽管阿列克谢耶娃批评普京，但普京却对她勉强表现出一丝尊重，也许因为他认为她是一位俄罗斯爱国主义者。 一次，普京与人权领导人的年会恰逢她的生日，因此他给她准备了一束鲜花。 他再次祝贺她90岁生日快乐。 我怀疑阿列克谢耶娃在多大程度上被这样的姿态所打动。 但它们却反映出她所受到的尊重，以及她一直坚持，即使在与对手打交道时也采用文明的方法。 她清楚自己代表什么，那些受益于她保护人权的不懈努力的人们也是一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because reactors located inland put serious strain on local freshwater resources – including greater damage to plant life and fish – water-stressed countries that are not landlocked try to find suitable seashore sites. But, whether located inland or on a coast, nuclear power is vulnerable to the likely effects of climate change. As global warming brings about a rise in average temperatures and ocean levels, inland reactors will increasingly contribute to, and be affected by, water shortages. During the record-breaking 2003 heat wave in France, operations at 17 commercial nuclear reactors had to be scaled back or stopped because of rapidly rising temperatures in rivers and lake. Spain’s reactor at Santa María de Garoña was shut for a week in July 2006 after high temperatures were recorded in the Ebro River. Paradoxically, then, the very conditions that made it impossible for the nuclear industry to deliver full power in Europe in 2003 and 2006 created peak demand for electricity, owing to the increased use of air conditioning. Indeed, during the 2003 heat wave, Électricité de France, which operates 58 reactors – the majority on ecologically sensitive rivers like the Loire – was compelled to buy power from neighboring countries on the European spot market. The state-owned EDF, which normally exports power, ended up paying 10 times the price of domestic power, incurring a financial cost of €300 million.", "zh": "由于位处内陆的核电站会对所在地的淡水资源造成极大压力，其中包括对植物和鱼类资源的极大破坏 — — 那些临海的缺水国家纷纷尝试寻找合适的海岸区域。 但无论是位于内陆还是海边，核电站都容易受到气候变化因素的影响。 随着全球变暖导致平均气温和海平面双双升高，位处内陆的核反应堆将越来越成为水资源短缺的元凶（或成为缺水的影响 ） 。 比如在法国破纪录的2003年酷热期间，有17座商业核反应堆因河流和湖泊温度迅速上升而被迫降低发电功率或者停止运作。 而当2006年7月西班牙埃布罗河的水温升到极高水平时，位于该河沿岸的Santa María de Garoña核电站反应堆也被迫关停了1个星期。 矛盾的是，使得欧洲核电站无法全力发电的2003年和2006年酷热却同时引发了用电高峰，因为人人都开动了空调。 事实上，在2003年热浪期间，拥有58座核反应堆 — — 其中大部分位于卢瓦尔河这样的生态敏感流域 — — 的法国电力集团只能被迫通过欧洲现货市场从邻国购买电力。 这间以往都以电力出口商面目出现的国营企业最后只能以超出本国电价10倍的价钱购买电力，并为此支付了合共3亿欧元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“有事。” 他直起身子，转过身来，脸上带着淡笑对东宫家的人说，“不知道我妹妹哪里惹到了你们东宫家族的人，竟想把她给杀了？” “你们的胆子是长到了头顶上吗？” 东宫家族的人一听，脸色瞬间变了，裴逸的妹妹？ 裴逸哪儿来的妹妹？ 东宫老太出声，“裴先生的妹妹……我们还真的一点都不知道呢。” “不知道好说，现在我告诉你们了。” 裴逸冷声说道，“听的可清楚了？” “既然裴先生说这是你的表妹，那请把你的表妹带走就行，至于东宫莲止，他的名字呢尚且在我家族族谱上，还未对这等逆孙除名，仍然还是我东宫家族的人，我们要如何处置他就是我们东宫家族的家事了。” 裴逸还没回答，安小柠见机行事喊了一声他，“哥哥，他是我男朋友，我现在肚子里有了他的骨肉，你不能扔下他啊。” 裴逸本来是想只带走她的，没想到现在倒是有些棘手了。 不过，蛮横霸道也是他的风格，只要他想要干什么，这点事儿根本不叫事儿。 “老太婆，你也听见了，这位……也算是我的妹夫了，他们俩孩子都有了，把人交给你们，岂不是让孩子以后没有爸爸？” “你觉得我会同意吗？” 东宫老太很清楚，把人让裴逸带走，那以后他们就没法正大光明的处置自己的这个孙子了，所以，虽然有些忌惮DK的势力，态度却不能弱下来。 “裴先生，这个恐怕不能，我们家有自己的家法，对于处置自家中人，外人不允许干涉。”", "en": "“For some issue.” He stood up straight, turned around, and said to the members of the Donggong family with a smile, “Just what did my younger sister do to your family? Why did you have the audacity to try and kill her?” “Are you people tired of living?” The members of the Donggong family turned pale the instant that they heard his words. Pei Yi’s sister? Since when did he have a sister? Old Mrs. Donggong said, “We really had no idea… that she’s Mr. Pei’s sister.” “I’m telling you now that she’s my sister.” “Did you hear me?” Pei Yi said coldly. “Since you’ve said that she’s your sister, please take her away, Mr. Pei. As for Donggong Lianzhi, he’s a member of my family and his name is registered on my family’s ancestral records. He’s still part of the Donggong family, so it’s up to us to decide what to do with him.” Before Pei Yi answered, the quick-witted An Xiaoning hurriedly said, “Brother, he’s my boyfriend and I’m carrying his child now. We can’t abandon him.” Pei Yi initially wanted to take only An Xiaoning away, but things turned out to be trickier than what he had expected. However, there was nothing the tyrannical Pei Yi couldn’t do, as long as he wanted to do it. “Old Lady, you heard her. This man… could be considered as my brother-in-law now. They already have a child now. If I let you guys have him, wouldn’t the child be fatherless?” “Do you think I’d agree to that?” Old Mrs. Donggong knew clearly that if she were to let Pei Yi take Wu Lianzhi away, it would be impossible for her to get rid of her grandson openly from now on. Hence, she refused to budge, despite fearing the DK’s authority and power. “Mr. Pei, I’m afraid we can’t let you have him. Our family has our own set of rules. No outsiders are allowed to intervene when we’re punishing the members of our family.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As the world’s biggest producer of COVID-19 vaccines (albeit of a less sophisticated variety than the Western ones), China will have immunized its own population by September or thereabouts, giving it abundant spare production capacity to supply the world (along with funding). That is why the Western pledges at the G7, welcome as they are, are in reality somewhat behind the curve. The G7 countries are offering their billion doses on a timetable convenient to them, divided between late 2021 and 2022, but actual demand from poor and middle-income countries is coming much sooner than that. This means that China is being given a huge market and diplomatic opportunity of stepping into the breach with perhaps 500 million doses every month during the last four months of 2021. If that happens, the surprisingly short timescale indicated by our vaccine countdown can actually be shortened further. Rural parts of Africa and unstable parts of Latin America will face the biggest challenges, but these can be overcome with aid from rich-country governments, including China’s, and from big philanthropic foundations. Mass vaccination campaigns in the developing world are nothing new. Success depends on generosity, political will, and a belief that the solution is both necessary and achievable. With new variants emerging rapidly and new outbreaks in places that had seemed to have the virus under control, COVID-19 remains a global problem. We should know by now that it demands a global solution. The recent increase in supplies and the Global Commission’s vaccine countdown indicate that what we need is well within reach.", "zh": "作为世界上最大的新冠疫苗生产国（尽管其品种不如西方国家成熟 ） ， 中国将在9月左右为本国人口实现免疫接种，从而使其拥有充足剩余产能去供应全世界（并提供融资 ） 。 这就是西方国家在G7会议上的承诺虽然值得赞赏，但却在事实上有点落后于形势的原因。 G7国家是依据一个符合自身进程的时间表（分为2021年底和2022年）去提供10亿剂疫苗，但贫困和中等收入国家的实际需求却比这提前得多。 这意味着中国会在2021年的最后四个月里获得一个每月5亿剂的巨大市场和外交机会。 一旦出现这种情况，我们这个疫苗倒数时间表所展现的、出乎人们意料的短暂时间实际上可以进一步缩短。 非洲的农村地区和拉丁美洲的不稳定地区将面临最大的挑战，但这些挑战可以被包括中国在内的富国政府和大型慈善基金会的援助所克服。 在发展中世界开展大规模的疫苗接种行动早有先例，而成功则取决于慷慨程度、政治意愿，以及对解决方案必要性和可实现性的信念。 鉴于新新冠病毒变种的迅速涌现以及在那些似乎已控制疫情之处出现的新发疫情，新冠仍然是一个全球性问题。 我们如今应当知道它需要一个全球性的解决方案，而最近的疫苗供应量增加和疫情后政策全球委员会的疫苗倒数时间表则表明我们所需要的东西是完全可以实现的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Social Solidarity for Sustainable Development OSLO – The late Kofi Annan once said that climate change is the “existential issue of our time.” A wave of extreme weather events this past summer – from wildfires in California and Sweden to floods in India and drought in Australia – show just how right he was. And, as Annan also understood, addressing this crisis does not mean only protecting the economy or even the environment; it also means defending justice, preserving human rights, and committing to social solidarity. For more than four decades, these values have motivated my work to advance sustainable development at both the national and international levels. In the 1980s, while serving as Norway’s prime minister, I chaired the World Commission on Environment and Development, at the invitation of then-United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. The Commission’s 1987 report, “Our Common Future,” became a landmark document that brought sustainable development to the attention of presidents, prime ministers, and finance ministers worldwide. It spurred the 1992 Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, and it continues to influence global discussions. Today, I write as a member of The Elders, a group of independent leaders founded by Nelson Mandela to work for peace, justice, and human rights. Climate action is integral to progress in all of these areas. We know what needs to be done. Carbon dioxide emissions must be taxed and reduced. Fossil-fuel industries must have their subsidies cut off. And financial support must be delivered to the least-developed countries that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change, despite having contributed almost nothing to the problem. Why aren’t these steps being taken? With a few regrettable and conspicuous exceptions, world leaders recognize the reality of climate change. They see the damage extreme weather events can inflict on homes, infrastructure, and livelihoods, and they hear climate scientists’ warnings that conditions will only deteriorate. But a sufficiently bold climate strategy demands courage and political commitment from leaders.", "zh": "团结一致实现可持续发展 发自奥斯陆 — — 已故联合国秘书长科菲·安南（Kofi Annan）曾经指出 ， “ 气候变化是我们这个时代的存续性问题 。 ” 而今年夏天的一系列极端天气事件 — — 从加利福尼亚和瑞典的野火再到印度的洪水以及澳大利亚的旱灾 — — 都彰显出这一论断的正确性。 而且正如安南所理解的那样，解决这场危机并不仅仅意味着保护经济乃至环境；它还意味着捍卫正义，维护人权和致力于实现社会团结。 四十多年来，这些价值观推动了我在国家和国际层面推进可持续发展的工作。 在1980年代任挪威首相期间，我应当时的联合国秘书长哈维尔·佩雷斯·德奎利亚尔（Javier Pérez de Cuéllar）的邀请担任世界环境与发展委员会主席。 该委员会1987年发表的报告《我们共同的未来》成为了一份具有里程碑意义的文件，引发了全球总统，总理和财政部长们对可持续发展的关注。 它促成了1992年的里约热内卢环境与发展会议，并至今影响着全球讨论。 如今我则是作为“长者会 ” （ The Elders）的成员写下这些文字，这个由纳尔逊·曼德拉创立组织聚集了一批独立领导人，致力于实现和平，正义和人权。 而气候行动则是在所有这些领域取得进展的必要条件。 我们知道需要做些什么。 二氧化碳排放必须减少而且被征税。 化石燃料行业必须削减其补贴。 还必须向那些最易受气候变化影响的最不发达国家 — — 即便它们根本不是气候变化的始作俑者 — — 提供财政支持。 那么为什么我们不去采取这些步骤？ 除了几个令人遗憾且显而易见的例外，世界领导人们都认识到了气候变化的现实。 他们目睹了极端天气事件可能对家庭，基础设施和人民生计造成的破坏，并且他们听到气候科学家警告说情况只会恶化。 但是一个足够大胆的气候战略需要领导者的勇气和政治承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Testing Medicine Most people are surprised to learn that rigorous application of formal rules of evidence to evaluate medical research and decide on the best treatments is a recent phenomenon. They might be just as surprised to learn that health policy is not yet subject to the same approach. So-called “evidence-based medicine” entails a hierarchy of empirical proof that ranks medical studies according to their quality. Physiological research on animals, or of human responses in laboratory settings, rank low on the hierarchy. Observational studies that compare outcomes for patients who receive particular treatments and control subject who do not rank higher, but may still be misleading. Convincing studies of drugs and surgical procedures usually come only from randomized trials, in which patients receive treatment or don’t according to a process analogous to a coin flip. Well-conducted randomized trials incorporate additional safeguards against bias, including use of placebo medication that allows investigators to blind patients and caregivers to whether patients are, or are not, receiving active treatment. Doctors have made many errors that they could have avoided had these principles been applied. For example, for a decade leading doctors advocated hormone replacement therapy to lower cardiovascular risk in post-menopausal women. These recommendations, based on physiological and observational studies, proved profoundly misleading. Randomized trials ultimately showed no benefit, and a clear increase in breast cancer and vascular blood clots.", "zh": "试验药物 绝大多数人在听说最近在评估医学研究和决定最佳疗法上严格运用证据的形式规则时都感到很惊讶。 也许当他们听说医疗卫生政策并不运用同样的方法时同样会感到很惊讶。 所谓的“循证医学”对医学研究根据它们的质量推行一个经验证据等级系统。 对动物的生理研究或者人类对实验室设置的回应在等级系统中级别较低。 通过对比接受特定治疗的病人和不接受特定治疗的控制主体的结果来进行研究的对比研究级别并不高，但是可能会产生误导。 对于药物和手术程序令人信服的研究通常只会从随机试验中产生。 在随即试验中，病人接受或不接受治疗是通过一个类似投硬币来决定的程序来确定的。 实施良好的随机试验会对避免偏差现象注入额外的保障，包括使用安慰剂药物使调查者可以让病人及看护人不清楚到底是否正在接受积极治疗。 如果医生们能运用这些原则的话那他们本可以避免许多错误。 比如，数十年来，有影响的医生提倡使用荷尔蒙替代疗法来降低绝经妇女患心血管疾病的危险。 这些基于生理和对比研究的建议被证明完全是一种误导。 随机实验最终证明它完全无益，并且显著增加了患乳腺癌和血管血块的几率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司主营业务为风电机组的研发、制造与销售，风电场设计、建设、运营管理以及光伏电站运营管理业务。 公司具备独立进行风电场设计、建设和运营的能力，是全球风电整体解决方案提供商，致力于成为全球清洁能源装备及服务的领航者。 公司专注于风电系统集成、控制策略开发和智慧风场运营的管理模式，通过国际性合作开发，持续打造具有竞争优势的智慧风机产品。 公司具备2.XMW到5.XMW全系列机组研发与生产能力。 公司风机产品具备“高、大、长、轻、智”五大特点——即高塔筒、大功率、长叶片、轻量化、智能控制，具有高配置、高可靠性、高发电量、低度电成本的优势。 公司经过多年发展、积累与自主创新，形成了数字化顶层设计、智能化生产制造、整机系统、核心部件、风电场设计、风电场运营管理等方面的核心技术体系，在风机产品及运维服务、风电场设计、建设、运营管理等方面形成了成熟产品或解决方案。 公司秉承“品质改变世界”的理念，坚持以“推动人类高效使用清洁能源”为愿景，旨在打造风电整体解决方案领域的“中国第一、世界品牌”。", "en": "The company's main business is the research, development, manufacturing, and sales of wind turbines, as well as wind farm design, construction, operation management, and photovoltaic power plant operation management. The company has the ability to independently design, construct, and operate wind farms and is a global provider of comprehensive wind power solutions, committed to becoming a leader in global clean energy equipment and services. The company focuses on wind power system integration, control strategy development, and intelligent wind farm operation management, continuously creating competitive advantage through international cooperation and developing intelligent wind turbine products. The company has the research and production capabilities for a full range of 2.XMW to 5.XMW units. The company's wind turbine products have five major characteristics: high tower, high power, long blades, lightweight, and intelligent control, with advantages of high configuration, high reliability, high power generation, and low electricity cost. After years of development, accumulation, and independent innovation, the company has formed a core technical system in areas such as digital top-level design, intelligent production manufacturing, complete machine systems, core components, wind farm design, and wind farm operation management. It has also developed mature products or solutions in wind turbine products and maintenance services, wind farm design, construction, and operation management. The company adheres to the concept of \"quality changes the world,\" and persists in the vision of \"promoting efficient use of clean energy by humanity,\" aiming to create the \"number one Chinese, world brand\" in the field of comprehensive wind power solutions."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can the Olympics Prevent War? LONDON – Before the start of the current Beijing Winter Olympics, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres called for an “Olympic Truce” to “build a culture of peace” through sport. International Olympic Committee President Thomas Bach echoed this sentiment in his speech at the opening ceremony. “This is the mission of the Olympic Games: bringing us together in peaceful competition,” Bach declared. “Always building bridges, never erecting walls.” But the gap between the Olympic dream and reality has always been huge. Political leaders have sometimes ignored the Games, as the Kremlin did when Russian troops invaded Georgia on the first day of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. On other occasions, governments have weaponized the event. Adolf Hitler used the 1936 Berlin Games as a showcase for his Nazi regime, while the United States led a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Summer Olympics in retaliation for the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. The Soviet Union and its allies subsequently boycotted the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. All countries treat the Olympics as a symbol of national strength, not of peace. In 2015, for example, Chinese President Xi Jinping declared that, “if sports are strong, a nation is strong.” That dictum seems to have motivated Russia’s state-sponsored doping programs. Countries frequently use medal tallies as proxies of the success of their political and economic systems. It is no surprise, then, that the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics symbolize conflict instead of unity.", "zh": "奥运会能阻止战争吗？ 伦敦—在本届北京冬奥会开幕前，联合国秘书长古特雷斯呼吁“奥运休战 ” ， 通过体育“建立和平文化 ” 。 国际奥委会主席巴赫在开幕式上的演讲中也表达了这一观点。 “这就是奥运会的使命：让我们在和平竞争中团结 ， ” 巴赫宣称。 “永远建桥而不建墙 。 ” 但奥运梦想与现实之间的差距向来巨大。 政治领导人有时会忽视奥运会，就像 2008 年北京夏季奥运会第一天俄罗斯军队入侵格鲁吉亚时克里姆林宫所做的那样。 在有的奥运会期间，政府将事件武器化。 希特勒利用 1936 年柏林奥运会作为其纳粹政权的展览会，而美国领衔抵制 1980 年莫斯科夏季奥运会，以报复苏联入侵阿富汗。 苏联及其盟国随后抵制了 1984 年洛杉矶夏季奥运会。 各国都将奥运会视为国力而不是和平的象征。 例如，2015 年，中国国家主席习近平宣布 “体育强则中国强 ” 。 这一格言似乎激发了国家支持的兴奋剂计划。 国家经常用奖牌数作为其政治和经济制度成功的代表。 因此，2022年北京冬奥会象征着冲突而不是团结也就不足为奇了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After explaining what those more precise and targeted measures require, Ghebreyesus added that exactly the same steps will be required in countries – including many developing, lower-income economies – that still have low infection counts. We can already foresee that some of these countries will need external assistance to prepare for domestic outbreaks. International cooperation and support are thus crucial for managing the crisis at the global level. In any case, the key point is that the steps needed to restart the economy are the same as those needed to slow the transmission of the virus. As we anticipate the end of aggressive social distancing, building the capacity for testing, contact tracing, isolation, and treatment becomes an urgent economic priority. We absolutely must drive down the risks of interpersonal contact so that those who feel they must return to work can do so, and so that those inclined to self-isolate voluntarily can return to schools and full economic activity, feeling relatively safe. The Asian cases suggest that digital technologies are effective tools for targeting and monitoring infections, and for keeping people and authorities informed about risks. Some of the most effective techniques rely on location data and may raise privacy concerns in some countries. But given the scale of the challenge, these methods should not be dismissed out of hand. The platforms already have location data that could be used to inform citizens of potential exposure. After all, digital infrastructure has already proven to be a key source of economic resilience in this crisis. Without it, remote working and schooling, e-commerce, and digital financial services would not be possible, and aggressive social distancing would have already brought the economy to a near-complete halt.", "zh": "在解释了这些更精确也更具针对性的措施要求后，谭德塞补充说，那些感染数量仍然很少的国家（包括许多低收入发展中经济体）也需要采取完全相同的步骤。 我们已经可以预见其中一些国家将需要外部援助来为国内疫情暴发做准备，因此国际合作与支援对在全球范围内应对危机至关重要。 无论如何，关键是重新启动经济所需的步骤与减慢病毒传播所需的相同。 在我们预先确定激进社会隔离的结束日期之后，建立检测，联系追踪，隔离和治疗的能力就成为了当务之急。 我们一定要降低人际交往的风险以便那些自认必须重返工作岗位的人能够做到这一点，从而使那些倾向于自我隔离的人能够重返学校并全面从事经济活动，同时获得相对的安全感。 亚洲的案例表明，数字技术是用于确定和监视感染病例以及使人们和当局了解风险的有效工具。 其中一些最有效的技术依靠位置数据运作，并可能在某些国家会引发隐私问题。 但鉴于当前挑战的规模，这些手段不应被排除在外。 那些已经收集了位置数据的平台也可被用于将潜在病毒暴露风险告知民众。 归根结底，数字基础设施已被证明是这场危机中经济复原力的关键来源。 没有它，远程工作和学习，电子商务和数字金融服务都是无法实现的，而激进的社会隔离则会令经济陷入几乎完全停滞。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is a sizeable commitment, but it may not be enough – more needs to be done to increase agricultural production, to free up the potential of trade to address food insecurity, and to deal with the increasing impact of climate change on agriculture. The European Commission, too, has responded, with finance for food security coming via a number of instruments. Our European Union food facility, agreed last year, is mobilizing an additional $1.5 billion for a rapid response to rising food prices. And we will pump in another $4 billion in the coming three years to fund activities that help countries improve food security and adapt to climate change. Extra money to address food security problems, among other things, should be one of the key outcomes of the finance package that the EU strongly supports for the next crucial event on the summit calendar: the Copenhagen climate conference in December. Changing weather patterns and the increasing magnitude and frequency of extreme weather events will require substantial investments if farmers are to adapt successfully. These changes hit the poorest the hardest, and global trends mask deep regional disparities. Small farmers, predominantly in developing countries, will bear the brunt of climate change. If we do not act quickly, the 40 poorest countries, predominantly in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, will by 2080 lose from 10% to 20% of their basic grain-growing capacity due to drought. But answers to this problem are close to hand. The impact of biodiversity is often insufficiently understood, which means that we have undervalued its contribution to tackling global challenges. The more diverse the variation of life forms within a given ecosystem, the more resilient it is to change. So biodiversity can act as a natural “insurance policy” against sudden environmental changes and a buffer against losses caused by them (as well as by pests and diseases). Biodiversity is essential for reliable and stable long-term food production. The famines in Ireland in the nineteenth century and in Ethiopia in the late twentieth century provide clear evidence of the vulnerability of undiversified crops to environmental changes, and the dramatic consequences of such vulnerability for the population. Crop diversity can also deliver important ecosystem benefits.", "zh": "这些承诺相当有分量，但还不够 — — 我们还需要做很多事情，以促进农业生产，释放贸易潜力，应对气候变化对农业所造成的日益增强的影响。 欧盟委员会对食物安全问题也并非毫无回应。 我们通过若干措施提供了资金以保障食物安全。 欧盟于去年制定通过的食物规划（Food Facility）正在设法筹集15亿美元的资金，以迅速回应食物价格的上涨。 欧盟还将在三年内另外投入40亿美元，以支持各国提升食物安全状况和适应气候变化。 国际日程表上的下一次重要峰会是12月将于哥本哈根召开的气候大会，欧盟坚定地主张在此次大会上通过一揽子融资方案，其中有相当一部分资金将用于应对食物安全问题。 气候模式的变迁以及极端天气日益频繁而广泛的出现对农业生产者构成极大挑战，他们需要有力的资助才能应对这种挑战。 这些变化对最贫困的国家打击最重，而全球气候变化的种种趋势也容易让人忽视，各地区所受的影响并不均等。 主要分布于发展中国家的小农业生产者将遭受到最沉重的打击。 如果我们不迅速采取行动，到2080年，全球40个最贫困国家（它们绝大多数分布于撒哈拉以南的非洲地区和拉丁美洲地区）将被干旱夺去10%乃至20%的基本粮食生产能力。 食物安全问题的后果还容易看见。 生物多样性却常常得不到充分重视，这也表明我们低估了生物多样性在应对全球挑战方面的意义。 任何一个生态系统，其所包含的物种越多样，整个系统承受变化冲击的能力也就越强。 这样来看，生物多样性是一种针对环境突变的天然“保险”和减震器，可以缓和环境突变和病虫害对农业造成的冲击。 对于可靠稳定的长期食物生产而言，生物多样性是至关重要的。 分别爆发于19世纪的爱尔兰和20世纪后期的埃塞俄比亚的两次大饥荒清楚地证明了，过于单一化的农作物是在环境变化的影响下是多么脆弱，而这种脆弱性又会给人类带来多么严重的后果。 农作物多样性还能给生态系统带来许多好处。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "President George W. Bush and his cheerleaders, invoking the Munich Agreement at every opportunity, regarded the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, as a call to arms. Saddam Hussein was Hitler, so we had to send in the troops. We should stop Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir’s genocide in Darfur. We must stop Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi from committing mass murder in Benghazi. Sometimes intervention might save lives. But wars often beget more wars, or longer ones. Military action can cause more violence, and more civilian deaths. This is especially true of intervention in civil wars, where the sides cannot easily be divided into victims and aggressors, good and evil. Of course, the world becomes much simpler if we choose to see it in black and white. And the Mladić trial will, no doubt, encourage this perception. He will be tried for genocide, because the UN’s tribunal for ex-Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice decided that the Bosnian Serbs were genocidal. Since his subordinate, Radislav Krstić, was already sentenced for his complicity in the genocide at Srebrenica, Mladić will presumably be convicted. We need not feel sorry for Mladić. There is no doubt that he is guilty of serious war crimes. And a trial, however unsatisfactory, is in most cases still to be preferred to an assassination. But trying him for genocide, even though it will be hard to prove that he ever intended to exterminate Bosnian Muslims as a group, just because they were Muslims, will further muddy the term’s already vague definition. Mladić was engaged in ethnic cleansing, which, though reprehensible, is not the same as genocide. Loose definitions will encourage more military interventions, thus more wars. By invoking Hitler’s ghost too often, we trivialize the enormity of what he actually did.", "zh": "美国前总统小布什��其吹鼓手们从不放过任何机会去引用《慕尼黑协定 》 ， 将2001年“9·11”恐怖袭击比作战斗的号角。 萨达姆·侯赛因就是希特勒，因此我们必须出兵。 我们必须阻止苏丹总统奥马尔·巴希尔在达尔富尔的种族灭绝行动，我们必须阻止利比亚领导人卡扎菲在班加西进行大规模屠杀 … … 如此种种，不一而足。 有时干涉行动确实能拯救生命。 但一场战争往往会引发更多或者更持久的战争。 军事行动会带来更多的暴力以及平民伤亡。 这一点在对内战的干涉上尤其应验，因为交战各方都无法被简单定义为受害者或施暴者，好人或坏人。 当然，在非黑即白的视角下这个世界显然会变得更简单，而对姆拉迪奇的审判无疑会助长这一看法。 他肯定会受到种族灭绝罪的审判，因为联合国前南斯拉夫问题国际刑事法庭以及海牙国家法院都认定波斯尼亚塞族是种族灭绝者。 鉴于姆拉迪奇的下属拉迪斯拉夫·克里斯蒂奇（Radislav Krstić）已经因“合谋在斯雷布雷尼察进行种族灭绝”而被判有罪，他本人估计也逃不过类似罪名。 我们无需为姆拉迪奇感到遗憾，因为他无疑犯下了严重的战争罪行。 而一场审判，虽然不尽如人意，在许多情况下至少也比一场暗杀要好。 但以种族屠杀的罪名指控他，即便难以证明他确实是蓄意将波斯尼亚穆斯林作为一个整体而消灭（理由仅仅因为这些人都是穆斯林 ） ， 将令种族灭绝这一本已模糊的定义更加含糊不清。 姆拉迪奇参与了种族清洗，当遭世人唾骂，但却与种族灭绝不是同一概念。 宽松的定义将激发更多的军事干涉，并因此引发更多战争。 在不断召唤希特勒的阴魂之时，我们实际上贬低了这位纳粹领导人所犯罪行的严重性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given the scale of most investments, project finance – which is based on projected cash flows, rather than its sponsors’ balance sheets – will prove highly useful, as will effective risk-sharing mechanisms. Furthermore, sponsors should look beyond a project’s construction to the achievement of its long-term objectives, such as ensuring profitability and managing its lasting impact on the local community and the environment. Consultants, lawyers, auditors, NGOs, and other entities with international experience can play a vital role in all of these efforts. There are also practical steps that can be taken to mitigate specific risks. For example, to minimize the risks associated with operating in an unfamiliar regulatory and legislative environment, businesses should establish links in advance with a local entity to guide their activities. China, as the leading promoter of the “one belt, one road” initiative, must take steps to ensure that businesses act responsibly. The central government will have to regulate and coordinate sub-national governments effectively, while working to ensure that competition is fair and constructive. At the same time, China should implement a well-designed training program that provides officials at all levels of government and entrepreneurs with basic information about operating abroad. And it should do more to spur the involvement of Hong Kong – which possesses major advantages in finance and logistics, information accessibility, talent recruitment, and implementation of the rule of law – in the initiative. Last but not the least, the central government needs to strengthen the guidance of crisis management and exit strategies. Realizing the “one belt, one road” initiative will not be easy. But China has all of the tools it needs to succeed. As long as it uses them in a way that is clean, green, and transparent, China and its neighbors will reap vast rewards.", "zh": "大部分项目的投资规模宏大，因此国际上通行的项目融资方法会有很大的帮助 — — 基于预期现金流而不是出资者的资产负债表 — — 和有效的风险共担机制将起到很大的作用。 此外，出资者应该让目光超越项目的建设，放在实现项目的长期目标上，如确保盈利和管理对本地社区和环境的持续影响。 拥有国际经验的顾问、律师、审计师、非政府机构和其他实体在所有这些方面都可以起到关键作用。 也可以采取务实步骤减轻具体风险。 比如，要尽量减轻在不熟悉的监管和法律环境中经营的风险，企业应该事先建立好与当地各方面利益相关者的联系，以有效进行在当地的建设、经营管理和社会活动。 中国作为“一带一路”战略的主要推进方，必须采取措施确保企业负责任地行动。 中央要自上而下，有效地指导和协调好各级政府和政府各部门之间的相关工作，去除工作中的盲目性，并致力于确保竞争具有公平性和建设性。 与此同时，中国要认真实施精心设计的培训计划，为各层次的政府有关工作人员和企业家们提供了解海外经营基本信息和基本知识以及培训基本技能的机会。 中国还应该加大力度刺激在金融和物流、信息获取、人才招聘和实施法治方面具备重大优势的香港参与“一带一路”战略。 最后，中央需要强化危机管理和退出战略指引。 实现“一带一路”战略绝非易事。 但中国具备了成功所需要的一切工具。 只要以清晰、绿色、透明的方式使用这些工具，中国及其邻邦就能获得极大的收益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such a dramatic fall in sales would normally require massive layoffs or lower wages. Yet, of the company’s 102,000 employees, only 27 favored layoffs. As a result, wages were cut by half. The state, which is seeking to rescue the domestic automobile industry, allocated to the firm more credits through state-owned banks. But how long can such a situation last? One day, it will no longer be possible to disguise unemployment through shorter working weeks, forced leaves of absence, and decreases in wages. When that happens – and there is a strong probability that it will happen next year – the crisis will only just be beginning for Russia. All over the world – in the US, Europe, and China – stimulus programs have paid off, as expected. But it is not yet certain whether the engine of the global economy will be able to run without additional liquidity, possibly undermining fiscal stability worldwide. Elsewhere, that will become clear in the first half of 2010; in Russia, signs of recovery, if they appear at all, will lag well behind the rest of the world.", "zh": "销售如此巨大的下降一般都意味着要大量裁员或减薪。 然而，在该公司的 102 ， 000 名员工中，只有 27 ％的人愿意下岗。 结果，该厂的工资减少了一半。 国家努力拯救国内的汽车行业，通过国有商业银行为该厂注入了更多的信贷资金。 但是这种情况可以维持多久呢？ 总有一天，他们将再不能用缩短工作时间，强制放假以及降薪的手段来掩饰失业率。 当那一天到来的时候 — — 且这一天很有可能在明年就会到来 — — 俄罗斯的危机才正式开始。 全球 — — 包括美国，欧洲和中国在内 — — 的刺激计划正如预期一样凑效了。 但我们还无法肯定全球经济是否能够在没有额外流动性补充（可能因此削弱了全球的财政稳定性）的情况下再次启动。 在世界其他地方，情况将在 2010 的上半年变得明朗；在俄罗斯，复苏的迹象，如果出现的话，也将比世界其他国家要延后许多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Syria’s Continuing Chemical Fallout THE HAGUE – The international community’s failure to bring the Syrian civil war to an end is a tragedy – especially for the country’s long-suffering people. In one respect, multilateral action has had a clearly positive impact: the elimination of the Syrian government’s chemical-weapons program. And yet there are persistent reports that chemical weapons, including sulfur mustard (commonly known as mustard gas) and chlorine bombs deployed against civilians, continue to be used in Syria. The stakes could not be higher. The perpetrators of these attacks must be identified and brought to justice. Allowing the use of chemical weapons to go unpunished not only could reverse one of the few promising developments in the Syrian conflict; it also threatens to undermine international norms on the use of toxic gas and nerve agents, increasing the possibility that they will be used in terrorist attacks. In August 2013, rockets containing deadly sarin gas struck Ghouta, a rebel-controlled suburb near Damascus. Horrific images of women and children dying in agony mobilized international consensus against the use of these types of weapons. In October 2013, following Syria’s accession to the Chemical Weapons Convention, a joint mission of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and the United Nations was tasked with eliminating the country’s chemical arsenal and production facilities. Less than a year later, the mission accomplished what no military intervention could have achieved; the strategic threat from Syria’s chemical weapons was effectively eliminated. Work to clarify certain aspects of the government’s initial declaration about its weapons program is ongoing; but 1,300 metric tons of chemical weapons, including sulfur mustard and precursors for deadly nerve agents, have been accounted for and destroyed under the watchful eyes of OPCW inspectors. This achievement must not be allowed to be rolled back. The Chemical Weapons Convention is one of mankind’s most successful disarmament efforts. Since 1997, 192 countries have agreed to be bound by its provisions, and 91% of the world’s declared chemical weapons have been destroyed. The continued use of chemical weapons in the Syrian conflict is not only causing terrible suffering among the country’s civilian population; it also risks eroding the convention’s credibility.", "zh": "叙利亚化学武器阴云仍在 海牙—国际社会无法结束叙利亚内战，这是一场悲剧 — — 特别是对长期饱受苦难的叙利亚人民来说。 从某种角度讲，多边行动起到了显而易见的积极作用：取缔了叙利亚政府的化学武器计划。 一直有报道说，叙利亚仍在使用针对平民的化学武器，包括芥子气和氯气炸弹。 兹事体大。 这类袭击的罪犯必须抓住并绳之以法。 放任使用化学武器不但将让叙利亚冲突仅有的积极发展趋势逆转；还有可能破坏使用毒气和神经毒剂的国际规范，增加它们在恐怖袭击中的使用。 2013年8月，含有致命沙林毒气的火箭弹袭击了古塔（叛军控制的大马士革外围地区 ） 。 许多妇女和儿童在极度痛苦中死去，这些令人毛骨悚然的影像让国际社会形成了反对使用这类武器的共识。 2013年10月，叙利亚加入化学武器公约，禁止化学武器组织（OPCW）和联合国的联合任务组承担了销毁叙利亚化学武器库和生产设施的重任。 不到一年，该任务组就完成了任何军事干预都没能实现的成果；叙利亚化学武器的战略威胁被实际消除。 验证叙利亚政府先前的武器计划声明的若干方面的工作仍在进行中；但1,300吨化学武器，包括芥子气和致命神经毒剂的中间产品，已经在OPCW检查人员的监督下收缴并销毁。 这一成果不容倒退。 化学武器公约是人类历史上最成功的武器销毁措施之一。 自1997年以来，192个国家签署并受该公约条款约束，91%的世界已知化学武器已经被销毁。 叙利亚冲突中继续使用化学武器不但造成贫民的可怕痛苦；也有可能损害该公约的信誉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But cities are simply unable to cope with the influx of migrants on the current scale. The fast-growing metropolises of India, China, Brazil, and other major emerging economies offer plenty of jobs, but basic amenities are lacking; as a result, many of the urban poor live in slums, without adequate health care, water supplies, or electricity. The problems are legion. Municipalities, often owing to corruption or poor management, are unable or unwilling to impose rigorous planning regulations. Infrastructure spending is either inadequate or poorly targeted. Workers come home from their jobs to homes that are dark, dank, and depressing. They feel unsafe on poorly-lit streets, and have little access to parks or recreational facilities. Mornings and evenings are lost to long commutes on polluted highways. The novelty of the rapid economic improvements seen by many city-dwellers in India, China, and elsewhere over the past ten years has insulated governments from the repercussions of poor urban planning. As I take my morning strolls through Bangalore, though, I sense growing resentment of the inadequacies, and frustration at insufficient improvements in citizens’ quality of life. Democracy exists precisely to remedy the kinds of injustices I hear from the hardworking Bangaloreans I encounter on the street and online. Bangalore is a modern city, and its citizens are expressing their displeasure in modern ways – on Facebook, in chat rooms, and on Twitter.", "zh": "但城市根本无法应对以当前移民涌入规模。 印度、中国、巴西和其他主要新兴经济体快速增加的大都市提供了足够的工作岗位，但基本设施仍然不足；因此，许多城市穷人生活在贫民区，得不到充足的卫生服务和水电供应。 问题大量存在。 自治市通常无法或不愿实施严厉的规划监管，这往往是因腐败或治理不善所致。 基础设施支出要么不足，要么用不到刀刃上。 下班回家的工人居所阴暗、透水而压抑。 他们居住的街道照明不足，缺乏安全感，也没有公园或锻炼设施。 早晨和傍晚的时间往往浪费在污染严重的高速公路通勤途中。 印度、中国和其他地方的许多城市居民在过去十年中经历了令人瞩目的快速经济改善，这让政府看不见拙劣城市规划的恶果。 但是，早晨我穿过班加罗尔街头时，我感到短缺正在造成日益严重的不满，而市民生活质量改善不充分则带来来沮丧感。 民主存在的意义恰恰在于纠正我在街头和网上所遇到的努力工作的班加罗尔人所感到的不公平。 班加罗尔是一座现代都市，其市民以现代方式表达不满 — — 通过Facebook、聊天室和Twitter。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is perhaps one reason why Islamic finance has been expanding at 10-12% per year over the last decade or so. If Islamic finance is to play its full part in revitalizing and diversifying the economies of the OIC countries, governments will need to undertake important reforms. Topping the list is the need for stronger legal institutions that protect property rights and ensure that contracts are enforced. If people are to have full confidence in Islamic financial products, moreover, the industry will need to be standardized and regulated. National tax policies will also need to be tweaked, to prevent discrimination against Islamic financial instruments. The World Bank Group is working with partners to help realize these reforms. Furthermore, it has introduced investment projects that use Islamic financing across the region. The World Bank Treasury has issued a variety of Islamic financial instruments, including two Sukuk (bonds that meet Islamic strictures on interest), which have raised $700 million. Similarly, the Bank’s private-sector arm, the International Financial Corporation, has established the IFC Sukuk Company, which issued $100 million in trust certificates in 2015. The Bank’s political risk insurance arm, the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), has provided a $427 million Sharia-compliant investment guarantee for an infrastructure project in Djibouti and $450 million in political risk insurance for a telecommunications investment in Indonesia. And, together with the Islamic Development Bank Group, the United Nations, and other donors, the World Bank has created a joint facility to assist the countries hardest hit by instability with concessional financing, which includes an Islamic-finance instrument for Lebanon and Jordan to help them bear the costs of supporting refugees from Syria. New technology can play a vital role in making financial systems more inclusive, particularly for groups that face greater barriers to access. For example, some 90% of Syrian refugees have access to smart phones, through which they could access financial services. Efforts must be made to ensure that we make the most of such technologies. Finally, there are humanitarian objectives. And, indeed, work is already underway to address how waqf (charitable endowments), zakat (the obligatory alms tax), and a variety of Islamic financial instruments can be channeled effectively and efficiently to meet humanitarian needs. Islamic finance can help deliver much-needed solutions to the Muslim world’s development challenges.", "zh": "这也许是过去10年左右伊斯兰金融一直以每年10-12%的速度递增的理由。 要想让伊斯兰金融在振兴和实现伊斯兰合作组织国家经济多元化的过程中充分发挥作用，政府就必须落实重要的相关改革。 首当其冲的是要制定执行力更强的法律制度来保护财产权并保障合同得以落实。 不仅如此，要想让人们对伊斯兰金融产品拥有充分的信心，就必须对行业进行标准化和规范管理。 此外，还要对国家税收政策进行调整，以防止对伊斯兰金融工具有所歧视。 世界银行集团正在与伙伴国合作协助落实上述改革措施。 不仅如此，集团还在整个地区推出了采用伊斯兰融资方式的投资项目。 世界银行财政部已经发行了不同种类的伊斯兰金融工具，包括两种伊斯兰债券（即利率完全符合伊斯兰标准的债券 ） ， 目前总共完成了7亿美元的筹资。 同样，世行的私营部门机构国际金融公司已经成立了国际金融公司（IFC）伊斯兰债券公司，并于2015年发行了1亿美元的信托证书。 世行的政治风险保障机构多边投资担保机构（MIGA）已经为吉布提某基础设施项目提供了4.27亿美元符合伊斯兰教教法的投资担保服务，同时还为印度尼西亚的电信投资项目提供了价值4.5亿美元的政治风险保险。 而且世行与伊斯兰开发银行集团、联合国和其他捐助者合作设立了利用优惠投资协助遭遇最严重动荡打击的国家的一种联合机制，其中包括为黎巴嫩和约旦提供伊斯兰金融工具，以协助他们承担支持叙利亚难民所需的费用。 新技术可以让金融系统更具包容性，尤其当面对融资障碍较大的群体。 举例来说，约90%的叙利亚难民拥有智能手机，他们可以利用这些终端来获取金融服务。 必须努力确保我们最大限度的利用这些技术。 最后，还有人道主义目标需要满足。 而且事实上我们已经在努力引导教产（慈善捐赠 ） 、 天课（强制性的施舍税）和其他种类的伊斯兰金融工具以使其有效满足人道主义需求。 伊斯兰金融可以为穆斯林世界发展问题提供迫切需要的解决方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "信息终端设备，主要包括新一代移动终端设备、可穿戴终端设备、卫星移动通信、导航终端、下一代广播电视网终端设备、其他通信终端设备等。卫星移动通信、导航终端，包括移动卫星通信终端，利用地球静止轨道卫星或中、低轨道卫星作为中继站，实现区域乃至全球范围的移动通信的终端。包括车载、舰载、机载终端和手持机。卫星导航定位接收机，接收北斗等卫星导航定位系统的广播导航信号，用于导航定位功能的接收机设备。。下一代广播电视网终端设备，包括支持媒体融合业务的智能家庭多媒体网关，支持对外的有线无线宽带互联，具备家庭媒体设备的组网能力；智能机顶盒，设备支持4K、8K视频的解码能力，支持体感、语音等控制功能、支持广播网与宽带数据网业务的融合呈现，可支持多种呈现终端。其他通信终端设备，包括智能家庭网关、智能路由器，支持可热插拔数据卡的智能终端，支持可热插拔其它通信卡的智能终端。", "en": "Information terminal equipment mainly includes next-generation mobile terminal devices, wearable terminal devices, satellite mobile communication, navigation terminals, next-generation broadcast and television network terminal equipment, and other communication terminal devices. Satellite mobile communication and navigation terminals include mobile satellite communication terminals that use geostationary orbit satellites or medium and low orbit satellites as relay stations to achieve regional and even global mobile communication. This includes vehicle-mounted, ship-mounted, airborne terminals, and handheld devices. Satellite navigation receivers receive broadcast navigation signals from satellite navigation systems such as Beidou for navigation and positioning functions. Next-generation broadcast and television network terminal equipment includes smart home multimedia gateways that support media convergence services, support external wired and wireless broadband interconnection, and have the networking capability of home media devices; smart set-top boxes that support decoding capabilities for 4K and 8K videos, support gesture and voice control functions, support the integration of broadcast networks and broadband data networks, and can support various presentation terminals. Other communication terminal equipment includes smart home gateways, smart routers, smart terminals that support hot-swappable data cards, and smart terminals that support hot-swappable other communication cards."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The CAI’s attempt to address market distortions caused by the Chinese government’s hands-on approach to economic management is similarly dubious. With Chinese firms receiving large subsidies and other official financial assistance, it has become increasingly difficult for foreign companies to compete with Chinese firms, both in China and in third countries. This trend is set to continue. Last July, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged to “strengthen financial support for market players,” and noted that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) “should play a leading role to drive upstream and downstream enterprises of all kinds.” To address these distortions, the CAI includes provisions for enhancing the transparency of services-related subsidies. But its mechanism for discussing other harmful subsidies – where some of the greatest problems lie – is unenforceable. Moreover, while the CAI’s rules on SOEs are stronger than those imposed by the World Trade Organization, they fall far short of those contained in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. More robust provisions in these areas are essential to make any trade and investment agreement with China meaningful. The CAI’s final crucial weakness relates to the labor provisions in the section on sustainable development. In particular, China offered only a vague and unenforceable pledge to “make continuous and sustained efforts” to pursue ratification of the two relevant International Labor Organization conventions addressing forced labor.", "zh": "《全面投资协定》尝试解决中国政府亲自插手经济管理所导致的市场扭曲的做法同样让人感觉不靠谱。 在中国企业获得大量补贴和其他官方财政援助的情况下，外国企业越来越难以与它们竞争，无论是在中国国内还是在第三国。 这种趋势还将延续下去。 去年7月中国国家主席习近平承诺要“强化对市场主体的金融支持 ” ， 并指出国有企业“要发挥龙头带动作用，带动上下游各类企业 ” 。 为了解决这类扭曲问题 ， 《 全面投资协定》涵盖了一些提升服务业相关补贴透明度的条款。 但其讨论其他有害性补贴的机制 — — 其中一些最大的问题正是潜伏于此 — — 却是无法执行的。 此外，虽然《全面投资协定》针对国有企业的规则比世界贸易组织的更为有力，但与《全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》中的规则依然相差甚远。 为了使与中国达成的所有贸易和投资协议都能落到实处，就必须在这些领域制定更强有力的规定。 而《全面投资协定》的最后一个关键性弱点则与可持续发展部分的劳工条款有关。 特别是中国只给出了一个模糊且不具备强制力的承诺，就是会“持续不断地努力”争取批准国际劳工组织的两个有关强迫劳动的公约。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What’s Behind Trump’s Trade War? WASHINGTON, DC – Since World War II’s end, trade has grown 50% faster than global GDP, owing largely to successive rounds of liberalization under the auspices of the World Trade Organization (previously the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, or GATT). But now, US President Donald Trump’s latest dose of import tariffs could push the world into a full-blown trade war, undoing much of that progress. Proponents of free trade have always celebrated the growth of international commerce because they regard it as a sign that countries are capitalizing on their comparative advantages through specialization, which implies increased efficiency overall. By contrast, critics of free trade worry that it might lock poor countries into producing goods that offer little room for productivity growth, and point out that even if there are aggregate gains from globalization, there are also clear losers. In fact, few would disagree that a static comparative advantage theory is a poor guide for development policy. A more dynamic framework is needed to determine whether trade also brings knowledge and learning to new markets. If it does, then it can be an engine of future economic growth and social progress. Overall, there is overwhelming evidence that trade has indeed enriched developing countries where supportive policies have been in place. Over time, developing countries have learned to complement trade policies with higher investment in infrastructure and education. But with the world trading system now under assault by the United States, the question for developing countries is how to respond.", "zh": "特朗普贸易战背后的用意 发自华盛顿特区 — — 自二战结束以来，贸易增速要比全球GDP增速快上50 ％ ， 这主要归功于世界贸易组织（前身为关税与贸易总协定）主导下的连续几轮自由化进程。 但如今美国总统特朗普最新推出的进口关税可能将世界拖入一场全面贸易战，令过去取得的大部分进展荡然无存。 自由贸易的支持者一直在为国际商业的发展歌功颂德，在他们看来这表明各国正在通过专业化分工来凸显各自的比较优势，也意味着整体效率的提高。 相比之下，批评自由贸易的人担心它可能导致贫穷国家只能生产一些几乎没什么生产力增长空间的商品，并指出虽然全球化在总体上收益为正，却也存在着明显的输家。 事实上，很少有人会否认一套静止不变的比较优势理论确实是一个糟糕的发展政策指南。 而我们需要一个更加动态的框架来确定贸易是否也为新兴市场国家带来了知识和教益。 如果可以实现这一点的话，它就可以成为未来经济增长和社会进步的推动引擎。 总的来说，有大量证据表明贸易确实令一些已经具备支持性政策的发展中国家实现了富裕。 随着时间的推移，发展中国家已经学会通过增加基础设施和教育投资来作为对贸易政策的补充。 但随着当前世界贸易体系遭到了美国的攻击，发展中国家必须想办法做出应对。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Retreat of the Renminbi NEW YORK – “The globalization of the yuan seems remorseless and unstoppable,” pronounced The Economist in April 2014. Indeed, use of the Chinese yuan, or renminbi (RMB), in global payments would double between then and August 2015, to 2.8% of the total, making China’s currency the fourth most used in the world. Since then, however, this growth has been almost entirely reversed. The RMB’s share in global payments has fallen to 1.6%, knocking it down to number seven. Its use in global bond markets is down 45% from its 2015 peak. RMB deposits in Hong Kong banks are also down by half. And whereas 35% of China’s cross-border trade was settled in RMB in 2015 (with most of the remainder in dollars), that share has fallen to about 12% today. The RMB’s reversal of fortune reflects four factors in particular. For starters, whereas the dollar value of the RMB rose nearly every year from 2005 to 2013 – by 36.7% in total – it has since fallen steadily, discouraging speculators. Since 2014, the exchange rate has weakened by an increasing amount every year, and is now down over 11% since the drop began, despite intervention by the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) to support the currency (not to hold it down, as US President Donald Trump has alleged). As a result, investors have abandoned the idea that RMB appreciation is a one-way bet.", "zh": "人民币的撤退 纽约 — “ 人民币国际化看上去是无情而不可阻挡的 ， ” 《经济学人》在2014年4月如是说。 事实上，人民币在全球支付的使用量在2014年4月到2015年8月间翻了一番，达到了总量的2.8 % ， 成为全世界使用量第四多的货币。 但是，此后这一增长趋势几乎完全逆转。 人民币在全球支付中的占比已经下降到1.6 % ， 名次也下跌到第七。 其在全球债券市场的使用较2015年峰值下降了45 % 。 香港银行的人民币存款几乎腰斩。 2015年中国跨境贸易中有35%为人民币结算（其余大部分为美元结算 ） ， 而今天这一比例下降到12%左右。 人民币形势的反转主要反映了四个因素。 首先，尽管人民币美元价值在2005—2013年之间几乎连年上涨 — — 总涨幅36.7 % — —但此后开始稳步下跌，令投机者望而却步。 2014年以来，人民币汇率贬值幅度逐年扩大，目前以累计贬值11 % ， 尽管中国人民银行通过干预支持人民币（而不是像美国总统特朗普指责的那样要让它贬值 ） 。 结果，投资者已经不再认定人民币单边升值的趋势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "提到这一茬，戴维感慨一声：“我昨天就该弄死他的，他欺骗了我。” “欺骗你？” “恩，他根本不是小孩子。” “你听他的声音，完全没有小孩子的声线嘛。” 戴维气愤道：“他昨天半夜醒的，醒来就开始鬼哭狼嚎，我没有进去，在门外向他盘问了些基础信息，那家伙死活不吭声。” “后来或许被你的那幻境折磨了老半天，才边哭边闹的说了些讯息。” 两人一边聊着，一边往楼下走去：“别看他长得像7、8岁小孩，但其实他已经18岁了，自从7岁觉醒了天生能力后，再没有长大过。” “他没提自己的名字，也没说自己为什么跑去偷窃，只是说要去找什么人。” 戴维说到这，更加气愤：“早知道他18岁，我就该……” 两人来到厨房，戴维还在嘴里咒骂着被欺骗的感受，安格尔则开始准备早餐。 一边切着干粮杂饼，一边倒着牛奶，安格尔的思绪却是在跑马。 戴维说那个影仆正太……不，应该是影仆青年，自从7岁觉醒了天生能力后，就没有再长大过。", "en": "Dave scoffed, “I should’ve killed him yesterday. The bastard tricked me.” “What do you mean?” “He’s no kid.” “Just listen to his voice. That sounds like a kid to you?” Dave looked pretty agitated. “He woke up in the middle of the night and didn’t stop screaming ever since. I tried to ask him questions from outside the door, and man, his lips are tight.” “He told me something in the end, probably because he can’t withstand your illusion anymore.” They chatted while walking downstairs. “He seems like an eight-year-old kid, right? No! He’s 18. He said something about his growth stopped when he reached the age of seven when his ability awoke.” “He didn’t tell me his name, nor the reason why he started stealing. But he mentioned someone that he has to find.” Dave punched the air. “An 18-year-old, grown-up asshole! I should really…” They came to the kitchen and Angor started to prepare their meal while Dave was still cursing the Phantom Servant. Angor sliced some pancake and found some milk, somewhat unfocused at his task. He was thinking about Dave’s words. So the Phantom Servant child-no, Phantom Servant young man, didn’t grow in the body since the age of seven."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Triumphalist history has many dangers. A feeling of national superiority blinds people to their own faults and makes them oblivious to the way they treat others. It can also foster a natural sense of entitlement, a bit like that felt by the British at the height of their imperial power, or by Americans in more recent times. But official histories of victimhood can be at least as dangerous. They fuel the belief that past wrongs must be avenged, and that old enemies can never be forgotten. If a triumphal mood can lead to arrogance, the wounds of humiliation nurture collective rage. These wounds can be so old that their causes are long forgotten; victimhood becomes mythical. But vengeful emotions can be easy to stir up. For example, Serbian nationalism in the 1990s tapped into grievances going back to the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, when a Serbian army fought troops of the Ottoman Empire. When hostile feelings are whipped up, historical accuracy is irrelevant. Bosnian Serb troops rampaging in Prijedor and Srebrenica during the Bosnian War called their Muslim victims “Turks,” as though they were fighting Ottoman soldiers in the late fourteenth century. In fact, the difference between official narratives of heroism and victimhood is not as great as it might seem. The point of history as propaganda in China and Russia today – and, indeed, in Israel – is to legitimize those in power. Only the strength of the CPC will guarantee that the Chinese people will never again be humiliated by foreigners. Only Putin will keep Russians safe from their enemies, just as Stalin did when Hitler invaded. And only an Israeli government that knows how to be ruthless will prevent another Holocaust. The problem with history as propaganda is not that it makes people feel good or bad, but that it creates perpetual enemies – and thus the perpetual risk of wars.", "zh": "胜利主义的历史有许多危险。 民族优越感使人们对自己的错误视而不见，使他们忘记了自己对待他人的方式。 它还可以培养一种自然的权利感，有点像英国人在其帝国实力鼎盛时期，或者是最近美国人的感受。 但官方的受害历史至少也同样危险。 它们助长了这样一种信念，即必须为过去的错误报仇，永远不能忘记宿敌。 如果说胜利的情绪会导致傲慢，那么屈辱的伤口会滋生集体愤怒。 这些伤口可能很古老，以至于它们的原因早已被遗忘。 受害者成为神话。 但是复仇的情绪很容易被激起。 例如，1990 年代的塞尔维亚民族主义利用了可追溯到 1389 年塞尔维亚与奥斯曼帝国作战的科索沃战役的仇恨。 当敌对感觉被激起时，历史准确性就无关紧要了。 波斯尼亚战争期间在普里耶多尔（Prijedor）和斯雷布雷尼察（Srebrenica）横行的波斯尼亚塞族军队把他们的穆斯林受害者称为“土耳其人 ” ， 仿佛他们在与 14 世纪末的奥斯曼士兵作战。 事实上，英雄主义和受害的官方叙述之间的差异并不像看起来那么大。 在今天的中国和俄罗斯 — — 事实上，以色列也是如此 — — 作为宣传的历史的意义在于赋予当权者合法性。 只有中国共产党的力量才能保证中国人民再也不会被外国人羞辱。 只有普京能保护俄罗斯人免受敌人的伤害，就像希特勒入侵时斯大林所做的那样。 只有知道如何无情的以色列政府才能阻止另一场大屠杀。 历史作为宣传机器的问题不在于它使人们感觉好或坏，而在于它制造了永久的敌人 — — 因此造成了永久的战争风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This slippage is apparently age-dependent; a 2016 study of Americans with university degrees found that those over 65 years of age know far more about how their government works than those under 34. There is a clear correlation between democratic illiteracy and a de-emphasis on civics, government, and history education in schools. In 2006, for example, a national study that tracks student performance in various subjects found that only a quarter of America’s 12th graders were proficient in civics. A decade later, that percentage had sunk below 25%. Not surprisingly, overall educational quality and access to basic civics coursework have also suffered in recent years. In 2011, a think tank that ranks the 50 states on the rigor of their high schools’ US history courses gave 28 states failing grades. A 2016 survey of 1,000 liberal arts colleges found that only 18% required a US history or government course to earn a degree. High school or university courses by themselves will not keep gullible voters from falling for bogus news or inflammatory disinformation. But the viral spread of fake news stories initiated by Russian agents made one thing clear: an electorate lacking a basic civics education is more likely to fall for provocations designed to inflame partisan tensions. Changes in the news industry are increasing that risk. As Internet giants siphon away advertising revenue from traditional media outlets, social media have become many people’s main source of news. Traditional news organizations, especially local newspapers, are steadily disappearing, shrinking voters’ access to information that is vital to making informed political decisions.", "zh": "这一知识水平下滑趋势表现出年龄特征；2016年的一项针对有大学文凭的美国人的研究发现，65岁以上的人对政府工作的了解比34岁以下的人好得多。 民主知识的匮乏和学校公民、政府和历史教育的不受重视之间有着显而易见的相关性。 比如，2006年的一项全国性调查跟踪了各学科的学生成绩，结果发现，只有四分之一的美国12年级学生精通公民课。 十年后，这一比例下降到25%以下。 毫不奇怪，总体教育质量和基本公民课程的普及度在近几年中也是每况愈下。 2011年，一家智库对50个州的高中美国历史课程质量进行了评估，有28个州被评为不合格。 2016年的一项研究调查了1,000所文科院校，结果发现只有18%将美国历史或政府课程列为学位必修课程。 高中和大学课程本身并不能阻止容易上当的选民落入假新闻或煽动性伪信息的陷阱。 但俄罗斯特工炮制的假新闻像病毒那样传播，清楚地表明了一件事：缺乏基本公民教育的选民更有可能落入为了煽动党派对立而进行的挑拨。 新闻业的变化正在增加这一风险。 互联网巨头将广告收入从传统媒体手中夺走，社交媒体成为许多人的主要新闻来源。 传统新闻组织，特别是地方报纸，正在稳步消亡，缩小了选民的信息渠道，而这对于做出知情的政治决策至关重要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "深入贯彻以人民为中心的发展思想，一大批惠民举措落地实施，人民获得感显著增强。 脱贫攻坚战取得决定性进展，六千多万贫困人口稳定脱贫，贫困发生率从百分之十点二下降到百分之四以下。 教育事业全面发展，中西部和农村教育明显加强。就业状况持续改善，城镇新增就业年均一千三百万人以上。 城乡居民收入增速超过经济增速，中等收入群体持续扩大。 覆盖城乡居民的社会保障体系基本建立，人民健康和医疗卫生水平大幅提高，保障性住房建设稳步推进。 社会治理体系更加完善，社会大局保持稳定，国家安全全面加强。 生态文明建设成效显著。 大力度推进生态文明建设， 全党全国贯彻绿色发展理念的自觉性和主动性显著增强，忽视生态环境保护的状况明显改变。 生态文明制度体系加快形成，主体功能区制度逐步健全， 国家公园体制试点积极推进。全面节约资源有效推进， 能源资源消耗强度大幅下降。重大生态保护和修复工程进展顺利， 森林覆盖率持续提高。 生态环境治理明显加强，环境状况得到改善。 引导应对气候变化国际合作，成为全球生态文明建设的重要参与者、贡献者、引领者。 强军兴军开创新局面。 着眼于实现中国梦强军梦，制定新形势下军事战略方针，全力推进国防和军队现代化。", "en": "Our vision of making development people-centered has been acted on, a whole raft of initiatives to benefit the people has seen implementation, and the people’s sense of fulfillment has grown stronger. Decisive progress has been made in the fight against poverty: more than 60 million people have been lifted out of poverty, and the poverty headcount ratio has dropped from 10.2 percent to less than 4 percent. All-round progress has been made in the development of education, with remarkable advances made in the central and western regions and in rural areas. Employment has registered steady growth, with an average of over 13 million urban jobs created each year. Growth of urban and rural personal incomes has outpaced economic growth, and the middle-income group has been expanding. A social security system covering both urban and rural residents has taken shape; both public health and medical services have improved markedly. Solid progress has been made in building government-subsidized housing projects to ensure basic needs are met. Social governance systems have been improved; law and order has been maintained; and national security has been fully enhanced. We have made notable progress in building an ecological civilization. We have devoted serious energy to ecological conservation. As a result, the entire Party and the whole country have become more purposeful and active in pursuing green development, and there has been a clear shift away from the tendency to neglect ecological and environmental protection. Efforts to develop a system for building an ecological civilization have been accelerated; the system of functional zoning has been steadily improved; and progress has been made in piloting the national park system. Across-the-board efforts to conserve resources have seen encouraging progress; the intensity of energy and resource consumption has been significantly reduced. Smooth progress has been made in major ecological conservation and restoration projects; and forest coverage has been increased. Ecological and environmental governance has been significantly strengthened, leading to marked improvements in the environment. Taking a driving seat in international cooperation to respond to climate change, China has become an important participant, contributor, and torchbearer in the global endeavor for ecological civilization. We have initiated a new stage in strengthening and revitalizing the armed forces. With a view to realizing the Chinese Dream and the dream of building a powerful military, we have developed a strategy for the military under new circumstances, and have made every effort to modernize national defense and the armed forces."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Likewise, the Democratic Republic of the Congo extracts 69% of the world’s cobalt, Indonesia accounts for 32% of the world’s nickel, and Chile produces 28% of the world’s copper. A disruption of supplies from any of these sources would have far-reaching consequences. The question is whether countries – and businesses – can mitigate these risks without giving up the myriad advantages of global trade. Some are already embracing diversification. Many consumer electronics companies have expanded their manufacturing footprint in India and Vietnam to reduce reliance on China and tap into emerging markets. Similarly, the United States, the EU, South Korea, China, and Japan have all announced measures to increase domestic production of semiconductors. Though semiconductors account for less than 10% of total trade, products that directly or indirectly depend on them account for an estimated 65% of all goods exports. But diversification can take time, and often requires significant upfront investment. Minerals – among the most concentrated products in the global system – are a case in point. As the International Energy Agency has pointed out, developing new deposits of critical minerals has historically taken over 16 years on average. This is not just a matter of developing new mines; countries must also build their processing capabilities and secure workers with the relevant skills. And all of this must be done in a way that mitigates the considerable environmental impact of mining and processing. Innovation may enable actors to circumvent these hurdles.", "zh": "同样，民主刚果共和国开采世界69%的钴，印尼开采世界32%的镍，而智利则生产世界28%的铜。 上述来源的任何供应中断都将产生意义深远的后果。 问题在于，国家和企业能否在不放弃全球化众多优势的情况下缓和这些风险。 某些公司正在拥抱多元化。 许多消费电子公司已经扩大了在印度和越南的制造足迹，以减少对中国的依赖，同时开拓新兴市场。 同样，美国、欧盟、韩国、中国和日本均宣布了增加国内半导体产量的举措。 虽然半导体占贸易总量的不到10 % ， 但直接或间接依赖半导体的产品却占到了所有出口商品的约65 % 。 但多样化需要时间，而且往往需要大规模前期投资。 全球体系中集中度最高的产品之一矿产就是个很好的例子。 正如国际能源机构所指出的那样，开发新的重要矿藏从历史上看平均需要16年时间才能完成。 这不仅仅是开发新矿的问题；各国还必须建设加工能力，并培养具有相关技能的劳动者。 而且，必须以减轻采矿和加工对环境造成重大影响的方式来完成这项任务。 创新可能会使主体避开这些障碍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to data available on the economist Emmanuel Saez’s invaluable Web site, from 1993 to 2011, average real income for the bottom 99% of the population (by income) rose by 5.8%, while the top 1% experienced real income growth of 57.5%. The top 1% captured 62% of all income growth over this period, partly owing to a sharp rise in returns to higher education in recent decades. (On average, those with only a high school education or less have few good income prospects.) This implies that, if anything, the tax system should become more progressive, with the proceeds invested in public goods that are not sufficiently provided by the private sector – things like early childhood education and preventive health care to minimize educational disruption resulting from common ailments like childhood asthma. Think of it this way: In recent decades, some families chose locations and occupations that seemed to offer a reasonable means of support – and good prospects for their children. Many of these decisions turned out badly, largely because information technology (computers and how they are used) eliminated many middle-class jobs. Increasing globalization of trade also did not help in this regard. In addition, as Till von Wachter of Columbia University has documented, prolonged periods of unemployment for parents have a severe and lasting negative impact on their children.", "zh": "根据经济学家伊曼纽尔·塞斯（Emmanuel Saez）极有价值的网站所提供的数据，从1993年到2011年，位于社会顶端1%的人口却得到了57.5%的实际收入增长，而在这些人之下的99%人口平均实际收入却只提高了5.8 % ， 而。 顶端1%的人口在这段时期得到了全部收入增长的62 % ， 部分原因是最近几十年高等教育的回报率急剧上升。 （通常，只有高中或以下学历的人都没有良好的收入前景。 ） 如果说着这意味什么的话，那就是税收系统应该更具有进步性，其收入应该投入到那些私人无法充分提供的公共物品上 — — 比如幼龄儿童教育和预防性保健，从而尽量减少���类似儿童哮喘这种普通疾病所引发的辍学情况。 这样来想：最近几十年，有些家庭选择了一些似乎能合理支持其生活 — — 及其儿女美好前景 — — 的地点和职业。 但其中许多这类决定却导致了糟糕的后果，而这很大程度上是因为信息技术（电脑以及其运用方式）消灭了很多中产阶级的工作。 全球贸易的发展也加剧了这种势态。 此外，正如哥伦比亚大学的提尔·冯·韦希特尔（Till von Wachter ）所证明的那样，父母的长期失业对其子女有着严重而持久的负面影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While slightly more than 60% of Americans embraced the importance of the UN and its global mission, only 39% believed that its lofty goals for peace and human development were achievable. This discrepancy reflects a deep divide – in the US and elsewhere – between people’s hopes for the UN and their expectations of its ability to deliver. In fact, the UN’s contribution to peace and development should not be understated, though its successes clearly do not receive the publicity they deserve. For example, UN peacekeepers were recently deployed successfully in Mali. Last month, they defeated the M23 rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo, ending a major threat to regional peace and security. But most of the UN’s achievements have had shortcomings. In 2011, after Côte d’Ivoire’s President Laurent Gbagbo refused to cede power following his electoral defeat the previous year, the UN, backed by French forces, arrested him and transferred him to the International Criminal Court, cutting short a potentially devastating civil war. Nonetheless, their intervention came too late for the hundreds of civilians who were killed in the city of Duékoué. When Libya’s Muammar el-Qaddafi threatened to kill his rebellious detractors like “rats,” a UN coalition intervened under an emerging global doctrine: the responsibility to protect. But three years after Qaddafi’s ouster, Libya remains hobbled by weak national institutions and roiled by factional fighting. During the early days of the Arab Spring protests, the UN, led by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, spoke out forcefully for human rights and democracy.", "zh": "略高于60%的美国人同意联合国及其全球使命的重要性，但只有39%相信其和平与人类发展的崇高目标可以实现。 这一差异体现出美国和其他地区的人们对联合国的希望和对其实现目标的能力的期望之间深刻的分歧。 事实上，联合国对和平与发展的贡献不应该被低估，尽管其成功显然没有得到赢得的宣传。 比如，联合国维和人员最近成功地开进了马里。 上个月，他们挫败了民主刚果的M23叛军，消灭了地区和平与安全的一大隐患。 但联合国的大部分成就尤其缺陷。 2011年，在科特迪瓦总统巴博（Laurent Gbagbo）拒绝在上一年的大选失败后交出权力时，联合国在法国军队的支持下逮捕了他，并把他送上了国际刑事法庭，快刀斩乱麻地解决了可能的灾难性的内战。 但是，联合国的干预来得太晚，杜埃奎（Duékoué）已有数百平民遇难。 当利比亚的卡扎菲威胁要把反对派批评者像“老鼠”一样杀掉时，联合国军根据新的全球信条 — — 保护责任（responsibility to protect）实施了干预。 但在卡扎菲被推翻三年后，利比亚的国家机构仍孱弱不堪，派系斗争仍层出不穷。 在阿拉伯之春起义初期，在秘书长潘基文的领导下，联合国强力支持了人权和民主。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Price Increases that Matter for the Poor NEW DELHI – The question of how best to control inflation is back on the economic policy agenda, and opinion is divided about how to address it. The mainstream view emphasizes the need for tighter monetary policies and regards higher interest rates and reduced liquidity provision as justified, even if they dampen the fragile economic recovery now underway in many countries. Others argue that today’s inflation is transitory, reflecting temporary supply bottlenecks and labor-market shifts, and will soon correct itself. In rich countries, policymakers still rely mainly on macroeconomic tools to tackle inflation. But one set of price increases is different from the others: food-price inflation. Not only does this phenomenon have a much greater direct impact on people’s lives, especially in developing economies; it also reflects more complex causes, and addressing it effectively requires a completely different set of strategies. Unfortunately, governments are not discussing them sufficiently. This neglect is deeply troubling. At the end of 2021, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization’s (FAO) food price index was at its highest level in a decade and close to its previous peak of June 2011, when many were warning of a global food crisis. Moreover, last year’s increase was sudden: from 2015 to 2020, food prices had been relatively low and stable, but soared by an average of 28% in 2021. Much of this surge was driven by cereals, with maize and wheat prices increasing by 44% and 31%, respectively. But prices of other food items also shot up: prices for vegetable oil hit a record high during the year, sugar was up by 38%, and price increases for meat and dairy products, though lower, were still in the double digits. Food-price inflation currently exceeds the increase in the overall price index, and is even more alarming given the significant decline in workers’ wage incomes during the COVID-19 pandemic – especially in low- and middle-income countries. This lethal combination of more expensive food and lower incomes is fueling catastrophic increases in hunger and malnutrition. There are many possible reasons for the spike in food prices. Some are systemic. Supply-chain problems – especially regarding transportation – have been a major factor driving price increases for a wide range of commodities.", "zh": "影响穷人的物价上涨 发自新德里—如何才能最好地控制通胀这个问题又回到了经济政策议程上，而对此的答案则众说纷纭。 主流观点强调要收紧货币政策，并认为提高利率和减少流动性供应是合理之举，即便抑制了许多国家当前的脆弱经济复苏也在所不惜。 其他人则认为眼下的通胀是过渡性的，仅仅反映了暂时性的供应瓶颈和劳动力市场转变，很快会自我纠正过来。 在一众富裕国家，政策制定者主要还是依靠宏观经济工具解决通胀问题。 但有一组价格上涨与其他的不同：食品价格通胀。 这种现象不仅对人们的生活（尤其是在发展中经济体）有着更大的直接影响，同时背后还存在着更复杂的成因，需要一套完全不同的策略才能有效解决。 可惜各国政府却并未对其开展充分的讨论。 这种忽视是极其让人感到忧虑的。 联合国粮食及农业组织的食品价格指数在2021年底达到了十年以来的最高水平，直逼2011年6月的峰值（当时许多人都在警告全球可能发生粮食危机 ） 。 此外去年的上涨是突然性的：从2015年到2020年间食品价格一直稳定在相对较低水平，却在2021年平均飙升了28 % 。 这种暴涨大部分是由谷物驱动的，玉米和小麦价格分别上升了44%和31 % 。 但是其他食品的价格也急剧上升：植物油价格在这一年中创下了历史新高，糖上涨了38 % ， 肉类和乳制品价格虽然增长较少，但也达到了两位数。 目前食品价格的通胀已经超过了总体价格指数的增长，再加上新冠疫情期间工资收入的大幅下降（尤其是在中低收入国家 ） ， 使得这一点更加令人担忧。 这种更昂贵食物和更低收入的致命组合正在助长饥饿和营养不良状况的灾难性增长。 食品价格飙升有许多可能的原因，有些是系统性的。 供应链问题 — — 尤其是运输方面的问题 — — 一直是推动各类商品价格上涨的主要因素。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Are China’s Trade Practices Really Unfair? BRUSSELS – The temporary truce reached by US President Donald Trump and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping at the just-concluded G20 meeting in Buenos Aires should give both sides some time to reflect on the issues in question. And the most fundamental of those issues is whether American grievances against China – shared by many of the advanced economies – are justified. To be sure, unilateral US measures are indefensible under global trading rules. But some pushback conceivably could be warranted if the advanced economies – which have already created an informal contact group of “China losers,” including representatives of the European Union, Japan, and the United States – are right that China has been engaging in unfair trading practices. For the US, the biggest concern seems to be so-called forced technology transfer – that is, the requirement that foreign companies share their intellectual property with a domestic “partner” in order to gain access to the Chinese market. But this is a misnomer, at best, because companies that do not want to share their technology can always choose not to invest in China. Europe’s complaints – or, more specifically, the complaints of over 1,600 European companies – are summarized in a new report issued by the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China. But, interestingly, few of those complaints are about China’s trading practices per se, at least in the narrow sense. Tariffs, for example, are not cited. With its accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001, China was forced to reduce its tariff protections by one-half. In the ensuing years, the average tariff rate applied by China has continued to fall, and now stands at less than 4%, though China does maintain an unusually high number of tariff peaks (that is, high tariffs for very limited categories of product). Of course, tariffs are far from the only way to create obstacles to trade. Indeed, in many ways, tariffs are yesterday’s problem – at least they were, until Trump dusted them off as a weapon for his trade war. But when it comes to non-tariff barriers, China’s record also does not seem as problematic as is claimed. To be sure, it is difficult to measure the overall importance of non-tariff barriers to trade, because they can take so many forms.", "zh": "中国贸易政策真的不公平吗？ 布鲁塞尔—美国总统特朗普和中国国家主席习近平在刚刚结束的布宜诺斯艾利斯G20会议上达成暂时休战，双方都获得了一些时间思考问题之所在。 这些问题中最根本性的一个是美国对中国的仇视 — — 许多发达经济体都有这样的仇视 — — 是否有合理的依据。 诚然，美国的单方面措施从全球贸易规则角度是站不住脚的。 但如果发发经济体 — — 它们已经形成了一个“中国输家”的非正式联络小组，成员包括来自欧盟、日本和美国的代表 — — 所谓的中国一直在进行不公平贸易行为的说法是正确的话，这肯定会引来一些反击。 对美国来说，最大的担忧似乎是所谓的强制技术转让 — — 即要求外国公司与本国“合作方”共享知识产权，这样才能进入中国市场。 但这种说法是不恰当的，因为不想共享技术的公司随时可以选择不投资于中国。 欧洲的抱怨 — — 或者更具体地说，是1,600多家欧洲公司的抱怨 — — 在中国欧盟商会所发布的新报告中做了总结。 但有趣的是，这些抱怨中几乎没有一项是针对中国贸易行为 — — 至少从狭义上说是如此。 比如，没人提及关税。 2001年加入世界贸易组织后，中国被迫降低了一半的关税保护。 随后的多年中，中国平均关税税率继续下降，目前已不足4 % ， 尽管中国一直保留着异常高的关税极值（即对范围非常有限的产品征收高额关税 ） 。 当然，关税绝非制造贸易障碍的唯一办法。 事实上，关税从很多角度看属于昨天的问题 — — 至少曾经如此，直到特朗普把它们拿出来作为贸易战的武器之一。 但对于非关税壁垒，中国的记录似乎也不向抱怨者所说的那样有问题。 平心而论，很难衡量非关税壁垒对贸易的总体重要性，因为它们的形式不一而足。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By staking so much on the zero-COVID strategy, the Chinese political leadership has positioned itself between a rock and a hard place. If it doubles down, it will further hamper the country’s economic recovery, imposing costs that the people no longer believe to be worthwhile. But if it eases COVID-19 restrictions, infections and deaths will increase rapidly as the virus spreads through a population that lacks the level of immunity found in most other comparable countries. China will finally move past COVID-19 only when two things happen. First, vaccine-furnished immunity among the elderly needs to improve. The government should deploy all its resources to maximize the speed and number of vaccinations being administered to the elderly. It also should embrace the more effective vaccines. The recent approval for a Chinese manufacturer to produce a generic version of the Pfizer antiviral drug is a step in the right direction. The government should now encourage more independent, transparent evaluations of all the available vaccines so that it can increase both the supply of effective vaccines and the public’s trust in them. Second, Chinese authorities must change their public messaging to manage expectations. The Chinese people need to start preparing to live with COVID-19, which means accepting that there will be infections and deaths, just as there are from influenza and other contagions. China needs to act quickly. Even while it is still struggling with the first wave of Omicron, a second subvariant (BA.2) is already sweeping through Europe and will likely make its way to China in the coming months. Researchers have found that the new variant is similar to the old one, posing a threat mainly to those who are unvaccinated, immunocompromised, or lacking antibodies from a recent infection. Unless China is prepared to shut down its economy with every new variant, it needs to vaccinate the elderly and prepare its people for more COVID-19 deaths.", "zh": "因为对零新冠战略下了如此大的赌注，中国政治领导人将自己置于左右为难的境地。 如果继续下注，将进一步威胁该国的经济复苏，并造成人们不再认为值得付出的成本。 但如果放松新冠病毒限制，将造成感染和死亡人数快速攀升，因为中国人缺少多数其他类似国家所具备的免疫力。 只有具备两个条件，中国才能最终安然度过新冠危机。 首先，需要提高由疫苗赋予的老年群体的免疫力。 政府应动用所有资源，尽可能提高老年群体疫苗接种的数量和速度。 中国还应当采用更有效的疫苗。 最近批准中国制造企业生产辉瑞通用抗病毒药物就是向正确方向迈出的一步。 政府现在应当鼓励对所有上市疫苗进行更独立、透明的评估，以便增加有效疫苗供应及提高公众对疫苗的信任。 其次，中国当局必须修改公众信息以管理预期。 中国人需要开始准备与新冠共存，这意味着接受感染和死亡，这与流感和其他传染病并无区别。 中国需要迅速采取行动。 尽管中国仍在与第1波奥密克戎抗争，但第2波变种 （BA.2）已经在席卷欧洲，并可能在未来几个月传入中国。 研究人员发现新变种与原有病毒相似，主要对未接种疫苗、免疫功能低下、或不具备近期感染抗体的人构成威胁。 除非中国准备因每一个变种而封锁经济，否则需要为老年人接种疫苗，同时应让民众为更多新冠带来的死亡做好准备。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She recklessly bought gifts for the family. A furry St. Bernard puppy for Wade, who had always longed for one, a Persian kitten for Beau, a coral bracelet for little Ella, a heavy necklace with moonstone pendants for Aunt Pitty, a complete set of Shakespeare for Melanie and Ashley, an elaborate livery for Uncle Peter, including a high silk coachman’s hat with a brush upon it, dress lengths for Dilcey and Cookie, expensive gifts for everyone at Tara. “But what have you bought for Mammy?” questioned Rhett, looking over the pile of gifts spread out on the bed in their hotel room, and removing the puppy and kitten to the dressing room. “Not a thing. She was hateful. Why should I bring her a present when she called us mules?” “Why should you so resent hearing the truth, my pet? You must bring Mammy a present. It would break her heart if you didn’t — and hearts like hers are too valuable to be broken.” “I won’t take her a thing. She doesn’t deserve it.” “Then I’ll buy her one. I remember my mammy always said that when she went to Heaven she wanted a taffeta petticoat so stiff that it would stand by itself and so rustly that the Lord God would think it was made of angels’ wings. I’ll buy Mammy some red taffeta and have an elegant petticoat made.” “She won’t take it from you. She’d die rather than wear it.” “I don’t doubt it. But I’ll make the gesture just the same.”", "zh": "她毫无节制地花钱给家里人买礼物，给韦德买了一只圣比纳种的长毛小狗，因为他一直想要这样的一条狗。给小博买了一只小波斯猫，给小爱拉买了一只珊瑚手镯。给皮蒂姑妈买的是一大串项链，上面挂着许多月长石坠子，给媚兰和艾希礼买的是一套《莎士比亚全集》。她给彼得大叔买一套很像样的制服，包括一顶车夫戴的真丝高帽子，外带一把刷子，给迪尔茜和厨娘买的是衣料，给住在塔拉的人也都了买了昂贵的礼物。 “可是你给嬷嬷买什么呢？”瑞德在旅馆里把小猫、小狗都赶到梳妆室里，一面看着床摆的这一大堆礼物，一面问。“什么也没买。这个人太可恨。她说咱们是骡子，干吗要给她礼物？” “你何必怀恨在心呢，人家说的是真情实况，我的小宝贝儿？你一定得给嬷嬷买一件礼物。你要是不给她礼物，就会刺伤她的心——像她那样的心是很可贵的，怎么能刺伤呢？” “我什么也不给她买，她不配。” “那我就给她买一件吧，我记得我的奶奶常说，她升天的时候要穿一条府绸裙子，这裙了要硬得能立得住，而且非常朴素，上帝一看会以为是用天使的翅膀做的。我就给嬷嬷买块红府绸，让她做一条漂亮裙子吧。” “她不会接受你的礼物的。她宁可去死，也不会穿的。” “这我相信，不过我还是要表达我的心意。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the continuing severity of recessions in the United Kingdom and other countries pursuing fiscal contraction has suggested that multipliers are not just positive, but greater than one – just as the old wisdom had it. The International Monetary Fund has responded by forthrightly confessing that official forecasts, including its own, had underestimated the multiplier’s size. Of course, the effects of fiscal policy are uncertain. One never knows, for example, when rising debt levels might alarm international investors, who then start demanding sharply higher interest rates, as happened to countries on the European periphery in 2010. We are also uncertain about the magnitude of the negative long-term effects of high tax rates on growth. And monetary policy is much better understood than it was in the past. Indeed, a much-admired recent paper characterized monetary policy as science and fiscal policy as alchemy. To be sure, the state of knowledge and practice at central banks is close to the best that modern society has to offer, whereas fiscal policy is set in a highly political process that is poorly informed by economic knowledge and largely motivated by officials’ desire to be re-elected. But the problem with the ancient alchemists and their search for the philosopher’s stone was not that they were stupid or selfish people. Nor was their problem that political leaders refused to listen to them. Rather, the state of knowledge at the time simply fell far short of the modern science of chemistry. In this sense, the term alchemy could be applied to pre-Keynesians like US Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon, whose prescription at the start of the Great Depression was to “liquidate labor, liquidate stocks, liquidate farmers, [and] liquidate real estate” in order to “purge the rottenness out of the system.” It could also be applied to those today who favor returning monetary policy to the pre-1914 gold standard. This does not mean that either fiscal policy or monetary policy has graduated to the status of a science like chemistry, underpinned by natural laws that generate precisely foreseeable outcomes. But surely we have learned since 1913 that fiscal expansion is appropriate under some conditions, even if it is inappropriate under others.", "zh": "而英国以及其他追求财政紧缩国家的持续严重衰退，这表明了乘数不仅是正数而且还大于1 — — 正如以往的经验所示。 国际货币基金组织也坦率承认各地的官方预测 — — 包括它自身的预测，都低估了乘数的效应。 当然，财政政策的效果是不确定的。 比如说，没有人会知道增加债务水平何时会使国际投资者受惊并开始追求高利率 — — 一如2010年发生在欧洲外围国家的情况一样。 同时我们也不能确定高税率对经济增长的长期消极影响有多大。 而人们对货币政策的理解比以前要好得多。 确实，一份备受推崇的新报告把货币政策描述为科学，而财政政策则更像炼金术。 可以肯定的是，央行的知识和实践水平都接近现代社会所能提供的最佳状态，然而财政政策发生在高度政治化的进程中，一方面缺乏经济知识，另一方面主要被官员寻求连任的渴望所驱动。 但古代炼金术士及他们寻找点金石的问题并不在于他们是愚蠢或者自私的人。 也不在于政治领导人拒绝听他们的。 相反仅仅在于当时的知识水平远及不上化学这门现代科学。 从这个意义上来说，点金术这个词适于凯恩斯主义之前的人，比如美国财政部长安德鲁·梅隆（Andrew Mellon ） ， 在大萧条开始时他的方案是用“清算劳工、清算股票、清算农民、清算房地产”来“清洗系统中腐烂的东西 。 ” 此举也适用于那些喜欢回到1914年前金本位货币政策的人。 这并不意味着财政政策或货币政策就成熟到像化学一样能成为一门学科。 化学以产生精确可见结果的自然法则为基础。 但当然我们自1913年后就知道了财政扩张在某些情况下是比较恰当的，虽然它在另外一些情况下并不靠谱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Our statistical analysis of the entry and exit patterns of entrepreneurs in the Brazilian ethanol industry shows that the more efficient acquired the less efficient. Most underperforming ethanol companies went bankrupt or were taken over by entrepreneurs who had successful track records in running efficient operations. The government did not bail out the underperformers, allowing market forces to restructure the industry during the post-subsidy phase. Certainly, the beneficiaries of Pro-álcool’s subsidies lobbied the state to continue the protective policies even after their usefulness – inducing the development of the industry – had expired. Fortunately, the government was not persuaded. Brazil’s experience offers three important lessons for nations implementing renewable energy initiatives: (1) government policies must be consistent, simple, and long-lasting, providing assurance to would-be entrepreneurs that they can invest for the long haul; (2) picking winners, the familiar weakness of overenthusiastic bureaucrats, must be kept to a minimum; and (3) the state must have the discipline to dismantle subsidies when the need for them has passed. If these lessons are implemented, market forces can pick up where industrial policy leaves off. As industrial policy returns to the scene in countries around the world, that is a goal that advocates and opponents alike should be happy to embrace.", "zh": "我们掌握的巴西乙醇业进入及退出模式的分析统计结果表明，低效企业被高效企业所兼并。 多数业绩不佳的乙醇企业宣告破产，被拥有高效经营成功经验的企业所兼并。 政府并没有挽救表现不佳的企业，而是任由市场力量在后补贴阶段对行业进行重组。 当然，Pro-álcool补贴的受益者们游说政府在行业政策已经丧失了促进行业发展的作用之后继续实行保护性的政策。 幸运的是，政府并没有为之所动。 巴西的发展历程可��总结出国家推行可再生能源计划的三条重要经验 ： （ 1）政府政策必须连贯、简单、有持续性，能够为潜在创业者提供长期投资的信心保证 ； （ 2）人为挑选获胜者是过度热情的官僚们常犯的错误，这种情况必须被控制在最低限度 ； （ 3）政府必须在补贴已经失效的情况下坚决地将其取消。 如果汲取这些经验，市场力量就能在行业政策退出后继续发挥作用。 随着行业政策在世界各国的复苏，相信无论它的拥护者还是反对者都乐于接受这样的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "New Politics for Clean Energy NEW YORK – The diplomats have done their job, concluding the Paris climate agreement in December. And political leaders gathered last week at the United Nations to sign the new accord. But implementation is surely the tough part. Governments need a new approach to an issue that is highly complex, long term, and global in scale. At its core, the climate challenge is an energy challenge. About 80% of the world’s primary energy comes from carbon-based sources: coal, oil, and gas. When burned, they emit the carbon dioxide that causes global warming. By 2070, we need a world economy that is nearly 100% carbon-free to prevent global warming from running dangerously out of control. The Paris agreement recognizes these basic facts. It calls on the world to cut greenhouse-gas emissions (especially CO2) to net-zero levels in the second half of the century. To this end, governments are to prepare plans not only to the year 2030 (the so-called Nationally Determined Contributions, or NDCs), but also to mid-century (the so-called Low-Emission Development Strategies, or LEDS). The world’s governments have never before attempted to remake a core sector of the world economy on a global scale with such an aggressive timeline. The fossil-fuel energy system was created step by step over two centuries. Now it must be comprehensively overhauled in just 50 years, and not in a few countries, but everywhere. Governments will need new approaches to develop and implement their LEDS. There are four reasons why politics as usual will not be sufficient. First, the energy system is just that: a system of many interconnected parts and technologies. Power plants, pipelines, ocean transport, transmission lines, dams, land use, rail, highways, buildings, vehicles, appliances, and much more must all fit together into a working whole. Such a system cannot be overhauled through small incremental steps. A deep overhaul requires system-wide re-engineering to ensure that all parts continue to work effectively together. Second, there are still many large technological uncertainties in moving to a low-carbon energy system. Should vehicles be decarbonized through battery-electric power, hydrogen fuel cells, or advanced biofuels? Can coal-fired power plants be made safe through carbon capture and storage (CCS)? Will nuclear energy be politically acceptable, safe, and low cost?", "zh": "清洁能源新政治 纽约 — — 外交官们去年12月签署巴黎气候协议已经完成了任务。 而政治领袖上周齐聚联合国签署了这项新协议。 但实施肯定是一项艰巨的任务。 因为这个问题高度复杂、长期而全球化，政府在处置时需要拿出新的态度。 气候挑战的核心是能源问题。 世界主要能源约80%均来自碳基能源：包括煤、石油和天然气。 它们在燃烧时所释放的二氧化碳导致全球变暖。 到2070年，我们需要世界经济几乎百分之百无碳，才能避免全球变暖陷入危险的失控境地。 巴黎协议承认这些基本事实。 它呼吁世界各国在本世纪下半叶实现温室气体（特别是二氧化碳）净排放为零。 为了达到这一目标，政府不仅要制定截至2030年的NDC计划（也就是所谓的国家确定贡献计划 ） ， 还要制定截止本世纪中叶的减排计划（也就是所谓的低排放发展战略LEDS ） 。 世界各国政府之前都从未有过在如此紧迫的时间内改造世界经济核心部门的经历。 化石燃料能源系统花了两个多世纪的时间才逐步建立。 而现在却要在50年的时间内对其完成全面改造，而且涉及的不是少数几个国家，而是整个世界。 政府需要新方法来制定和实行其低排放发展战略。 有四大原因导致常规政治无法解决问题。 首先，能源系统就是这样：一个联通多部分和技术的体系。 发电厂、管道、远洋运输、输电线路、水坝、土地利用、铁路、公路、建筑、汽车、电器等等均须作为一个整体发挥作用。 对这样的系统进行改造不能通过小规模的渐进步骤。 深层次的改造需要重新设计整个系统，以确保所有部分能够持续有效运作。 其次，向低碳能源体系转型仍然在技术方面存在许多重大的不确定性。 汽车去碳化应通过供电电池、氢燃料电池还是先进生物燃料进行？ 能否通过碳采集及储存（CCS）技术提升燃煤电厂的安全性？ 核能在政治领域能否被接受，是否安全、成本低？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rather, the key question must be the effect of changing their tax rate on the well-being of the rest of us. From this simple chain of logic follows the conclusion that we have a moral obligation to tax our superrich at the peak of the Laffer Curve: to tax them so heavily that we raise the most possible money from them – to the point beyond which their diversion of energy and enterprise into tax avoidance and sheltering would mean that any extra taxes would not raise but reduce revenue. The utilitarian economic logic is clear. Yet more than half of us are likely to reject the conclusion reached by Diamond and Saez. We feel that there is something wrong with taxing our superrich until the pips squeak so much that further taxation reduces the number of pips. And we feel this for two reasons, both of them set out more than two centuries ago by Adam Smith – not in his most famous work, The Wealth of Nations, but in his far less discussed book The Theory of Moral Sentiments. The first reason applies to the idle rich. According to Smith, “A stranger to human nature, who saw the indifference of men about the misery of their inferiors, and the regret and indignation which they feel for the misfortunes and sufferings of those above them, would be apt to imagine, that pain must be more agonizing, and the convulsions of death more terrible to persons of higher rank, than to those of meaner stations...” We feel this, Smith believes, because we naturally sympathize with others (if he were writing today, he would surely invoke “mirror neurons”). And the more pleasant our thoughts about individuals or groups are, the more we tend to sympathize with them. The fact that the lifestyles of the rich and famous “seem almost the abstract idea of a perfect and happy state” leads us to “pity…that anything should spoil and corrupt so agreeable a situation! We could even wish them immortal...” The second reason applies to the hard-working rich, the type of person who", "zh": "关键问题应该是改变他们的税率对其他人福利的影响。 根据这一简单的逻辑链，我们可以得出这样的结论：我们有道德上的义务将最富阶层的税率设置在拉弗曲线（Laffer Curve）的最高点，即对他们的税率要高到我们尽可能从他们身上筹到最多的资金的程度，也就是说，要克服他们通过能源和企业的多元化实现的避税，使逃税行为会导致额外的使他们的收入减少而不是增多。 其中的功利经济逻辑是显然的。 但我们大部分人可能会拒绝接受戴蒙德和萨伊兹的结论。 我们觉得，对最富阶层征税总有点不正道 ， ， 除非加税会让哔哔作响的征税系统安静下来。 我们之所以会有这样的感觉，原因有二，这两个原因亚当·斯密在200年前就阐明了 — — 并非在其名著《国富论 》 ， 而是在较少提及的《道德情操论》中。 第一个原因适用于富裕的有闲阶级。 斯密说： “出于对人类天性的陌生，我们对低于自己的阶层的痛苦无动于衷，而对高于自己的阶层的不幸和苦难感到遗憾和愤慨，我们会选择想象，这些痛苦一定是难以忍受的，层次较高者的垂死挣扎总是比层次较低者更可怕 … … ” 斯密认为，我们之所以这样认为，是因为我们天生对他人怀有同情心（如果他在今天写这个话题，他一定会提到“镜像神经元 ” ） 。 而我们对个体和群体的感觉越愉快，我们就越倾向于同情他们。 富人和知名人士的生活方式“几乎是完美和幸福状态的抽象观念”这一事实导致我们“对任何干扰和破坏如此令人愉快的状态 … … 感到遗憾！ 我们甚至认为这是不道德的 … … ” 第二个原因适用于勤劳致富的阶层，这类人"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Where Biden Should Be More Like Trump NEW DELHI – In his inaugural address, US President Joe Biden declared that Americans “will be judged” for how they “resolve the cascading crises of our era.” He expressed confidence that the country would “rise to the occasion,” and pledged that the United States would lead “not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.” The contrast with President Donald Trump’s divisive, isolationist rhetoric could not be sharper. But adopting a different tone is easier than reversing America’s relative decline. To do that, Biden will need to provide wise, forward-looking leadership. And that does not necessarily mean breaking with everything that Trump did. America’s debilitating political polarization has undermined its international standing. Partisan considerations have hampered – even precluded – the pursuit of long-term foreign-policy objectives. US policy toward a declining Russia, for example, has become hostage to US domestic politics. Biden’s calls for unity reflect his awareness of this. But the truth is that healing the deep rupture in US society may be beyond any president’s ability, not least because so many Republican voters seem to have abandoned all faith in evidence and expertise. So, rather than becoming consumed by domestic political divisions, Biden must rise above them. And yet, there is one area where there is broad bipartisan consensus: the need to stand up to China. Trump understood this. Indeed, his tough China policy is his most consequential – and constructive – foreign-policy legacy.", "zh": "拜登应该更像特朗普的地方 新德里—在就职演说中，美国总统拜登宣布“评判美国人”的标准是他们如何“解决现时代的一连串危机 ” 。 他表示很有信心，美国将“应付自如 ” ， 承诺美国将“不仅用力量的榜样，更要用榜样的力量”领导世界。 这与特朗普分裂、孤立的语调之对比不可谓不鲜明。 但转换口风容易，扭转美国相对衰落之势难。 要想如此，拜登需要拿出睿智、前瞻性的领导力。 而这未必意味着逢特朗普必反。 令美国衰落的政治极化影响了其国际地位。 党争制约甚至阻碍了对长期外交政策目标的追求。 比如，美国针对衰落的俄罗斯的政策已成为美国内政的人质。 拜登呼吁团结，这表明他意识到了这一点。 但真相是要弥合美国社会的深度裂痕，可能已经超出了总统的能力范围，因为太多共和党选民已经完全不相信证据和专家。 因此，拜登切不可与国内政治分歧纠缠，而要超脱于其上。 但是，有一个领域存在广泛的跨党派共识：必须阻止中国。 特朗普明白这一点。 事实上，他强硬的对华政策乃是他最有影响力，也是最具建设性的外交政策遗产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That hypothesis holds that the natural real rate of interest – the safe real interest rate consistent with full utilization of labor and capital, stable inflation, and a sustainable current-account balance – has fallen to zero or negative levels for most advanced economies. One reason for this is a declining rate of potential output growth. Today’s weak potential growth is attributable to a variety of factors, including societal aging, de-globalization (since the 2008 financial crisis), and possibly slower total-factor-productivity growth. Both the natural and the market rate of interest have been lowered by an increase in private saving propensities (which may reflect demographics, growing income and wealth inequality, and post-2008 balance-sheet deleveraging). Moreover, today’s safe rates may have been further depressed by higher demand for safe assets, which comes partly from emerging markets and partly from changes in financial regulations and financial-sector norms since the 2008 crisis. The neutral real rate is at or below zero, nominal policy rates are at or near historically low levels (and often constrained by the zero lower bound), and inflation is low and apparently impervious to central banks’ efforts to push it up decisively. As a result, the market real rate now exceeds the neutral real rate, or will do so in the next cyclical downturn. Whenever that comes, it could result in a stagnationary equilibrium, as economic activity and realized private saving fall to match weak private investment. Depressed aggregate demand, activity, and employment could further weaken potential output, driving the neutral real rate even lower.", "zh": "长期停滞假说认为，大部分发达经济体的自然（natural）真实利率 — — 与劳动力和资本得到充分利用、通胀稳定和可持续的经常项目平衡相对应的安全真实利率 — — 已经下降到零或负水平。 一个原因是潜在产出增长率下降。 今天疲软的潜在增长的原因有很多，包括社会老龄化、去全球化（2008年金融危机后）和可能的全要素生产率增长放缓。 自然和市场利率都因为私人储蓄倾向的提高（可能反映了人口趋势、收入和财富不平等的加剧以及2008年后资产负债表去杠杆化）而下降。 此外，今天的安全利率因为安全资产需求增加而进一步被压制，安全资产需求增加部分来自新兴市场，部分来自2008年危机后金融监管和金融业规范的变化。 中性（neutral）真实利率为零或更低，名义政策利率处于或接近历史最低水平（常常受制于零下限 ） ， 通货膨胀较低且显然没有受到央行将其决定性地提高的措施的影响。 结果，市场真实利率现在要高于中性真实利率，或者将在下一次周期性衰退中如此。 不论这一幕何时发生，都有可能形成停滞性均衡，经济活动和实现的私人储蓄下降以匹配疲软的私人投资。 受抑制的总需求、活动和就业可能进一步削弱潜在产出，让中性真实利率进一步下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the Gulf States, Shia have led pro-democracy movements, challenging Sunni governments that have deprived them of their rights. But these governments attribute the protests to Iranian agitation, not to legitimate domestic grievances. For them, the conflict between Arabs and Iranians is fundamentally a Sunni-Shia struggle. These countries then export their anti-Shia discourse to countries, like Egypt, that do not necessarily have a history of Sunni-Shia conflict. Indeed, many of Cairo’s cultural landmarks, for example, were built under the Shia Fatimid Caliphate. And, before last year’s revolution, Egypt was considered one of the most Shia-friendly Sunni countries in the Arab world. But the Muslim Brotherhood remains financially dependent on the Gulf monarchies, which are using Egypt as a platform for their anti-Shia, anti-Iran agenda. The most urgent dispute between Iran and Egypt, however, relates to Syria. During its years in opposition, the Muslim Brotherhood considered Iran’s Islamic Revolution an example of how a transnational Islamist government might assume power. But, in the face of a popular uprising in Syria, Iran has supported the brutal, repressive policies of President Bashar al-Assad’s regime. As a result, Islamists in Egypt are beginning to view Iran as a status quo power, not an agent of revolutionary change. Furthermore, the flow of military supplies from Iran, together with battlefield support for Assad’s regime from Iran’s Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, reinforce the perception of a Sunni-Shia conflict in Syria. In this context, the collapse of Assad’s regime would likely exacerbate tensions between Iran and Egypt – especially given that Syria’s Muslim Brotherhood, the leading opposition group, would likely play a strong, even dominant, role in a new Syrian order. For now, Egypt’s government is putting national interests ahead of pan-Islamist aspirations. Rather than inciting an escalation in fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, Egypt worked with the US and other regional allies to broker a cease-fire. By contrast, Iran’s military leaders boasted about their support for Hamas, offering no indication that they wanted the fighting to end. Less than two years after Egypt’s revolution, Morsi’s government is struggling to address domestic challenges, including the proliferation of armed radical groups in Sinai.", "zh": "什叶派在海湾国家领导民主运动，挑战剥夺其权利的逊尼派政府。 但上述政府将抗议活动归咎于伊朗的煽动，而非国内不满情绪的合理宣泄。 在他们看来，阿拉伯人和伊朗人之间的冲突实质上是逊尼派和什叶派的争斗。 之后上述国家将反什叶派言论输出到埃及等并不一定有过逊尼什叶派冲突的国家。 其实开罗众多的文化地标建筑都是什叶派法蒂玛王朝时期修建的。 而且在去年爆发革命前，埃及曾被认为是阿拉伯世界对待什叶派最友好的逊尼派国家。 但穆斯林兄弟会在财政上依然有赖于海湾君主国，而后者则将埃及作为反什叶派反伊朗政策的基地。 但伊���和埃及之间最紧迫的纠纷牵扯到叙利亚。 在多年的反对派生涯中，穆斯林兄弟会认定伊朗伊斯兰革命是跨国伊斯兰政府上台的实例。 但面对叙利亚的民众起义，伊朗一直支持巴沙尔·阿萨德总统政权的残酷镇压政策。 埃及的伊斯兰教徒因此将伊朗视为维持现状的力量，而不是革命性的变化因素。 此外，伊朗军用物资流动和伊朗的黎巴嫩代理真主党给予阿萨德政权的战地支持强化了叙利亚逊尼什叶派冲突的看法。 在上述情况下，尤其考虑到叙利亚的主要反对党穆斯林兄弟会有可能在叙利亚新秩序中占据强势主导地位，阿萨德政权的倒台可能会加剧伊朗和埃及之间的紧张关系。 从现在的情况看，埃及政府将国家利益置于泛伊斯兰主义的诉求之上。 埃及并没有煽动以色列和哈马斯在加沙地带的交火升级，相反却与美国和其他区域盟国合作敦促双方签订停火协议。 反之，伊朗军方领导人却大肆鼓吹对哈马斯的支持，丝毫没有表现出希望战斗迅速结束的迹象。 埃及革命结束不到两年后，穆尔西政府正在努力应对国内的挑战，包括武装激进组织在西奈半岛的扩散。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Based on the study’s simulations, robots probably cost about 400,000 US jobs each year, many of them middle-income manufacturing jobs, especially in industries like automobiles, plastics, and pharmaceuticals. Of course, as a recent Economic Policy Institute report points out, these are not large numbers, relative to the overall size of the US labor market. But local job losses have had an impact: many of the most affected communities were in the Midwestern and southern states that voted for Trump, largely because of his protectionist, anti-trade promises. As automation substitutes for labor in a growing number of occupations, the impact on the quantity and quality of jobs will intensify. And, as a recent McKinsey Global Institute study shows, there is plenty more room for such substitution. The study, which encompassed 46 countries and 80% of the global labor force, found that relatively few occupations – less than 5% – could be fully automated. But some 60% of all occupations could have at least 30% of their constitutive tasks or activities automated, based on current demonstrated technologies. The activities most susceptible to automation in the near term are routine cognitive tasks like data collection and data processing, as well as routine manual and physical activities in structured, predictable environments. Such activities now account for 51% of US wages, and are most prevalent in sectors that employ large numbers of workers, including hotel and food services, manufacturing, and retail trade. The McKinsey report also found a negative correlation between tasks’ wages and required skill levels on the one hand, and the potential for their automation on the other. On balance, automation reduces demand for low- and middle-skill labor in lower-paying routine tasks, while increasing demand for high-skill, high-earning labor performing abstract tasks that require technical and problem-solving skills. Simply put, technological change is skill-biased. Over the last 30 years or so, skill-biased technological change has fueled the polarization of both employment and wages, with median workers facing real wage stagnation and non-college-educated workers suffering a significant decline in their real earnings.", "zh": "根据该研究的模拟测算，机器人可能令美国每年流失约40万个就业机会，其中许多是中等收入的制造业职位，尤其是在汽车，塑料化工和制药行业。 当然，正如智库机构经济政策研究所最近发布的一份报告所指出的那样，相对于美国劳动力市场的整体规模，这些数字并不算大。 但这种本地工作流失已经产生了影响：许多受影响最严重的社区都分布在投票给特朗普的中西部和南部各州 — — 主要是被他的保护主义，反贸易承诺所吸引。 随着自动化在越来越多的工种中逐渐代替人力，对就业的数量和质量的影响将会加剧。 而且正如近期麦肯锡全球研究所的研究显示，类似的取代还有很大的延伸空间。 这项涵盖了46个国家和80％全球劳动力的研究发现虽然可以被完全自动化的职业不多 — — 不到5 % ， 但根据目前展现出来的技术，大约60％的职业中至少有30％的基础任务或活动将被自动化。 在短期内最容易受到自动化影响的活动是那些常规的认知任务，比如数据收集和处理，以及在结构化，可预测环境中的常规手工和体力活动。 这些活动现在占美国工资总额的51 ％ ， 而且在雇用大量工人的行业中最为普遍，包括酒店和餐饮服务业，制造业和零售业。 麦肯锡报告还发现，工作职位的薪酬一方面与所需技能水平正相关，另一方面也与这项工作实现自动化的潜力之间存在负相关。 总而言之，自动化会降低那些低工资重复性工作对中低技能劳动力的需求，同时增加了对高技能，高收入劳动力的需求，因为后者可以执行需要技术和问题解决技能的抽象任务。 简而言之，技术变革是技能偏向型的。 在过去30年间偏向技能的技术变革推动了就业和工资两方面的两极分化，导致中层劳动者实际工资水平停滞不前，无大学文凭劳动者的实际收入大幅下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Then, we need to explain the fundamentals of securitization to more potential grassroots innovators through regional conferences that bring together financiers and sustainable-project developers. Second, we must reduce the complexity of key transaction terms and make it easier to design and negotiate the specifics of instruments used to invest in sustainable projects. In established financial markets, replicating significant parts of previous successful deals is much easier than starting from scratch for each transaction. This approach works because many of the terms and conditions for subsequent deals have already been accepted by key financial players. Making successful innovations more visible to investors is therefore crucial. To that end, we should establish a high-profile, open-source clearinghouse of previous sustainable projects, including those that have been successfully funded and those that failed. This would be similar to many existing financial-sector databases but freely available, with reputable third-party oversight to ensure accuracy. Third, the range of funding sources for sustainable projects needs to be expanded and made more transparent. Because sustainability investments may offer lower returns according to historic financial-market metrics, traditional asset-allocation practices, against the backdrop of “efficient markets,” would imply reduced attractiveness. But historic benchmarks do not sufficiently factor in the exploding field of impact investing, which embraces different return and time thresholds and now accounts for about $2.5 trillion of assets. Securitizing tranches of different kinds of impact investing could prove to be a game changer for sustainability financing. It would thus make sense to create an open-source database of investor appetite – similar to the project database mentioned above – that is searchable by innovators and designers of new sustainable projects. This would make it easier to identify investors – equity, credit, or some hybrid – who might commit funding. The database could be housed in an organization such as the International Finance Corporation, the United Nations, or the Global Impact Investing Network. There are encouraging precedents. The green bond market started just over a decade ago, and total issuance already could reach $1 trillion this year. And a critical mass of the financial world attended the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow last November. Under the leadership of UN Special Envoy Mark Carney, the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) has made $130 trillion in climate-finance commitments.", "zh": "然后，我们需要通过召集金融家和可持续项目开发商的区域会议，向更多潜在的草根创新者解释证券化的基本原理。 其次，我们必须降低关键交易条款的复杂性，让制定和协商用于投资可持续项目的工具的细节变得更加容易。 在成熟的金融市场中，复制以前成功交易的重要部分比从头开始每笔交易要容易得多。 这种方法之所以奏效，是因为后续交易的许多条款和条件已被主要金融参与者接受。 因此，让投资者更容易看到成功的创新至关重要。 为此，我们应该建立一个高规格的开源清算所，记录以前的可持续项目，包括成功资助的项目和失败的项目。 这类似于许多现有的金融部门数据库，但可免费使用，并由信誉良好的第三方监督以确保准确性。 第三，可持续项目的资金来源范围需要扩大和更加透明。 由于根据历史金融市场指标，可持续性投资可能回报较低，因此在“有效市场”的背景下，传统的资产配置将意味着吸引力下降。 但历史基准并没有充分考虑影响力投资的爆发场 — — 影响力投资有着不同的回报和时间门槛，目前资产规模约为 2.5 万亿美元。 将不同类型的影响力投资证券化可能会改变可持续融资的游戏规则。 因此，创建一个投资者兴趣的开源数据库（类似于上面提到的项目数据库）供新可持续项目的创新者和设计者搜索是有意义的。 这将更容易识别可能提供资金的投资者 — — 股权、信贷或某种混合型投资者。 该数据库可以位于国际金融公司、联合国或全球影响力投资网络等组织。 有令人鼓舞的先例。 绿色债券市场始于十多年前，今年总发行量已达到 1 万亿美元。 去年 11 月，在格拉斯哥举行的联合国气候变化大会 (COP26) 上，金融界的重要成员纷纷参加。 在联合国特使马克·卡尼（Mark Carney）的领导下，格拉斯哥净零金融联盟 (GFANZ) 已做出 130 万亿美元的气候融资承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们要加强全民国防教育，巩固军政军民团结，为实现中国梦强军梦凝聚强大力量！ 十一、坚持“一国两制”，推进祖国统一 香港、澳门回归祖国以来，“一国两制”实践取得举世公认的成功。 事实证明，“一国两制”是解决历史遗留的香港、澳门问题的最佳方案，也是香港、澳门回归后保持长期繁荣稳定的最佳制度。 保持香港、澳门长期繁荣稳定，必须全面准确贯彻“一国两制”、“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”、高度自治的方针，严格依照宪法和基本法办事，完善与基本法实施相关的制度和机制。", "en": "We must raise public awareness about the importance of national defense and strengthen unity between the government and the military and between the people and the military. Let us work together to create a mighty force for realizing the Chinese Dream and the dream of building a powerful military. XI. Upholding “One Country, Two Systems” and Moving toward National Reunification Since Hong Kong and Macao’s return to the motherland, the practice of “one country, two systems” in both regions has been a resounding success. The policy of “one country, two systems” has proved to be the best solution to the questions of Hong Kong and Macao, left by history, and the best institutional guarantee for the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and Macao after their return. To maintain long-term prosperity and stability in Hong Kong and Macao, it is imperative to fully and faithfully implement the policies of “one country, two systems,” “the people of Hong Kong governing Hong Kong,” “the people of Macao governing Macao,” and a high degree of autonomy for both regions. It is imperative too, to act in strict compliance with China’s Constitution and the basic laws of the two special administrative regions, and to improve the systems and mechanisms for enforcing the basic laws."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But even these measures, which foreign observers have largely overlooked, have failed to boost consumer demand. So what more could the German government do to wean the Germans off their abstemious habits? Public investment is the one area where the government could act. But the growth fillip from public-sector infrastructure spending can only be modest. Increasing infrastructure spending by a quarter, which would represent a huge administrative effort, would lift GDP growth by just 0.4 percentage points. The main danger now is political. A weak German economy makes the necessary structural adjustments in the eurozone periphery much more difficult. That, in turn, fuels the perception that responsibility lies with the German government, which is seen as unwilling to take the steps needed to strengthen domestic demand – even as it prohibits the periphery governments from spending more themselves. As unemployment remains stubbornly high and incomes stagnate in much of the eurozone, the temptation to blame “the Germans” is becoming ever stronger. The German government, no surprise, does not even acknowledge that there is a problem. With unemployment remaining near record lows, the lack of demand growth is simply dismissed, and the absence of inflation is taken as a sign of success. This is a mistake. Europe’s German anchor has become stuck, and the rising tide of anxiety among Germany’s partners should not leave its government indifferent.", "zh": "但这些很少有外国观察者注意到的步骤也没能提振消费需求。 那么，德国政府应该怎样做才能改变德国人节约的习惯？ 公共投资是政府可以有所作为的领域之一。 但来自公共部门基础设施投资的增长刺激将十分有限。 将基础设施支出提高四分之一已是了不起的行政手笔，但只能让GDP增长提高0.4个百分点。 现在的真正威胁是政治。 疲软的德国经济让欧元区外围所必须采取的结构性改革变得更加艰难了。 这反过来强化了一种感觉，即德国政府需要对此负责，因为人们觉得它不愿采取必要措施强化内需 — — 即使它禁止外围国政府自己来增加支出。 欧元区大部失业率依然高企，而收入一直停滞不前，因此更有理由指责“德国人 ” 。 毫不奇怪，德国政府甚至不承认有问题存在。 在失业率保持近乎历史最低水平的情况下，需求增长萎靡根本不受关注，而没有通胀也被视为是成功的象征。 这是一个错误。 欧洲的德国之锚被卡住了，而德国伙伴国日益上涨的焦虑之潮理应让德国政府无法坐视不理。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Imagine a race of intelligent fish that start to think deeply about the world. For millennia, their ancestors took their watery environment for granted; to them, it was “emptiness” as empty as they could conceive. But, after studying some mechanics and using their imaginations, the physicist-fish realize that they could deduce much simpler laws of motion by supposing that they are surrounded by a medium (water!) that complicates the appearance of things. We are those fish. We have discovered that we can get a much simpler set of equations for fundamental physics by supposing that what we ordinarily perceive as empty space is actually a medium. We have observed the effects of the “water” that we use to simplify our equations – it slows down particles, and makes them heavy – but we do not know what it is made out of. The LHC will allow us to discern the microscopic structure of the universal medium. The simplest idea is that it is made out of one new kind of particle, the so-called “Higgs particle,” but I suspect that there is more to it. (One gets prettier equations with five new particles, and there might be even more.) In the 1860’s, James Clerk Maxwell assembled the equations for electricity and magnetism, as they were then known, and discovered an inconsistency. He repaired the inconsistency by adding new terms to the equations. The augmented equations, today known as the Maxwell equations, described a unified theory of electricity and magnetism. The new equations showed that light is a moving, self-renewing disturbance in electrical and magnetic fields, and they predicted that new kinds of disturbances are possible. Today we call those disturbances radio waves, microwaves, infrared and ultraviolet radiation, x-rays, and gamma rays. We use them to communicate, cook, and diagnose and cure disease. The unified theory of electromagnetism has led to profound advances across all physical science, from atomic physics (where lasers and masers are essential tools) to cosmology (where the microwave background radiation is our window on the Big Bang).", "zh": "试想有一种具有智慧的鱼类开始对世界进行深刻的思考。 几千年来，它们的祖先已经习惯了它们所生活于其中的物质 — — 水，因此认为水是“真空 ” 。 但是，通过研究一些力学现象并且发挥一些想象力，这种鱼类中的物理学家意识到，如过假定它们周遭并非真空，而是被一种介质（水 ! ） 包围着，而这种介质影响了事物的表现，那它们所了解的运动定律可以被大大简化。 我们就是那些鱼。 我们发现，假定我们平常所认为的空间实际上是一种介质，就可以大大简化基本的物理学方程。 我们观察到了“水”的效应 — — 它使物体运动减缓，增加了物体的重量等等，但我们还不知道它是由什么东西构成的。 LHC 可以让我们透视宇宙介质的微观结构。 最简单的一种猜测是，它是由一类新的粒子构成，所谓的“希格斯粒子 ” （ Higgs particle ） 。 但我认为还有其他物质。 （有的物理学家提出了包涵物种新粒子的精美方程，不过可能还会有更多种类的新粒子 ） 。 19 世纪 60 年代，詹姆斯·麦克斯韦（ James Clerk Maxwell ）提出了我们今日所知道的电磁方程组，并发现了一个内在缺陷。 他通过新增的方程弥补了这一缺陷。 经过完善的方程组，即麦克斯韦电磁方程组描述了关于电和磁的统一理论。 该方程组表明，光是电磁场中一种运动的、自我更新的波，并且预言存在新的电磁波类型的可能性。 那些新型的电磁波，如今我们叫它们无线电波、微波、红外线、紫外线、 X 光、伽马射线。 我们运用它们来通信、烹饪、诊治疾病。 电磁学统一理论引领整个物理学取得了广泛的进步，从核物理学（以激光器和微波激射器为基本工具）到宇宙学（宇宙微波背景辐射为我们打开了了解宇宙大爆炸的窗口 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "木子听了我的话，脸一红，低下了头，说道：“你小声点，好了，不说这个了，快吃饭吧。” 吃完饭，我和木子在学院里溜达了很长时间，我们很少说话，我觉的有她在我身旁非常舒服，心里也非常充实。 好棒的感觉啊，她的手非常的修长白净，握在手中软软的，真实柔若无骨啊。 我明白，我已经不可救药的喜欢上她了，报复的那种感觉早已经不知道飞到那里去了。 送完木子后回到了自己的宿舍，马克在房间里等我，一见到我，他就说道：“老大，你去那里了，我都来了半天了。” “哦，刚才我到学院里溜达溜达。 今天谈判的事情怎么样。” 马克说道：“也说不上怎么样，现在是双方都有机会。” 我奇怪的问道：“难道凭咱们的实力还不能让他们屈服吗？” “屈服？ 怎么会呢，人家那边也是四个魔导师，当然不会那么容易就屈服了，争论了半天，最后决定通过比试决定用什么方式来得到以后的艾夏王国控制权。” 我皱眉道：“比试，这也太儿戏了吧，国家的继承是多么重要的事，怎么能通过比试决定呢。” 你想，咱们艾夏王国是魔法之国，只有魔法高强的人才能受人尊重，地位也会随着魔法的程度提高。 如果两边真的打起来，也就是那边的魔法师强那边就会取得最终的胜利，反正也是魔法师比拼，那还不如由双方最高层次的魔法师来场比试呢，这样也可以避免不必要的伤亡。” 我想了想这样确实可以避免很多不必要的伤亡，把整场战斗缩小为局部的比赛，说道：“这样说也有一定道理。”", "en": "After dinner, Mu Zi and I wandered around school for a long time. We didn’t talk much. Just having her by my side was really soothing and made me very content. I subconsciously held her hand. She tried to remove her hand from mine, but didn’t put in much effort. ‘ The feeling of holding her hand is amazing. It’s very slender, fair and tender, as if it doesn’t have any bones.’ I realised that I had already fallen deeply in love with her and my initial hatred had disappeared completely. After sending Mu Zi back, I returned to my dormitory. Ma Ke was waiting in my room. Once he saw me, he exclaimed, “Boss! Where have you been? I’ve been waiting for a long time!” Oh ! I was just wandering around the academy. How did the negotiations go?” Ma Ke replied, “It’s hard to say. Right now, both sides have chances of winning.” I curiously asked, “We still can’t make them surrender with our current power?”“Surrender? Why would they do that? They have four Magisters as do we; it isn’t easy to make them surrender. After negotiating for half a day, we finally decided to compete against each other. The winner will have the right to control the kingdom of Aixia.” I frowned. “A competition? Isn’t that just child’s play? The succession of the kingdom is a very important matter. How could they just use a competition to decide?” Ma Ke sighed. “Actually, this is already the best possible outcome. Aixia is a magic based country. If you have a lot of magic power, you’ll be respected and your status will rise along with your power. If the two opposing sides really fought against each other, the one with more magic power will win. Anyway, it’s still a magicians’ battle so it is better to make it a competition and avoid unnecessary injuries and casualties.” I considered it and thought ‘ It is true that a good way to avoid unnecessary casualties is to downscale the battle into a competition.’“It makes sense that way!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Council included the surviving royal princes of the 43 sons of Ibn Saud, the Kingdom’s founder, and the sons of their deceased brothers – for example, the late King Faisal’s brood. But, as Sultan’s health deteriorated, Abdullah bypassed his own creation and appointed Prince Naif, the interior minister, as a second deputy. In other words, Naif will be anointed Crown Prince. But, befitting this increasingly exsanguinous imperium, Naif, 82, is known to suffer from leukemia. Sultan’s fortune is estimated at $270 billion, which he distributed between his sons prior to his death in order to shore up their political position in the competitive princely arena. The reality is that every senior prince has placed his favorite sons in important positions in the Kingdom. Sultan secured the defense ministry for his son Khaled, and brought back Khaled’s notorious brother, Bandar to head the Intelligence Security Council. Abdullah guaranteed his son Mitaeb’s position as head of the National Guard. The new Crown Prince-in-waiting, Naif, has established his son Mohammed as the next interior minister. In short, despite Abdullah’s innovations in the succession process, it is an open secret that nothing guarantees a transition to a younger generation of leaders – or that an effective ruler will emerge. The story of the Al Saud’s succession struggle is no longer whispered behind closed doors.", "zh": "该委员会包括了沙特王国建立者伊本·沙特（Ibn Saud）仍健在的43位皇子以及他们已故兄弟的儿子，比如前国王费沙尔（Faisal）的子嗣。 但是，随着阿齐兹健康状况的恶化，阿卜杜拉绕过自己建立的效忠委员会，任命内政部长奈伊夫（Naif）王子为第二王储。 换句话说，奈伊夫将是阿齐兹的王储。 但是，奈伊夫虽然适合作为日渐贫血的沙特帝制大统继承者，但他也已经82岁了，而且人人都知道他患上了白血病。 阿齐兹的财富大概有2700亿美元，死前就分配给了各位儿子，以便巩固他们在激烈的王子竞争中的政治地位。 目前，所有年长王子都安插器重的儿子到沙特王国的重要位子上。 阿齐兹确保了赫勒德（Khaled）身居国防部长之位，还将赫勒德声名狼藉的弟弟班达尔（Bandar）召回担任沙特情报安全委员会（Intelligence Security Council）主管。 阿卜杜拉则保证其子米塔伊布（Mitaeb）国民预备役司令的地位。 即将成为王储的奈伊夫则让儿子穆罕默德（Mohammed）担任下一任内政部长。 简言之，尽管阿卜杜拉在接班程序上有所创新，但权力大棒不可能交给下一代领导人 — — 也不可能会有高效统治者出现 — — 仍然是众所周知的秘密。 沙特家族的接班之争已经从幕后走向了台前。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But I've always preferred [Inspector] Lestrade, who is the rat-faced head of Scotland Yard who needs Holmes desperately, needs Holmes' genius, but resents him. Oh, it's so familiar to me. So Lestrade needs his help, resents him, and sort of seethes with bitterness over the course of the mysteries. But as they work together, something starts to change, and finally in \"The Adventure of the Six Napoleons,\" once Holmes comes in, dazzles everybody with his solution, Lestrade turns to Holmes and he says, \"We're not jealous of you, Mr. Holmes. We're proud of you.\" And he says that there's not a man at Scotland Yard who wouldn't want to shake Sherlock Holmes' hand. It's one of the few times we see Holmes moved in the mysteries, and I find it very moving, this little scene, but it's also mysterious, right? It seems to treat jealousy as a problem of geometry, not emotion. You know, one minute Holmes is on the other side from Lestrade. The next minute they're on the same side. Suddenly, Lestrade is letting himself admire this mind that he's resented. Could it be so simple though? What if jealousy really is a matter of geometry, just a matter of where we allow ourselves to stand in relation to another? Well, maybe then we wouldn't have to resent somebody's excellence. We could align ourselves with it. But I like contingency plans.", "zh": "但我一直更喜欢警探雷斯垂德 一副阴险面孔的苏格兰场头子 他非常需要福尔摩斯 需要他的智慧，但憎恨他 哦，我对这再熟悉不过了 雷斯垂德需要他的帮助，同时憎恨他 在神秘案件的侦破中，总是恼火又苦闷 但他们一起工作使得有些事开始改变 最终在\"六个拿破仑\"的案子中 福尔摩斯一登场，他的智慧就让所有人惊艳 雷斯垂德转向福尔摩斯对他说： \"福尔摩斯先生，我们不嫉妒你， 我们为你骄傲。\" 还说，苏格兰场里没有人会不愿意 与福尔摩斯握手 这是少数几次我们看到福尔摩斯 在探案时被感动，我也很受感动 这个情节也很神秘不是吗？ 这好像把嫉妒看做 一个几何问题，而不是情感 这一分钟，福尔摩斯站在雷斯垂德对立面 下一分钟他们站在同一边 突然间，雷斯垂德允许自己 来仰慕这个他曾憎恶的人 不过难道如此简单吗？ 如果嫉妒真的是一个几何问题改怎么办， 一个关于我们如何选择 与他人关系的立场的问题？ 或许到那时，我们不会再憎恨 某人的才华 我们会努力追赶 但我喜欢应急计划"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile, the jewel of American capitalism, the financial sector, caused the crisis and is underpinning the US current-account deficit. Oil exporters aside, countries running current-account surpluses, such as China, Germany, and Japan, have stronger manufacturing sectors relative to their financial sectors, while the relationship is reversed for countries running external deficits, such as the US and the United Kingdom. Finally, America’s global hegemony has proven to be a curse as well as a blessing. The US dollar accounts for 60% of world trade, and the US has the strongest military in the world, making it a safe haven for global investors. But, while large capital inflows reduce borrowing costs, they also tend to cause current-account deficits: lower costs of capital boost asset prices, with the wealth effect then prompting people to consume more than they earn. The policies adopted or discussed by American policymakers and scholars nowadays – quantitative easing, fiscal-stimulus packages, government-deficit reduction – seek to cure only the symptoms of a deeper malaise. As a first step to recovery, the US must undertake serious financial-sector reforms. As Lenin pointed out, financial capitalism is the highest form of capitalism – that is, it is the end of capitalism. Lenin may have gotten the underlying analysis wrong, but today we know that his conclusion may have been right for another reason: financial capitalism forces a country into unsustainable indebtedness. Unfortunately, America’s financial reforms have been half-baked at best. For three decades, “reform” was a word reserved for the Chinese side of the Sino-American relationship. The US, one hopes, will grow to like the sound of it.", "zh": "与此同时，美国资本主义皇冠上的明珠 — — 金融部门引发了危机，并在恶化美国的经常项目赤字。 除了石油出口国，经常项目盈余国家 — — 如中国、德国和日本 — — 的制造业部门都比金融部门相对更强，而在存在外部赤字的国家 — — 如美国和英国 — — 情况正好相反。 最后，美国的全球霸权既可以说是优势，也可以说是诅咒。 60%的世界贸易用美元结算，美国的军事实力世界最强，这使得美国成为全球投资者的安全港。 但是，大量资本流入既拉低了借贷成本，也导致了经常项目赤字：地资本成本刺激了资产价格，由此产生的财富效应促使美国人的消费超过收入。 如今美国政客和学界所讨论和采取的政策 — — 量化宽松、财政刺激、政府赤字削减 — — 都是治疗深层次问题的药方。 作为迈向复苏的第一步，美国必须采取大手笔金融部门改革。 正如列宁所指出的，金融资本主义是资本主义的最高形式 — — 换句话说，也就是资本主义的终点。 列宁的分析也许是错误的，但如今，我们知道，他的结论是正确的，只是正确的原因是另外一个：金融资本主义迫使一国走向不可持续的负债。 不幸的是，美国金融改革还远远不够。 30年来 ， “ 改革”一直是中美关系中国端所发出的声音。 我们希望，美国也能喜欢“改革”一词。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "ECB hawks and doves’ endless skirmishes over QE are not only tiresome; they have also undermined European solidarity at a time of Russian revanchism, US unpredictability, Chinese assertiveness, and all of the disruptions implied by Brexit. Against this grim geopolitical backdrop, the recovery fund’s promise to reduce divisiveness in the governing council could not be more welcome. It is no wonder that ECB President Christine Lagarde wants EU politicians to enshrine Next Generation EU as a permanent, rather than a temporary, policy mechanism. Jean Monnet, one of the early exponents of European integration after World War II, famously observed that the European project “always moves forward through crisis.” In this sense, the pandemic represents a unique opportunity to advance European integration like never before. Even if Europe’s illiberal populists in Hungary and Poland appear to avoid accountability yet again, their position may be more tenuous in the future. An EU that no longer needs to worry about the euro’s collapse will have much more time, energy, and resolve to take on its enemies within.", "zh": "欧洲央行内部鹰派和鸽派在量化宽松政策上的无休止冲突不仅令人厌烦；而且还在俄罗斯大举反攻、美国恣意妄为，中国刚愎自用以及英国退欧所隐含的所有破坏因素之下破坏了欧洲的团结。 在这种严峻的地缘政治背景下，复苏基金关于减少理事会分裂的承诺必然得到各方的欢迎。 难怪欧洲央行行长克里斯蒂娜•拉加德（Christine Lagarde）希望欧盟政治家们能将下一代欧盟基金视为一个永久而非临时的政策机制。 作为二战后欧洲一体化早期代表人物之一的让·莫内（Jean Monnet）有一句广为人知的评论，那就是欧洲项目“总是在危机中得到推进 ” 。 从这个意义上讲疫情也带来了一个前所未有的机会去促进欧洲一体化。 虽然匈牙利和波兰的那些欧洲反自由民粹主义者们似乎再次成功逃避了责任，但他们的势力可能会在将来变得更加薄弱。 而一个不需要再担心欧元崩溃的欧盟将有更多的时间，精力和决心与之抗衡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While the Middle East accounts for nearly half of China’s oil imports, the most important theater in the unfolding US-China cold war is East and Southeast Asia. China does not want to expend limited resources in the Middle East any more than the US does. Against this background, China is likely to continue relying on diplomatic and economic tools to expand its influence in the Middle East. The only way to counter these efforts, it seems clear, is for the US to raise its diplomatic and economic game. This means, first and foremost, abandoning the effort to frame America’s strategic competition with China and Russia as an ideological contest between democracy and autocracy. After all, the vast majority of Middle Eastern countries are autocracies. The last thing the US needs is to alienate them with an overtly ideological foreign policy that enables China to portray itself as a more reliable, supportive, and like-minded partner. Economic engagement remains China’s most effective tool for expanding its geopolitical influence. In 2020, merchandise trade between China and the Middle East totaled $272 billion. Though comparable figures are not available for America’s trade with the Middle East as a whole, the trajectory of the two powers’ trade with Saudi Arabia is revealing. While America’s trade turnover with Saudi Arabia rose only moderately between 2000 and 2021 – from $20.5 billion to $24.8 billion – China’s soared, from $3 billion to $67 billion. On technology, the US may be giving China yet another opening. The West has long used sanctions as a tool for punishing “rogue” countries, with Iran as a case in point. But the comprehensive technological and financial sanctions imposed on Russia over the war in Ukraine have compounded fears in Middle Eastern countries that they, too, might be targeted. As China builds up its technological and innovative capacity, it can present itself as a more reliable source of technology and a safer investment destination. It is telling that no Middle Eastern country has banned the Chinese telecom giant Huawei’s 5G networks, despite strong American lobbying. While the case for a new Middle East strategy focused on diplomatic and economic engagement is strong, any attempt by Biden to implement one will meet significant resistance.", "zh": "虽然中国有近一半的石油进口来自中东，但在当前美中冷战最重要的战场是东亚和东南亚。 中国比美国更不想在中东地区耗费手中有限的资源。 在此背景下，中国可能会继续依靠外交和经济工具来扩大其在中东的影响力。 很显然，对抗这些做法的唯一方法是美国提高其外交和经济手腕。 这首先意味着放弃将美国与中俄的战略竞争归结为民主与专制意识形态之争的做法。 毕竟绝大多数中东国家都是专制国家，而美国最不该做的就是用赤裸裸的意识形态外交政策去疏远它们，使中国能够在各国面前把自己描绘成一个更可靠、更愿意出手相助、也更志同道合的伙伴。 经济交往仍然是中国扩大其地缘政治影响力的最有效工具。 2020年中国与中东地区的商品贸易总额为2720亿美元，虽然缺乏美国与中东整体贸易的比较数据，但这两个大国与沙特的贸易发展轨迹是有启示意义的。 在2000年至2021年期间美国与沙特的贸易额仅有轻微增长 — — 从205亿美元增至248亿美元 — — 而中沙贸易额则大幅增加，从30亿美元升至670亿美元。 而在科技方面美国可能会给中国带来另一个机会。 西方长期以来一直将制裁作为惩罚“无赖”国家的工具，伊朗就是其中一个典型例子。 但俄罗斯因乌克兰战争而承受的全面技术和金融制裁则加剧了中东国家对自身可能沦为目标的担忧。 随着中国建立起自己的技术和创新能力，它可以把自己标榜为一个更可靠的技术供应源和更安全投资目的地。 在这方面的一个有说服力例子就是尽管美国进行了强有力的游说，但没有一个中东国家封禁中国电信巨头华为的5G网络。 虽然有充分的理据去实践以外交和经济接触为重点的新中东战略，但拜登实施这一战略的任何尝试都将遭遇巨大阻力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Finally, it is important to remember that because populists naturally thrive on opposition, they usually have difficulties governing effectively. It is no coincidence that US President Donald Trump, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and Russian President Vladimir Putin have all responded disastrously to the COVID-19 crisis. When politicians are focused on dominating the hourly news cycle and reveling in political theatre, there is little time left for crafting effective solutions to real-world problems. The upshot is that as long as the institutions of rule-based democracy can be maintained (especially in the case of a free, independent press), populist governments will be transitory. Moreover, in Poland, the PiS government will face a deep structural problem in the years ahead. While Duda won decisively among voters over the age of 50, Trzaskowski carried younger voters by a 22-point margin. The only defense PiS has against the march of time is to shift ever further toward authoritarianism, and then to outright dictatorship. That will put it in direct conflict with the democracies of Western Europe, the EU, and potentially the US after its own presidential election this November, provided that Trump’s opponents adapt the lessons of Trzaskowski’s near miss.", "zh": "最后，重要的是要牢记，因为民粹分子往往会在反对派位置上获得蓬勃发展，他们往往很难做到治理有效。 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普、英国首相鲍里斯·约翰逊和俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京面对2019年新冠危机都做出了灾难性的反应绝不是偶然的。 当政治人物将注意力放在主导一小时一变的新闻周期并且陶醉于政治作秀时，制定有效方案应对现实世界问题所需的时间就所剩无几了。 结局是，只要基于规则的民主制度得以维持（尤其是自由独立媒体 ） ， 那么民粹主义政府往往是暂时的。 此外，在波兰，深层次结构性问题是法律与正义党政府将在未来数年所必然面对的。 尽管杜达在50岁以上选民中取得了决定性的胜利，但年轻选民却以22%的优势对特拉斯科夫斯基青眼有加。 法律与正义党抵御时间侵蚀的唯一方法就是进一步转向专制主义，而后彻底转向独裁制度。 只要特朗普的反对者吸取特拉斯科夫斯基差点获胜的经验教训，这将导致法律与正义党政府与西欧民主国家、欧盟，以及11月美国国内大选结束后选出的潜在总统爆发直接冲突。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this case, a wealth tax of 2% on assets of $500 million and of 3% on assets of $1 billion (as under Warren’s proposal) would not be all that high. A benchmark of $500 million would not limit most peoples’ capacity to spend, and would leave them free to invest in higher-return liquid assets for which the implied incremental tax on investment returns would be relatively low. There is another important point to consider: under the current system, the effective tax on investment income declines substantially as the deferral period increases. Wealthy individuals who have created valuable companies tend to hold on to the stock, and can defer realization of capital gains for long periods of time – or even indefinitely if they donate the assets. If, for example, the tax on realized investment income is 30%, the pre-tax return on assets is 15%, and the realization of gains is deferred for 25 years, the effective tax on investment returns comes to only 10.5%. The 25-year deferral reduces the tax rate to one-third of its value and allows for a near-doubling of after-tax assets. Clearly, deferral has a very large effect on effective tax rates. It also happens to be the normal practice among the wealthy and the moderately well off (say, the top 5%). A wealth tax, however, is harder to defer, because holding on to a large collection of assets that have no realized market value is not easy.", "zh": "如此，对5亿美元的资产征收2%的财富税和对10亿美元的资产征收3%的财富税（沃伦的方案便是如此）将征不到那么多税。 5亿美元的基准不会限制大部分人的支出能力，也不会妨碍他们投资于回报较高的流动性资产，这些资产的隐含投资回报增量税相对较低。 还有一个要点需要考虑：在当前制度下，投资收益的有效税率会随着递延期限的增加而显著降低。 创办高估值公司的富人总是会持有股票，因此其资本利得的兑现会递延至很长时间之后 — — 如果他们捐赠这笔资产的话，便是无限期递延。 比如，如果兑现投资收益税率为30 % ， 资产睡前回报率为15 % ， 投资收益的兑现递延至25年以后，则投资回报的有效税率只有10.5 % 。 25年的递延期让几近翻番的税后资产的税率下降了三分之二。 显然，递延对于有效税率影响巨大。 而这碰巧也是富人和小康人士（比如顶层5 % ） 的普遍做法。 但是，财富税较难递延，因为持有大量没有实现市场价值的资产并非易事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Still Too Big to Fail WASHINGTON, DC – Nearly seven years after the global financial crisis erupted, and more than five years after the passage of the Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation in the United States, the cause of the crisis – the existence of banks that are “too big to fail” – has yet to be uprooted. As long as that remains the case, another disaster is only a matter of time. The term “too big to fail” dates back several decades, but it entered wide usage in the aftermath of the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008. As problems spread throughout the financial system, the US authorities decided that some banks and other financial companies were so large relative to the economy that they were “systemically important” and could not be allowed to go bankrupt. Lehman failed, but AIG, Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, Citigroup, Bank of America, and others were all rescued through various forms of massive – and unprecedented – government support. The official line at the time was “never again,” which made sense in political and economic terms. These large financial firms were provided a scale of assistance that was not generally available to the nonfinancial corporate sector – and certainly not to families who found that the value of their assets (their homes) was below the value of their liabilities (their mortgages).", "zh": "仍然太大而不能倒 华盛顿—全球金融危机爆发已近七年，美国多德-弗兰克（Dodd Frank）金融改革立法通过也已五年多，但危机的根源 — — 存在“太大而不能倒”的银行 — — 仍然没有解决。 只要这一根源不除，另一场灾难的发生就只是时间问题。 “太大而不能倒”一词可以追溯到几十年前，但在2008年9月雷曼兄弟（Lehman Brothers）倒闭后才突然大热。 随着问题在金融系统中蔓延开来，美国当局决定一些银行和其他金融公司相对于经济而言规模太大，具有“系统重要性 ” ， 不容破产。 雷曼兄弟破产了，但AIG、高盛、摩根士丹利、花旗集团、美国银行和其他公司通过各种形式的大规模 — — 前所未有的大规模政府支持得到了拯救。 当时，官方的口径是“下不为例 ” ， 从政治和经济角度，这是有意义的。 这些金融大企业获得了非金融企业部门一般难以获得的大规模援助 — — 那些发现资产（房子）价值已经低于负债（按揭）价值的家庭则完全不可能获得这样的援助。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My Best Growth Forecast Ever CAMBRIDGE – America’s real GDP growth rate of 3.2% for the first quarter of this year is impressive, as was the 3% average growth in 2018 (measured from the fourth quarter of 2017 to the fourth quarter of 2018). Since the end of the Great Recession – from 2011 to 2017 – the US economy grew by only 2.1% per year, on average. What accounts for the recent acceleration? The tax reform of 2017, which took effect in 2018, was viewed prospectively, and now retrospectively, as a contributor to growth. But there was – and remains – a great deal of controversy over the size of the macroeconomic effects of the tax changes. In January 2018, in the spirit of resolving some of the controversy, the Brookings Institution recruited Jason Furman (chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Barack Obama) and me to write a joint paper focusing on the prospective growth effects of the tax changes. No doubt Brookings thought that combining a liberal viewpoint (Furman’s) with mine (which I view as pro-market) would avoid political bias and thereby generate estimates closer than usual to the “truth.” I leave it to other observers to assess whether this bold attempt at consensus was successful.", "zh": "我有史以来的最佳增长预测 剑桥-美国今年第一季度的实际GDP增长率3.2 % ， 以及2018年3%的平均增长率 (从2017年第四季度到2018年第四季度)均令人印象深刻。 自2011年至2017年大萧条结束以来，美国经济平均每年仅增长2.1 % 。 最近加速的原因是什么? 美国2017年的税收改革于2018年生效，曾被认为具有前瞻性，现在回顾，确实对经济增长有所贡献。 但税收改革对宏观经济影响的规模方面，无论是过去抑或现在都存在很大的争议。 2018年1月，布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)本着解决部分争议的精神，聘请美国总统奥巴马的经济顾问委员会主席贾森•弗曼(Jason Furman)与我共同撰写了一篇论文，聚焦于税收改革可能带来的增长影响。 毫无疑问，布鲁金斯学会认为，将弗曼的自由主义观点与我的观点(我认为是亲市场的)结合起来，将避免政治偏见，从而获得比以往更接近“真相”的估计。 这项大胆尝试的共识是否成功，留由其他观察员来评估。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Our Common Agenda and the Road to 2023 WASHINGTON, DC – Not since World War II has the international community confronted as monumental a test as the intertwined crises of COVID-19 and climate change, and the profound social and economic inequalities they have exposed. Yet precisely when global, collective action is most needed to address these crises, exclusionary nationalism and rising great-power tensions, including a new Cold War-like standoff between democracies and autocracies, are eroding essential multilateral cooperation. In his pathbreaking new report, Our Common Agenda, UN Secretary-General António Guterres argues that “humanity faces a stark and urgent choice: a breakdown or a breakthrough.” Guterres underscores the fundamental values of trust and solidarity – and the need for a new social contract between citizens and their institutions at all levels of governance – in seeking a just and sustainable global recovery from the current pandemic. As we mark another UN Day (October 24), these values must inform a politically savvy yet ambitious strategy for long-overdue institutional and legal changes to the post-1945 multilateral system. Shortly after UN member states gather, under the leadership of Abdulla Shahid, President of the General Assembly, on October 25 in New York, they are expected to endorse a resolution to initiate follow-up action on many of Guterres’s proposals.", "zh": "我们的共同议程以及迈向2023之路 发自华盛顿特区—自第二次世界大战以来，国际社会从未遭遇过像新冠疫情和气候变化这两个相互交织的危机及其所暴露出的深刻社会和经济不平等现象这样的巨大考验。 但就是在最需要全球集体行动来解决这些危机的时候，排他性的民族主义和不断加剧的大国紧张关系，包括民主和专制国家之间类似冷战的新对峙，正在腐蚀着多边合作的基础。 联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯（António Guterres）在其开创性的新报告《我们的共同议程》中指出 ： “ 人类面临着一个严峻而紧迫的选择：崩溃，还是突破 。 ” 古特雷斯强调了信任和团结这类基本价值 — — 以及公民与各级治理机构之间订立新社会契约的必要性 — — 在从当前疫情中实现公正及可持续全球复苏方面的重要性。 而当我们再度庆祝联合国日（10月24日）的时候，这些价值观必须贯穿于一项政治上成熟稳健而又雄心勃勃的战略之中，并以此对1945年后的多边体系实施延误已久的体制和法律改革。 在联合国大会主席阿卜杜拉·沙希德（Abdulla Shahid）领导下，各联合国会员国预计将于10月25日齐聚纽约后不久批准一项决议去启动围绕古特雷斯多项建议的后续行动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Democracy is a universal value, not the property of specific religions. Moreover, welcoming a country like Turkey will send a positive signal to the Muslim world. It will allay the growing tensions between Christianity and Islam fueled by international terrorism and knee-jerk nationalism. Unlike the “war on terrorism,” European integration can serve as a model for resolving the underlying crises of the Middle East and addressing the roots of violence in the wider region. In particular, the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul could be a great example of peaceful coexistence among Christians and Muslims. For Orthodoxy, the Ecumenical Patriarchate is in many ways the equivalent of Mecca. Allowing the Patriarchate to flourish, and reopening the Theological School on the island of Halki, would underscore Turkey’s progress on human and minority rights. Turkey should view the Patriarchate not as a threat, but as an important asset ­– a bridge to Europe. Similarly, Cyprus’s entry into the EU, coupled with Turkey’s EU aspirations, has created a unique catalyst for tearing down the “Berlin Wall” that runs through the capital, Nicosia, separating the island’s Christian and Muslim communities. If Turkey is serious about joining the European family, it must recognize the Republic of Cyprus – like any other member state. A road map must be drawn up for the withdrawal of Turkish troops from Cyprus and a settlement of the political division of the island. At Helsinki in December 1999, the EU agreed that Turkey must resolve its differences with its neighbors peacefully by the end of 2004, within the framework of EU and international law; otherwise, any outstanding dispute would be settled at the International Court of Justice. The time has now come for the EU to assess Turkey’s progress on these issues and for Turkey to fulfill its obligations. As negotiations proceed in the years ahead, it is in the international community's interest to support Turkey’s European future, while making a constructive contribution to end the division of Cyprus, so that the progress we have achieved is not lost. From religious and ethnic conflict, Europe can once again forge a model of peaceful cooperation – this time by creating an integrated zone of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean.", "zh": "民主是一种普遍的价值观，而不是某些宗教的私有财产。 另外，欢迎一个分享我们的民主价值观，尊重人权和法制承诺的国家加入我们，而不论其种族或宗教背景，会向穆斯林世界发出一个积极的信号。 它还会缓和基督教和伊斯兰教之间被国际恐怖主义和狭隘的民族主义所激起的，日益增长的紧张局面。 与“反恐战争”不同，欧洲一体化可以作为解决中东危机和更广泛的地区暴力根源的一种模式。 特别是伊斯坦布尔的大公宗主教长制（Ecumenical Patriarchate）可以作为基督徒和穆斯林和平共处的范例。 对于东正教而言，大公宗主教长制在很多方面相当于麦加。 允许主教长制推而广之，重开霍基岛（Island of Halki）的���学院将会充分体现土耳其在人权和少数民族权益方面的进步。 土耳其不应该将主教长制看成是一种威胁，而应将其当作一项重要资产－一座通往欧洲的桥梁。 同样，塞浦路斯加入欧盟和土耳其入盟的努力已经为推到“柏林墙”起到了独特的催化作用。 这座“柏林墙”仍然横亘在塞浦路斯首都尼科西亚，将岛上的基督教和穆斯林社区分割开来。 如果土耳其确有诚意加入欧洲大家庭，那么它就必须承认塞浦路斯共和国—就像欧盟其他成员国一样。 为土耳其军队撤出塞浦路斯和解决该岛的政治分裂制定计划也势在必行。 1999年12月在赫尔辛基，欧盟一致决议土耳其必须于2004年底前在欧盟和国际法的框架下和平解决与邻国之间的分歧；否则，任何悬而未决的争端都必须交由国际法庭解决。 现在正是欧盟评估土耳其在这些问题上的进展及土耳其履行自身义务的时候。 随着谈判在未来的展开，国际社会从自身的利益出发也应该继续支持土耳其融入欧洲的进程，同时这也能为弥合塞浦路斯的分裂做出建设性的贡献，如此才不会使我们前功尽弃。 欧洲能够再一次从宗教与种族的冲突之中锻造出一种和平合作的模式-这一次是通过在东地中海地区创建一个一体化的稳定区。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fall and Rise of Cambodia’s Opposition PARIS – Nearly seven decades after Cambodia gained independence from France, its people are still struggling for the right to determine their future. But today, it is not an outside power that is stealing Cambodians’ autonomy, but their own authoritarian government, led by Hun Sen, the world’s longest-serving prime minister. He must be stopped, and this month I will return to my home country to help make that happen. Hun Sen, a former member of the Khmer Rouge – the group responsible for killing nearly a quarter of Cambodia’s seven million people between 1975 and 1979 – understands only one kind of governance: strongman rule founded on violence and intimidation. So for 34 years, he has been working to transform Cambodia’s democracy into a dictatorship, with the aim of handing over control to one of his sons. To this end, Hun Sen has systematically dismantled opposition forces – in particular, the Cambodia National Rescue Party. As Cambodia’s first united democratic opposition party, the CNRP, which Kem Sokha and I founded in 2012, terrifies Hun Sen, because it is the only party capable of providing an alternative to his dictatorship. This became clear in the 2013 general election and the 2017 communal elections: in both cases, the CNRP won nearly half of the vote. Add to that a 2016 opinion poll indicating even higher levels of support for the CNRP, and Hun Sen knew that he had to take drastic action to retain his grip on power.", "zh": "柬埔寨反对党的风雨兴衰 巴黎—在柬埔寨脱离法国殖民统治、独立近七十载后，柬埔寨人民仍在争取自己决定未来的权利。 但时至今日，窃取柬埔寨自治权的却不是外部势力，而是世界上任期最长的本国首相洪森(Hun Sen)所领导的独裁政府。 因此，洪森必须下野，这个月我将返回祖国，来为实现这一目标助力。 对于洪森而言，这位前红色高棉成员仅知晓一种统治模式：即建立在暴力与恐吓基础上的铁腕统治。 在1975年至1979年间，四分之一的柬埔寨生灵涂炭于红色高棉的屠戮中。 因此，34年来，洪森一直致力于把柬埔寨从民主推向独裁，其目的便是把大权传给自己的一位儿子。 为了达到这个目的，洪森有组织地解散了反对派的力量，特别是柬埔寨救国党。 作为柬埔寨史上首个统一的民主反对党，我与根索卡于2012年所创立的柬埔寨救国党(CNRP ) ， 这令洪森倍感恐惧，因为该党派成为唯一有能力取代洪森独裁统治的政党。 在2013年的大选，以及2017年的地方选举中，这一点变得十分明显：在这两次选举中，柬埔寨救国党都赢得了近半数的选票。 此外，2016年的民意调查显示，柬埔寨救国党(CNRP)的支持率更高。 因此，洪森知道，他必须采取猛烈的行动，才能保住自己的权力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加快建立公民、法人和其他组织统一社会信用代码制度，依托全国统一的信用信息共享交换平台，建设企业信用信息公示系统和“信用中国”网站，共享整合各地区、各领域信用信息，为社会公众提供查询注册登记、行政许可、行政处罚等各类信用信息的一站式服务。在全面实行工商营业执照、组织机构代码证和税务登记证“三证合一”、“一照一码”登记制度改革中，积极运用大数据手段，简化办理程序。建立项目并联审批平台，形成网上审批大数据资源库，实现跨部门、跨层级项目审批、核准、备案的统一受理、同步审查、信息共享、透明公开。鼓励政府部门高效采集、有效整合并充分运用政府数据和社会数据，掌握企业需求，推动行政管理流程优化再造，在注册登记、市场准入等商事服务中提供更加便捷有效、更有针对性的服务。利用大数据等手段，密切跟踪中小微企业特别是新设小微企业运行情况，为完善相关政策提供支持。", "en": "Accelerate the establishment of a unified social credit code system for citizens, legal persons, and other organizations, relying on a national unified credit information sharing and exchange platform. Construct an enterprise credit information disclosure system and the Credit China website, share and integrate credit information from various regions and sectors, and provide one-stop services for the public to inquire about registration, administrative licensing, administrative penalties, and other types of credit information. Actively use big data methods to simplify the handling procedures in the comprehensive implementation of the reform of the three certificates in one and one license, one code registration system for business licenses, organization code certificates, and tax registration certificates. Establish a project parallel approval platform, form an online approval big data resource pool, achieve unified acceptance, synchronous review, information sharing, and transparent disclosure of cross-departmental and cross-level project approval, approval, and filing. Encourage government departments to efficiently collect, effectively integrate, and fully utilize government data and social data, grasp enterprise needs, promote the optimization and reengineering of administrative management processes, and provide more convenient, effective, and targeted services in business services such as registration and market access. Utilize big data and other methods to closely track the operation of small and medium-sized enterprises, especially newly established micro-enterprises, and provide support for improving relevant policies."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I pretended not to hear, and began scrambling over the rocks towards Jasper. Great jagged boulders screened the view, and I slipped and stumbled on the wet rocks, making my way as best I could in Jasper's direction. It was heartless of Maxim to leave Jasper, I thought, and I could not understand it. Besides, the tide was coming in. I came up beside the big boulder that had hidden the view, and looked beyond it. And I saw, to my surprise, that I was looking down into another cove, similar to the one I had left, but wider and more rounded. A small stone breakwater had been thrown out across the cove for shelter, and behind it the bay formed a tiny natural harbour. There was a buoy anchored there, but no boat. The beach in the cove was white shingle, like the one behind me, but steeper, shelving suddenly to the sea. The woods came right down to the tangle of seaweed marking high water, encroaching almost to the rocks themselves, and at the fringe of the woods was a long low building, half cottage, half boat-house, built of the same stone as the breakwater.", "zh": "我装着没听见，开始攀爬礁石群，向杰斯珀摸去。嶙峋的巨石遮住了视线。我在湿漉漉的礁石上一步一滑、一步一绊地拼命向杰斯珀的方向挣扎。想起来，迈克西姆真够狠心的，竟抛下杰斯珀不管，这让我无法理解。再说，现在正是涨潮的时间。 我攀到那块障眼的巨石旁举目远眺，惊奇地发现前边又是一个小海湾，和我刚离开的那个很相似，只不过稍微宽阔些，形状更圆些。一道石头小防波堤横贯海湾，隔出一个微型天然港。那儿没有停泊船只，仅有一个浮筒。湾里的滩上也尽是白色的砾石，跟我抛在身后的海滩一样，但更为陡峭，突兀地没入海水里。树林与高潮线处杂乱的水草衔接在一起，几乎蔓延到了礁石上。林边有一幢狭长、低矮的房屋，既像渔屋又似船库，和防波堤用的是同一类石料。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Rise of the Indian-American Voter NEW DELHI – Beyond the major headlines surrounding the US presidential election, a little-noticed development is attracting attention both in India and among American campaign strategists. The rising influence of the Indian-American community in the United States – though barely 1% of the electorate – has made it impossible for the world’s oldest democracy to ignore the world’s largest. Indian-Americans are the second-largest immigrant group in the US, and among the fastest-growing – up by nearly 150% over the last decade. They also are more affluent and highly educated than any other ethnic group, with a median income nearly double the national average (estimated at $100,000 in 2015). And they have been remarkably active politically, as voters, campaigners, donors, and candidates. In the past two decades, two state governors, one US senator, five members of the House of Representatives, and now a vice presidential candidate have been Americans of Indian descent. No wonder both major parties are actively courting Indian-American voters, a significant number of whom reside in potential swing states like Texas, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Both presidential candidates have released television commercials in Indian languages on the leading networks broadcasting Indian programming in the US, and Joe Biden used the Hindu festival of Ganesh Chaturthi to woo Indian-American voters. On the Democratic side, Biden’s running mate, US Senator Kamala Harris of California, has openly embraced her roots, using a Tamil term to describe her Indian aunts in her nomination acceptance speech this August. She has spoken at length about her Indian ancestry, as well as visits to her grandfather and the conversations they had during seaside walks in Chennai. Moreover, Indian-American celebrities have campaigned enthusiastically for the Biden-Harris ticket, with one fundraiser in September reportedly pulling in a record-breaking $3.3 million from the Indian-American community. For his part, US President Donald Trump responded to the Harris nomination with a campaign ad featuring Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, whom he has lavishly praised throughout his first term.", "zh": "印度裔美国人选民的崛起 发自新德里—除了围绕美国总统大选的主要头条新闻之外，一个较少人留意的事态发展正在同时引发印度和美国竞选策略谋划者的关注。 尽管印度裔美国人社区在美国选民中所占比例仅为1 ％ ， 但其日益增长的影响力已经使得这个世界上最古老的民主国家无法再无视那个世界上最大的民主国家。 印度裔美国人是美国第二大移民群体，也是增长最快的群体之一，在过去十年中增加了近150 ％ 。 他们的收入中位数几乎是全美平均水平的两倍（2015年估计为10万美元 ） ， 其富裕和受教育程度也高于他所有族裔。 他们作为选民、参选人，捐助者和候选人在政治上都非常活跃，在过去的二十年中涌现了两名印度裔州长，一名参议员和五名众议院议员，当前还有一位副总统候选人。 因此难怪两大主要政党都在积极拉拢印度裔选民，更何况其中很大一部分人都居住在德克萨斯，密歇根和宾夕法尼亚州等潜在摇摆州。 两位总统候选人均已在美国各大印度电视频道上以印度各语种发布了电视广告，乔·拜登（Joe Biden）还利用印度教节日甘尼许节（Ganesh Chaturthi）来吸引印度裔选民。 在民主党方面，拜登的竞选伙伴，美国加利福尼亚州参议员卡玛拉·哈里斯（Kamala Harris）公开宣扬自己的祖籍，在今年8月的提名演讲中使用了一个泰米尔词来形容她的印度姨妈们。 她详细介绍了自己的印度血统，对祖父的探访以及两人在钦奈海边散步时的谈话。 此外，印度裔名人也热衷于为拜登-哈里斯组合助选，据报道两人在9月份的一次筹款活动就从印度人社区获得了创纪录的330万美元赞助。 作为对哈里斯提名的回应，现任美国总统特朗普播出了一则有印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪（Narendra Modi）出镜的竞选广告 — — 他在第一任期时就对后者大加赞美。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "这幅样子，连自己都嫌弃了，沈凉川怎么可能会喜欢！ 这男人难道不喜欢美女？ 喜欢丑女？ 暗自揣测着沈凉川的心思，乔恋就忍不住勾起嘴唇，想要笑，却不小心扯到脸上的伤口。 倒吸了一口冷气，就看到沈凉川已经从卫生间走出来，一步一步向着她走过来。 她的视线，定格在他的身上。 他身上穿着一件白色的衬衫，看着玉树临风，似乎那一天的群架，对他没有造成任何伤害。 他的脸庞也仍旧整洁无暇，连一块青肿都看不见。 心里忽然就不平衡起来。 明明是两个人一起打架的，可是为什么自己这么丑这么狼狈，这男人就一点事儿也没有？ 正在思考着，他已经坐在了她的病床旁边，“在想什么？” 那副眼珠子，都像是要黏在自己身上了。 他忍不住勾起嘴唇，心中升起一股愉悦的感觉。 乔恋的眼神又在他的身上打转，在将他看的不自在以后，这才开口：“沈先生，您就一点伤也没有吗？” 沈凉川：……这种很失望的语气是怎么回事儿？", "en": "Even own abandoned this look,how could Shen Liangchuan fond it? Could it be that this man didn’t even like beautiful women? Did he only like ugly women? As she tried to guess Shen Liangchuan’s inner thoughts, Qiao Lian could not help but lift the corners of her lips. She wanted to smile, but doing so only made her injuries hurt. After she took a deep breath, she noticed that Shen Liangchuan had already walked out of the toilet. He was slowly approching her. She stared at his body intently. He was wearing a white jacket and he looked both tall and handsome as he strode towards her. It seemed as though that day’s fight hadn’t even left a single scratch on his body. His face had no injuries or blemishes of any kind. Both of them had fought together. However, why was she the only one who had turned ugly and ragged, while this man looked as though nothing had happened to him? As she thought about this, he had already sat beside the hospital bed. He said, “What are you thinking about?” Her eyes seemed as though they were glued to his body. He could not help but to curl his lips, as a feeling of happiness rose inside his heart. Qiao Lian gazed at his body until he looked uncomfortable, before saying, “Mr. Shen, did you not get even a single scratch?” Shen Liangchuan thought, “Why does she sound disappointed?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But in the case of a pandemic-devastated country like Italy, the ECB could potentially step in to purchase some non-negligible portion of the bonds. Eurozone countries could pool their “equities” by setting up a joint vehicle. This would translate into a higher rating and lower cost for the issuance, while facilitating any ECB intervention in purchasing the bonds. Other reserve-strong countries, such as the United States or China, could spend part of their own SDR allocations on the remaining lot. In effect, these countries would be exchanging SDRs for euros, thus creating an open position in SDRs on which they would be charged indefinitely at current money market rates, which are practically nil. Better yet, these countries would actually benefit from the interest rate accruing to the bond. Hence, an investment in solidarity would yield positive returns from a non-negligible interest-rate differential. A similar mechanism would also work in the case of a pandemic-hit developing country, whose donors would step in to subscribe to a bond issue through the emergency vehicle. Again, the resources employed to purchase these bonds would be additional for any creditor or donor country, because they would come from the SDR allocation itself. (In other words, such resources would not be generated through taxes levied on the citizens of any creditor or donor countries.) To be sure, any SDR allocation would require the support of at least 85% of the IMF’s membership, which means that the US, with its 17.45% quota, would wield veto power.", "zh": "但针对意大利这样的疫情大国，欧洲央行可能会出手购买相当份额的债券。 而欧元区国家可以通过构建一个联合工具来将其“权益”汇集起来，这将转化为更高的评级以及更低的发行成本，同时也有助于推动欧洲央行任何形式的债券购买行为。 其他储备比较充裕的国家 — — 比如美国或中国 — — 则可以将自身的一部分特别提款权份额留做他用。 实际上这些国家可以将特别提款权兑换成欧元，从而在特别提款权中建立一个可以按照当前货币市场利率（实际为0）无限期收取利息的未平仓头寸。 更有利之处在于这些国家将从债券利率中获得实实在在的好处，因此把对团结的投资转变为一种可以从一定水平利差中取得正回报的有利行为。 一个类似的机制也可以在那些遭疫情冲击的发展中国家中发挥作用，其捐助者将通过认购应急工具发行的债券来实现介入。 同样，购买这些债券所动用的资源对于任何债权国或捐助国来说都是额外的，因为它们来自于特别提款权配额本身（换言之此类资源不会借助对任何债权国或捐助国公民收税来筹集。 当然，任何特别提款权分配都至少需要得到85％的国际货币基金组织成员国的支持，这意味着占据17.45％配额的美国握有否决权。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I shared my thoughts and fears with Captain Nemo. “You’re right, Professor Aronnax,” he told me. “If I can’t take the sun’s altitude tomorrow, I won’t be able to try again for another six months. But precisely because sailors’ luck has led me into these seas on March 21, it will be easy to get our bearings if the noonday sun does appear before our eyes.” “Why easy, captain?” “Because when the orb of day sweeps in such long spirals, it’s difficult to measure its exact altitude above the horizon, and our instruments are open to committing serious errors.” “Then what can you do?” “I use only my chronometer,” Captain Nemo answered me. “At noon tomorrow, March 21, if, after accounting for refraction, the sun’s disk is cut exactly in half by the northern horizon, that will mean I’m at the South Pole.” “Right,” I said. “Nevertheless, it isn’t mathematically exact proof, because the equinox needn’t fall precisely at noon.” “No doubt, sir, but the error will be under 100 meters, and that’s close enough for us. Until tomorrow then.”", "zh": "我把自己的意见和顾虑告诉尼摩船长，他对我说。 “您说得对，阿龙纳斯先生，如果明天我不能测量太阳的高度，我就不用能在六个月之内再做测量了。不过也正因为我这次航行的机会，3月21日把我带到这南极海中来如果太阳给我们现出来，我的方位是很容易测定的。” “船长，为什么呢？” “因为，太阳沿着那么拉长的螺旋线走，想在水平线上确切测量它的高度，很是困难，仪器也容易犯严重的错误。” “那么，您怎样来进行呢？” “我只是使用我的航海时计，”尼摩船长回答我，“如果明天3月21日，折光作用估计在内，太阳圈轮正好切在北方的水平线上，那我就是在南极点上了。” “是的，”我说，“不过这个测定从数学上看，并不是完全精确的，因为春分时间不一定是在正午。” “当然，先生，但差数也不能过一百米，并且我们也不要更进一步的准确，那么，明天再来吧。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "真不害臊 杨辰听了头皮发麻，哭笑不得，“行了行了，你把我当成什么了，虽然我的确抵抗力差了点，见了美女两眼发直，但也不至于满脑子那点事。” ”简那是我八、九年前就认识的，那时候她还是个小女娃娃，我可算是看着她长大的，就跟一个兄长希望妹子有个好归宿一样，我能自己去把好白菜拱了么？“ “你就别管这么多了，快起来，我先接你去看看那鼎炉，然后带你去我们家吃一顿，我妈她们都要感谢你呢”。 “你急什么嘛，我还要跟护士们道别呢，那个简小姐的学生，格蕾丝可照顾我了，你先坐着等一会儿”，萧芷晴道。 杨辰抓了抓头，“你说你这安排，这些事早点我来之前怎么不去做”。 “你又急你跟简小姐说话的时候怎么就这么乖了？对着我就大呼小叫的，太瞧不起人了我还是刚刚恢复的伤患哎”。", "en": "Aren’t You Embarrassed Yang Chen snorted at her remark. “Yes yes. I know I’m more prone than most. Every time I see a beauty my eyes shine.” “I met Jane about eight to nine years ago, back when she was just a kid. One could say I watched her grow up through the years the way older siblings do. So naturally, like all other older siblings, I would wish for her to find the right person when he comes by. So why would I swoop in and take her for myself?” “Moving on, it’s time for you to get up now. I have to take you to examine the cauldron, then over to our house for a decent meal, My mum and the others couldn’t wait to express their gratitude for you saving my life.” “Chill a little, I need to bid a proper farewell with the nurses. Do you know Ms Jane’s student, Grace? She took good care of me throughout my time here. Why don’t you just sit and wait a while,” Xue Zhiqing replied. Yang Chen ruffled through his hair. “Honestly, couldn’t you have done all this before I came?” “Sheesh, why are you so frantic all the time? I didn’t see you being all naggy and grumpy when Jane was around. I’m still a patient you know.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "围绕团结和民主两大主题，把协商民主贯穿政治协商、民主监督、参政议政全过程，完善协商议政内容和形式，着力增进共识、促进团结。 加强人民政协民主监督，重点监督党和国家重大方针政策和重要决策部署的贯彻落实。增强人民政协界别的代表性，加强委员队伍建设。 （四）深化依法治国实践。 全面依法治国是国家治理的一场深刻革命， 必须坚持厉行法治，推进科学立法、严格执法、公正司法、全民守法。 成立中央全面依法治国领导小组，加强对法治中国建设的统一领导。 加强宪法实施和监督，推进合宪性审查工作，维护宪法权威。 推进科学立法、民主立法、依法立法，以良法促进发展、保障善治。 建设法治政府，推进依法行政，严格规范公正文明执法。 深化司法体制综合配套改革，全面落实司法责任制， 努力让人民群众在每一个司法案件中感受到公平正义。加大全民普法力度，建设社会主义法治文化，树立宪法法律至上、法律面前人人平等的法治理念。 各级党组织和全体党员要带头尊法学法守法用法， 任何组织和个人都不得有超越宪法法律的特权，绝不允许以言代法、以权压法、逐利违法、徇私枉法。 （五）深化机构和行政体制改革。", "en": "With the themes of unity and democracy in mind, they should exercise consultative democracy throughout the whole process of political consultation, democratic oversight, and participation in the deliberation and administration of state affairs; and they should improve the content and forms of consultation and deliberation to build consensus and promote unity. They should strengthen democratic oversight, focusing on the implementation of the major principles, policies, decisions, and plans of the Party and the state. They should better represent the different social sectors and strengthen the competence of their members. 4. Advancing law-based governance Advancing law-based governance in all fields is a profound revolution in China’s governance. We must promote the rule of law and work to ensure sound lawmaking, strict law enforcement, impartial administration of justice, and the observance of law by everyone. A central leading group for advancing law-based governance in all areas will be set up to exercise unified leadership over the initiative to build rule of law in China. We will strengthen oversight to ensure compliance with the Constitution, advance constitutionality review, and safeguard the authority of the Constitution. We will carry out lawmaking in a well-conceived and democratic way and in accordance with law, so that good laws are made to promote development and ensure good governance. We will build a rule of law government, promote law-based government administration, and see that law is enforced in a strict, procedure-based, impartial, and non-abusive way. We will carry out comprehensive and integrated reform of the judicial system and enforce judicial accountability in all respects, so that the people can see in every judicial case that justice is served. We will redouble efforts to raise public awareness of the law, develop a socialist culture of rule of law, and increase public awareness of the principle underlying rule of law that the Constitution and the law are above everything else and that everyone is equal before the law. Every Party organization and every Party member must take the lead in respecting, learning about, observing, and applying the law. No organization or individual has the power to overstep the Constitution or the law; and no one is allowed in any way to override the law with his or her own orders, place his or her authority above the law, violate the law for personal gain, or abuse the law. 5. Deepening reform of Party and government institutions and the system of government administration"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pakistan’s Tipping Point LAHORE – Pakistan’s moment of political truth is fast approaching. On May 11, some 40-50 million voters will elect a new national assembly. The outcome, preceded by a spike in extremist violence, is likely to reverberate far and wide. Pakistan’s homegrown terrorist groups know that the country is at a tipping point, and are attacking candidates and voters who favor a secular state. Hundreds of people have already been killed, and more will undoubtedly die before Election Day, targeted because, if these groups prevail, they would push what is sometimes called the “idea of Pakistan” to its logical – and extreme – conclusion. Some 70 years ago, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan’s founding father, launched the movement to create an independent state for the Muslims of British India. The British colonial administration finally acquiesced, creating a country out of Muslim-majority areas. The population of what is now Pakistan was about two-thirds Muslim; the remainder were mostly Hindus and Sikhs. That composition changed dramatically with the partition of the new states of India and Pakistan in 1947, when 14 million people moved across the newly drawn border. Eight million Muslim refugees fled India and entered Pakistan, and six million Hindus and Sikhs moved in the opposite direction. By the time this “ethnic cleansing” was over, Pakistan’s population was 95% Muslim. Over time, an increasing proportion of this population began to demand the creation of an Islamic state in the areas that were now Pakistan.", "zh": "巴基斯坦的临界点 拉合尔—巴基斯坦的政坛真相时刻正在快速临近。 5月11日，4000—5000万选民将选出新一届国民大会。 其结果 — — 在一系列极端暴力事件之后 — — 可能产生深远而广泛的影响。 巴基斯坦本土恐怖组织明白，该国正处在临界点上，并大肆袭击支持世俗国家的候选人和选民。 目前已有数百人被杀，选举日之前必然还有更多的人丧命，他们之所以成为目标，是因为如果这些组织横行，它们会推行有时被称为“巴基斯坦思维”的东西作为其逻辑 — — 也是极端 — — 结论。 70多年前，巴基斯坦国父阿里·真纳（Muhammad Ali Jinnah）发动了为英属印度穆斯林建立独立国家的运动。 英国殖民当局最终默许了这一运动，在穆斯林占多数地区成立了一个国家。 现在的巴基斯坦地区人口中约有三分之二是穆斯林；其他大多是印度教徒和锡克教徒。 随着印度和巴基斯坦分裂为新的国家，人口组成发生了极大的改变 — — 1400万人穿越了新划定的边界。 800万穆斯林难民逃离印度，进入巴基斯坦，600万印度教徒和锡克教徒反其道而行之。 “种族清洗”完成时，巴基斯坦人口的穆斯林比例已达95 % 。 随着时间的推移，越来越多的人口比例开始要求在今天的巴基斯坦地区建立伊斯兰国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In practice, because regulators cannot do either perfectly, they do some of each. Hensarling’s off-ramp proposal builds on that tradeoff, giving banks more leeway to decide whether they want less risk or more capital. Baseline regulation would be the typical mixture of the two, but individual banks could opt for substantially higher capital requirements in exchange for permission to engage in riskier investments and operations. In other words, they could reduce the constraints of one regulatory measure in exchange for tightening those of the other. This is conceptually sound. But there are problems with Hensarling’s proposal as he has articulated it. And they are not small. First, the ratio of capital that Hensarling would require of banks that take an off-ramp is far too low, at 10% of total assets. That is higher than current levels, but not high enough to ensure bank safety. The Financial Stability Board and the International Monetary Fund each found that many banks threatened during the financial crisis of 2007 and 2008 would have needed double today’s levels of capital to survive intact. Were the Hensarling proposal to be implemented, those levels would have to be even higher, owing to the reduction in risk regulation. Only if capital were increased substantially – to “shock and awe” levels – would the banks and their executives conclude, without regulatory instruction, that it is not in their or their stockholders’ interest to take on much risk. A second problem with Hensarling’s proposal is that banks are likely to reject it as long as corporate tax policy remains unchanged. As I have argued in previous commentaries, and in a recent academic paper written with Michael Troege, requiring banks to have more capital raises their tax bill, because it reduces the level of tax-deductible debt and increases that of taxable equity. If the tax code is not reformed, few banks will find the tradeoff attractive, because a higher tax bill will cancel out returns from taking Hensarling’s offer. The third problem is one of logistics: Hensarling’s plan would hardwire into legislation the parameters for banks to take a regulatory off-ramp, thus tying regulators’ hands.", "zh": "在实践中，由于监管机构都无法做到完美，所以它们选择在两方面都做一些规定。 亨萨林的“匝道”提议就构建于这一权衡之上，给银行更多的回旋余地以决定自身是否想少风险或更多的资本。 基础的监管将会是两个手段的典型混合物，但个别银行可能会选择更高的基本要求以换取参与高风险投资和运营的许可。 换句话说，它们可以通过提高一种调控手段的约束来换取另一种调控手段的松绑。 这在概念上是合理的。 但亨萨林对其提议的阐述中存在一些问题，而且问题还不小。 第一，亨萨林提案将对那些“匝道”选项银行的资本比例要求太低，只相当于总资产的10 ％ 。 这虽然高于当前的水平，但并未高到足以保证银行的安全性。 金融稳定委员会和国际货币基金组织都各自意识到，许多遭到2007~2008年金融危机威胁的银行都需要比当前水平多一倍的资本金才能全身而退。 而如果要推行亨萨林提案的话，由于对风险的规管有所降低，这一资本金水平必须更高。 只有当资本金比率被大幅提高 — — 达到“震慑”的水平 — — 那些银行高管才会意识到在放宽监管指令的情况下，承担过度风险是不符合银行自身或其股东利益的。 亨萨林提案的第二个问题是，只要企业所得税政策不变，银行都会拒绝这一做法。 正如我在从前的评论文章以及近期与迈克尔·托奇（Michael Troege）合作发表的学术论文中所指出的那样，要求银行保留更多的资本金会导致它们的收税金额上升，因为它降低了可以用来抵税的债务水平，增加了应纳税的股权。 如果税法不改革，很少有银行会觉得权衡政策有吸引力，因为较高的税收将抵消采取采纳亨萨林提案的回报。 第三个问题是个逻辑问题：亨萨林方案将硬性规定那些选择走监管“匝道”的银行应该达到哪些标准参数并将其写入法律，从而束缚了监管机构的手脚。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The proposed Union of South American Nations (Unasur), like the South American Defense Council, is part of a Brazilian regional strategy to encourage cooperation within Latin America in order to counterbalance the power of the United States and act as a mediator in regional disagreements. While the Unasur proposal may have been formulated in a more rigorous way than other initiatives, its failure to contemplate trade integration means that there is nothing to tie member states together beyond political will. Discussions about international free trade, however, have generally been held outside the region, in Doha or in the G-20, with Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico representing Latin America. Although Unasur aims to progress beyond free-trade agreements, this requires a more streamlined integration within the organization – one that expands its current role as a forum for discussing problems and seeking solutions for Latin America as a whole. Unasur, however, has highlighted the cooling of relations between Brazil and Mexico, which is not a member of the new organization. This may well have an impact on future regional political coordination, although Mexico’s future membership has not been ruled out. (Furthermore, Mexican President Felipe Calderón’s participation in the Latin American and Caribbean Summit on Integration and Development in Bahia in December 2008 suggests that Mexico has not turned its back on the possibility of coordinating regional positions.) The South American Defense Council, however, has stalled. To increase its effectiveness, the mistrust that permeates Unasur must be quelled, and the goals of member states must be more clearly defined.", "zh": "正在探讨的南美国家联盟（Unasur）像南美国防委员会一样，是巴西为了抗衡美国力量和调解地区分歧，鼓励拉美合作的地区性战略的组成部分。 尽管在起草南美国家联盟提案时可能比其他计划更加谨慎，但其未能将贸易一体化纳入考虑意味着除去单纯的政治意愿外，再没有其他因素可以联系各成员国。 而有关国际自由贸易的讨论却一般选择在拉美地区之外，比方说多哈谈判和二十国峰会，以阿根廷、巴西和墨西哥作为拉美的代表。 虽然南美国家联盟的目标超越了自由贸易协定，但这需要在组织内部推行更精简的整合举措 — — 整合的目的是扩大联盟当前的管辖范围，让其成为探讨拉美整体问题和寻找解决方案的有效场所。 但是南美国家联盟已经凸显了巴西和墨西哥两国关系的冷却，后者并不是这个新组织的成员国。 虽然并不排除墨西哥会在未来加入这一组织，但这很可能影响到未来的区域政治协作。 （此外，墨西哥总统费利佩·卡尔德龙出席2008年12月在巴伊亚举行的拉美加勒比地区一体化和发展首脑会议向人们表明：墨西哥并没有放弃协调地区立场的可能性。 ） 但南美国防委员会却已经陷入停顿。 要想提高效率，必需抑制影响南美国家联盟的不信任感，并更加明确地界定各成员国的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "木子扑哧一笑，说道：“你是真傻还是假傻，连瞎子都看的出她是因为你才这样的。 她刚才对你亲热的样子可不象对普通朋友啊。” 我惊讶的说道：“因为我，怎么会因为我啊？ 木子撇着嘴说道：“人家喜欢你啊，看你和我在一起又说我是你女朋友当然难过拉。” 我连忙说道：“木子，你别误会呀，我和海水只是在中级魔法学院的同学而已，朋友关系拉，我一直都把她当妹妹看的。” 木子说道：“我没误会嘛，你随便找个人问问，也知道她是喜欢你才这样的，其实，海水也很不错的，她比我漂亮，家族显赫，配你更合适哦。” 我脸色一沉，说道：“你说什么呢，如果我喜欢她早去追她了，可我喜欢的是你呀。” 说完这句话，我的心猛的一颤，刚才我说的仿佛竟然是自己内心的想法，难道我真的爱上木子了吗？", "en": "Mu Zi giggled and said, “Are you really that dumb or just pretending? Even the blind can see that she’s like that because of you. Her previous affectionate actions didn’t seem like those of a normal friend.” I apprehensively asked, “How could it be because of me? Why didn’t it seem like normal friends?” Mu Zi pouted. “She likes you, so when she saw us together and heard that I’m your girlfriend, she got upset!” I hurriedly explained myself. “Mu Zi, please don’t misunderstand! Hai Shui and I are just  schoolmates from the Intermediate Magic Academy. We’re just friends. I’ve always treated her as my sister.” Mu Zi replied. “I didn’t misunderstand! Ask anyone and they’ll tell you that she likes you. Actually, Hai Shui is not bad. She’s pretty and from an illustrious family so she suits you better than I do.” My expression darkened. “What are you saying? If I liked her, I would have courted her already, but the one I like is you!” After I said that, I was startled. ‘ It’s as though what I said was really what I felt for Mu Zi. Could it be that I’ve actually fallen in love with her?’"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "COVID-19 and the End of Individualism CAMBRIDGE – Aristotle was right. Humans have never been atomized individuals, but rather social beings whose every decision affects other people. And now the COVID-19 pandemic is driving home this fundamental point: each of us is morally responsible for the infection risks we pose to others through our own behavior. In fact, this pandemic is just one of many collective-action problems facing humankind, including climate change, catastrophic biodiversity loss, antimicrobial resistance, nuclear tensions fueled by escalating geopolitical uncertainty, and even potential threats such as a collision with an asteroid. As the pandemic has demonstrated, however, it is not these existential dangers, but rather everyday economic activities, that reveal the collective, connected character of modern life beneath the individualist façade of rights and contracts. Those of us in white-collar jobs who are able to work from home and swap sourdough tips are more dependent than we perhaps realized on previously invisible essential workers, such as hospital cleaners and medics, supermarket staff, parcel couriers, and telecoms technicians who maintain our connectivity. Similarly, manufacturers of new essentials such as face masks and chemical reagents depend on imports from the other side of the world. And many people who are ill, self-isolating, or suddenly unemployed depend on the kindness of neighbors, friends, and strangers to get by. The sudden stop to economic activity underscores a truth about the modern, interconnected economy: what affects some parts substantially affects the whole. This web of linkages is therefore a vulnerability when disrupted.", "zh": "COVID-19：个人主义的终结 剑桥—亚里士多德是对的。 人类从来都不是原子化的个体，而是每做决定就会影响到他人的社会生物。 现在，COVID-19疫情明确了这一基本观点：我们每个人都要因为自己的行为给他人带来感染的风险而承担道德责任。 事实上，这次疫情只是人类面临的许多集体行动的问题之一，其他还包括气候变化、灾难性的生物多样性丧失、抗生素耐药性、日益不确定的地缘政治所导致的核紧张局势，甚至与小行星相撞等潜在威胁。 然而，正如疫情所表现出的那样，揭示现代生活在权利和契约的个人主义表象下的集体的、相互联系的特征的，并不是这些存在的危险，而是日常的经济活动。 我们这些能在家工作和交流新的经验的白领们，比我们想象的更依赖于以前看不见的基础工作人员，如医院清洁工和医务人员、超市工作人员、快递员和电信技术人员，他们维持着我们的联系。 同样，口罩和化学试剂等新必需品的制造商也依赖于世界另一端的进口。 许多生病的、孤僻的、或突然失业的人，依靠邻居、朋友和陌生人的善意度日。 经济活动的突然停止，突显出现代互联经济的一个事实：影响某些部分的因素，实质上会影响整体。 因此，这种联系网在受到破坏时是一个弱点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I do not have a gospel of faith to share with you today, in fact. I have and I offer a gospel of doubt. The gospel of doubt does not ask that you stop believing,  it asks that you believe a new thing:  that it is possible not to believe. It is possible the answers we have are wrong,  it is possible the questions themselves are wrong. Yes, the gospel of doubt means that it is possible that we,  on this stage, in this room,  are wrong. Because it raises the question, \"Why?\" With all the power that we hold in our hands,  why are people still suffering so bad? This doubt leads me to share that we are putting my organization,  MBAs Across America,  out of business. We have shed our staff and closed our doors  and we will share our model freely  with anyone who sees their power to do this work  without waiting for our permission. This doubt compels me  to renounce the role of savior that some have placed on me,  because our time is too short and our odds are too long  to wait for second comings,  when the truth is that there will be no miracles here. And this doubt, it fuels me,  it gives me hope  that when our troubles overwhelm us,  when the paths laid out for us seem to lead to our demise,  when our healers bring no comfort to our wounds,  it will not be our blind faith --  no, it will be our humble doubt  that shines a little light into the darkness of our lives  and of our world  and lets us raise our voice to whisper or to shout  or to say simply,  very simply,  \"There must be another way.\" Thank you.", "zh": "我甚至没有什么信仰的福音 要与大家分享。 我唯有的，就是质疑的福音。 质疑的福音不是让你停止相信， 它请求你相信一个新东西： “不相信也是可能的。” 很可能我们所知的答案都是错的， 很可能问题本身就是错的。 是的，质疑的福音可能意味着， 我们的存在，在这个舞台上， 在这个房间里， 全都错了。 因为它引出了一个问题： “为什么？” 我们手上拥有如此强大的力量， 为什么还有人在水深火热之中？ 这种质疑让我做出了一个决定， 我创立的组织， “工管硕士走遍美国”， 要停止运营了。 我们已经解散了员工， 关门大吉了， 我们把这种模式向所有人开放， 只要他们觉得自己有能力去做， 就不需经过我们的批准。 这种质疑迫使我 摘掉别人扣在我头上的 “救世主”的帽子， 因为我们的人生太短，几率太低， 根本等不到基督复临， 事实就是，这世上是没有奇迹的。 而这种质疑，它驱动着我， 它给予我希望， 当困难即将压垮我们， 当命运的道路看似 要将我们引入歧途， 当我们的救世主无法治愈创伤， 并不是我们盲目的信仰， 而是我们简单的质疑， 会向我们生命和世界的黑暗中， 洒下一点点光明。 让我们轻声细语， 呐喊也行， 或是简单的说， 非常简单的说： “一定，还有另一条路。” 谢谢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Iraqi Libya GENEVA – As post-revolution Libya looks ahead, Iraq looms as a perilous example. After 42 years of dictatorship, Libya, like Iraq in 2003 after the fall of Saddam Hussein, needs more than wishful thinking to become a vibrant democracy. It needs organized state-building in Tripoli – and realistic policymaking in Western capitals. Successful transitions depend from the start on factors that are still crucially missing in Libya – a relatively cohesive leadership, an active civil society, and national unity. Without these, Libya will most likely fail to find its footing and, much like post-Saddam Iraq, suffer from persistent political division and volatile civil disorder, in addition to a multifaceted array of geopolitical pressures. Avoiding that outcome presupposes a strong political center. But, from the start of the uprising in February 2011, Libya has been politically atomized. It lacks the sort of civil society that could have led the uprising and planted the seeds for post-authoritarian politics, as was the case in Tunisia and (more problematically) Egypt. Libya’s transition was arguably further impeded by NATO’s intervention, as the rapid shift from a spontaneous popular uprising to an elite-led and externally supported movement prevented the revolution from following the linear course seen in Tunisia and Egypt. Thus, despite substantial international support, the Libyan National Transitional Council (NTC) still lacks the level of consensus needed to form a viable government. The NTC has suffered regular internal disputes, and its membership and functioning are shrouded in secrecy. Last July, the Council’s military leader, Abdul Fatah Younis al-Obeidi, was assassinated under ambiguous circumstances. Then, in November, the NTC’s military prosecutor named its own former deputy prime minister, Ali al-Issawi, as the prime suspect. The conflict and opacity surrounding the case are telling signs of the country’s political fragility since Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi’s demise. Libya should take note of how Iraq’s post-Saddam transition has featured ceaseless power struggles and infighting. In 2010, Iraqi political leaders’ machinations – personal, as well as tribal and sectarian – left the country without a government for 249 days.", "zh": "伊拉克式利比亚 日内瓦—当革命成功的利比亚展望未来的时候，伊拉克是一个危险的先例。 结束了42年独裁统治的利比亚正如2003年萨达姆倒台后的伊拉克，要将它建设为生机勃勃的民主之邦，光有美好愿景是断然不行的。 利比亚需要有组织的建国计划，西方各国也要拿出现实的决策。 从一开始，利比亚就缺少过渡所必须的要素 — — 相对团结的领导层、活跃的公民社会以及民族团结。 没有这些要素，利比亚就找不到自己的根，与后萨达姆时代的伊拉克相似，利比亚也将遭受旷日持久的政治分裂和动荡的社会失序，还有多层次的地缘政治危机。 要避免这些结果，首先需要一个强大的政治中心。 但是，从2011年2月起义爆发以来，利比亚就一直处于政治分散状态。 利比亚缺少能够担起起义领导重任、种下后独裁时期政治根基的公民社会，这一问题在突尼斯和埃及（更加严重）也出现过。 显然，利比亚的过渡因为北约的干预而遭到了进一步的妨碍，北约的干预使得利比亚的群众起义迅速地演变为精英领导的、受外部势力支持的运动，而没有发展为突尼斯和埃及这样的线性革命过程。 因此，尽管受到了大量的国际支持，利比亚全国过渡委员会（NTC）仍然缺乏形成可靠政府的一致。 NTC出现了常见的内部分歧，其成员和运转状况一直是个迷。 去年7月，NTC军队领导人阿尔-欧贝迪（Abdul Fatah Younis al-Obeidi）在一团迷雾中遇刺。 接着，11月，NTC军事检察院起诉其前副总理阿尔-伊萨维（Ali al-Issawi）为主要嫌疑人。 该案的前后矛盾和波诡云谲之处表明，卡扎菲倒台后，利比亚的政治状况一直相当脆弱。 利比亚应该引起警惕：伊拉克在萨达姆倒台后的过渡期出现了没完没了的权力斗争。 2010年，由于政治领导人之间的勾心斗角 — — 既有个人方面的，也有部落和宗派方面的 — — 伊拉克经历了249天的无政府时期。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“Well, the fact is—the truth of the matter is that I’m staying with some people up here in Greenwich, and they rather expect me to be with them to-morrow. In fact, there’s a sort of picnic or something. Of course I’ll do my very best to get away.”I ejaculated an unrestrained “Huh!” and he must have heard me, for he went on nervously:“What I called up about was a pair of shoes I left there. Iwonder if it’d be too much trouble to have the butler send them on. You see, they’re tennis shoes, and I’m sort of helpless without them. My address is care of B. F.——”I didn’t hear the rest of the name, because I hung up the receiver.After that I felt a certain shame for Gatsby—one gentleman to whom I telephoned implied that he had got what he deserved. However, that was my fault, for he was one of those who used to sneer most bitterly at Gatsby on the courage of Gatsby’s liquor, and I should have known better than to call him.", "zh": "\"呃，事实是……实际情况是这样的，我目前待在格林威治这里朋友家里，人家指望我明大和他们一起玩。事实上，明天要去野餐什么的。当然我走得开一定来。\"我忍不住叫了一声\"嘿\"，他也一定听到了，因为他很紧张地往下说：\"我打电话来是为了我留在那里的一双鞋。不知道能不能麻烦你让男管家给我寄来，你知道，那是双网球鞋，我离了它简直没办法。我的地址是B·F……\"我没听他说完那个名字就把话筒挂上了。在那以后我为盖茨比感到羞愧--还有一个我打电话去找的人竟然表示他是死有应得的。不过，这是我的过错，因为他是那些当初喝足了盖茨比的酒就大骂盖茨比的客人中的一个，我本来就不应该打电话给他的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since then, the world has undergone profound reconfigurations, which have left a physical mark. In 2001, the US accounted for 23% of global carbon dioxide emissions, while China was responsible for 13%. But the two largest emitters switched places as early as 2006. According to the most recent data, the US produces 15% of total emissions and China accounts for 28% (though China’s per capita emissions remain far below those of the US). While humanity’s annual CO2 emissions have continued to trend upward (brief crisis-induced declines aside), the area covered by Arctic ice in summer has decreased by almost half since 2001. Climate change is now a tangible reality, and the first politically active generation born in the twenty-first century is demanding urgent solutions. Over the past 20 years, there has also been an unprecedented revolution in the way we relate to others. The Internet has become omnipresent, and social networks have become the agoras of our time. Despite not bearing the expected fruits, the Arab Spring of the early 2010s revealed the democratizing potential of these new technologies. But we now know that digital instruments are not free of pernicious effects. Profit-maximizing algorithms have helped create echo chambers, severely impoverishing public debate. And the digital sphere has become fertile ground for subversive players specializing in “hybrid war,” including cyberattacks and large-scale disinformation campaigns. Europe has suffered from the dark side of digitalization as much as anyone.", "zh": "自那以后，世界经历了深刻的重塑并且留下了不可磨灭的印记。 2001年，美国曾占全球二氧化碳排放量的23 % ， 而中国则仅占13 % 。 但早在2006年，前两大排放国就已经交换了位置。 最新数据显示，美国占排放总量的15 % ， 而中国则占28 % （ 尽管中国的人均排放量仍远低于美国的数据 ） 。 尽管人类年度二氧化碳排放量继续呈上升趋势（不考虑因短暂危机所引发的下降 ） ， 但自2001年以来，夏季北极冰的覆盖面积已经减少了近一半。 气候变化现在已经是摆在面前的事实，而且21世纪出生的第1代政治活跃人士正要求拿出紧急解决方案。 过去20年来，我们与他人的联系方式也发生了前所未有的革命。 互联网已经无处不在，而社交网络已成为我们时代的福音。 尽管未能取得预期成果，但2010年代初爆发的阿拉伯之春革命却揭示了上述新技术的民主化潜能。 但我们现在知道，数字工具并非没有有害效应。 最大化利润的算法已经形成了回音室，严重限制了公众辩论。 而且数字领域已成为专门发动“混合战争”的颠覆分子的沃土，包括网络攻击和大规模虚假宣传活动。 像所有国家一样，欧洲也未能从数字化阴暗面中幸免。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What is essential is the right combination of stability and financial aid, even if the latter is unpopular with the German public. To be sure, eurozone member states also needed the courage to respond to the crisis of confidence confronting the common currency with concerted action for tighter control of national budgets and improved cooperation. As a first step, however, Greece must be given help, through the financial solidarity of EU governments. On the other hand, foreign criticism of Germany for running a current-account surplus similar to China’s is unfounded. Such criticism disregards two important differences: first, unlike China, Germany, as a member of the eurozone, cannot undervalue its currency. Second, German “exports” go mainly to the EU. To demand that Germany should stop increasing its competitiveness, or even reduce it, is simply bizarre. From 1990 to 2005, Germany struggled with high unemployment, slow growth, and low competitiveness, and Europe’s economy suffered as a result. Recovery was difficult to achieve, but the Common Market has profited from Germany’s renewed competitiveness. The crucial point is not the German economy’s renewed strength, but whether Germany will use this strength in Europe’s interest or its own. Unfortunately, Merkel seems to have decided on the second option, because it entails fewer domestic political risks. The responsibility for the current conflict within the EU rests with eurozone governments, but primarily with Germany and France, the zone’s two strongest economies. Rather than lead, the Franco-German couple is constantly, and publicly, at each other’s throats. While today’s quarrel is about who should pay for restructuring Greece, the real issue is the latent distrust between the two partners, which carries the danger of a permanent estrangement. From the German point of view, France only wants to solve its national budget and debt problems at Germany’s expense, simultaneously weakening Germany’s competitiveness. The French government, on the other hand, fears that the Germans’ commitment to eurozone stability is a ploy aimed at pushing France into a corner and leaving it behind economically.", "zh": "德国最起码应该把整改方案和资金援助恰当地结合起来，即便德国公众不乐意德国出资援助他国。 当然，欧元区成员国也需要表现出足够的勇气，协力加强预算控制，增进合作，以回应其共同货币所面临的信心危机。 但第一步，必须激发起欧盟的财政团结之心，先帮希腊一把。 另一方面，外国批评德国，说它像中国一样维持着经常项目盈余，是没根据的。 此类批评忽略了德国和中国的两个重要差异：第一，作为欧元区成员国，德国不可能低估本币汇率。 第二，德国的“出口”主要销往欧盟。 要求德国不再提升其出口竞争力，甚至让它有所回落，则简直是无理取闹。 从 1990 年到 2005 年，德国在高失业、低增长和低竞争力的困境中苦苦挣扎，而欧洲经济也跟着熬了一段苦日子。 如今，即便整体复苏很难做到，但德国竞争力的回升已令整个欧洲共同市场受益。 问题的关键不在于德国经济实力是否有所回升，而在于德国打算用它的实力来干什么，是去维护欧洲的共同利益呢，还是维护一己私利。 不幸的是，默克尔似乎依然决心选择后者，因为后者所蕴含的国内政治风险比较小。 欧盟内部目前的分歧，欧元区各国政府都难辞其咎，但最主要的责任在于最大的两个欧元经济体 — — 德国和法国。 它们非但不去带好这个头，反而不断公开相互拆台。 今日的争执，表面上是谁来为希腊债务重组埋单的问题，深层次上则体现了法德之间潜在的不信任，这搞不好会弄出一场“同床异梦”的闹剧。 在德国看来，法国只想解决自己的预算和债务问题，让德国做牺牲，同时削弱其竞争力。 法国政府则担心，德国对稳定欧元区那么上心，会不会是一个算计法国的阴招，好从经济上把它甩到后头去。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I recently retired from the California Highway Patrol after 23 years of service. The majority of those 23 years was spent patrolling the southern end of Marin County, which includes the Golden Gate Bridge. The bridge is an iconic structure, known worldwide for its beautiful views of San Francisco, the Pacific Ocean, and its inspiring architecture. Unfortunately, it is also a magnet for suicide, being one of the most utilized sites in the world. The Golden Gate Bridge opened in 1937. Joseph Strauss, chief engineer in charge of building the bridge, was quoted as saying, \"The bridge is practically suicide-proof. Suicide from the bridge is neither practical nor probable.\" But since its opening, over 1,600 people have leapt to their death from that bridge. Some believe that traveling between the two towers will lead you to another dimension -- this bridge has been romanticized as such — that the fall from that frees you from all your worries and grief, and the waters below will cleanse your soul. But let me tell you what actually occurs when the bridge is used as a means of suicide. That impact shatters bones, some of which then puncture vital organs. Most die on impact. Those that don't generally flail in the water helplessly, and then drown. I don't think that those who contemplate this method of suicide realize how grisly a death that they will face. This is the cord. Except for around the two towers, there is 32 inches of steel paralleling the bridge. This is where most folks stand before taking their lives. I can tell you from experience that once the person is on that cord, and at their darkest time, it is very difficult to bring them back. I took this photo last year as this young woman spoke to an officer contemplating her life. I want to tell you very happily that we were successful that day in getting her back over the rail.", "zh": "我最近刚退休， 离开了加利福尼亚公路巡警局， 我工作了23年的地方。 这23年里的大多数时间， 我都是在马林县的南部巡逻， 我都是在马林县的南部巡逻， 其中包括金门大桥， 这座桥是一个标志性建筑， 世界闻名， 因为从桥上可以观赏旧金山与 太平洋的美景，还有它予人灵感的建筑风格。 不幸的是，这座桥也吸引了自杀者， 成为了全球自杀事件最多的地点之一。 金门大桥开通于1937年， 约瑟夫·施特劳斯是负责建造这座桥的总工程师， 我引用他一句话， \"这座桥实际上有防自杀设计， 在这座桥上自杀 既难以成功也不太可能发生。\" 但自从这座桥开放后， 超过1,600 人从桥上 纵身投入了死亡。 某些人相信 经过这两座塔间 会带你去另一个世界—— 这座桥已经被浪漫成这样了—— 就是说从桥上坠落 会让你免除所有的烦恼与悲痛， 而下面的水 会净化你的灵魂。 但是，让我来告诉你 假如你尝试从金门大桥跳河自杀 结果实际上是怎样的。 这个冲击力能使骨头粉碎， 一些碎片之后会刺穿重要器官。 大多数人当场死亡。 如果没有死， 一般是在水中无助地扑腾， 然后淹死。 我认为那些考虑 这种自杀方式的人 并未意识到他们的死法将会多么可怕。 这是钢索。 除了在两座塔周围， 桥边有32英寸的钢索， 平行于桥。 大多数自杀者 在自杀前就站在这里。 根据我的经验，我可以告诉你， 一旦有人站在了钢索上， 在他人生最黑暗的时刻， 再让他回来是极为困难的。 我在去年拍了这张照片， 当时这位年轻女子正和一位警官说话， 思索她的人生。 我要很高兴地告诉大家， 那天我们很成功地 把她从护栏那边拉了回来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Toward a More Democratic Europe? WASHINGTON, DC – A year ago, Emmanuel Macron’s decisive victory in the French presidential election, and his party’s subsequent success in legislative elections, caused many to breathe a sigh of relief. The rising tide of extremist populism in the West, it seemed, had finally turned. That has turned out not to be the case. But the stunning emergence of a populist majority government in Italy, a founding member of the European Union, does not necessarily spell disaster. True, populists’ growing strength is threatening traditional center-right and center-left parties and making it very difficult for EU-level governance, in its current form, to function. But what if populist movements’ continued electoral success helps to drive forward a broader political restructuring that ultimately strengthens European democracy? This reading is reinforced by the experience of Macron himself. Having never held elected office, Macron created a new party centered on himself, with support from both center-left and center-right voters. He seems to have restructured French politics in the process. Next year’s European Parliament election is likely to reveal more about the potential for such political restructuring. The European Parliament has never generated the same level of interest as other European institutions, such as the Commission, the Council, or even the Court of Justice. European parliamentary debates rarely make it far outside Brussels or Strasbourg, and voter turnout to fill the body’s seats has typically been low.", "zh": "向更民主的欧洲迈进？ 发自华盛顿特区 — — 一年前，埃马纽埃尔·马克龙在法国总统大选中所取得的大胜及其所属政党随后在议会选举中的佳绩让许多人都松了一口气，似乎西方极端主义民粹主义的上升趋势似乎终于得到了逆转。 然而事实证明情况并非如此。 意大利这个欧盟创始成员国崛起了一个民粹主义多数派政府的事实确实令人震惊，但却并不一定意味着灾难降临。 诚然，民粹主义者实力的日益膨胀正在威胁着传统的中右翼政党，使得当前形式下的欧洲层面治理难以发挥作用。 但如果民粹主义运动的持续选举成功有助于推动更广泛的政治体制改革，最终令欧洲民主得以强化了呢？ 而马克龙本人的经历也强化了这种认识。 过往从未担任过任何民选职务的他创建了一个以自己为核心的新党派，并得到了中左翼和中右翼选民的支持。 在这一过程中他似乎已经重构了法国政治。 明年的欧洲议会选举可能会更多地揭示这类政治体制改革的潜力。 欧洲议会从来没有像欧盟委员会，欧盟理事会甚至欧洲法院等欧洲其他机构那样吸引那么多的关注。 欧洲议会的辩论很少传到过布鲁塞尔或斯特拉斯堡之外，选民投票率通常也很低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though Turkey currently has no plans to develop a fuel cycle of its own, its ambitious agenda for developing nuclear power has made policymakers intent on safeguarding the rights recognized by the NPT, including the right to enrich uranium. There are also significant economic considerations for Turkey, which relies on Iran for a substantial share of its energy imports. Equally important, as a neighboring country, Iran has been a traditional trading partner – a relationship worth more than $15 billion per year. As a result, Turkey’s export potential has been negatively affected by the rising stringency of the sanctions regime against Iran, with trade losses estimated at $6 billion for the first nine months of 2013. The gradual easing of the sanctions is expected to benefit Turkey’s export industries, which hope to satisfy pent-up Iranian demand for consumer and investment goods. Finally, in contrast to Arab states like Saudi Arabia, Turkey is generally comfortable with the deal’s geopolitical ramifications. The improvement of Iran’s relationship with the West and the easing of diplomatic pressure on the Islamic Republic is not a major concern. But, for the Gulf states – and also possibly for Israel – this scenario is viewed as opening the door to stronger Iranian influence throughout the region. These countries believe that, following the interim agreement, the US will fail to demonstrate sufficiently strong resolve to deter Iran from seeking regional hegemony. In that case, tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran will become more acute in the years ahead, emerging as the main destabilizing factor in the region.", "zh": "尽管目前土耳其无意开发本国的燃料循环，但雄心勃勃的核电发展计划让决策者试图捍卫NPT所承认的权利，包括核浓缩权利。 土耳其还有经济方面的重大考虑。 土耳其的能源进口很大一部分要依赖伊朗。 同样重要的是，作为邻国，伊朗是土耳其的传统贸易伙伴，每年贸易往来超过150亿美元。 因此，土耳其的出口潜力因为对伊制裁的收紧而大受影响，据估计，2013年前九个月的贸易损失高达60亿美元。 对伊制裁的逐渐放松预计将增加伊朗对消费品和投资品的需求，从而让土耳其出口部门获益。 最后，与沙特阿拉伯等阿拉伯国家不同，土耳其总体上对该协议的地缘政治影响感到满意。 伊朗与西方关系的改善以及伊斯兰共和国外交压力的缓解并非大问题。 但是，海湾国家 — — 可能也包括以色列 — — 认为这不啻于开启了增加伊朗地区影响力的大门。 这些国家认为，继临时协议之后，美国将无法拿出足够的决心阻止伊朗寻求地区霸权。 果真如此的话，沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间的紧张局势将会在未来几年中进一步加剧，成为地区主要不稳定因素。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bringing Iran in from the Cold MADRID – Rapprochement between Iran and the West has long been a “white whale” of global politics. But it increasingly appears that the world may be on the verge of a new era, characterized by a wary yet crucial collaboration between countries – particularly Iran and the United States – that had been irreconcilable since Iran’s Islamic Revolution in 1979. The imperative for such cooperation drove last month’s Bergedorf Round Table, organized by the Körber Foundation in conjunction with theInstitute for Political and International Studies. At the event, which I attended, 30 politicians, senior officials, and experts from Europe, the US, and Iran considered the relationship’s future, producing some important insights that should inform future policy decisions. With countries across the Middle East crumbling and territorial sovereignty disintegrating – most notably in Iraq – this effort could not be timelier. To reverse the region’s slide into chaos, it needs strong stabilizing forces that can underpin coordinated action aimed at curtailing sectarian violence. Here, Iran has a key role to play. Beyond its historical and cultural depth, which gives it a certain authority in the Middle East, Iran has one of the region’s few functioning governments capable of responding to geopolitical developments. This is to say nothing of its massive oil reserves, which secure its critical role in the complex global energy equation, particularly as it applies to Europe, which is working to reduce its dependence on Russian energy imports. The problem is that Iran has consistently squandered its leadership potential, choosing instead to act as a spoiler, especially through the use of proxy armies. This disruptive tendency reinforces the need for collaboration, underpinned by strong incentives for Iran to maintain a constructive, moderate foreign policy. To this end, the nuclear negotiations between Iran and the E3+3 (France, Germany, and the UK plus China, Russia, and the US) are an important first step. Iran’s nuclear ambitions have long posed a major security threat in the Middle East, as they raise the risk of preemptive military action by Israel or the US and, perhaps even more harrowing, of a regional arms race with the Gulf states and Turkey.", "zh": "让伊朗不再冷 马德里—长期以来，伊朗和西方恢复邦交一直是全球政治的“白鲸 ” 。 但一个日益明显的趋势是世界或许正处在新纪元的边缘，新纪元的一大特征将是国家间 — — 特别是伊朗和美国间 — — 谨慎但重要的合作。 自1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命以来，这样的合作一直无法协调。 这类合作的必要性促使柯尔柏基金会（Körber Foundation）与科学与国际安全研究所（Institute for Science and International Security）联合组织了上个月的贝尔格多夫圆桌会议（Bergedorf Round Table ） 。 我也出席了这次会议。 会上，来自欧洲、美国和伊朗的30位政治家、高级官员和专家讨论了这一关系的未来，产生了对未来决策具有指导意义的重要洞见。 在中东各国举步维艰、领土主权难以维系的情况下（特别是伊拉克 ） ， 此次会议可谓及时雨。 为了扭转中东地区滑向混乱的趋势，需要强大的稳定力量为旨在遏制宗派冲突的联合行动打下基础。 在这方面，伊朗可以起到关键作用。 伊朗的历史和文化深度使得它在中东拥有一定的权威，除此之外，伊朗也拥有该地区极少数有能力对地缘政治发展态势做出反应的政府之一。 这与其巨大的石油储备没什么关系，虽然石油储备确保了它在复杂的全球能源局势中的关键地位，特别是对致力于减少俄罗斯能源进口依赖的欧洲来说。 问题在于伊朗总是浪费其领导潜力，反而选择干扰者的角色，特别是经常利用代理军队。 这一搅局倾向更增加了合作的必要性，而合作的基础是让伊朗有强烈的激励维持其建设性的温和外交政策。 在这方面，伊朗与E3+3（法国、德国和英国加上中国、俄罗斯和美国）的核谈判是重要的第一步。 伊朗的核野心长期以来一直是中东的一个重大安全威胁，因为这引起了以色列或美国采取先发制人军事行动的风险，甚至有可能导致与海湾国家的地区军备竞赛。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Feeding the Ten Billion STOCKHOLM – Our current diets are bad for our health and are harming the planet. Two billion people are now overweight or obese. Poor diet is the biggest cause of noncommunicable disease in the world, posing a greater risk of morbidity and mortality than unsafe sex, alcohol, tobacco, and drug abuse combined. The way we produce and consume this food, meanwhile, damages Earth’s life-support system. It accounts for about one-quarter of greenhouse-gas emissions and is the biggest cause of land-use change, biodiversity loss, and water extraction, leaving rivers dried out. The sheer volume of books on healthy eating and weight loss suggests that people want to move to healthier diets. But few countries are taking action to improve diets and preserve the environment. The big question is whether we can sustainably provide a healthy diet to a global population that is projected to reach ten billion by 2050. Two years ago, the EAT-Lancet Commission, comprising 37 scientists from 16 countries – me included – set out to provide an answer. We began by determining what a good diet for a healthy life should contain. We then explored the implications of such a diet for global sustainability of food production in the future. The Commission published its findings in January in the medical journal The Lancet. Our report identifies, for the first time, scientific targets for diets and the global food-production system. With more than 5,000 stories about the report already in the international media, its release clearly has hit a nerve.", "zh": "养活一百亿人 斯德哥尔摩—我们当前的饮食结构不利于我们健康，也有害于地球。 二十亿人处于超重或肥胖。 不良的饮食结构是全世界非传染性疾病的最大病因，患病和死亡风险比不安全性行为、酒精、烟草和药物滥用加起来还要高。 与此同时，我们生产和消费这些食物的方式也在危害地球的生命支持系统。 它产生了大约四分之一的温室气体排放量，也是土地用途变化、生物多样性损失和水源抽取的主要原因，导致河流干涸。 关于健康饮食和减重的著作浩如烟海，它们告诉我们，人们希望转向更加健康的饮食结构。 但几无国家采取行动改善饮食结构、保护环境。 一个大问题是我们能否持续地向全球人口提供健康饮食，据预计，2050年人口将达到100亿。 两年前，由16个国家的37科学家（我也包括在内）组成的EAT-柳叶刀委员会（the EAT-Lancet Commission）开始探索答案。 我们首先要确定对健康生活有利的饮食结构应该包含什么。 接着，我们探索了这样的饮食结构对于全球未来粮食生产的可持续性有什么影响。 委员会在1月号的《柳叶刀》医学杂志上发表了它的发现。 我们的报告首次定义了饮食结构和全球粮食生产体系的科学目标。 目前，国际新闻媒体就该报告已经做了5,000多次报道，它的发布显然触动了人们的神经。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If large, complex financial institutions continue to have an implicit government guarantee, many people – on both the right and the left – would agree that this is both unfair to other parts of the private sector and an inducement for big banks to engage again in excessive risk-taking. In the jargon of economics, this is “moral hazard.” But no special training is needed to know that it is unwise and dangerous when bank executives get the upside (huge bonuses) when things go well and everyone else bears the downside risks (bailouts and recession). At the heart of the Dodd-Frank law is a two-pronged approach to the too-big-to-fail problem. The first section of the legislation, Title I, stipulates that all firms must be able to go bankrupt without causing large-scale damage to the broader financial system or the real economy. Regulators are instructed, in no uncertain terms, to make sure that all large financial firms are structured in such a way that bankruptcy, using the standard rules and procedures of the court system, can happen without repeating the catastrophic post-Lehman cascade. In Title II of Dodd-Frank, Congress created a back-up authority through which the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) can take over and manage a failing financial firm and impose appropriate losses on shareholders and some creditors without creating widespread systemic damage or a global panic. The good news is that, over the past half-decade, the FDIC has made some progress formulating the design of a workable Title II.", "zh": "如果复杂的大型金融机构继续拥有隐性政府担保，许多人 — — 不管是左派还是右派 — — 都会同意这对私人部门的其他部分很不公平，也在刺激大银行再一次从事过度冒险。 用经济学术语讲，这是“道德风险 ” 。 但不需要任何特别训练就能看出，银行高管在一切顺利时收获好处（巨额奖金）而 下行风险（援助和衰退）由所有人一起承担，这绝对是不明智的，也是危险的。 多德-弗兰克法案的核心是对太大而不能倒问题的双管齐下解决办法。 该立法的第一部分，即第一条规定，所有企业都必须可以破产而不引起对整体金融系统或实体经济的大规模破坏。 监管者被明文要求确保所有金融大企业所采取的结构能够保证破产 — — 使用司法体系的标准规则和程序 — — 不会重蹈雷曼兄弟倒闭所导致的风波。 在多德-弗兰克立法的第二条中，国会规定了一个支持权，联邦存款保险公司（FDIC）可根据这一权力接收和管理倒闭金融企业，让股东和一些债权人承担合理损失以避免发生广泛的系统性伤害或全球恐慌。 好消息是，在过去五年中，FDIC在制定可行的第二条方面取得了一定进展。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Realizing the Potential of AI Localism NEW YORK – Every new technology rides a wave from hype to dismay. But even by the usual standards, artificial intelligence has had a turbulent run. Is AI a society-renewing hero or a jobs-destroying villain? As always, the truth is not so categorical. As a general-purpose technology, AI will be what we make of it, with its ultimate impact determined by the governance frameworks we build. As calls for new AI policies grow louder, there is an opportunity to shape the legal and regulatory infrastructure in ways that maximize AI’s benefits and limit its potential harms. Until recently, AI governance has been discussed primarily at the national level. But most national AI strategies – particularly China’s – are focused on gaining or maintaining a competitive advantage globally. They are essentially business plans designed to attract investment and boost corporate competitiveness, usually with an added emphasis on enhancing national security. This singular focus on competition has meant that framing rules and regulations for AI has been ignored. But cities are increasingly stepping into the void, with New York, Toronto, Dubai, Yokohama, and others serving as “laboratories” for governance innovation. Cities are experimenting with a range of policies, from bans on facial-recognition technology and certain other AI applications to the creation of data collaboratives. They are also making major investments in responsible AI research, localized high-potential tech ecosystems, and citizen-led initiatives. This “AI localism” is in keeping with the broader trend in “New Localism,” as described by public-policy scholars Bruce Katz and the late Jeremy Nowak. Municipal and other local jurisdictions are increasingly taking it upon themselves to address a broad range of environmental, economic, and social challenges, and the domain of technology is no exception. For example, New York, Seattle, and other cities have embraced what Ira Rubinstein of New York University calls “privacy localism,” by filling significant gaps in federal and state legislation, particularly when it comes to surveillance.", "zh": "发挥人工智能本地主义的潜力 发自纽约—每一项新技术都会经历一个从炒作到沉寂的过程。 然而即便按照惯常的标准，人工智能的发展也堪称跌宕起伏。 那么这项技术究竟是革新社会的英雄还是破坏就业的恶棍？ 与往常一样，事实并非如此非黑即白。 作为一项通用技术，人工智能的形态将取决于我们会如何打造它，其最终影响也将由我们构建的治理框架所决定。 随着对新人工智能政策的呼声越来越高，人们也有机会以最大化该技术收益并限制其潜在危害的方式来塑造整套法律和监管基础架构。 直至最近，针对人工智能治理的讨论仍主要停留在国家层面。 然而大多数国家的人工智能战略（尤其是中国的）都专注于在全球范围内获取或维持竞争优势。 它们本质上都是些旨在吸引投资和增强企业竞争力的商业计划，通常还会附上对国家安全的额外强调。 对竞争的单一关注意味着围绕人工智能的框架规则和规章制度都被忽略了。 但许多城市却在日益填补着这类空白，纽约、多伦多、迪拜，横滨和其他城市充当了治理创新的“实验室 ” 。 这些城市正在尝试一系列政策，从禁止面部识别技术以及某些特定人工智能应用程序到创建多个数据协作体，还对在对民众负责的人工智能研究，本地化的高潜力技术生态系统以及公民主导的政策动议实施了大笔投资。 正如公共政策学者布鲁斯·卡茨（Bruce Katz）和已故的杰里米·诺瓦克（Jeremy Nowak）所描述的那样，这种“人工智能本地主义”是与“新本地主义”的更宏大趋势一致的。 城市政府和其他地方管辖机关正越来越多地承担起应对环境，经济和社会等广泛挑战的责任，而在技术领域也不例外。 举个例子，纽约、西雅图以及其他城市都采纳了纽约大学的埃拉·鲁宾斯坦（Ira Rubinstein）所谓的“隐私本地主义”理论，填补联邦和州立法中的一些重大空白 — — 尤其是在监控方面。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Surprising Tech Success BRUSSELS – Europe is often viewed as a digital laggard, running far behind the frontier-pushing United States and Asia. But appearances are deceiving. In fact, according to a new report by the London venture capital firm Atomico, European startups are now taking the lead in artificial intelligence, building new tech hubs, and drawing investment from traditional industrial stalwarts. Last year, a record-setting $13.6 billion was invested in Europe’s tech sector, compared with $2.8 billion in 2011. Gone are the days when Europe’s “tech” sector largely comprised consumer-oriented e-commerce businesses – often blatant knockoffs of successful US companies. Today, Europe is the home of real pioneering innovation, led by what Atomico calls “deep tech” – the kind of artificial intelligence developed by Google’s DeepMind. Deep tech accounted for $1.3 billion of European venture investments in 2015, delivered in 82 rounds, up from $289 million, delivered in 55 rounds, in 2011. Europe’s new tech hubs are emerging in unexpected places, far beyond the early hotspots of London, Berlin, and Stockholm. Atomico pinpoints Paris, Munich, Zurich, and Copenhagen as the cities to watch over the coming years. The French capital, Atomico points out, is already starting to challenge London and Berlin in terms of the number and volume of venture-capital-financed deals. Europe’s traditional industries are now awakening to tech. Two-thirds of Europe’s largest corporates by market capitalization have made a direct investment in a tech company.", "zh": "欧洲令人惊喜的技术成功 布鲁塞尔—欧洲常常被视为数字时代的落后地区，只能望不断拓展前沿的美国和亚洲之项背。 但外表有时会骗人。 事实上，据伦敦风险投资公司Atomico的一份新报告，如今欧洲初创企业正在领先人工智能领域、形成新的技术枢纽，并吸引着来自传统行业的投资。 去年，投资于欧洲技术行业的资金达到了创纪录的136亿美元，而2011年只有28亿美元。 欧洲“技术”部门主要由消费者导向的电子商务企业 — — 通常只是成功的美国公司的高仿“山寨”版 — — 组成的日子一去不返了。 如今，欧洲已成为真正的先锋技术的大本营，首屈一指的便是Atomico所谓的“深度技术 ” — —类似于谷歌所开发的DeepMind人工智能。 深度技术在2015年获得13亿欧元欧洲风险投资，完成82个投资轮次，而2011年只有2.89亿美元、55个投资伦次。 欧洲的新技术枢纽崛起于出人意料之处，与伦敦、柏林和斯德哥尔摩等早期热点相去甚远。 Atomico列举了巴黎、慕尼黑、苏黎世和哥本哈根为未来几年的希望之星。 Atomico指出，法国首都在风险资本融资交易数量和总规模方面已经开始挑战伦敦和柏林。 如今，欧洲传统行业已经开始有了技术意识。 在欧洲市值最大的企业中，有三分之二直接投资于科技公司。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Debeaking the Vultures NEW YORK – In the midst of the ongoing dispute between Argentina and the “vulture funds” that hold its bonds, a broad consensus has emerged concerning the need for sovereign-debt restructuring mechanisms (SDRMs). Otherwise, US Federal Judge Thomas P. Griesa’s ruling that Argentina must pay the vultures in full (after 93% of other bondholders agreed to a restructuring) will give free rein to opportunistic behaviors that sabotage future restructurings. Most recently, the International Capital Market Association (ICMA) recommended new terms for government bonds. Though the ICMA’s proposal leaves unresolved the hundreds of billions of bonds written under the old terms, the new framework says in effect that Griesa’s interpretation was wrong, and recognizes that leaving it in place would make restructuring impossible. The ICMA’s proposed contractual terms clarify the pari passu clause that was at the heart of Griesa’s muddle-headed ruling. The intent of the clause – a standard component of sovereign-bond contracts – was always to ensure that the issuing country treated identical bondholders identically. But it has always been recognized that senior creditors – for example, the International Monetary Fund – are treated differently. Griesa did not seem to grasp the common understanding of the clause. After Argentina defaulted on its sovereign debt in 2001, vulture funds bought defaulted bonds in the secondary market at a fraction of their face value, and then sued for full payment.", "zh": "切掉兀鹫之喙 纽约—在阿根廷与持有其债券的“兀鹫基金”之间闹得不可开交之际，一个共识已经浮现：我们需要主权债务重组机制（SDRM ） 。 否则，美国联邦法官托马斯·葛里萨（Thomas P. Griesa）的裁决 — — 阿根廷必须足额偿付兀鹫（尽管93%的其他债券持有者同意重组 ） — —将让机会主义者肆无忌惮地阻挠未来重组。 最近，国际资本市场协会（International Capital Market Association，ICMA）建议对政府债券采取新条款。 尽管ICMA的建议保留了数千亿已发行债券的旧条款，但新框架事实上宣判了葛里萨的裁决是错误的，并认为让该裁决继续存在下去将让重组无从进行。 ICMA所建议的合约条款明确了作为葛里萨糊涂裁决核心的平等权利条款。 该条款是主权债券合约的标准组成部分，其初衷总是为了确保发行无差别地对待相同的债券持有人。 但人们总是认为高级债权人 — — 比如国际货币基金组织（IMF）能受到区别对待。 葛里萨似乎没有抓住对该条款的普遍理解。 在2001年阿根廷对其主权债务违约后，兀鹫基金在二级市场以面值的几分之一买入违约的债券，然后起诉要求足额偿付。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why the US Federal Reserve’s Options Are Limited BERKELEY – What policy will the US Federal Reserve announce after the Federal Open Market Committee’s two-day meeting this week, and what policy should it announce? The first question is easy: There is a high probability – 75% – that the Fed will follow its previous forward guidance and raise its target for the short-term safe nominal interest rates that it controls by 50 basis points, from 0.75-1% to 1.25-1.5%. By validating its previous statements, the Fed hopes to steer the economy in the desired direction by shaping expectations of future interest rates. Because this “jawboning” strategy is effective only insofar as the Fed’s forward guidance is trusted, building and maintaining that trust is a major policy objective in itself. The Fed should deviate from previous forward guidance only if there is substantial evidence that the economy is on the wrong track. Currently there is no such evidence. Bond-market expectations of the underlying long-run consumer price index inflation trend remain under 2.5% per year – which is lower than in the pre-2014 period, when no rational person had any reason to fear that CPI inflation would soon deviate upward from its target. To be sure, the bond market expects the annual CPI inflation rate to be around 3% over the next five years, before falling to its longer-run 2.5% annual trend. Wouldn’t that higher rate justify additional steps to tighten monetary policy more than was previously expected? No, because the Fed does not merely want to hit its inflation target on a year-by-year basis. Rather, its primary task is to maintain confidence in the economy’s nominal price-level anchor over time. As long as it is doing that, it has the short-run policy freedom to do whatever else is needed to maximize employment and growth. By contrast, if the Fed were to deviate from its own forward guidance by raising interest rates faster than previously planned, it would reduce confidence in its word, and reduce employment and growth in the construction, export, and import-competing sectors. A 0.75 percentage-point increase carries palpable costs for little gain, implying that there is little chance that the Fed will go this far. The question of what the Fed should do is more difficult.", "zh": "美联储手中选项不多的原因 发自伯克利 — — 在本周为期两天的联邦公开市场委员会会议之后，美联储将发布什么政策，又应该宣布什么政策？ 要回答第一个问题很简单：美联储很有可能 — — 75%概率 — — 遵循其先前的前瞻性指引，将其控制的短期安全名义利率目标提升50个基点，从0.75~1%提高到1.25~1.5 % 。 通过兑现其先前的各项声明，美联储希望通过塑造对未来利率的预期来引导经济向期望方向发展。 由于这种“强力影响”策略只有在美联储的前瞻性指导被信任的情况下才有效，因此建立和维护这种信任本身就是一个主要的政策目标。 美联储只有在大量证据表明经济正处于错误轨道上时才应该偏离以前的前瞻性指导，而目前还没有出现这样的证据。 债券市场对潜在长期消费价格指数通胀趋势的预期仍然低于每年2.5 % — —这比2014年之前的时期要低，当时没有任何理性的人有理由担心消费价格指数通胀会很快向上偏离目标。 可以肯定的是，债券市场预计未来五年的CPI年通胀率将在3%左右，然后下降到其长期的2.5%年趋势。 那这个更高的比率难道不能证明实施多于先前预期的货币政策收紧措施是合理之举吗？ 答案是否定的，因为美联储不仅仅是想逐年达到其通胀目标，它更重要的任务是在一段时期内维持对经济的名义价格水平锚的信心。 只要做到了这一点，它就能获得一段短时期的政策自由去采取其它各种措施去最大化就业和增长。 相比之下，如果美联储偏离自己的前瞻性指导，以比原本计划更快的速度提高利率，那就会打击对其措辞的信心，并减少建筑、出口和进口竞争部门的就业和增长。 0.75个百分点的加息成本巨大但收益甚微，意味着美联储走到这一步的可能性很小。 而要回答美联储应该做什么的问题则比较困难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Europe and Japan, by contrast, monetary conditions will remain loose, as central banks continue to support economic growth with zero interest rates and quantitative easing (QE). And this policy divergence suggests a second potential shock for which financial markets seem unprepared. The US dollar could strengthen much further, especially against emerging-market currencies, despite Trump’s stated desire to boost US exports. The catalyst for exchange-rate appreciation would be not only higher US interest rates, but also a dollar squeeze in emerging markets, where foreign debts have increased by $3 trillion since 2010. A confluence of dollar strength and excessive foreign borrowing caused the debt crises in Latin America and Asia in the 1980s and 1990s. This time, Trump’s protectionism could make matters even worse, especially for countries such as Mexico and Turkey, which have based their development strategies on rapidly expanding exports and have financed domestic business activity with dollar debts. So much for the bad news. Fortunately, a third major development that is not priced into financial markets could be more favorable for global economic conditions: the European Union – an even more important market than the US for almost every trading country apart from Mexico and Canada – could do much better than expected in 2017. Economic indicators began to improve rapidly in most EU countries from early 2015, when the European Central Bank stopped the fragmentation of the eurozone by launching a bond-buying program even bigger than the QE pioneered by the Fed. But this economic recovery was overwhelmed last year by fears of political disintegration. With the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy all facing populist insurgencies – and at least the first three holding elections this year – the Brexit and Trump shocks have naturally provoked anxiety that the next domino to fall will be one of these EU founding members, followed perhaps by the entire EU. These expectations create the possibility of the biggest surprise of 2017: instead of disintegrating, the EU stabilizes, facilitating an economic rebound and a period of strong financial performance similar to the US “Goldilocks period” from 2010 to 2014, when the economy recovered at a pace that was neither too hot nor too cold. The key event will be France’s presidential election, which will most likely be decided in a second-round runoff on May 7.", "zh": "相反，在欧洲和日本，货币条件将保持宽松，因为央行将继续用零利率和量化宽松（QE）支持经济增长。 这一政策趋异暗示了金融市场似乎尚未做好准备的第二个潜在冲击。 尽管特朗普表示要提振美国出口，但美元可能继续大幅升值，特别是美元兑新兴市场货币汇率。 汇率升值的催化剂不但在于美国的利率，也在于新兴市场的美元挤兑。 2010年以来，新兴市场外部债务增加了3万亿美元。 美元升值和过度对外借贷的综合作用在20世纪80年代和90年代引发了拉美和亚洲债务危机。 这一回，特朗普的保护主义将让情况更加糟糕，特别是对于墨西哥和土耳其等国家，它们的发展战略以出口迅速扩张为基础，并通过美元债务来为国内商业活动融资。 坏消息到此为止。 幸运的是，尚未体现在金融市场价格中的第三个重要发展趋势或许对全球经济条件较为有利：欧盟 — — 对于除墨西哥和加拿大几乎所有国家来说，欧盟是比美国还要重要的市场 — — 在2017年的表现可能会大大好于预期。 2015年初，欧洲央行通过启动规模比美联储量化宽松还要大的债券购买计划来阻止欧元区解体，此后，大部分欧盟国家经济指标开始迅速改善。 但去年这一经济复苏被政治解体的担忧所压倒。 荷兰、法国、德国和意大利都面临民粹主义反动 — — 前三个国家今年都要举行选举 — — 英国退欧和特朗普冲击当然也引发了焦虑：下一块多米诺骨牌很可能是这些欧盟创始成员国之一，甚至整个欧盟都要沦陷。 这一预期形成了2017年最大的惊奇：欧盟不会解体，反而会稳定化，推动经济反弹和强劲的金融表现，类似于2010年到2014年的美国“金发姑娘时期 ” ， 即经济复苏既不过热，也不过冷。 关键事件将是法国总统大选，其结果几乎肯定要等到5月7日的第二轮选举才能落定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obamacare’s Fatal Flaw CAMBRIDGE – Obamacare, officially known as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, is the health-insurance program enacted by US President Barack Obama and Congressional Democrats over the unanimous opposition of congressional Republicans. It was designed to cover those Americans without private or public health insurance – about 15% of the US population. Opponents of Obamacare have failed to stop it in the courts and, more recently, in Congress. The program was therefore formally launched on October 1. Although it has been hampered by a wide range of computer problems and other technical difficulties, the program is likely to be operating by sometime in 2014. The big question is whether it will function as intended and survive permanently. There is a serious risk that it will not. The potentially fatal flaw in Obamacare is the very same feature that appeals most to its supporters: the ability of even those with a serious preexisting health condition to buy insurance at the standard premium. That feature will encourage those who are not ill to become or remain uninsured until they have a potentially costly medical diagnosis. The resulting shift in enrollment away from low-cost healthy patients to those with predictably high costs will raise insurance companies’ cost per insured person, driving up the premiums that they must charge. As premiums rise, even more relatively healthy individuals will be encouraged to forego insurance until illness strikes, causing average costs and premiums to rise further. With this in mind, Obamacare’s drafters made the purchase of insurance “mandatory.” More specifically, employers with more than 50 employees will be required after 2014 to purchase an approved insurance policy for their “full-time” employees. Individuals who do not receive insurance from their employers are required to purchase insurance on their own, with low-income buyers receiving a government subsidy. But neither the employer mandate nor the personal requirement is likely to prove effective. Employers can avoid the mandate by reducing an employee’s workweek to less than 30 hours (which the law defines as full-time employment). But even for full-time employees, firms can opt to pay a relatively small fine rather than provide insurance. That fine is $2,000 per employee, much less than the current average premium of $16,000 for employer-provided family policies.", "zh": "奥巴马医改的致命漏洞 美国剑桥—奥巴马医改 — — 正式名称叫做患者保护和平价医疗法（Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act ） — —是美国总统奥巴马和国会民主党议员发起、克服了国会共和党议员一致反对而实施的医疗保险计划。 其设计初衷是为了覆盖没有私人和公共健康保险的美国人 — — 大概占美国人口的15 % 。 奥巴马医改的反对者没能在法院阻止它，最近在国会再次受挫。 奥巴马医改也因此在10月1日正式发布。 尽管各种电脑问题和其他技术困难重重，但该计划仍将在2014年开始运行。 大问题在于它是否能如预料中那样运转并永久持续。 答案极有可能是否定的。 奥巴马医改的潜在致命漏洞正是其吸引大部分支持者的特色：已经存在严重健康状况的人也可以以标准费用购买保险。 这一特色将鼓励没病的人脱保或直到需要负担沉重医药费时再投保。 因此，投保者中低成本健康患者的数量将下降，而潜在成本很高的患者数量将上升，这一变化将提高保险公司的平均被保险人成本，迫使保险公司提高保费。 随着保费的升高，将鼓励更多的相对健康个人直到疾病上身才去投保，从而导致平均成本和保费进一步提高。 奥巴马医改的起草者考虑到了这一点，因此将购买保险作为“强制”条件。 更具体地说，2014年后，雇员超过50人的雇主将被要求为其“全职”雇员购买经核准的保单。 没有从雇主处获得保险的个人被要求自己购买保险，低收入购买者将获得政府补贴。 但不论是雇主强制购买还是个人要求购买都不可能有效。 雇主可以通过把雇员的周工作时长降低到30小时（法定全职工作时间标准）以下。 但即使是对全职雇员，企业也可以选择支付相对较少的罚款，而不提供保险。 罚金为每人2 000美元，远远少于目前雇主家庭保单费用的平均成本16 000美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On one side of the border is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, a place where 56% of the population survives on less than one dollar a day. On the other side of the island stands a stable democracy with a promising outlook for a reasonably prosperous future. For Dominicans, helping Haiti develop and become politically stable is the best way to safeguard their own stability. That was also the logic of the Barcelona Process in the late 1990’s, whereby the European Union worked to promote the development and democratization of the countries of the Maghreb as the best way to stem the uncontrolled tide of illegal immigration into Europe. But, unlike the EU, the Dominican Republic is not an economic giant that can assume exclusive responsibility for extracting Haiti from its Biblical destitution. The Dominicans are right to seek at least a more solid regional commitment. The Haitian refugee crisis in the early 1990’s tragically showed that no country in the region – including the United States, which either repatriated most illegal immigrants or confined them to the hardship of open camps in Guantánamo Bay – was ready to absorb the Haitians who fled their politically torn country. So long as the Haitian state remains fragile and the Haitian economy continues to decompose, the network of mafias living on illegal immigration into the Dominican Republic will continue to flourish. About one million Haitians now live in the Dominican Republic, but only about 10% of the Haitian laborers in the country are there legally, a condition that invites their exploitation by greedy employers. Cheap Haitian labor has become a substitute for less-skilled Dominican labor in a way that increases income inequalities, and puts a special burden on the country’s public finances and services, owing to lower tax revenues. Though the Dominican Republic suffers from its own social and economic maladies – it is itself an exporter of emigrants to the US, Puerto Rico, and Spain – it certainly has a role to play in Haiti’s reconstruction. But it must supersede the exclusivist attitudes held by many members of its political class, particularly given that much of its economic growth in recent years reflects the contribution of Haitian immigration. The two countries are condemned by history and geography to develop civilized neighborly relations.", "zh": "边境一侧是西半球最贫困的国家，那里56%的人口每天依靠不足1美元赖以维生。 而在小岛的另一侧则是一个稳定的民主政体，充满希望地迎接相对繁荣的未来。 对多米尼加人而言，帮助海地发展并实现政治稳定是捍卫自身稳定的最佳方式。 20世纪90年代末的巴塞罗那进程也信奉同样的逻辑，当时欧盟国家竭力推动马格里布国家的经济发展和政治民主化，因为这是阻止非法移民潮最好的方法。 不过和欧盟不同，多米尼加共和国并不是一个经济巨人，没有能力独自承担起从圣经赤贫中挽救海地的责任。 多米尼加有权寻求至少更加可靠的地区承诺。 20世纪90年代初的海地移民危机悲剧性地表明地区内没有任何一个国家准备接纳逃离政治上四分五裂国家的海地平民，其中也包括美国，美国遣返了多数非法移民，或者把他们送到关塔那摩湾条件恶劣的露天营地关押。 只要海地政府依然脆弱、海地经济继续腐烂，依靠向多米尼加共和国非法移民为生的犯罪团伙就会继续繁荣。 约有一百万海地民众现在生活在多米尼加，但只有约10%拥有合法的劳工资格，他们也因此成为贪婪雇主的剥削对象。 廉价的海地劳工已经取代了非技术型的多米尼加劳工，这在某种程度上扩大了收入不平等，降低了税收收入，致使国家公共财政和服务负担加重。 尽管多米尼加共和国自身也存在社会和经济问题 — — 这个国家自己也向美国、波多黎各和西班牙输出移民 — — 但是它肯定可以在海地重建中发挥作用。 不过尤其考虑到多米尼加近年来的经济发展在很大程度上反映了海地移民的贡献，因此它必需摒弃政治阶层不少人持有的排外态度。 历史渊源和地理位置决定这两个国家必需建设文明的邻国关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Winning the Confidence Game NEW HAVEN – On April 2, the G-20 will hold a summit in London to discuss what we may hope will be an internationally coordinated plan to address the world economic crisis. But can such a plan really work? The basic problem, of course, is confidence. People everywhere, consumers and investors alike, are canceling spending plans, because the world economy seems very risky right now. The same thing happened during the Great Depression of the 1930’s. A contemporary observer, Winthrop Case, explained it all in 1938: economic revival depended “on the willingness of individual and corporate buyers to make purchases that necessarily tie up their resources for a considerable length of time. For the individual, this implies confidence in the job, and in the end comes equally back to the confidence of industry leaders.” Unfortunately, confidence did not return until World War II ended the depression. If the leaders meeting in London are to succeed where governments failed in the 1930’s, they must commit themselves to a fiscal target that is sufficient to restore full employment under normal credit conditions. They must also commit themselves to a credit target that will restore lending to normal. People will not spend normally unless they have both a job and normal access to credit. During the Great Depression, such targets were not used on a large enough scale, merely fueling public despair that stimulus policies would ever work.", "zh": "信心是胜利的根本 纽海文 — — 4月2日，20国集团将在伦敦举行峰会，会议的主题是，为了应对目前面临的经济危机，如何建立一个国际间相互合作协调的方案。 这正是我们目前所关心的问题。 难道这方案真的会管用么？ 当然，问题的关键还是信心问题。 面临着波及全球范围的经济危机，世界各地的人们，不管是消费着还是投资者，都在削减开支，就象1930年代的大萧条那样。 当时的亲历者温思罗普·凯斯在1938年这样写到：经济的复苏靠的是“企业和个人愿意投资和消费，而且需要持续相当长的一段时间。 对个人来说，就是要对自己的工作有信心，对企业来说，就是老板对所从事的行业有信心 。 ” 不幸的是，直到第二次世界大战结束，信心才开始恢复，萧条真正得以结束。 伦敦参会的领袖们必须有一个清晰的财政目标，那就是保证充分的就业和信贷市场的正常化；同时，保证借贷市场的正常化也很重要。 人们只有在有了工作，有了借贷信用的时候，才会正常的消费。 这样才不会重导大萧条时代的覆辙。 仅仅依靠财政刺激方案是不可能获得成功的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Children whose families cannot provide a decent start in life deserve help. But America has not provided it – a point recently made by Jeb Bush, a leading contender for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. “In our country today,” Bush said in a speech to fellow conservatives, “if you’re born poor, if your parents didn’t go to college, if you don’t know your father, if English isn’t spoken at home, then the odds are stacked against you.” Nor is America likely to provide such help in the future, given the coming budget cuts’ disproportionate impact on children at the lower end of the income distribution. America can easily afford to do better, of course. Its large budget deficits reflect the impact of tax breaks that favor the wealthy and upper middle class; an unfunded expansion of Medicare coverage to include prescription medicines; two foreign wars; and, most important, a banking system that was allowed to get out of control, inflicting massive disruption on the real economy (and thus on tax revenue). Today’s children did not play a role in any of these policy mistakes. The preschoolers who are about to lose access to Head Start weren’t even born when they were made. Imposing austerity on poor children is not just unfair; it is also bad economics.", "zh": "那些无法从家庭中获取人生良好开端的儿童应该得到帮助。 但美国却没能提供这种帮助 — — 共和党2016年总统提名人竞争的领先者杰布·布什（Jeb Bush）最近提出了这一点。 “现在在我们国家 ， ” 布什在对党内保守派的演讲中提到 ， “ 如果你出生在贫穷的家庭，如果你的父母没上过大学，如果你连自己的父亲是谁都不知道，如果你家里不说英语，那么你成功的机会就很渺茫 。 ” 鉴于未来预算削减对低收入家庭儿童所造成的过大影响，美国也不大可能在未来提供这种帮助。 当然，美国无疑能轻易地做得更好。 其庞大的预算赤字反映了下列一系列事件的影响：有利于富人和上层中产阶级的减税；缺乏资金支持的医保覆盖面的扩大（包括处方药在内 ） ； 两场海外战争；最重要的是，一个被允许失控的银行系统，对实体经济造成了严重损害（税收收入也因此降低 ） 。 今天的儿童并未参与制定这些错误政策。 那些即将失去参与开端计划资格的学前儿童在这些错误的决策产生时甚至都还没有出生。 对低收入家庭的儿童实施紧缩不仅是不公平的；而且也是糟糕的经济计算。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rethinking Emissions Reduction THE HAGUE – Whether at United Nations climate-change summits or one of the many “green growth” forums, renewables and energy efficiency are consistently regarded as the solution to global warming. Even the coal industry adopted the efficiency line in its Warsaw Communiqué, released ahead of the UN’s COP19 summit last November. But a closer look at the global energy system, together with a more refined understanding of the emissions challenge, reveals that fossil fuels will likely remain dominant throughout this century – meaning that carbon capture and storage (CCS) may well be the critical technology for mitigating climate change. The widespread focus on efficiency and renewable energy stems from the dissemination of the Kaya Identity, which the Japanese economist Yoichi Kaya developed in 1993. Kaya calculated CO2 emissions by multiplying total population by per capita GDP, energy efficiency (energy use per unit of GDP), and carbon intensity (CO2 per unit of energy). Given the impracticality of winning support for proposals based on population management or limits on individual wealth, analyses using the Kaya Identity tend to bypass the first two terms, leaving energy efficiency and carbon intensity as the most important determinants of total emissions. But this convenient interpretation does not correspond to reality. The fact is that the rate at which CO2 is being released into the ocean-atmosphere system is several orders of magnitude greater than the rate at which it is returning to geological storage through processes like weathering and ocean sedimentation. In this context, what really matters is the cumulative amount of CO2 being released over time – a fact that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change recognized in its recently released Fifth Assessment Report. Since the industrial age began some 250 years ago, roughly 575 billion tons of fossil-fuel and land-fixed carbon – more than two trillion tons of CO2 – have been released into the atmosphere, leading to a shift in the global heat balance and a likely 1°C increase in surface temperature (the median of a distribution of outcomes). At the current rate, a trillion tons of carbon, or some 2°C of warming, could be reached as early as 2040. This view does not align with the prevailing mechanisms for measuring progress on emissions reduction, which target specific annual outcomes.", "zh": "反思减排 海牙—不管是在联合国气候变化峰会上，还是在冲多“绿色增长”论坛上，可再生能源和能源效率一直被认为是全球变暖的解决办法。 就连煤炭行业也在其于去年11月联合国COP19峰会前发布的《华沙公约 》 （ Warsaw Communiqué）中划定了一条效率线。 但如若更仔细地检视全球能源体系，并更深入地了解排放挑战，就能发现，化石燃料仍将是本世纪最主要的能量源，这意味碳捕捉和存储（CCS）才是应对气候挑战的关键技术。 人们广泛关注能源效率和可再生能源，原因在于日本经济学家茅阳一（Yoichi Kaya）1993年所提出的茅阳一恒等式。 茅阳一将总人口和人均GDP、能源效率（单位GDP的能源使用量）以及碳密集度（单位能源的二氧化碳含量）相乘，就得到了二氧化碳排放量。 人口管理或限制个人财富的动议显然不可能获得支持，因此基于茅阳一恒等式的分析总是剔除前两个乘数，于是能源效率和碳密集度就成了总排放量最重要的决定因素。 但这一方便的解释与现实并不相符。 事实上，二氧化碳向海洋大气排放的速度比风化和海洋沉积等回到生物储存状态的速度快好几个数量级。 因此，真正重要的是二氧化碳随时间排放量的累计值 — — 这一事实可见于政府间气候变化委员会（Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change）最新的第五版评估报告。 自250年前工业时代开始以来，大约5,750亿吨化石燃料和土地中的碳 — — 即两万亿多吨二氧化碳 — — 排入了大气，导致了全球热平衡发生变化，地表温度可能因此上升了1℃（结果分布的中位值 ） 。 按照当前速度，到2040年可能会排放1万亿吨碳，或导致2℃的升温。 这一观点与流行的减排进展测量机制不一致，后者关注具体的年度结果目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Peak China? CAMBRIDGE – The failure of China’s zero-COVID policy is leading to a reassessment of Chinese power. Until recently, many expected China’s GDP to surpass that of the United States by 2030 or soon thereafter. But now, some analysts argue that even if China achieves that goal, the US will surge ahead again. So, have we already witnessed “peak China”? It is just as dangerous to overestimate Chinese power as it is to underestimate it. Underestimation breeds complacency, whereas overestimation stokes fear; but either can lead to miscalculations. A good strategy requires a careful net assessment. Contrary to the current conventional wisdom, China is not the world’s largest economy. Measured in terms of purchasing power parity, it became larger than the US economy in 2014. But PPP is an economist’s device for comparing estimates of welfare; even if China someday surpasses the US in total economic size, GDP is not the only measure of geopolitical power. China remains well behind the US on military and soft-power indices, and its relative economic power is smaller still when one also considers US allies such as Europe, Japan, and Australia. To be sure, China has been expanding its military capabilities in recent years. But as long as the US maintains its alliance and bases in Japan, China will not be able to exclude it from the Western Pacific – and the US-Japan alliance is stronger today than it was at the end of the Cold War. Yes, analysts sometimes draw more pessimistic conclusions from war games designed to simulate a Chinese invasion of Taiwan. But with China’s energy supply exposed to US naval domination in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, it would be a mistake for Chinese leaders to assume that a naval conflict near Taiwan (or in the South China Sea) would stay confined to that region. China has also invested heavily in its soft power (the ability to get preferred outcomes through attraction rather than coercion or payment). But while cultural exchanges and aid projects could indeed enhance China’s attractiveness, two major hurdles remain.", "zh": "中国高点? 发自剑桥 — — 中国新冠清零政策的失败正导致人们对该国实力进行重新评估。 虽说直到最近还有许多人预测中国GDP将在2030年或之后不久超过美国，但如今一些分析家认为即便中国实现了这一目标，美国还是会再次迅猛超前。 这是否意味着我们是否已经见证了“中国高点 ” ？ 高估中国的实力和低估它一样危险。 低估会令人滋生自满情绪，高估则会激发恐惧；而两者都会导致误判。 由此可见我们需要仔细的净评估（net assessment）才能制定一个好的战略。 与目前的流行观点相反，中国并不是全球最大的经济体。 虽然以购买力平价计它在2014年超越了美国经济。 但购买力平价其实是经济学家比较大概福利状况的工具；即使中国有一天在经济总规模上超过了美国，GDP也不是衡量地缘政治力量的唯一标准。 中国在军事和软实力指数上仍远远落后于美国，如果再加上欧洲、日本和澳大利亚等美国盟友的话那其相对经济实力就更小了。 虽然中国近年来一直在扩充军力，但只要美国继续维持美日联盟和驻日基地，中国就无法将其排除在西太平洋之外 — — 而如今的美日联盟要比冷战结束时更为强大。 纵使分析家们不时会从旨在模拟中国入侵台湾的战争推演中得出更悲观的结论，但由于中国的能源供应暴露在美国海军对波斯湾和印度洋的支配之下，如果中国领导人认为台湾附近（或南海）的海军冲突只会局限于该地区那可就错了。 中国也对其软实力（通过吸引而非胁迫或金钱来获得想定结果的能力）进行了大量投资。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How India Can Sustain Rapid Economic Growth NEW DELHI – One country stands out from the gloomy overall tone of the International Monetary Fund’s recent update of its World Economic Outlook. Against the backdrop of tepid 3.2% global growth in 2022, the IMF expects India’s GDP to expand by 7.4%. This is the fastest growth of any large economy except Saudi Arabia, which is the incidental beneficiary of upward pressure on global oil prices from Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war against Ukraine. India may be buying Russian crude at a discount, but, as the world’s third largest oil importer, it is still burdened by high oil prices. One might quibble that India had an exceptionally difficult pandemic, so it now has exceptional scope for bouncing back. But other countries hit hard by COVID-19, such as Mexico, are not doing nearly as well. One might also note that, with India’s still-rapid rate of population growth, per capita incomes are rising more slowly than the aggregate GDP figures. But a population growth rate of 1% doesn’t fundamentally change the story. India’s annual GDP growth in excess of 7% is in fact the continuation of an ongoing acceleration, from roughly 5.7% in the 1990s, to 6.2% from the turn of the century to the 2008 global financial crisis, and then to 6.9% from the crisis to the eve of the pandemic. The country has benefited from a buoyant tech sector, surprisingly robust agricultural productivity gains, and decent manufacturing growth. With the worst of the pandemic now behind it, the economy is firing on all cylinders. The question is whether this can last. Unfortunately, there are good reasons to believe that, given current policies, the answer is no. To maintain its growth momentum, India needs to export more. The country has never been an export powerhouse, to put it mildly. Exports of services help, but the outsourcing of back-office and customer-facing services is now poised to slow, as firms “friend-shore” more of their operations. The current government’s commitment to investing in logistics seems promising, but only time will tell how investment projects pan out.", "zh": "印度该如何维持高速经济增长 发自新德里—在国际货币基金组织最新一期《世界经济展望》中，有一个国家从黯淡的整体基调中脱颖而出。 在2022年全球经济增长仅为3.2%的背景下，基金组织预计印度将实现7.4%的GDP增长。 这一增速是除沙特以外所有大型经济体中最快的，而沙特的高增长则来自于俄罗斯总统普京对乌克兰战争催生的全球油价上行压力带来的附带受益。 虽然印度或许能折价购买俄罗斯原油，但身为世界第三大石油进口国的它仍然承受着高油价的负担。 有人可能会争辩说印度遭遇了极其严峻的新冠疫情，因此现在拥有异常巨大的反弹空间。 但其他同样受新冠打击的国家 — — 比如墨西哥 — — 却未能拿出类似的好表现。 人们或许还会注意到由于印度人口增速依然很快，所以人均收入增速要慢于GDP的总数字。 但1%的人口增长率并不会从根本上改变这个状况。 印度每年超过7%的GDP增长实际上是过往持续加速的延续。 从1990年代的大约5.7 % ， 到世纪之交至2008年全球金融危机爆发时的6.2 % ， 再到危机后至疫情前夕的6.9 % ， 这个国家受益于活跃的科技部门、令人惊讶的强劲农业生产力增长以及合理的制造业增长。 随着新冠疫情的最糟糕阶段已成过去，印度经济现正开足马力前进。 问题在于这种态势能否持续。 不幸的是，我们有充分的理由相信在政府当前的各项政策下会得出一个否定答案。 为了保持增长势头，印度需要增加出口。 坦白说该国从来都不是一个出口大国。 虽然服务出口有所助力，但随着企业更多地将其业务“友岸外包 ” ， 后台和面向客户的服务外包现正面临放缓。 本届政府投资物流的承诺看似很有前景，然而项目成果还需留待时间来证明。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The walls of the suite were thick, I could hear no hum of voices. I wondered what he was saying to her, how he phrased his words. Perhaps he said, 'I fell in love with her, you know, the very first time we met. We've been seeing one another every day.' And she in answer, 'Why, Mr de Winter, it's quite the most romantic thing I've ever heard.' Romantic, that was the word I had tried to remember coming up in the lift. Yes, of course. Romantic. That was what people would say. It was all very sudden and romantic. They suddenly decided to get married and there it was. Such an adventure. I smiled to myself as I hugged my knees on the window seat, thinking how wonderful it was, how happy I was going to be. I was to marry the man I loved. I was to be Mrs de Winter. It was foolish to go on having that pain in the pit of my stomach when I was so happy. Nerves of course. Waiting like this; the doctor's ante- room. It would have been better, after all, more natural surely to have gone into the sitting-room hand in hand, laughing, smiling at one another and for him to say 'We're going to be married, we're very much in love.'", "zh": "客房里墙壁太厚，听不见隔壁说话的声音。不知他会对她说些什么，用些什么样的字眼。他也许会说：“第一次相遇，我就爱上了她。我们每一天都见面。”而范夫人回答：“啊，德温特先生，这是我所听说过的最富于浪漫色彩的风情事。”浪漫！这个词我在电梯里绞尽脑汁都没想起来。不错，我们的爱情当然是浪漫的，世人都会这般评价。这是一种突如其来的浪漫爱情。两人一下子就决定结婚，而且说到做到。多么了不起啊！我乐滋滋地抱膝坐在窗前的座位上，思索着奇妙的现实以及幸福的未来。我将嫁给自己的意中郎君，成为德温特夫人。既然得到了幸福，心口再痛，就未免太荒唐了。这肯定是神经在作怪。坐在这里，犹如等候在手术室门外。我们本该手拉手一道走进起居室，相互飞着笑眼，由他解释说：“我们彼此深深相爱，打算结为夫妻。”那样做更好些，显得更自然些。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Children of Frenchmen One puzzling and often overlooked feature of the France that elected Nicolas Sarkozy as its new president, and that is now poised to give his political allies a powerful parliamentary mandate, is its mix of private optimism and public pessimism. Consider this: France has the highest fertility rate in the European Union (just under two children per woman), even ahead of booming Ireland. Of course, that rate alone is not enough to sustain France’s current population, but it’s far stronger than its European neighbors and almost equal to that of the US. Yet, despite this, Eurobarometer polls repeatedly show that the French are the most pessimistic of all Europeans when it comes to their country’s future. How can it be that people who are so negative about their common future as a nation go about confidently building their private futures within their families? Indeed, strained by decades of governmental failure to curb massive unemployment, the French are nowadays often perceived as having retired from the political sphere to concentrate on their lives and leisure. Museums, gardening, clubs of all sorts are blossoming in today’s France. Private associations, it seems, have picked up where political parties and trade unions have left off. But if the French have turned their backs on the public sphere, how are we to make sense of the record-high participation in the recent presidential election, when more than 85% of turned out to vote in both rounds? How do we explain the passion aroused by the campaign and by Sarkozy himself including the massive affirmation he received in the parliamentary election? Political fervor, it seems, has not vanished in the land of Rousseau and Danton. So the truth must lie elsewhere: the French are not hopeless about politics; they are simply waiting for a genuine leader. As a matter of fact, a case can be made that the French will never come to believe that the state lacks power, globalization or no globalization. The French still expect greater things from their government than from an integrated Europe or the boundless world. Yes, the French are incorrigible lovers of the welfare state (they are not the only ones). And Sarkozy seems to understand this instinctively.", "zh": "法国的孩子们 在法国人选举萨科奇作为他们的新总统、现在又让他的政治伙伴在议会取得领导地位的过程中，有一个令人费解的特点通常会被大家忽视，即个人乐观主义和公众悲观主义相互融合。 考虑一下这种情况。 法国有着欧盟中最高的人口出生率（每个妇女有差不多两个孩子 ） ， 甚至比人口激增的爱尔兰还要高。 当然，仅靠这个比率并不足以支撑法国目前的人口，但是它远比欧洲邻国高，几乎与美国持平。 然而尽管如此，欧洲晴雨表民意测验还是一再显示，在国家未来问题上，法国人是全欧洲最悲观的。 为什么会出现人们在对他们作为一个国家的共同未来如此悲观的同时却又对在他们的家庭内部建立他们自己的未来如此充满信心的情况呢？ 事实上，因为对政府几十年来未能制止居高不下的失业率感到失望，法国人现在通常被认为不再关心政治而只关注他们自己的生活和休闲。 博物馆、园艺以及各种各样的俱乐部在今天的法国如雨后春笋般冒了出来。 看起来，私人协会已经接过了被政党和工会遗弃的领域。 但是如果说法国人不再关心公共领域，我们又怎么解释在最近的总统选举中创历史记录的高投票率呢？ 在这次的两轮选举中投票率超过了85 % 。 我们怎么解释被选举活动和萨科奇本人所燃起的热情，包括他在议会选举中所受到的巨大首肯呢？ 看起来政治热情并没有在孕育过卢梭和丹东的国土上消失。 所以事实应该是另一种情况。 那就是法国人并没有对政治失去信心，他们只是在等待一个真正的领导人。 实际上，我们完全可以肯定法国人绝对不会认为他们的国家会失去力量，不管有没有全球化。 法国人依然对他们的政府比一体化的欧洲或者没有国界的世界更有所期待。 然而，法国人是福利国家的忠实拥护者（他们不是唯一有这种想法的人 ） 。 而萨科奇似乎本能地理解这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Harvard economist Alberto Alesina recently summarized evidence concerning whether government deficit reduction – that is, expenditure cuts and/or tax increases – always induces such negative effects: “The answer to this question is a loud no.” Sometimes, even often, economies prosper nicely after the government’s deficit is sharply reduced. Sometimes, just maybe, the austerity program boosts confidence in such a way as to ignite a recovery. We have to examine the issue with some care, understanding that the issue that Mandeville raised is really a statistical one: the outcome of government deficit reduction is never entirely predictable, so we can ask only how likely such a plan is to succeed in restoring economic prosperity. And the biggest problem here is accounting for possible reverse causality. For example, if evidence of future economic strength makes a government worry about economic overheating and inflation, it might try to cool domestic demand by raising taxes and lowering government spending. If the government is only partly successful in preventing economic overheating, it might nonetheless appear to casual observers that austerity actually strengthened the economy. Likewise, the government’s deficit might fall not because of austerity, but because the stock market’s anticipation of economic growth fuels higher revenues from capital-gains tax. Once again, we would see what might appear, from looking at the government deficit, to be an austerity-to-prosperity scenario. Jaime Guajardo, Daniel Leigh, and Andrea Pescatori of the International Monetary Fund recently studied austerity plans implemented by governments in 17 countries in the last 30 years. But their approach differed from that of previous researchers. They focused on the government’s intent, and looked at what officials actually said, not just at the pattern of public debt. They read budget speeches, reviewed stability programs, and even watched news interviews with government figures. They identified as austerity plans only those cases in which governments imposed tax hikes or spending cuts because they viewed it as a prudent policy with potential long-term benefits, not because they were responding to the short-term economic outlook and sought to reduce the risk of overheating.", "zh": "哈佛大学经济学家阿尔伯托·阿里辛纳（Alberto Alesina）最近总结了一些关于政府赤字缩减政策 — — 即支出缩减和/或加税 — — 会否导致这类负面效应的证据 ： “ 对这个问题的答案是一个大大的‘不’字 。 ” 有时（甚至是经常性的 ） ， 经济会在政府大幅减少赤字后蓬勃发展；有时（但只在有可能的情况下 ） ， 紧缩政策能以上述手段提振信心并激发复苏。 我们必须谨慎地研究这个问题，并意识到曼德维尔所提到的状况实际上是一个统计学上的现象：你永远无法全面预测政府紧缩政策的结果，因此我们只能询问这么一个计划成功推动经济复苏的可能性究竟有多大。 而其中最重要的问题则是解释可能存在的逆向因果关系。 比如说，如果某些与未来经济相关的证据使某国政府担心可能出现经济过热和通胀，它可能会尝试通过加税和降低政府支出来为国内需求降温。 即便这些防止过热措施只取得了部分成功，但在普通旁观者眼里，这些紧缩政策似乎��经实质上增强了经济。 同样，政府的赤字不仅会因紧缩而下降，也可能是因为股票市场对经济增长的预期带来了更多资本利得税收入。 这一次我们可能也会从政府赤字的角度，认为是紧缩实现了繁荣。 而国际货币基金组织的贾米·瓜加尔多（Jaime Guajardo ） ， 丹尼尔·利（Daniel Leigh）和安德烈·佩斯卡托利（Andrea Pescatori）最近研究了过去30年内17国政府所采取的紧缩政策。 他们把焦点放在政府的动机之上，并研究政府官员们的言论，而不仅仅是公共债务的模式。 他们研读预算报告，检讨金融稳定政策，甚至观看那些政府高官的新闻采访。 在他们的定义中，紧缩政策是那些政府将加税或者削减支出视为一个将产生潜在长期收益的明智政策，而不是对短期经济预测的回应或者尝试减少经济过热的风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hadjiev’s two other brothers, as well as his brother-in-law and sister-in-law, have been in Turkmenistan’s notorious penal gulag since 2002, when they were sentenced to lengthy prison terms. In 2003, his elderly father-in-law was beaten by police agents and forced into internal exile. On February 19, the Bulgarian police arrested Hadjiev with the intention of sending him back to face a similar fate. This is not the first time he has been arrested in Bulgaria. After first arriving, Hadjiev and his wife were arbitrarily detained for several days, leaving their 13-year-old daughter without supervision or access to her parents. The police arrested Hadjiev again in 2002, in response to a Turkmen extradition request. After the Varna City Court refused to allow the extradition, ruling that the charges were politically motivated, the Bulgarian authorities threatened to deport him. In 2005, the Hadjievs’ car was incinerated by a bomb-like device, which they interpreted as a warning to cease their defiant challenges to the Bulgarian – and possibly Turkmen – authorities. The authorities that arrested Hadjiev last month made no pretense of due process: they offered no arrest warrant, and have repeatedly refused him access to relatives and legal counsel. Moreover, the court has given no explanation of why it is allowing him to be tried on the same embezzlement charge that of which he was acquitted in 2003. Fortunately, Hadjiev is a fighter. Since the beginning of his travails in Bulgaria, he has battled the system by confronting the government branches responsible for his persecution.", "zh": "）Hadjiev的另外两个兄弟，以及他的内兄/内弟，和弟媳/兄嫂自2002年开始就被关押在土库曼斯坦臭名昭著的刑事集中营长期服刑。 2003年，他年迈的岳父也被警方特工殴打，并被迫内部流放。 在二月十九日，保加利亚警方逮捕了Hadjiev，企图将其遣送回国面对同样的命运。 这不是他第一次在保加利亚被捕。 在进入保加利亚之初，Hadjiev和他的妻子也被武断地关押了几天，留下他们13岁的女儿无人照看，也见不到父母。 应土库曼的一个引渡请求，警察在2002年再一次逮捕了Hadjiev。 在瓦纳城法院以指控出于政治目的拒绝引渡请求后，保加利亚当局就威胁将他驱逐出境。 在2005年，Hadjiev一家的汽车被一种类似于炸弹的装置烧毁。 他们将此事件解释为让其停止对保加利亚—及可能对土库曼—当局的挑战的警告。 上个月逮捕Hadjiev的部门连走形式的正当程序都没有执行：他们没有出示逮捕令，并一次次拒绝他见亲友和律师。 另外，法庭也没有就为什么允许他再次以早在2003年就已澄清的挪用（公款）罪名受审做出解释。 所幸的是，Hadjiev是一名战士。 从他在保加利亚的艰难困境一开始，他就以与负责迫害他的政府部门对抗的方式来与这个制度抗争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In a Congressional election year, another destabilizing showdown over the federal debt limit is unlikely. Moreover, monetary policy is likely to remain accommodative, and inflation remains lower than expected. US Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen was a vocal co-architect of the Fed’s accommodative policy stance under the leadership of her predecessor, Ben Bernanke, so policy continuity is expected. Indeed, the Fed has reiterated its intention to hold the federal funds rate near zero well past the time that the unemployment rate falls below 6.5%, while gradually trimming its purchases of long-term assets – so-called quantitative easing – by $10 billion a month. Meanwhile, private spending grew 3.9% year on year in 2013, the strongest rate in a decade, and the outlook for 2014 is promising. Improving household balance sheets imply stronger consumer sentiment. Real personal-consumption spending rose at a 2.3% annual rate in 2013, up from 2% in 2011 and 2012. Stronger consumer spending, along with record-high corporate profits, should boost investment spending further this year, as will re-shoring of economic activity and an improving trade balance, owing to a decline in energy and labor costs in the US. Indeed, shale energy and big-data analytics, two areas in which the US has a strong competitive edge, could be significant supply-side “game changers” for growth. Nonetheless, the outlook for US workers is less sanguine and more uncertain.", "zh": "在国会选举年也不太可能再次发生可能引起动荡的联邦债务上限问题上的闹剧。 此外，货币政策有望继续保持有利，通胀水平也将比预期更低。 在前任伯南克领导期间，美联储主席耶伦是美联储有利政策的坚定支持者，因此可以预期美联储政策的延续性。 事实上，美联储重申了其将联邦基金利率保持在近零水平直到失业率下降到6.5%以下、同时将其月度长期资产购买（即所谓的量化宽松）规模缩减100亿美元的意图。 与此同时，私人支出在2013年同比增长3.9 % ， 为十年来最强劲的一年，2014年的前景展望也相当乐观。 改善的家庭资产负债表意味着更强的消费者情绪。 2013年实际个人消费支出按年率增长了2.3 % ， 而2011年和2012年为2 % 。 更强的消费支出以及创纪录的公司利润应能在今年进一步提振投资支出，得益于美国能源和劳动力成本下降的经济活动的回流和贸易平衡的改善亦然。 事实上，页岩能源和大数据分析 — — 美国拥有强大竞争优势的两个领域 — — 可以成为强大的供给端增长“局面改变因素 ” 。 尽管如此，美国工人所面临的前景更加暗淡，也更不确定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "马克笑着说道：“老大，这你就错了，你可是咱们这边的秘密武器，除了少数几个人，谁知道你现在已经是魔导师了？ 你就是第五场的人选，不论他们那边最后派谁出来和你比试，你都能占比较大的赢面嘛。 这也是我们同意五局三胜的原因。” 我想了想，也是，这个办法确实不错，可心里有隐隐觉的有些不妥。 但已经这样了，明天请假好了。 我拍了拍马克的肩膀，说道：“放心吧，我会尽全力的，一定为你父亲争取到王位。” 马克感激的抓住我的手，说道：“老大，我象你保证，我父亲一定会是个好国王的。” 我笑道：“记住你的保证哦，我等着看呢。” 马克说道：“我会的。” 决定艾夏命运的一战就要开始，真希望前四场就能决出胜负，这样就不用我出场了。", "en": "Ma Ke chuckled. “Boss, you’re wrong! You’re our secret weapon. Other than a handful of people, who knows that you’re a Magister? You’ve been chosen to fight the last match, so you’ll have a slight advantage over whoever is sent out to fight you. Haha. This is also why we agreed to the five matches request.” ‘This is really a good plan. However, I still have an inkling feeling that there is something amiss. Since it is already decided though, I’ll just take a leave of absence from the academy tomorrow.’ I patted Ma Ke’s shoulder. “Don’t worry! I’ll do my best to help your father succeed the throne.” Ma Ke gratefully grabbed my hand. “Boss, I promise you that my father will definitely be a good king!” I smiled. “You have to remember your promise!” Ma Ke said,\"I’ll keep you to it!”The final battle to decide the fate of the kingdom of Aixia is starting. I really hope that it will be possible to determine who will win or lose by the fourth round so I won’t need to compete."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So far, RBI Governor Urjit Patel has refused to give in to the government’s demands. It helps the RBI’s stature and independence that Patel and his lieutenants, like their predecessors, are experienced at navigating the RBI through economic and political minefields. But if the government continues to attack the RBI on multiple fronts, effective monetary policymaking could become impossible. And if those attacks include forcing Patel out, the blow to the RBI – the only well-respected technocratic institution in India’s mostly dysfunctional bureaucracy – would be severe. Central-bank independence is often fetishized nowadays. But if a central bank pursues objectives that have no political support, its legitimacy should (and will) suffer. Nonetheless, the loss of operational independence – the ability to act without interference in pursuit of its stated objectives, developed in consultation with political authorities – can also be fatal to a central bank’s credibility. Consider recent events in Turkey. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s public attacks on the central bank’s independence caused the Turkish lira to plummet. By the time the central bank prevailed over Erdoğan’s dictums and raised interest rates, it was too late; its credibility had been shattered. Modi’s government has a strong interest in ensuring that the RBI does not suffer a similar fate.", "zh": "迄今为止，印度储备银行行长乌吉特·帕特尔（Urjit Patel）仍然拒绝向政府低头。 正是印度储备银行的地位和独立性帮助了帕特尔及其副手 — — 如同他们的前任一样 — — 驾驭该机构穿越了众多经济和政治雷区。 但如果政府继续在多个方面攻击印度储备银行，有效的货币政策制定可能无法继续进行下去。 如果这些攻击包括迫使帕特尔出局，那么对印度储备银行 — — 也是印度普遍失能的官僚体系中唯一备受尊重的技术官僚机构 — — 的打击将会极为严重。 如今，中央银行的独立性经常受到人们的迷恋和追捧。 但如果一家央行追求一些缺乏政治支持的目标，其合法性也应该（且注定）会受到损害。 即便如此，运作独立性的丧失 — — 在不受干扰的情况下为实现其与政治当局协商后制定的既定目标而采取行动的能力 — — 对中央银行信誉的打击也是致命的。 以土耳其近期的事件为例。 总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安（Recep Tayyip Erdoğan）对央行独立地位的公开抨击导致土耳其里拉暴跌。 但当中央银行冲破埃尔多安的言论并提高利率时早就为时已晚了；它的信誉已被攻破。 莫迪政府有足够的利益相关性去确保印度储备不会遭受类似的命运。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Islands of Nationalism BEIJING – If the recent tension between China and Japan over disputed islands in the East China Sea is any indication, relations between the world’s second and third largest economies will not be smooth for some time to come, despite ever-increasing bilateral trade and investment. That is because both countries’ latest rush to affirm their sovereignty over the islands – called Senkaku in Japanese and Diaoyu in Chinese – reflects a sense of insecurity and a perception that the other side is taking an aggressive stand, which means that the issue is unlikely to be resolved in the foreseeable future. On the Japanese side, there is growing anxiety over China’s increasing economic and military prowess, such that some nationalists would like to “settle” the matter in Japan’s favor as soon as possible. Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara’s recent call for Japan’s government to “purchase” the islands from “private” Japanese owners can be explained in this context. On the Chinese side, the maritime quarrels with Japan – and with Brunei, Malaysia, Vietnam, and the Philippines in the South China Sea – have reignited a national debate about whether China’s foreign policy is too weak in terms of asserting the country’s interests. America’s “pivot” to Asia, viewed by many Chinese as an effort by the United States to reassert itself in Asia by supporting other Asian states in “containing” China’s rise, has fueled a siege mentality among Chinese nationalists.", "zh": "民族主义的岛屿 发自北京 — — 如果中日两国最近在中国东海受争议岛屿上的紧张态势有任何指示性意义的话，只能说尽管这两个世界第二大和第三大经济体的相互贸易和投资额都不断上升，但双边关系在未来一段时间内都难有和谐。 这是因为两国近期争相对这些岛屿 — — 日本称尖阁列岛而中国称为钓鱼岛 — — 宣示主权的行为都反映出一种缺乏安全感的心态以及认定对方正在采取侵略性立场的观念，而这意味着该事件在可见的未来都将难以得到解决。 在日本方面，对中国强大经济和军事实力的忧虑与日俱增，以至于某些民族主义者想要尽快在对日本有利情况下把这件事“敲定”下来。 而东京都知事石原慎太郎最近呼吁日本政府从日本“私人”土地所有者手中“买下”这些岛屿的行为就可以在这一背景下得到解释。 而在中国这边，跟日本的海洋争端 — — 还有与文莱，马来西亚，越南和菲律宾的南海主权问题 — — 都再次引发了一场关于中国外交政策在维护本国利益方面是否太过软弱的全国性辩论。 在许多中国人看来，美国“轴心”向亚洲的转移就是想通过支持其他亚洲国家来遏制中国崛起，进而重夺亚洲控制权，而这也导致许多民族主义者心里产生了一种四面楚歌的受围心态。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Egyptian and Israeli leaders must recognize that the ongoing struggle to secure the Sinai Peninsula – which the treaty established as a demilitarized zone – is testing peace daily. Israel has so far tolerated Egyptian military activity and force deployments that technically violate the bilateral treaty, approving them retroactively in the hope that Egypt will do more to secure the border and crack down on weapons smuggling into Gaza. But Israel has little confidence that the deployments will enhance its security, and Israeli leaders are becoming increasingly anxious about the Egyptian military’s mobilization of forces without notice. In Egypt, the treaty is even more clearly under threat. The Muslim Brotherhood has long called for a referendum on the treaty, viewing the restrictions on Egyptian forces in the Sinai as an affront to national sovereignty. The Brothers condemned Morsi’s involvement in resolving the Gaza crisis last year, portraying it as kowtowing to Israel. In fact, Morsi is under fire from both the left and the right for upholding former President Hosni Mubarak’s obliging approach to Israel, as well as for reasserting Mubarak’s authoritarian bargain – diplomatic and financial support in exchange for “stability” – with the United States. Faced with a collapsing economy and approaching elections, the temptation for Morsi to stoke nationalist, anti-Israel sentiment will become stronger. A major incident on the border could be enough to push him over the edge. In order to sustain the peace treaty, Egypt and Israel should renegotiate its military annex to allow Egypt to deploy forces in previously restricted zones and re-establish full sovereignty over the Sinai. Such a move would strengthen bilateral relations, generate goodwill in Egypt, and increase Israel’s confidence in the Muslim Brotherhood’s commitment to peace. During such a renegotiation, the two countries would discuss in detail the most effective approach to tackling their shared challenges related to terrorism and transnational crime, in order to ensure that Egypt’s increased military presence in the Sinai also enhances Israel’s security. Egypt’s newly democratic government would be more strictly accountable for fulfilling the treaty’s terms if it played an active role in establishing them. At the same time, the agreement would boost domestic support for Egypt’s government and enhance its regional standing. Likewise, US involvement in the negotiations would benefit all parties.", "zh": "埃及和以色列领导人必须认识到，确保西奈半岛 — — 和平条约规定的去军事区 — — 安全的持续斗争每天都���考验和平。 到目前为止，以色列容忍了埃及的军事行动和军力部署 — — 这在技术上已经违反了双边条约，保留追溯权利，希望埃及能在保证边境安全和打击加沙武器走私方面做得更多。 但以色列对于埃及驻军能增强安全并不抱有信心，以色列领导人也日益担心埃及军队不经告知就进行的力量调动。 在埃及，双边条约更明显地处于危险之中。 穆斯林兄弟会长期要求就条约举行公投，认为限制埃及在西奈半岛的军事行动是对国家主权的公然践踏。 兄弟会指责穆尔西参与去年的加沙危机解决，认为这是对以色列卑躬屈膝。 事实上，穆尔西因为支持前总统穆巴拉克的亲以色列方针以及肯定穆巴拉克与美国的政权讨价还价（用外交和金融支持换取“稳定 ” ） 而遭到左右两翼的抨击。 面临经济崩溃局面和即将到来的选举的穆尔西面临着极大的诱惑点燃民族主义反以色列情绪。 边境发生大事足以促使他下定决心。 为了维系和平条约，埃及和以色列应该重新协商军事附则，允许埃及在先前的限制区部署军队并重新获得西奈半岛的完全主权。 这一步将加强双边关系，赢得埃及的好感，并增强以色列对穆斯林兄弟会和平承诺的信心。 再重新谈判期间，两国将详细讨论应对与恐怖主义和跨国犯罪有关的共同挑战的最有效办法，从而确保埃及增加西奈半岛军事部署能同时增进以色列的安全。 埃及的新民主政府将受到更严格的问责 — — 在更积极地规定条约内容后是否能够不折不扣执行。 与此同时，埃以协定将增加埃及政府的国内支持度，提高其地区威望。 类似地，让美国加入谈判对三方都有利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Federal Reserve’s policy of “long-term asset purchases,” also known as “quantitative easing,” has intentionally kept long-term rates low. The Fed is buying Treasury bonds and long-term mortgage-backed securities at a rate of $85 billion a month, equivalent to an annual rate of $1,020 billion. Since that exceeds the size of the government deficit, it implies that private markets do not need to buy any of the newly issued government debt. The Fed has indicated that it will eventually end its program of long-term asset purchases and allow rates to rise to more normal levels. Although it has not indicated just when rates will rise or how high they will go, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projects that the rate on ten-year Treasuries will rise above 5% by 2019 and remain above that level for the next five years. The interest rates projected by the CBO assume that future inflation will be only 2.2%. If inflation turns out to be higher (a very likely outcome of the Fed’s recent policy), the interest rate on long-term bonds could be correspondingly higher. Investors are buying long-term bonds at the current low interest rates because the interest rate on short-term investments is now close to zero. In other words, buyers are getting an additional 2% current yield in exchange for assuming the risk of holding long-term bonds. That is likely to be a money-losing strategy unless an investor is sagacious or lucky enough to sell the bond before interest rates rise. If not, the loss in the price of the bond would more than wipe out the extra interest that he earned, even if rates remain unchanged for five years. Here is how the arithmetic works for an investor who rolls over ten-year bonds for the next five years, thus earning 2% more each year than he would by investing in Treasury bills or bank deposits. Assume that the interest rate on ten-year bonds remains unchanged for the next five years and then rises from 2% to 5%. During those five years, the investor earns an additional 2% each year, for a cumulative gain of 10%. But when the interest rate on a ten-year bond rises to 5%, the bond’s price falls from $100 to $69.", "zh": "美联储通过“长期资产购买”政策，即“量化宽松 ” ， 有意地将利率维持在低水平。 美联储以每月850亿美元的节奏买入美国国债和长期按揭支持证券，即每年购买10200亿美元。 如此规模甚至超过了政府赤字，它意味着私人市场不再需要购买任何新发政府债务。 美联储已经暗示它将最终结束其长期资产购买计划，让利率升至较为正常的水平。 尽管它并未暗示何时利率会上升以及会升到何种程度，但国会预算办公室（CBO）预计，十年期美国国债利率将在2019年升至5%以上，并在未来五年中一直高于5 % 。 CBO的利率预测有一个假设，即未来通胀只有2.2 % 。 如果通胀有所上升（考虑到美联储的当前政策，这极有可能 ） ， 长期债券的利率可能也会随之升高。 投资者正在以当前低利率买入长期债券，因为目前短期投资利率接近于零。 换句话说，买家以2%的更高的当前收益率交换持有长期债券的风险。 这极有可能是赔钱策略，除非投资者聪明地或幸运地在利率上升前卖出债券。 若非如此，债券价格的损失将超过利息的升高，即便利率在五年中维持不变。 投资者延长持有十年期证券五年时间，从而每年比投资短期国债或银行存款多赚2 % ， 他最后的结果如何？ 假设十年期债券利率在未来五年中保持不变，然后从2%升至5 % 。 在这五年中，该投资者每年多赚2 % ， 累计收益10 % 。 但当十年期债券利率升至5%时，债券价格将从100降至69。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "European immigrants, often escaping persecution or hunger, usurped the indigenous peoples’ lands and hunting grounds, forced them to sign treaties that would not be honored, corralled them into reservations, and slaughtered those who resisted. Similarly, Europeans settlers in Australia declared the continent terra nullius,or free for the taking, butchered Aboriginal people, and forced their children into foster care to advance their cultural assimilation. Of course, today’s immigrants are not going to ransack and usurp the US or destination countries in Europe. But that does not mean that welcoming them is cost-free. While many find productive employment and pay taxes, some do not, straining social safety nets at a time of large public debts and rapid population aging. These risks are compounded when large numbers of migrants or refugees arrive unexpectedly, overwhelming education and health-care systems and exceeding housing capacity. Security risks also must be considered. To be sure, nativist and populist political forces grossly exaggerate the links between immigration and crime, including terrorism. But that does not mean that no such links exist. It is entirely possible, for example, that some members of the criminal gangs whose activities drove a “caravan” of thousands of Central American migrants to walk to the US-Mexico border to apply for asylum would try to slip into the US with that caravan. Likewise, an Islamic State warrior could well try to get into Europe amid the hordes of desperate asylum seekers from Syria.", "zh": "欧洲移民的目的往往是为躲避迫害或饥饿，他们侵占了土著居民的土地和猎场，并迫使他们签署根本就不会执行的协定，欧洲移民将他们赶到保留地，并且屠杀那些敢于进行抵抗的人。 同样，澳大利亚的欧洲定居者也宣称这片大陆是（可供自由侵占的）无主之地，屠杀那里的原住民，并逼迫他们的子女进入白人家庭寄养，从而推动他们的文化同化进程。 当然，今天的移民不会洗劫和掠夺美国或欧洲的其他目的地国。 但这并不意味着欢迎他们是没有成本的。 虽然许多人能够找到生产性工作并缴纳赋税，但总有些人不能，从而在这个公共债务高企和人口迅速老龄化的时代导致社会安全网络进一步承压。 大量移民或难民的意外抵达导致风险不断叠加，从而压垮教育和医疗系统并导致住房供不应求。 安全领域的风险同样必须考虑到。 可以肯定，本土主义和民粹主义政治力量严重夸大了移民和犯罪，包括恐怖主义之间的联系。 但这并不意味着这样的联系是不存在的。 例如，将成千上万名中美洲移民所乘坐的“大篷车”驱赶到美墨边境，并迫使他们徒步走到美墨边境寻求庇护的某些犯罪团伙成员可能会尝试借助那辆大篷车偷偷溜进美国。 同样，在来自叙利亚成群结队的绝望的庇护寻求者中，很可能有某个伊斯兰国战士企图混进欧洲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Are Inflation Fears Justified? CAMBRIDGE – Massive fiscal and monetary stimulus programs in the United States and other advanced economies are fueling a raging debate about whether higher inflation could be just around the corner. Ten-year US Treasury yields and mortgage rates are already climbing in anticipation that the US Federal Reserve – the de facto global central bank – will be forced to hike rates, potentially bursting asset-price bubbles around the world. But while markets are probably overstating short-term inflation risks for 2021, they do not yet fully appreciate the longer-term dangers. To be clear, huge macroeconomic support is unequivocally needed now and for the foreseeable future. The pandemic-induced recession is worse than the 2008 global financial crisis, and parts of the US economy are still in desperate straits. Moreover, despite promising vaccine-related developments in the fight against the coronavirus, things could get worse. Against this backdrop, the real inflation risk could materialize if both central-bank independence and globalization fall out of favor. In the near term, policymakers are right to worry that, if the economy continues to heal, stimulus measures and consumers’ cash savings will fuel an explosion in demand. But this is unlikely to lead to an overnight inflation blowout, mainly because price growth in modern advanced economies is a very slow-moving variable. Even when inflation reached double digits in many rich countries in the 1970s (and rose above 20% in the United Kingdom and Japan), it took many years to collect a full head of steam. This is mainly because the speed at which prices and wages rise is acutely sensitive to how workers and firms view the economy’s underlying inflation dynamic. That is, today’s inflation is very much influenced by long-term inflation expectations. That reasoning may seem circular, but it reflects the fact that, in many sectors, firms are reluctant to raise prices too aggressively for fear of losing market share. So, if central banks can succeed in “anchoring” long-term inflation expectations at a low rate, they can put the brakes on any prolonged inflation outburst. And today, years of ultra-low inflation are firmly embedded in the public psyche. All this implies that even with rapid economic normalization, pent-up demand and large fiscal stimulus will not trigger an immediate spike in inflation. But if politicians undermine central-bank independence and prevent a timely normalization of policy interest rates, even deeply ingrained low-inflation expectations could fray.", "zh": "对通胀的恐惧有道理吗？ 发自剑桥—美国以及其他发达经济体的大规模财政和货币刺激计划正在引发一场关于更高通胀会否迅速来临的激烈辩论。 由于预期美联储（也是事实上的全球央行）将被迫加息进而刺破全球资产价格泡沫，美国十年期国债收益率和抵押贷款利率都有所攀升。 但纵使市场可能高估了2021年的各类短期通胀风险，却未能充分认识到诸多长期性危机。 有一点是相当明确的：眼下和可预见的未来都必然需要大规模宏观经济措施来提供支撑。 疫情引发的经济衰退比2008年全球金融危机更为严重，美国部分行业依然深陷绝境。 尽管新冠疫苗已经取得了重大进展，但情况可能会变得更糟。 在这种背景下，如果央行独立性和全球化都遭舍弃，那么真正的通胀风险就将显现。 虽然政策制定者有理由在短期内对经济持续复苏下刺激措施和消费者现金储蓄推动的需求爆炸性增长表示担忧，但由于现代发达经济体的物价增长在很大程度上变动极为缓慢，因此通胀不太可能在一夜之间暴涨。 即便是许多富裕国家通胀达到两位数（英国和日本通胀均超过20 % ） 的1970年代也是酝酿多年才全面爆发的。 这主要是因为物价和工资的上涨速度与劳动者和企业对经济基本通胀动态的观感之间存在极为紧密的联系，换句话说就是当前的通胀在很大程度上会受到长期通胀预期的影响。 这个推理看似有点循环论证的意味，但却反映了这样一个事实：由于担心丢失市场份额，许多行业的企业并不愿意过大幅度地提高价格。 因此如果央行能够成功地将长期通胀预期“锚定”在一个较低的水平上，那么就可以遏制任何长期通胀爆发。 而如今多年的超低通胀已经牢牢扎根在了公众心态之中。 这一切都意味着即便经济迅速实现正常化，被压抑的需求和大规模财政刺激也不会当即引发通胀飙升。 但如果政客们损害央行独立性并阻挠政策利率的及时正常化，那么再怎么根深蒂固的低通胀预期也会被消磨掉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He cannot stop talking about his ardent love of France. Again, there is nothing unusual about that. But his family roots among the Berbers are a complicating factor. Zemmour’s attitudes are not unique to France, or to Sephardic Jews. In the Netherlands, for example, one thing some of the most fervent opponents of Muslim immigration have in common is a family history in Indonesia, the former Dutch East Indies. Geert Wilders, leader of the anti-immigrant Party for Freedom, is partly Eurasian. So are some other prominent figures in Dutch far-right politics who have an obsession with Islam. Racial hierarchies in the former colonies were complex. Eurasians in Indonesia, especially those with a Dutch education, were not just keen to be thought of as Europeans, but were fearful of being identified as Asians – let alone Muslims. Many Algerian Jews were just as eager to identify as French, and living among Muslims could easily result in hostility. Muslims in Europe not only are resented, but some Eurasians in Holland or Jews in France are terrified of being associated with them. The closest parallel might be the attitude of certain assimilated Western European Jews before the war to poor Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. But that was more a matter of snobbery than hatred. And fellow Ashkenazi Jews were not feared. Zemmour’s hostility to Muslims has made him popular with some French Jews who have been shocked by recent acts of Islamist violence – including the murder of a rabbi and three children in Toulouse, the stabbing of an elderly Jewish woman in Paris, and other incidents. But Zemmour also has given license to bigotry among Gentiles. Le Pen himself put this succinctly in a recent interview with Le Monde. Because Zemmour is a Jew, Le Pen said, nobody could accuse him of being a Nazi, and “that gives him great freedom.” By extension, it gives more freedom to people who think like Le Pen.", "zh": "他无法停止谈论他热爱的法国。 同样，这也没有什么不同寻常的。 但其柏柏尔系家族根源是一个复杂的因素。 泽穆尔的态度对法国人、或西班牙裔犹太人而言绝不是独一无二的。 例如，在荷兰，那些最狂热的穆斯林移民反对者有一个共同点，那就是他们都来自前荷属东印度群岛的印度尼西亚家族。 反移民自由党领袖吉尔特·威尔德斯拥有部分欧亚血统。 荷兰极右翼政治中某些执迷于伊斯兰教的杰出人物也是一样。 前殖民地有着极为复杂的种族等级制度。 印尼的欧亚人，尤其是那些受过荷兰教育的人，不仅热衷于被视为欧洲人，而且对被视为亚洲人 — — 更不用说穆斯林非常惧怕。 许多阿尔及利亚犹太人同样渴望被认同为法国人，而生活在穆斯林中间可能很容易引来敌视态度。 欧洲穆斯林不仅遭人怨恨，而且，荷兰某些欧亚人或法国犹太人也害怕与他们扯上关系。 与此最相似的或许是战前某些被同化的西欧犹太人对东欧贫困犹太移民的态度。 但那与其说是一种仇恨还不如说是势利更为妥当。 而德系犹太人并不被人所惧怕。 泽穆尔对穆斯林的敌意使其在某些法国犹太群体中颇有威望，这些人对近期伊斯兰暴力举动感到震惊 — — 包括在图鲁兹谋杀一名拉比和三名儿童，在巴黎刺伤一位年长的犹太妇女等等。 但泽穆尔也让非犹太群体间的偏见变得光明正大。 勒庞最近在接受法国世界报采访时，对这一点进行了简要的描述。 因为泽穆尔是位犹太人，因此没人能指责他为纳粹分子，而他“因此获得了很大的自由 。 ” 推而广之，它同时也赋予了与勒庞有同样想法的人更大的自由。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Inflation Heresies CAMBRIDGE – The specter of inflation is once again stalking the world, after a long period of dormancy during which policymakers were more likely to be preoccupied by price deflation. Now, old debates have resurfaced on how best to restore price stability. Should policymakers step on the monetary and fiscal brakes, by reducing spending and raising interest rates – the orthodox approach to fighting inflation? Should they instead move in the opposite direction by lowering interest rates, a route followed by Turkey’s central bank under the direction of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan? Or should policymakers perhaps try to intervene more directly, through price controls or by clamping down on large firms with price-setting power, as some economists and historians in the United States have argued. If you have a knee-jerk reaction to these policies – immediately endorsing one remedy while rejecting others out of hand – think again. Economics is not a science with fixed rules. Varying conditions call for different policies. The only valid answer to policy questions in economics is: “It depends.” Orthodox remedies for inflation often have costly side effects (such as bankruptcies and rising unemployment) and have not always produced the desired effects quickly enough. Price controls have sometimes worked, during wartime for example. Moreover, when high inflation is driven predominantly by expectations rather than “fundamentals,” temporary wage-price controls can help coordinate price-setters to move to a low-inflation equilibrium. Such “heterodox” programs were successful during the 1980s in Israel and in a number of Latin American countries. Even the idea that lower interest rates reduce inflation is not necessarily outlandish. There is a school of thought within economics – dismissed by most mainstream economists today – which associates inflation with cost-push factors, such as high interest rates (which boost the costs of working capital). The inflation-producing effects of high interest rates is called the “Cavallo effect,” after former Argentine finance minister Domingo Cavallo, who discussed it in his 1977 Harvard doctoral thesis.", "zh": "通胀异端 坎布里奇—通胀的幽灵，在漫长休眠以至于决策者更加担心物价紧缩之后，再次笼罩世界。 现在，关于如何最好地恢复价格稳定的旧辩论重新浮出水面。 政策制定者是否应该通过减少支出和提高利率来踩住货币和财政刹车？ 这是对抗通胀的正统方法。 他们是否应该采取相反的方向，降低利率，即土耳其中央银行在总统埃尔多安的授意下所采取的路线？ 或者，政策制定者或许应该尝试更加直接地干预，通过价格管控或压制具有定价权的大公司，正如美国一些经济学家和历史学家所主张的那样。 如果你对这些政策有一个下意识的反应 — — 即“无脑”支持一种补救措施，而拒绝其他补救措施 — — 那么你需要三思。 经济学不是一门有固定规则的科学。 不同的条件需要不同的政策。 经济学中政策问题的唯一有效答案是 ： “ 视情况而定 ” 。 通货膨胀的正统疗法通常会产生代价高昂的副作用（例如破产和失业率上升 ） ， 并且并不总是足够快速地产生预期的效果。 价格管控有时会奏效，例如在战时。 此外，当高通胀主要由预期而非“基本面”驱动时，临时的工资-价格管控或有助于协调价格制定者向低通胀均衡发展。 这类“异端”计划在 1980 年代在以色列和一些拉丁美洲国家取得了成功。 即使是降低利率降低通胀的想法也未必荒谬。 经济学中有一个学派 — — 它被当今大多数主流经济学家所摒弃 — — 将通货膨胀与成本推动因素关联，例如高利率（这会提高营运资金的成本 ） 。 高利率产生通胀效的应被称为“卡瓦洛效应 ” （ Cavallo effect ） ， 以阿根廷前财政部长多明戈·卡瓦洛 (Domingo Cavallo) 的名字命名，他在 1977 年的哈佛大学博士论文中对此进行了讨论。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "刘世宁 同濟大學舞蹈專業副主任、教授；前英国皇家舞团独舞演员；前英国国家芭蕾舞团首席独舞演员；国内外芭蕾舞蹈比赛获奖者； 1990年以优异成绩毕业于沈阳音乐学院附属舞蹈学校，在校期间，他便在国际芭蕾大赛的全国选拔赛上名列第二名，毕业之际，更曾应著名英籍美国芭蕾大师本•史蒂文森先生之邀，前往美国休斯顿芭蕾学院进修，回国后加盟辽宁芭蕾舞团，先后任独舞演员和主要演员，主演过《天鹅湖》、《海盗》、《罗米欧与朱丽叶》等经典剧目及其重要舞段。 1990年受国家选派，前往瑞士洛桑参加国际芭蕾大赛，夺得评委会特别奖，引起西方芭坛瞩目。 随后在1991年先后在《辽宁省舞蹈比赛》和《第三届全国艺术院校桃李杯舞蹈比赛》荣获芭蕾舞组第一名和“芭蕾舞少年组一等奖”。 1992年春进入英国皇家芭蕾舞学校毕业班深造并在毕业时直接保送进了英国皇家芭蕾舞团，并代表该团参加为记念丹麦芭蕾巨星埃里克•布鲁恩举办的《国际芭蕾明星荟萃演出》，荣获双人舞组的第二名。", "en": "Shining Liu Deputy Director and Professor in Dancing at Tongji University, former Solo Dancer at Royal Dance Company, former Principal Soloist of the British National Ballet, winner of Ballet Competitions at home and abroad. He graduated from the Dance School Affiliated to Shenyang Conservatory of Music with great performance in 1990, and during the period of school time he won the 2nd place in the national trials of the International Ballet Competition. Before graduation, he was invited by the famous British American ballet master Ben Stevenson to go to Houston Ballet Academy for further study, and he joined the Liaoning Ballet after returning to China. Then he successively served as a solo dancer and the main actor, starring in Swan Lake, Pirates, Romeo and Juliet and other classic plays. In 1990, he was selected by the country to participate in the International Ballet Competition in Lausanne, Switzerland, and won the special prize of the jury, which attracted the attention of Western ballet circles. Subsequently in 1991, he successively won the 1st Place in the Ballet Group of Dance Competition of Liaoning Province, and the First Prize in Ballet Junior Group of The 3rd National Art School Tao Li Cup Dance Competition. In the spring of 1992, he entered the graduating class of the Royal Ballet School for further study and was directly admitted to the Royal Ballet upon graduation, and then represented the group to participated in the International Ballet Stars Gathering Performance held in memory for the Danish Ballet Supersta Eric Bruen, and won the Second Place in the Duo Group."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After all, senior bankers had been claiming that these assets were “mispriced,” and that pricing them at market levels would penalize the banks unnecessarily. So far, Geithner seems to have succeeded in his “tests,” as the stock market has indeed more than stabilized, with prices of bank shares such as Citigroup and Bank of America quadrupling from their lows. The feared implosion of Wall Street seems to have been avoided. But no one ever seriously thought that the US would allow Citigroup and Bank of America, to name just two, to fail. In fact, the stock market bottomed out last winter. Markets had factored into share prices the belief that the US government would not allow any more banks to collapse. What the world wanted was an accurate picture of what the banks were worth and “mark-to-market” valuations to guide investors as to how much new capital they needed. The world also wanted to see the US retaking the high road in reinforcing business ethics and integrity – so lacking under the last administration. As taxpayers had already put huge sums into rescuing failing banks, with the prospect of more to come, a transparent process to reveal how the money was being used was imperative. Substantial public rescue funds have reportedly been siphoned off to foreign banks, Goldman Sachs, and staff bonuses for purposes unrelated to protecting public interests. None of this was either revealed or debunked by Geithner’s tests. Instead, public servants now appear to be in cahoots with Wall Street to engineer an artificial aura of profitability. Moreover, the value of toxic assets remains as murky as ever. Once sacrosanct accounting principles have been amended at Wall Street’s behest in order to allow banks to report essentially whatever they want. And now negotiated stress test results have been released to “prove” that the banks are a lot healthier. Calling this a Ponzi scheme might be too harsh. But few financial professionals have been fooled.", "zh": "毕竟，高级银行家曾经声称这些银行资产的“价格定错了 ” ， 将它们按市场水平定价会使银行遭受了不必要地惩罚。 目前看来，盖特纳的“压力测试”似乎成功了，因为事实上，股票市场不只是稳定下来而已，像花旗集团和美国银行这样的银行股票的价格，还从最低点上涨了四倍。 以前人们所担忧的华尔街的破产，现��似乎已经避免了。 但是，从来没有人真正地认为美国会让花旗集团和美国银行 — — 在此，我仅列举两家银行 — — 破产。 事实上，股票市场在去年冬天就已经见底了。 市场已经将人们对美国政府不会让更多的银行破产的看法，反应到股票的价格中去了。 世界想要的东西，是有关银行价值的准确数据和根据银行还需要多少注资所确定的引导投资者的“市价”估值。 世界也希望看到，美国能够重新回到增强商业道德和诚实信用的道路上来 — — 上一届的美国政府非常缺乏这两样东西。 因为纳税人已经为挽救濒临破产的银行投入了巨额资金，并且可能还要投入更多的资金，所以，有一个表明这些钱是怎样使用的透明的程序，势在必行。 据报道，美国有大量的公共援救资金，不是为了保护公共利益的目的而被转移到了外国银行、高盛手中或者被当作金融机构员工的奖金。 盖特纳的压力测试没有披露或拆穿这些情况。 相反，美国政府的工作人员现在却似乎在和华尔街沆瀣一气，营造出一个虚假的盈利氛围。 而且，美国对有毒资产的价值和以前一样讳莫如深。 为了让银行基本上能够随心所欲的进行报告，在华尔街的要求下，美国政府将神圣的会计准则都进行了修改。 现在，美国公布了由美国政府和银行进行谈判形成的压力测试结果，想以此 “证明”美国的银行比人们想象的要健康得多。 虽然将这种行为称为旁氏骗局可能太尖刻了，但是它们却有相似的地方。 这种骗局愚弄不了大多数的金融专业人士。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ending the Forever War in Afghanistan STOCKHOLM – Speaking in Kabul on the 32nd anniversary of the Soviet Union’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, the country’s president, Ashraf Ghani, made an important distinction. The civil war that devastated Afghanistan after the withdrawal was caused not by the departure of Soviet troops, but by the failure to formulate a viable plan for Afghanistan’s future. As the United States considers its own exit from the country, it should heed this lesson. After withdrawing its troops in 1989, the Soviet Union continued to provide financial support to the communist-nationalist regime, led by President Mohammad Najibullah. But, lacking domestic legitimacy, Najibullah’s regime quickly collapsed when Russia withdrew its financial support in 1992, triggering the civil war. Then, in 1996, the Taliban gained control of Kabul and, ultimately, the country. The Taliban remained in power until 2001, when a US-led invasion – spurred by the September 11 terrorist attacks – ended its rule. But last February, then-US President Donald Trump’s administration reached a deal with the Taliban intended to end the nearly 20-year-long war: the US and its NATO allies would withdraw all troops by May 2021 if the Taliban fulfilled certain commitments, including cutting ties with terrorist groups and reducing violence. The Taliban would also have to engage in meaningful negotiations with the Afghan government, which was not involved in the deal. The Trump administration apparently hoped that an intra-Afghan peace agreement would materialize by the designated withdrawal date, ending the fighting and minimizing the risk that Afghanistan would become a haven for terrorists. That has not happened. While US force levels are down to near 2,000 troops, fighting in Afghanistan has not decreased. On the contrary, a US watchdog agency reports that the Taliban carried out more attacks in the last quarter of 2020 than during the same period of 2019. Moreover, the latest intra-Afghan talks, which began in Doha in September, have produced virtually no results. It seems that the Taliban’s plan was to keep fighting until US troops left, at which point they might be able to secure a victory in the long war. Now, however, they face the possibility that US troops will not leave nearly as soon as expected.", "zh": "结束阿富汗无休无止的战争 斯德哥尔摩—在苏联从阿富汗撤军32周年之际，阿富汗总统阿什拉夫·加尼在喀布尔发表讲话，澄清了一个重要问题。 苏联撤军后，爆发摧毁阿富汗内战并不是因为苏军的撤离，而是未能为阿富汗的未来制定可行的计划所致。 值此美国考虑从阿富汗撤军之际，这样的教训应当被汲取。 1989年撤军后，苏联仍继续向总统穆罕默德·纳吉布拉所领导的共产民族主义政权提供财政支持。 但由于缺乏国内合法性，纳吉布拉政权在俄罗斯1992年撤回财政支持后迅速垮台，从而导致内战爆发。 之后，在1996年，塔利班控制了喀布尔，并最终控制了整个国家。 塔利班统治一直延续到2001年，直到因911恐怖袭击所引发的以美国为首的入侵行动结束了塔利班的统治。 但去年2月，时任美国总统唐纳德·特朗普政府与塔利班达成了旨在结束近二十年纷争的一项协议：如果塔利班履行包括切断与恐怖组织联系和减少暴力在内的特定承诺，那么，美国及其欧洲盟国最晚将于2021年5月前撤出所有军队。 塔利班还需要与阿富汗政府进行实质性谈判，塔利班和美国所订立的协议并没有牵涉到阿富汗政府。 特朗普政府显然希望阿富汗国内和平协议能在指定的撤军日期前生效，从而结束战斗并尽可能降低阿富汗成为恐怖分子庇护所的风险。 特朗普的希望却未能实现。 尽管驻阿美军数量已降至近2000人左右，但阿富汗国内战斗却依然频繁。 相反，据美国某监察机构报告显示，2020年最后一个季度，塔利班所发动的袭击数超过了2019年的同期记录。 此外，去年9月，多哈开始的新一轮阿富汗国内谈判几乎没有取得任何结果。 看来塔利班的计划是一直战斗到美军撤离，届时，他们或许可以成为这场长期战争的胜利者。 但现在，他们却不得不面对美军不会像想象中那样迅速撤离的可能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The West’s Pandemic of Fear PARIS – Emotions are not easily contained. They control us much more than we control them. And during a pandemic, the dominant emotion is naturally fear. Confronted with a world that feels (and is) more dangerous, complex, and unpredictable by the day, people want to be protected and reassured at all costs. But there is a fine line between a healthy return to the notion of a protective state and a dangerous evolution toward Big Brother – whereby we end up abandoning our cherished freedoms for the sake of protecting our even more precious health. More generally, fear is the opposite of hope. In a world of hope, people think that tomorrow will be better than today. But in a world of fear, they think it will be worse. From this perspective, Asia today appears to be the continent of hope, while Europe and North America are the continents of fear. Consider the sharply contrasting images now coming from Italy and China. In Italy, the COVID-19 pandemic is causing seemingly endless suffering, to the extent that Italians are now speaking of the crisis as their 9/11. In China, on the other hand, the first days of spring have brought people back out onto the streets. Although still wearing masks, they are enjoying the fresh air and the sun as if they had won the war against the virus. It is best to be prudent, of course, because COVID-19 may return to Asia, or may not have disappeared entirely from the region. But Asia today – and in particular China, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Japan – is a source of hope, and a model of what the West could and should have done much earlier to check the virus’s spread. China’s leaders have long claimed that their authoritarian, centralized political system is superior to Western liberal democracy. And now, for the third time in little more than a decade, they are telling the West that our system really does not work. Following the 2008 global financial crisis, China was swift to denounce the failures of Western-style capitalism. And in 2016, the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum and the subsequent election of President Donald Trump in the United States reinforced China’s conviction that democracy worked equally badly.", "zh": "西方对流行病的恐惧情绪蔓延 巴黎—情绪是不容易控制的。 它对我们的控制远远超过我们对他们的控制。 在疾病大流行期间，人们的主要情绪自然是恐惧。 面对一个越来越危险、复杂和不可预测的世界，人们希望不惜一切代价得到保护和安慰。 但是，在健康地回归到保护国的概念上，与向“老大哥”的危险演变之间，有一条微妙的界线 — — 我们最终会为了保护我们更宝贵的健康，而放弃我们所珍视的自由。 一般来说，恐惧是希望的对立面。 在一个充满希望的世界里，人们认为明天会比今天更好。 但在一个充满恐惧的世界里，他们认为情况会更糟。 从这个角度看，今天的亚洲似乎是充满希望的大陆，而欧洲和北美则是充满恐惧的大陆。 现在，想想意大利和中国形成的鲜明对比吧。 作为大流行病，COVID-19似乎正在意大利造成无穷无尽的痛苦，以至于意大利人现在把这场危机说成是他们的911事件。 另一方面，在中国 ， “ 春天”已经到来，人们又回到了街上。 虽然他们仍然戴着口罩，但他们享受着新鲜的空气和阳光，就好像他们赢得了与病毒的战争。 当然，谨慎是最好的，因为COVID-19可能会重返亚洲，或者可能不会完全从该地区消失。 但今天的亚洲 — — 特别是中国、韩国、新加坡和日本 — — 已然是希望的源泉，也是西方能够而且应该更早采取行动遏制病毒传播的榜样。 中国领导人长期以来一直声称，他们的民主集中制优于西方的自由民主制。 现在，在短短的十多年来，中国已是第三次告诉西方：你们的体制真的行不通。 2008年全球金融危机之后，中国当机立断，谴责了西方资本主义的失败。 2016年，英国退欧公投，以及随后美国总统唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)当选，均强化了中国的信念，即民主也同样糟糕。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is also leading to austerity – taxes are increasing and government spending is falling at the local and state level around the country. A difficult fiscal conversation still lies ahead at the federal level, but cuts and contractions of various types seem likely. Some people argue that Americans need to tighten their belts. That’s an interesting discussion, particularly at a time with unemployment is still above 8% (with recent declines largely the result of many jobless workers’ decision to stop looking and drop out of the labor force altogether). Precipitate austerity is hardly likely to help the economy find its way back to higher employment levels. But what about government support for the big banks? Is this contracting in the light of our current fiscal pressures? Unfortunately, it is not; much government support remains, implicitly through allowing banks to be “too big to fail,” and explicitly through various kinds of backing provided by the Federal Reserve. The rationale – or perhaps we should call it ideology – behind supporting big banks is that they are needed for the economy to recover. But this position looks increasingly doubtful when the banks are sitting on piles of cash while creditworthy consumers and businesses are reluctant to borrow. The same situation exists in Europe today, where the reality is even starker. Banks are receiving ever-larger bailouts, while countries that borrowed are cutting social programs and face rising social tensions and political instability as a result.", "zh": "崩溃也导致了紧缩政策的出台 — — 全国各地，无论是州还是地方层面都出现了加税以及缩减政府支出的状况。 而在联邦财政层面虽然面对着一个艰苦的讨价还价过程，但各种形式的削减和收缩措施似乎都有可能出台。 有些人提出美国人应该勒紧裤带过日子。 这个讨论相当有趣，尤其是在失业率还维持在8%以上的时候（而最近的下降则源自于许多失业劳动者停止求职并退出劳动力大军的决定 ） 。 仓促出台的紧缩政策似乎也无法帮助经济重回高就业率的轨道。 但政府对大银行的支持是否也会因为当前的财政压力而减弱？ 很不幸，答案是否定的；大部分的政府支持依然存在，一方面是暗中默许银行“大而不倒 ” ， 另一方面则公然通过美联储输送各种形式的支援。 而支持大银行的背后逻辑 — — 或者应该称之为理念 — — 则是国家需要它们来实现经济复苏。 但在当前银行坐拥大量现金而信用良好的消费者和企业却都不愿意贷款的情况下，这一立场就逐渐令人难以信服了。 欧洲当前也存在同样的情况，而且更加残酷。 银行获得了规模史无前例的援助，而那些向银行贷款的国家却在削减社会福利项目，并因此面临着不断高涨的社会矛盾和政治不稳定状况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After all, when serving a vast democracy requires non-stop electioneering, and politicians are thus dependent on financial donations, governance is bound to go awry. Governments’ ability to respond to global challenges is a more general problem. Globalization – the breaking down of national boundaries and the integration of economies across continents – has resulted in burgeoning demands on governments at the same time that their ability to provide answers has been reduced. In other words, demand for government is exceeding supply. Globalization has made many people feel more insecure and in need of government support to cope with the pressures on their livelihoods and quality of life. But most of the policy responses needed to meet people’s demand for greater security are beyond the scope and reach of national governments, especially when these governments are trying to cope on their own. That is why, long ago, European countries saw the sense in pooling their weight and reach through the European Union. Imperfect as the EU is, it still represents the best response to globalization yet seen among any extended group of countries. Governments working together are better than governments working separately – or, worse, against one another. We live in an increasingly multipolar world, in which major emerging economies and their populous societies are transforming the international landscape. But, at the same time, multilateral frameworks are in decline, undermining the ability to bring sense and coherence to this world. Consider the international trading system and its centerpiece, the World Trade Organization.", "zh": "毕竟，大规模民主政治需要不停竞选，如果政治家因此而依赖捐款，那么执政势必会出差错。 更普遍的问题是政府应对全球挑战的能力。 全球化（打破国界和各大洲经济一体化）导致在政府解决问题能力下降的同时政府服务需求快速增长。 换言之，政府服务的供给无法满足需求。 全球化让很多人安全感下降，在应对生计和生活质量压力时需要政府提供帮助。 但满足民众安全需求所需的多数政策都超出了国家政府的能力范畴，特别是当这些政府自己还在想办法适应的时候。 这解释了为什么很久以前，欧洲国家愿意携起手来建立欧盟。 尽管欧盟还很不完善，但依然代表了国家团体迎接全球化挑战时的最佳对策。 政府携手合作好于各自为战 — — 各自为战好于相互对抗。 我们生活的世界日益多极化，主要新兴经济体及其众多的社会人口正在改变国际格局。 但与此同时，多边架构正日趋走向没落，破坏了这个世界的理智和连贯性。 以国际贸易体系及其核心机构世贸组织为例。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is this narrow, black-and-white view of humanity that has perpetuated a cycle of violence in Cambodia, where raging mobs beat to death robbery suspects and young mistresses suffer acid attacks by jealous wives. To say that Duch is a monster who does not deserve rights ignores the gray area between good and evil, between man and monster, where anything is possible. This trial is about that gray area, about that place in us all where morality decays and evil takes root and grows, the way mold prevails given the right conditions. Each of us carries this potential for rot. There is no dispute that Duch violated the rights of thousands of Khmers. But if the basic premise of these trials is to uphold human rights, then we are obliged to extend that same principle to Duch. What does it say to the country and the world if a court convened to mete out justice flouts the law? Isn’t lawlessness the plague we are finally trying to eradicate in Cambodia? The judges have offered no indication when they will make a decision. And no one would blame them for taking their time to consider their options. This is, after all, the court’s first test of fairness before the trials of Duch and four of Pol Pot’s other henchmen begin next year. We all want justice, but that justice should not come at the cost of our humanity.", "zh": "正是这样一种对人性的狭隘、非黑即白的观点使柬埔寨陷入了一个暴力循环。 愤怒的民众将抢劫嫌疑人殴打致死，年轻的情妇被妒嫉的妻子泼以硫酸。 说杜赫是不该享有人权的魔鬼就忽略了善与恶、人与魔之间那片万事皆有可能的灰色地带。 这次审判是关于那片灰色地带，那片我们每个人心中都有的道德衰败，而邪恶的青苔会适时滋生的地带。 我们每一个人都有腐败的可能。 毫无疑问，杜赫侵犯了成千上万高棉人的权利。 但如果这些审判的基础是捍卫人权，那么我们就必须让同样的原则适用于杜赫。 如果一个法庭所做的是损害公正、蔑视法律，那么它会向这个国家和世界传达什么样的信息呢？ 我们最终想从柬埔寨根除的不正是无法无天的顽疾么？ 法官们还没有透露会在何时作决定。 他们多花点时间审慎抉择也是无可厚非的。 毕竟，这是该法庭在明年对杜赫和波尔波特的其他四个党羽进行审判之前，其公正性所面临的第一次考验。 我们都渴望公正，但那种公正不能以牺牲人性为代价。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe Between Trump and Xi PARIS – The most recent World Trade Organization ministerial conference, held in December in Buenos Aires, Argentina, was a fiasco. Despite a limited agenda, the participants were unable to produce a joint statement. But not everyone was disappointed by that outcome: China maintained a diplomatic silence, while the United States seemed to celebrate the meeting’s failure. This is bad news for Europe, which was virtually alone in expressing its discontent. It is often pointed out that, in the face of US President Donald Trump’s blinkered protectionism, the European Union has an opportunity to assume a larger international leadership role, while strengthening its own position in global trade. The free-trade agreement recently signed with Japan will give the EU a clear advantage over the US in agriculture, and strengthening trade ties with Mexico could have a similar impact, as the US renegotiates the North American Free Trade Agreement. Some suggest that, to strengthen its position further, Europe should team up with China, which, despite its reticence at the WTO conference, has lately attempted to position itself as a champion of multilateralism. A Sino-European partnership could be a powerful force offsetting America’s negative impact on international trade and cooperation. Yet such a partnership is far from certain. Yes, Europe and China converge on a positive overall view of globalization and multilateralism. But whereas Europe supports a kind of “offensive multilateralism” that seeks to beef up existing institutions’ rules and enforcement mechanisms, China resists changes to existing standards, especially if they strengthen enforcement of rules that might constrain its ability to maximize its own advantages. Europe’s desire to force China to adhere to common rules aligns its interests more closely with the US, with which it shares many of the same grievances, from China’s continued subsidization of private enterprises to the persistence of barriers to market access. According to one recent study, market access barriers erected by China have taken a high toll on the growth of EU exports. But the US and the EU do not have the same vision for how to address these grievances. In order to limit abuse of WTO rules by China, Europe’s leaders want to be able to negotiate new, clearer rules, either through the framework of a bilateral investment agreement or through a plurilateral agreement on public procurement.", "zh": "夹在特朗普和习近平之间的欧洲 巴黎 — — 今年12月在阿根廷布宜诺斯艾利斯召开的最新一届世贸组织部长级会议失败得非常之惨。 尽管议程有限，但与会者仍未能达成联合声明。 但并非各方都对这一结果感到失望：中国在外交方面保持沉默，而美国似乎庆幸这次会议的失败。 这对欧洲而言是个坏消息，事实上只有欧洲在表达不满。 外界常常指出，在美国总统唐纳德·特朗普推行狭隘保护主义的情况下，欧盟有机会发挥更大的国际领导作用，同时强化其自身在全球贸易领域的国际地位。 最近与日本签署的自贸协定将导致欧盟在农业领域对美国取得明显的优势，而随着美国重新谈判北美自由贸易协定，加强与墨西哥的贸易关系也有可能产生类似的影响。 有人提出为进一步巩固自身地位，欧洲应当与中国合作，中国虽然在世贸组织会议上保持沉默，但最近却试图将自身定位为多边主义的领导者。 中欧伙伴关系完全有可能成为抵消美国对国际贸易及合作所造成负面影响的强大力量。 但这样一种伙伴关系距离确定还相去甚远。 是的，欧洲和中国对全球化和多边主义同样抱有积极的总体看法。 虽然欧洲支持一种旨在加强现有机构规则和执法机制的“进攻性多边主义 ” ， 但中国却拒绝改变现有标准，尤其如果这种改变有可能强化执行限制发挥其自身能力优势的规则。 欧洲迫使中国遵守共同规则的愿望导致其利益与美国更紧密地联系在一起，欧美拥有诸多共同的不满，从中国持续实行私营企业补贴到市场准入屏障。 最近的一项研究显示，中国的市场准入壁垒已经对欧洲出口增长造成了很大的影响。 但美国和欧盟在如何解决这些不满方面看法并不一致。 为限制中国滥用世贸规则，欧洲领导人希望能够通过双边投资协议框架或多边公共采购协议来谈判新的、更明确的规则。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While the military threat in the West looks as illusory as it is, in Central Asia that threat is concrete. In the event that the coalition of NATO forces in Afghanistan is defeated, a wave of Islamic extremism will submerge the Central Asian states, inciting local civil wars. For Russia, this could mean (in the best case) tens of thousands of refugees or (in the worst case) the arrival of armed militias on its territory. As a result, the Kremlin has a vital interested in NATO’s success in Afghanistan. Yet, for the last four years, Russia has tried to hinder NATO in every possible way. In 2005, at the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Vladimir Putin pressed for the final declaration to include a demand for withdrawal of American bases from Central Asia. Kremlin strategists explained that they feared the US would oust Russia from Central Asia. But, now that a Russian-American agreement allows supply flights to Afghanistan to go through Russian airspace, it is clear that Russia sought only to monopolize the military cargo transportation routs in order to gain leverage over the United States. In February, the Kremlin gave Kyrgyz President Kurmanbek Bakiyev $500 million for a promise to close America’s base in his country. Then the Americans offered Bakiyev $160 million a year, and now there may be no official base, but a “transit center” that serves the same functions. So the Kremlin paid out several hundred million dollars just to replace some signs. Soon after this, Russian Vice Premier Igor Sechin and Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov were sent to Bishkek in an effort to get something for Russia’s money. Bakiyev seems to have said: so, you are worried about the American military presence in Central Asia, and you want to confront it. Fine, the Americans can have one base in Kyrgyzstan, and Russia can have two. The resulting “military asset,” however, is strategic gibberish, having been built in Kyrgyzstan’s near-lawless Osh region, with its appalling poverty, drug trafficking, and ethnic tensions. Seizure of a Russian military base in order to acquire weapons is, indeed, likely to become a vital goal of “extremists.”", "zh": "当来自西边的军事威胁还要不可及之时，中亚这边的威胁却已经摆在眼前了。 随着北约联军在阿富汗战场上的节节败退，一股伊斯兰极端主义的浪潮正席卷中亚各国，甚至可能挑起内战。 对俄罗斯来说，幸运的话要应付的只是数万��难民，万一运气不济，迎来的可能就是武装到牙齿的伊斯兰极端分子。 由此可见，北约在阿富汗的成功对于克林姆林宫堪称意义重大。 但在近4年间，俄方却在用尽一切手段阻挠北约。 在2005年的上海合作组织峰会上，时任俄罗斯总统的普京就强烈要求峰会发表一份声明，内容包括呼吁撤销美军驻中亚的所有军事基地。 为此克林姆林宫的战略分析家说他们主要是害怕美方势力会把俄罗斯逐出中亚。 而今美俄双方却签订协议，允许美方的后勤运输机飞越俄领空去支援阿富汗，很明显，俄方就是想独霸所有的军事运输通道，以便自己能在和美方讨价还价时占到上风。 在今年二月，克林姆林宫又给了吉尔吉斯斯坦总统库尔曼别克·巴基耶夫5亿美元，以换取他关闭境内美军基地的承诺。 随后美方则给巴基耶夫开价1.6亿美元一年，结果现在美军虽然在当地取消了正式基地，却保留了个照样执行同样任务的所谓“运输中心 ” 。 克林姆林宫花了大把的钞票，只不过是帮吉尔吉斯斯坦换了几块道路指示牌罢了。 在这一切发生了之后，俄副总理伊戈尔·谢琴与国防部长阿纳托利·谢尔久科夫就被派到吉尔吉斯斯坦首都比什凯克，试图为俄方挽回点利益。 而听说巴基耶夫如此回应两人：你们既对美军出现在中亚感到忧心，又想和美国人搞对抗，那好吧，我只允许美国人在这里建一个基地，让你们也来建两个基地好了。 然而应运而生的俄“军事设施”简直就是战略上的败笔，这些设施矗立在吉国境内近乎无法管制的欧什地区，周围充斥着令人震惊的贫穷，毒品走私和民族矛盾。 对于活动在周围的“极端分子”来说，占领一个俄军基地来获取武器似乎是个挺可行的方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When Will Tech Disrupt Higher Education? CAMBRIDGE – In the early 1990s, at the dawn of the Internet era, an explosion in academic productivity seemed to be around the corner. But the corner never appeared. Instead, teaching techniques at colleges and universities, which pride themselves on spewing out creative ideas that disrupt the rest of society, have continued to evolve at a glacial pace. Sure, PowerPoint presentations have displaced chalkboards, enrollments in “massive open online courses” often exceed 100,000 (though the number of engaged students tends to be much smaller), and “flipped classrooms” replace homework with watching taped lectures, while class time is spent discussing homework exercises. But, given education’s centrality to raising productivity, shouldn’t efforts to reinvigorate today’s sclerotic Western economies focus on how to reinvent higher education? One can understand why change is slow to take root at the primary and secondary school level, where the social and political obstacles are massive. But colleges and universities have far more capacity to experiment; indeed, in many ways, that is their raison d’être. For example, what sense does it make for each college in the United States to offer its own highly idiosyncratic lectures on core topics like freshman calculus, economics, and US history, often with classes of 500 students or more? Sometimes these giant classes are great, but anyone who has gone to college can tell you that is not the norm.", "zh": "科技何时会破坏高等教育？ 坎布里奇—20世纪90年代初，在互联网时代到来前夜，学术生产率大爆炸也是呼之欲出。 但它终究没有出来。 相反，以通过不断涌现的创造性思想颠覆社会其他部门为傲的高等院校，它们教学技术始终停滞不前。 诚然，PowerPoint演示替代了黑板 ， “ 群众在线课程”注册量动辄超过100,000（尽管真正参与的学生数量总是会小得多 ） ， “翻转课堂”用观看教学录像代替作业，上课时间则用来讨论习题。 但是，既然教育的核心是提高生产率，那么重振如今僵化的西方经济体的重点难道不应该放在改革高等教育上吗？ 不难理解，小学和中学阶段变化十分缓慢，因为社会和政治障碍重重。 但高等院校具有远强于中小学的试验能力；事实上，从诸多方面看，试验能力正是它们的存在的理由。 比如，美国各大院校提供大相径庭的核心课程（如大一微积分、经济学和美国历史等 ） ， 并且动辄开设500人以上的大课，意义何在？ 有时，这些规模庞大的大课非常优秀，但每个读过大学的人都会告诉你，这只是特例。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "COVID-19 Is Finishing Off the Sino-American Relationship CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA – Having already claimed nearly 217,000 lives and sent the global economy toward its deepest slump since the Great Depression, the COVID-19 crisis is bound to reshape geopolitics. While the contours of the post-pandemic order remain to be seen, one thing seems certain: far from normalizing their relationship, the United States and China are likely to become increasingly estranged – and increasingly hostile. Even before the current crisis erupted, the Sino-American relationship was on life support. The outbreak may have sounded its death knell. In particular, evidence that local Chinese authorities initially suppressed information about the new coronavirus, together with the severe disruption of global supply chains caused by China’s sudden nationwide lockdown, highlighted for most Americans two sources of severe vulnerability stemming from the bilateral relationship. The first is China’s repressive political system. While Americans have long been aware of the ideological chasm between their country and China, to most it was largely an abstraction. Stories about the forcible detainment of hundreds of thousands of Uighurs and other Muslims in Xinjiang, the repression and abuse of Tibetans, and the persecution of political dissidents were harrowing, but distant. For many, they were merely evidence of the US system’s superiority. The COVID-19 outbreak – which has caused the deaths of more than 58,000 Americans, partial economic shutdowns, and mass unemployment – turned the abstract into reality. For the first time, ordinary Americans going about their lives in their own country fear for their economic and physical survival, because of political repression in a distant land.", "zh": "新型冠状病毒正在终结中美关系 发自加利福尼亚州克莱蒙特市—目前已经夺去近21.7万条人命并使全球经济陷入自大萧条以来最严重衰退的新型冠状病毒危机注定要重塑整个地缘政治局势。 尽管疫情后秩序的轮廓仍不清晰，但有一点似乎是可以肯定的：中美两国之间的关系非但无法实现正常化，还可能日益疏远 — — 也日益敌对。 中美关系其实在危机来临之前就已经处在苟延残喘状态，而疫情或许就是那一记丧钟。 尤其是中国地方当局在新型冠状病毒疫情初期封锁相关信息的证据，以及中国悍然封锁全国所造成的全球供应链严重中断让大多数美国人意识到了这两个根源于双边关系的严重脆弱性来源。 第一个来源是中国的压制性政治制度。 虽然美国民众很早就意识到本国与中国之间存在意识形态鸿沟，但对大多数人来说依然是个较为抽象的概念。 虽然那些强行拘留新疆数十万维吾尔人和其他穆斯林，镇压和虐待西藏人以及迫害政治异见者的报道让人不忍卒读，但却存在着极大的距离感。 对于许多人来说这些报道仅仅是些体现美国体制优越性的论据而已。 但已造成超过5.8万名美国人丧生，经济部分停摆和大规模失业的新型冠状病毒疫情却让这些抽象描述变成了现实。 而这也是普通美国人第一次因为某个遥远国度的政治压迫而忧虑自己在国内的经济状况和身体健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, as so often happens in Europe, there is a huge gap between rhetoric and reality. The poorly attended emergency meeting of European foreign ministers following the US election is a stark reminder of just how far Europe has to go to fill the gaping hole that Trump’s abdication of America’s global responsibilities would create. The truth is that the EU lacks both perspective and clout. To be a pole requires magnetism, produced by either hard or soft power. During the early 2000s, the heyday of EU enlargement, Europe had this pull. And it may have had this pull as recently as the 2013 Euromaidan protests, when young Ukrainians died in the name of their country’s potential links with the EU. Today, as the EU and its member states look inward, that attraction is gone. Now, as Brexit plays out and the transatlantic partnership becomes unmoored, the EU could well unravel. If not, the most likely alternative is that it becomes a platform on which its hegemon, Germany, can stand and lead. In some ways, the EU is already well down this road. It is a truism that nothing gets done in Brussels these days without the German government’s acquiescence. Chancellor Angela Merkel’s unilateral pledge to welcome refugees and the German-led EU deal with Turkey to stem refugee flows underscore this reality. This outcome would be highly problematic – even tragic. The EU was supposed to be a supranational endeavor, shaped by the spirit of collective action for the common good that Havel championed.", "zh": "但言论和现实之间差异巨大，这就是欧洲的实际情况。 美国大选后参与积极性不高的欧洲外长紧急会议明确地提醒人们，欧洲需要付出多少努力才能填补特郎普放弃美国全球责任所造成的真空。 现实是欧盟缺乏远见和影响力。 成为世界核心需要以硬实力或软实力为基础的磁性支撑。 在21世纪初欧洲扩张的鼎盛时期，欧洲曾经拥有过这样的影响。 就在2013年新欧盟示威期间欧盟或许仍拥有这样的影响力，当时年轻的乌克兰人为争取本国与欧盟的联系而勇敢地奉献生命。 今天，随着欧盟及其成员国将注意力转向国内，这种吸引力逐渐消失了。 现在，随着英国脱欧展开和跨大西洋伙伴关系解体，欧盟很有可能陷入解体之中。 就算没有，欧盟也最有可能成为其霸主国德国践行领导力的平台。 从某些方面讲，欧盟已经走上了这条道路。 现在一个不争的事实是如果没有德国政府的默许布鲁塞尔什么也做不成。 安格拉·默克尔总理单方面承诺欢迎难民和由德国主导与土耳其签署遏制难民协定就凸显了这样的现实。 这样的结果问题重重 — — 甚至具有悲剧性。 欧盟本应是一次超国家尝试，主导它的是哈维尔所倡导的弘扬共同利益的集体行动精神。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fiscal Cliff and US Foreign Policy PRINCETON – The world should be worried. The possibility that US President Barack Obama and the Republicans in Congress will fail to reach a compromise before mandatory deep spending cuts and tax increases take effect on January 1 is very real. Global markets are well aware of the danger of the United States falling over the “fiscal cliff,” and are watching nervously. They know that this outcome could well throw the US – and the world – back into recession. Foreign ministries around the world should be equally nervous. Unless the US can get its fiscal house in order, it will be forced to abdicate leadership on a wide range of critical global issues. In the short term, Syria and its neighbors are already paying the price of America’s inability to focus on anything other than domestic politics since Obama’s re-election. In my view, the Syrian crisis is at a tipping point: while it is now apparent that the opposition will eventually win and President Bashar al-Assad will fall, the endgame’s duration will be a key element determining who actually comes into power and on what terms. Syria’s implosion, and the chaos and extremism that are likely to breed there, will threaten the entire Middle East: the stability of Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Iraq, Gaza, the West Bank, Israel, Iran, and Saudi Arabia hangs in the balance.", "zh": "财政悬崖和美国的外交政策 普林斯顿 — — 全世界都应该忧心忡忡。 美国总统奥巴马和国会共和党人无法在1月1日强制深幅削减开支和增加税收措施生效前达成妥协的可能性是真实存在的。 全球市场都了解美国跌落“财政悬崖”的风险，并且都在紧张地注视着。 他们知道这样的结果完全可能将美国和全世界再次拖入衰退之中。 世界各国的外交部也怀着同样的紧张情绪。 除非美国能理顺财政状况，否则将被迫让出一系列全球关键问题上的领导地位。 短期内，叙利亚及其邻国已经为奥巴马再次当选后无力关注国内政治以外的其他事务而付出了代价。 我认为叙利亚危机已临近转折点：尽管巴沙尔·阿萨德总统显然将垮台而反对派将获胜，但最后阶段的持续时间将成为决定谁能以何种条件掌权的关键因素。 叙利亚局势的爆发及可能由此产生的混乱和极端主义将威胁整个中东地区的安全：包括黎巴嫩、约旦、土耳其、伊拉克、加沙、约旦河西岸、以色列、伊朗和沙特阿拉伯的稳定局势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Two Myths About Automation BERKELEY – Robots, machine learning, and artificial intelligence promise to change fundamentally the nature of work. Everyone knows this. Or at least they think they do. Specifically, they think they know two things. First, more jobs than ever are threatened. “Forrester Predicts that AI-enabled Automation will Eliminate 9% of US Jobs in 2018,” declares one headline. “McKinsey: One-third of US workers could be jobless by 2030 due to automation,” seconds another. Reports like these leave the impression that technological progress and job destruction are accelerating dramatically. But there is no evidence of either trend. In reality, total factor productivity, the best summary measure of the pace of technical change, has been stagnating since 2005 in the United States and across the advanced-country world. Moreover, as the economist Timothy Taylor recently pointed out, the rate of change of the occupational structure, defined as the absolute value of jobs added in growing occupations and jobs lost in declining occupations, has been slowing, not accelerating, since the 1980s. This is not to deny that the occupational structure is changing. But it calls into question the widely held view that the pace of change is quickening. The second thing everyone thinks they know is that previously safe jobs are now at risk. Once upon a time, it was possible to argue that robots would displace workers engaged in routine tasks, but not the highly skilled and educated – not the doctors, lawyers and, dare one say, professors. In particular, machines, it was said, are not capable of tasks in which empathy, compassion, intuition, interpersonal interaction, and communication are central. Now, however, these distinctions are breaking down. Amazon’s Alexa can communicate. Crowd-sourcing, together with one’s digital history, can intuit buying habits. Artificial intelligence can be used to read x-rays and diagnose medical conditions. As a result, all jobs, even those of doctors, lawyers, and professors, are being transformed. But transformed is not the same as threatened.", "zh": "关于自动化的两大误区 发自伯克利 — — 机器人、机器学习和人工智能有望从根本上改变工作的本质。 每个人都知道这一点，或至少他们觉得自己是知道的。 具体地说，他们认为自己知道两件事。 首先，受威胁的工作岗位要比以往任何时候更多，正如一则新闻头条所写“福瑞斯特研究公司（Forrester Research） 预计人工智能自动化将在2018年消灭9% 的美国就业岗位 ” ； 而另一条则写道“麦肯锡：在 2030年1/3 的美国工人可能会因自动化失业 ” 。 这类报导给人留下了这样的印象，即技术进步和工作消减正双双急剧加速。 但没有证据表明这两种趋势确实存在。 事实上在美国和整个发达世界中，作为技术变革速度最佳概括性指标的全要素生产率自2005年以来就已经陷入停滞了。 此外，正如经济学家蒂莫西·泰勒（Timothy Taylor）最近指出的那样，就业结构变化率（通过计算朝阳行业中所增加的就业和夕阳行业所流失就业的绝对值得出）自1980年代以来也一直在放慢而非加速。 这不是要去否认职业结构正在发生改变，只是对人们普遍持有的那种改变步伐正在加快的观点表示质疑。 第二件每个人都自认为知道的事是以前那种安稳工作现在也岌岌可危。 以前大家会同意机器人会取代那些从事常规作业的工人，但不会影响到那些高技能和受过高等教育的人，比如医生，律师或是教授，尤其认为机器不会有能力去完成那些以共鸣、同情心、直觉，人际交往和沟通为核心的任务。 但如今这些差异都逐渐不复存在。 亚马逊的Alexa语音助手系统已经实现了人机沟通。 借助众包（crowd-sourcing）以及一个人的数字历史就可以估测出购买习惯。 人工智能可以用来读取X光和诊断医疗状况。 可见所有的工作 — — 甚至是医生、律师和教授 — — 都在发生转变。 但转变与威胁是不一样的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, an oversimplified image of warrior-style leadership in President George W. Bush’s first term caused costly setbacks for America’s role in the world. It is not a manly modern Achilles who makes the best warrior leader in today’s communication age. Military leadership today requires political and managerial skills. Many autocratic rulers – in Zimbabwe, Myanmar, Belarus, and elsewhere – still lead the old-fashioned way. They combine fear with corruption to maintain kleptocracies dominated by “the big man” and his coterie. A good portion of the world is ruled this way. Some theorists try to explain this with an “alpha male theory of leadership.” The psychiatrist Arnold M. Ludwig, for example, argues that just as male monkeys, chimps, or apes automatically begin to assume more responsibility for their particular community once they attain the dominant status of alpha male, human rulers do so as well. But such socio-biological explanations of leadership are of only limited value. Thus far, no leadership gene has been identified, and studies of identical and fraternal male twins find that only a third of their difference in occupying formal leadership roles can be explained by genetic factors. While this suggests that inbred characteristics influence the extent to which people play particular roles, it leaves a lot of room for learned behavior to influence outcomes.", "zh": "事实上，在乔治·沃克·布什总统的第一届任期内对战士式的领导形象的过分简单化，导致了美国在世界地位上的重大挫折。 在当今的信息时代，不是很男性化的现代阿基里斯才是最好的战斗领袖。 在津巴布韦、缅甸、白俄罗斯和许多其他地方的独裁统治者，仍然用老式的方法进行统治。 他们把恐惧和腐败结合起来，来维持由“大人物”和他们的同伙进行的盗贼统治。 在世界上，有许多地方用这种方式进行统治。 一些理论家试图用“头号雄性领导理论”来进行解释。 例如，精神病学家阿诺德·M·路德维格（Arnold M. Ludwig）认为像雄性猴子、猩猩或者猿一旦取得头号雄性地位之后就会自动开始对其所在的团体承担更多的责任那样，人类中的统治者也是这样的。 但是，对领导人这样的社会生物学解释的价值是有限的。 迄今为止，还没有发现有领导人基因，对同卵和异卵男性双胞胎的研究发现，在履行正式的领导角色中，他们的差异中只有三分之一 可以用遗传因素进行解释。 虽然这显示了天生的特征影响人们扮演某一角色的能力，但是也显示习得行为对结果有较大的影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Harm of Regulatory Disharmony LONDON – In the alphabet soup of institutions involved in the regulation of global financial markets, the FMLC – the Financial Markets Law Committee – is not very prominent. Given that it is based only in London, having grown out of an initiative by the Bank of England 20 years ago, and that most of its members are lawyers, most banks have not even heard of it (though some of them are represented on its Council). But the services provided by the FMLC have never been more necessary. The FMLC’s mission is to identify and propose solutions to issues of legal uncertainty in financial markets that might create risks in the future. As a recent FMLC paper showed, the wave of new regulations implemented since the global financial crisis – many of which were poorly planned or inconsistent across countries – has left a jumbled landscape of legal uncertainties. Consider banks’ capital requirements. The Basel 3 Accord, adherence to which increased the liquidity of all banks and decreased their leverage, is viewed as a firm standard in some parts of the world. But, in others, it is regarded as a minimum to which additional rules may be added. Such “super-equivalence” or, more colloquially, “gold-plating” creates inconsistencies across jurisdictions, thereby facilitating regulatory arbitrage. Likewise, the European Union, in contrast to the United States, regards the leverage ratio as a supervisory optional extra, known as a “Pillar 2 measure” (which permits supervisors to add additional capital buffers to address a particular bank’s idiosyncratic risks). And, though both the US and the EU prohibit proprietary trading, they each define it differently. There are also inconsistencies between the US and the EU in derivatives-market reform, which the Financial Stability Board has warned could undermine the objectives, set out by the G-20, of greater standardization of contracts and enhanced transparency. And, whereas the Basel standards continue to refer extensively to credit ratings as the basis for assessing the creditworthiness of borrowers, the Dodd-Frank Act in the US moves away from reliance on ratings. Such differences – and the FMLC Council lists many more – reflect a dangerous shift in the world’s approach to regulation.", "zh": "监管不一致的害处 伦敦—在全球金融市场监管机构的“字母汤”中，FMLC — — 金融市场法律委员会（Financial Markets Law Committee ） — —并不十分显眼。 它由英格兰银行在20年前成立，除了伦敦之外再无分号，其成员大部分是律师，而大部分银行从未听说过它（尽管一些银行在其理事会中有代表 ） 。 但FMLC所提供的服务从未像现在那样必不可少。 FMLC的任务是厘清金融市场中可能引起未来风险的法律不确定性问题，并提出解决方案。 最新的FMLC论文表明，全球金融危机爆发以来所实施的新监管潮 — — 其中许多措施根本没有经过很好的计划，或者在国与国之间不具备一致性 — — 带来了非常混乱的法律不确定局面。 以银行资本要求为例。 巴塞尔3协议能让所有银行增加流动性、降低杠杆，它在一些地区被视为可靠的标准。 但是，在其他地区，它被认为只是最低要求，还需要添加其他规则。 这些“超等价 ” （ super-equivalence ） ， 或者通俗地说，这些“镀金”造成了不同司法辖区之间的不一致性，从而有利于监管套利。 类似地，与美国不同，欧盟把杠杆率作为可选监管项，称之为“支柱2手段 ” （ Pillar 2 measure，它允许监管者增加资本缓冲以解决特定银行的特别风险 ） 。 此外，尽管美国和欧盟都禁止了自营交易，但对该业务的定义有所不同。 美国和欧盟的衍生品市场改革也不一致，金融稳定委员会（Financial Stability Board）警告这可能不利于G-20提出的加强衍生品合约标准程度和透明度的目标。 此外，巴塞尔标准仍然广泛地将信用评级作为评估借款人信誉的基础，但美国的多德-弗兰克法（Dodd-Frank Act）已不再依赖评级。 这些区别 — — FMLC理事会还举出了更多的区别 — — 反映了世界监管方针的危险变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even at its peak, liberal diplomacy could not resolve them, not least because it too often treated statecraft as an expressive art, detached from an ever-changing reality. Consider the fight over Western Sahara – Africa’s longest-running territorial dispute. In 1975, with Spain poised to cede control of the territory, the International Court of Justice rejected Morocco’s claim to it, and ruled that the local people, the Sahrawis, were entitled to self-determination. But Morocco quickly invaded and annexed the territory. Since then, the situation has changed drastically. Western Sahara is one of the most sparsely populated territories in the world, with only about 70,000 inhabitants in 1975, and perhaps 550,000 today, living in an area half the size of Spain. Two-thirds of the population are Moroccans, many having moved there after annexation. In this context, the case for Western Sahara’s self-determination is dubious. A more appropriate approach, which reflects the reality on the ground, is to grant Western Sahara autonomy within the Kingdom of Morocco – exactly the plan endorsed by Trump. (In 2013, Obama backed the same approach in a joint statement with Morocco’s King Muhammed VI.) Securing political control of an occupied territory by changing its demography is nothing new. Some 600,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank, alongside 2,750,000 Palestinians. Iran has been repopulating vast areas of Syria with Shia Muslims. Nearly 46 years after Turkey invaded Northern Cyprus, settlers from mainland Turkey comprise about half the territory’s population. Such behavior should never be endorsed. But pretending it is not happening will not help, either. When actors are in a protracted state of diplomatic limbo, disregard for the actual balance of power or the duration of the conflict perpetuates a fait accompli favoring the stronger side. This is as true of the Morocco-Western Sahara dispute as it is about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, where infatuation with the deceptive two-state paradigm has made peace all but impossible. In fact, when Arab states have rejected deals with Israel, they have usually ended up with less. The Palestinians did this on at least two occasions.", "zh": "即使在其巅峰时刻，自由外交政策也无法解决这些问题，尤其因为它经常将治国之道视之为完全脱离不断变化现实状况的一种表现艺术。 就以西撒哈拉之争为例 — — 这是非洲历时最长的一次领土纷争。 1975年，西班牙愿意放弃对该地区的控制权，但国际法院却驳回了摩洛哥对该地区的领土要求，并裁定当地的萨拉威人有权采取自决行动。 但摩洛哥很快入侵并且吞并了这片领土。 自那以后，局势发生了翻天覆地的变化。 西撒哈拉是全世界人口最稀少的地区之一，1975年仅有居民约7万人，今天或许有55万人，在面积约为西班牙一半的这片区域中生活。 其中有2/3的人口是摩洛哥人，不少是在吞并行动后迁移到那里的。 在这样的情况下，允许西撒哈拉自决的理由是值得怀疑的。 更能反映当地现实的恰当策略是在摩洛哥王国内部赋予西撒哈拉地区自治权 — — 而这恰恰是特朗普所认可的计划。 （2013年，奥巴马曾在与摩洛哥国王穆罕默德六世的联合声明中支持这样的做法。 ） 通过改变人口结构来实现对被占领土的政治控制早就不是什么新鲜事了。 约60万以色列人目前生活在西岸地区，混居在275万巴勒斯坦人当中。 伊朗将什叶派穆斯林重新安置在叙利亚的大片领土。 在土耳其入侵北塞浦路斯近46年后，来自土耳其本土的定居者大约占到该地区人口的半数左右。 这样的所作所为永远也不应得到认可。 但假装这一切都没有发生也是无济于事的。 如果当事各方长期处于悬而未决的外交状态，无视实际权力平衡或冲突时间就会有利于强势一方将既成事实永久化。 摩洛哥西撒哈拉纷争和以巴冲突皆是如此，一味沉迷于欺骗性的两国模式最终会导致和平几乎是不可能实现的。 事实上，当阿拉伯国家拒绝与以色列签署协议时，他们往往会付出更大的代价。 巴勒斯坦人至少有两次都是这样的情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thus, grain prices rose rapidly in 2021, despite record global output of nearly 2.8 billion tons. Energy prices also are important in determining the cost of producing and transporting food. The large increase in oil prices in 2021 obviously affected the food prices faced by consumers. In addition, more frequent extreme weather events make crop output more volatile and reduce yields. Some have argued that prices of agricultural commodities as disparate as Brazilian coffee, Belgian potatoes, and Canadian yellow peas (now widely used by the food industry to produce plant-based meat substitutes) rose sharply last year after weather events induced by climate change undermined output. In March 2021, the FAO warned that increasingly frequent climate-related disasters were affecting agricultural supplies. Droughts are the single greatest threat, accounting for more than one-third of crop and livestock losses in low- and lower-middle-income countries. But floods, storms, pests, diseases, and wildfires have also become more intense and widespread, as was evident last year. We can expect much more climate-related pressure on food production in the coming years, with developing regions in Asia and Africa likely to be hit hardest. The threats to food production from climate risk underscore the need for greater international cooperation to tackle global warming and its consequences. Sadly, such collaboration seems unlikely. But some of the other factors contributing to food price increases are the direct result of policy and regulatory changes. These include the significant increase in stockpiling by governments and consumers, driven by fears that new waves of the COVID-19 pandemic will put further pressure on food supplies. The expectation of future food price increases then becomes self-fulfilling, owing to higher current demand. Last November, the FAO estimated that the global food import bill in 2021 would be the highest ever, at more than $1.75 trillion, a 14% increase from 2020 and 12% higher than the FAO’s forecast just a few months earlier. This is bad news for lower-income economies, which may have more pressing food import requirements than other countries but could be squeezed out of global markets because of increased demand. The other important factor is financial speculation in food markets, which has recently experienced a revival.", "zh": "因此尽管全球谷物产量达到了创纪录的近28亿吨，但其价格仍在2021年迅速上涨。 能源价格在决定粮食生产和运输成本方面也很重要。 2021年石油价格的大幅上涨显然对消费者的粮食采购价格产生了影响。 此外更频繁的极端天气事件致使农作物产量更加不稳定且有所降低。 一些人认为巴西咖啡豆、比利时土豆和加拿大黄豆（当前被食品工业广泛用于生产植源性肉类替代品）等各类农业大宗商品价格正是因为去年气候变化引发的天气事件压低了产量而大幅上涨的。 粮农组织在2021年3月发出警告说日益频繁的气候相关灾害正在影响农业供应。 其中干旱是最大威胁，中低收入国家1/3以上农作物和牲畜损失都源自于此。 但是洪水、风暴、虫害、疾病和野火也变得更加剧烈和广泛，这在去年就展现得相当明显。 我们预计在未来几年间与气候有关的粮食生产压力将大大增加，而亚洲和非洲发展中地区所受的冲击则尤为严重。 气候风险对粮食生产的威胁突出表明我们需要加强国际合作以应对全球变暖及其后果，但可悲的是这种合作似乎不太可能实现。 而致使粮食价格上涨的其他一些因素则是政策和监管变化的直接结果。 其中包括政府和消费者大量囤积，因为它们担心新一波的新冠疫情将进一步对食品供应构成压力。 此外由于当前需求上升，对未来食品价格上涨的预期也会自我应验。 去年11月，粮农组织估计2021年将录得有史以来最高的全球粮食进口金额 — — 超过1.75万亿美元，较2020年增加14 % ， 比该组织几个月前的预测高出12 % 。 这对低收入经济体来说是个坏消息，它们的粮食进口需求可能比其他国家更为迫切，但却可能因为需求增加而被挤出全球市场。 另一个重要的因素则是粮食市场的金融投机，而且这种投机最近有抬头趋势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, it can counteract and even neutralize the top-down pressure placed on courts and police by the authorities – typically, the executive. This can help to ensure that even hollowed-out or compromised institutions discharge their duties in accordance with the rule of law – as in the case involving Mawarire. Second, a people-power movement can create alternative spaces that prefigure a society in which the rule of law is respected. The movement must operate internally in a just and fair way, and apply the same standards to all its members regardless of rank. And any civil disobedience must have a strategic purpose and be highly disciplined, so that participants understand that such action does not constitute a rejection of the rule of law, but rather a means of establishing it. Third, people power has repeatedly proved to be an effective tool in defeating even the most brutal dictatorships and achieving a transition to a more democratic system of governance. Far-reaching reforms that strengthen the rule of law can then be implemented in ways that would not have been possible under a corrupted system. In November 2019, for example, Sudan’s new transitional authority – established after months of non-violent protests against President Omar al-Bashir’s dictatorship and then against the military regime that ousted him – repealed an oppressive public-order law that had governed how women could behave and dress in public. Although Sudan’s transition is by no means complete, this represented a huge triumph for the rule of law. It would not have been achieved without people power. Authoritarian leaders understand and fear people power.", "zh": "首先，它可以抵消甚至中和政府 — — 通常是行政机构 — — 施加在法院和警察身上的自上而下的压力。 它能够帮助哪怕是被掏空或者攻陷的机构按照法治精神来履行职责，类似的例子就是马瓦雷里案的审理。 其次，人民力量运动可以创造出替代空间，从而预示着尊重法治的社会。 运动内部运作必须秉持公平、公正的精神，并无论等级对所有成员采取一视同仁的标准。 同时任何公民抗命都必须拥有战略目标，而且要受到严格的纪律处分，因为只有这样才能确保参与者理解上述行为并不是拒绝法治，反而有助于法治的建立。 第三，人民权力被反复证明是击败最残酷独裁政权并实现向更民主治理体制过渡的有效工具。 而后，就可以推行意义深远的强化法治的改革，而类似的改革在腐败制度下完全不可能。 例如，在2019年11月，苏丹新过渡政府 — — 该政府的成立在针对奥马尔·巴希尔总统独裁政权几个月的非暴力抗议事件后，而后又反对推翻巴希尔的军事政权 — — 废止了一项压迫性的公共秩序法，规定妇女在公共场合应当如何穿着和行为。 尽管苏丹的过渡还远远谈不上完整，但这依然代表着法治的巨大胜利。 没有人民力量实现这样的目标根本不可能。 威权领导人理解并惧怕人民权力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Saving the Stability Pact from Itself At their meeting in Scheveningen, the Netherlands, the EU's economic ministers (Ecofin) once again confronted the need to reform the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). The issues surrounding reform remain controversial and unsettled, but this time, the ministers laid their cards on the table. The SGP's fundamental problem is that it must strike a balance between two contradictory goals: it must retain bite against excessive debt accumulation, yet it must also give governments more maneuvering room to enact structural reforms and restore Europe's competitiveness. As it stands, the SGP is an obstacle to such reforms. European leaders waste political energy and capital to meet demanding budget targets, while nothing is done to address the really vital challenges: aging populations, high tax burdens, declining competitiveness. The reason is that structural reforms tend to pay off in the long term, but cost money in the short term. The SGP originally aimed to protect European citizens from myopic governments, but it has ended up forcing even more myopic behavior. Take pension reform, which aims to reduce the scope of state-run, pay-as-you-go systems and expand private, fully funded schemes. This requires cutting compulsory contributions to the public system, while maintaining benefit levels for current retirees. The result is a temporary increase in budget deficits; the fiscal benefits appear only when private schemes start taking over pension liabilities from the state-run systems. But the SGP's current rules discourage this kind of reform by prohibiting temporary increases in the budget deficit - even if they promise long-term fiscal consolidation. European policymakers are becoming aware of the problem. Some EU countries - particularly new members in Central and Eastern Europe - have committed themselves to use privatization receipts to finance pension reform. But even this may not be enough to cover the cost.", "zh": "稳定和发展合约如何从自身寻求出路 欧盟各国财长在荷兰斯赫维宁根出席会议期间又一次面临对《稳定和发展合约》作出改革的必要。 围绕着改革的一系列问题一直都悬而不决，引起争议，但这次财长们在桌子上摊了牌。 《合约》涉及的基本问题就是它必须在两个相互矛盾的目标间找到平衡：一方面它要能够继续削减大规模的债务累积，另一方面它必须给政府更多的尝试空间去实施体制改革和恢复欧洲的竞争力。 很明显，对于这样的改革 ， 《 合约》是一个障碍。 为了达到艰难的预算指标，欧洲国家的领导人浪费了很多政治精力和资本，而同时对于一些真正有挑战性的关键问题却没有采取任何措施：如，人口老龄化，高税负，日益削减的竞争力。 原因就在于这些体制改革长期看来是获益的，而短期却很耗资。 最初 ， 《 合约》是针对那些目光短浅的政府，旨在保护欧洲公民的，而其结果却是导致了更加目光短浅的行为。 拿养老金改革来说。 此项改革旨在减少那种国有的，离岗付薪的体系的规模，促进私有的，资金充足的项目的发展。 这就要求一方面要削减对于公共体系的强制性的投入，同时保持目前退休人员的福利水平。 结果就是预算赤字的暂时增加；而预算赤字仅在私有项目从国有体系手中接管了养老金债务时才会出现。 《合约》目前的规则由于禁止预算赤字的暂时增加 - - 甚至这种暂时的增加可以促成长期的财政巩固，而因此妨碍了此类改革。 欧洲国家的决策者们开始意识到这一问题。 一些欧盟成员国 - - 特别是中欧和东欧的新成员 - - 已经开始使用私有化收入为养老金改革提供资金。 但即使这样也未必能满足开支。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turkey’s Iran Strategy ISTANBUL – Following Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif’s recent visit to the Gulf states, the Islamic Republic’s charm offensive is set to continue with President Hassan Rouhani’s trip to Turkey early next month. Unlike the majority of Iran’s Arab neighbors, Turkey unequivocally welcomed the interim nuclear deal concluded last month between Iran and the P5+1 (the United Nations Security Council’s five permanent members and Germany). But Turkish policymakers are keenly aware that the agreement may upend the Middle East’s fragile balance of power. From Turkey’s perspective, the nuclear deal, if successfully implemented and made permanent after six months, is set to eliminate a major security concern. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government does not want to be faced with a nuclear Iran, fearing the emergence of an asymmetric power relationship with the Islamic Republic after centuries of balanced ties. But Turkey also did not want a military intervention in Iran, led by the United States. It was believed that a military strike would create even more problems in terms of regional stability and security. That is why Turkish policymakers have consistently championed a diplomatic solution to the Iranian conundrum, which is what they got with the latest deal. There are other reasons why Turkish officials have welcomed the interim agreement so warmly. First, they interpret the deal as vindication of their ill-fated effort in May 2010 (together with Brazil) to reach an agreement with Iran on the disposition of Iran’s nuclear fuel. Turkish authorities continue to highlight that earlier tripartite agreement with Iran. The foreign ministry, for example, released a statement noting that, “The agreement…constitutes the first concrete positive development concerning Iran’s nuclear program since the Tehran Declaration of 2010.” Turkey is also satisfied that the deal does not weaken its position on sovereign rights under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Turkey has consistently defended the interpretation that states have the right to establish domestic uranium-enrichment programs under the NPT, provided that they comply with their treaty commitments. Even at the peak of diplomatic tensions with Iran, Turkey refrained from adopting America’s more maximalist position, which challenged the validity of Iran’s right to enrich uranium. So the tacit and conditional acceptance of this right is a satisfactory outcome for Turkey.", "zh": "土耳其的伊朗战略 伊斯坦布尔—继伊朗外交部长扎里夫（Javad Zarif）最近访问海湾国家后，总统鲁哈尼将在下个月访问土耳其，继续伊斯兰共和国的魅力攻势。 与伊朗的大部分阿拉伯邻国不同，土耳其旗帜鲜明地欢迎上个月伊朗与P5+1（联合国安理会五大常任理事国加上德国）达成的临时和协议。 但土耳其决策者强烈地感觉到，这一协议可能逆转中东地区脆弱的实力平衡。 在土耳其看来，这一核协议如能成功实施并在六个月后永久化，将能打消一个巨大的安全顾虑。 总理埃尔多安的政府不想面对有核的伊朗，担心在经历了几百年的平等关系后，土耳其与伊斯兰共和国将呈现不对称的实力关系。 但土耳其也不想对伊朗实施军事干预。 土耳其认为，军事打击只能给地区稳定和安全带来更多问题。 这也是土耳其决策者一直呼吁通过外交手段解决伊朗问题的原因，最近的协议正是这一努力的一个成果。 土耳其官员如此热烈地欢迎临时协议还有别的原因。 首先，他们认为该协议证明了他们2010年5月（与巴西一起）试图与伊朗达成销毁其核燃料的协议的未成功努力是正确的。 土耳其当局一直在强调这份早先的三方协议。 比如，外交部发布了一份声明，说“该协议 … … 是自2010年德黑兰宣言以来关于伊朗核计划第一次取得实质性进展 。 ” 土耳其还对该协议并未削弱其根据核不扩散条约（NPT）的主权权利地位感到满意。 土耳其坚持认为各国有权在NPT框架下发展本国铀浓缩计划，只要符合条约的各项承诺。 即使在与伊朗外交关系最紧张的时刻，土耳其也没有接受美国不承认伊朗核浓缩权利正当性的先发制人立场。 因此，缄默和有条件地接受这一权利对土耳其来说是令人满意的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What is Italy Saying? NEW YORK – The outcome of the Italian elections should send a clear message to Europe’s leaders: the austerity policies that they have pursued are being rejected by voters. The European project, as idealistic as it was, was always a top-down endeavor. But it is another matter altogether to encourage technocrats to run countries, seemingly circumventing democratic processes, and foist upon them policies that lead to widespread public misery. While Europe’s leaders shy away from the word, the reality is that much of the European Union is in depression. The loss of output in Italy since the beginning of the crisis is as great as it was in the 1930’s. Greece’s youth unemployment rate now exceeds 60%, and Spain’s is above 50%. With the destruction of human capital, Europe’s social fabric is tearing, and its future is being thrown into jeopardy. The economy’s doctors say that the patient must stay the course. Political leaders who suggest otherwise are labeled as populists. The reality, though, is that the cure is not working, and there is no hope that it will – that is, without being worse than the disease. Indeed, it will take a decade or more to recover the losses incurred in this austerity process. In short, it is neither populism nor shortsightedness that has led citizens to reject the policies that have been imposed on them. It is an understanding that these policies are deeply misguided. Europe’s talents and resources – its physical, human, and natural capital – are the same today as they were before the crisis began. The problem is that the prescriptions being imposed are leading to massive underutilization of these resources. Whatever Europe’s problem, a response that entails waste on this scale cannot be the solution. The simplistic diagnosis of Europe’s woes – that the crisis countries were living beyond their means – is clearly at least partly wrong. Spain and Ireland had fiscal surpluses and low debt/GDP ratios before the crisis. If Greece were the only problem, Europe could have handled it easily.", "zh": "意大利想表达些什么？ 发自纽约 — — 意大利大选的结果应该是向欧洲领导人传达了一个明确的信息：他们一直以来追求的紧缩政策已经遭到了选民的唾弃。 虽然相当理想化的欧洲一体化宏愿一直都是个自上而下推动的。 然而鼓励技术官僚来管理国家 — — 似乎绕过了民主程序 — — 并将导致民众怨声载道的政策强加在这些国家身上却是另外一回事。 当欧洲的领导人们可以回避欧洲一体化这个词的时候，现实却是欧盟大部分地区都处于经济不景气之中。 意大利自危机爆发以来所导致的产出损失跟1930年大萧条时相当。 当前希腊的青年人���业率超过了60 % ， 而西班牙则超过了50 % 。 由于人力资本被破坏，欧洲的社会构造也随之出现了撕裂，而其未来正被推入险境。 经济专家说受创的国家必须将紧缩政策坚持到底，而持有其他主张的政治领导人都被贴上了民粹主义的标签。 但实际上这种解决方案并不起作用，而且将来也依然无效 — — 也就是说紧缩政策将会导致比目前更糟糕的问题。 事实上，这个紧缩过程所造成的损失可能需要花上十年或更长的时间才能挽回。 简而言之，既不是民粹主义也不是短视导致公民拒绝那些强加在自己身上的政策。 而是人们意识到这些政策都被严重误导了。 今天欧洲的人才及资源 — — 其物质、人力和自然资本 — — 与危机发生前并无二致。 问题在于当前的解决方案导致了对这些资源的大规模低效利用。 不管欧洲的问题是什么，造成大规模浪费的应付方式可不会是解决办法。 对欧洲灾难病因的简单诊断 — — 即危机国家过去一直入不敷出 — — 显然至少有部分是错误的。 西班牙和爱尔兰在危机之前都有着财政盈余以及较低的债务对GDP比率。 如果希腊是欧洲惟一的问题，那么它肯定可以很容易得到处理。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Depth of the Next US Recession ASPEN, COLORADO – The United States economy is doing well. But the next recession – and there is always another recession – could be very bad. The US Bureau of Economic Analysis estimates that GDP growth in the second quarter of 2018 reached 4.1% – the highest since the 4.9% seen under President Barack Obama in 2014. Another year of growth will match the record ten-year expansion of the 1990s. Add to that low unemployment, and things are looking good. But this cannot continue forever. Given massive global corporate debt and a soaring US stock market – the cyclically adjusted price-to-earnings ratio is high by historical standards – one possible trigger for a downturn in the coming years is a negative shock that could send securities tumbling. That shock could be homegrown, coming in the form, say, of renewed inflation or of the continued escalation of the trade war that US President Donald Trump has started. The shock could also come from abroad. For example, the current financial and currency crisis in Turkey could spread to other emerging markets. The euro crisis is not truly over, despite the completion of Greece’s bailout program, with Italy, in particular, representing a major source of risk. Even China is vulnerable to slowing growth and high levels of debt. Whatever the immediate trigger, the consequences for the US are likely to be severe, for a simple reason: the US government continues to pursue pro-cyclical fiscal, macro-prudential, and even monetary policies.", "zh": "美国下一次衰退会有多深 发自科罗拉多州阿斯蓬 — — 美国经济目前运行良好。 可一旦下一次经济衰退降临 — — 也必将降临 — — 情况可能会非常糟糕。 美国经济分析局估算2018年第二季度的GDP增长达4.1 ％ ， 也是自2014年奥巴马治下实现4.9％以来的最高水平。 即将实现的全年增长将与1990年代创纪录的十年增长相匹配。 再加上低失业率，一切看起来都不错。 但这不可能永远持续下去。 鉴于庞大的全球企业债务以及飙升的美国股市 — — 按历史标准来看排除周期性因素后的市盈率处于高位 — — 未来几年经济下滑的一个可能触发因素就是某个可能导致股票暴跌的负面冲击。 这种冲击可能来自于国内，而且会以不同形式出现，例如卷土重来的通胀或美国总统特朗普也已发动的贸易战持续升级。 冲击也可能来自国外，比如土耳其当前的金融和货币危机可能蔓延到其他新兴市场。 尽管希腊救助计划已经完成，但欧元危机并未真正落幕，尤其是意大利可能成为风险的主要来源。 就连中国也容易受到增长放缓和高额债务的影响。 无论那个触发因素是什么，对美国的影响都可能相当严重，原因很简单：美国政府继续推行顺周期财政、宏观审慎以及平稳货币政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This bread was excellent, I must admit, and I ate it with great pleasure. “Unfortunately,” I said, “this pasta won’t stay fresh, so it seems pointless to make a supply for on board.” “By thunder, sir!” Ned Land exclaimed. “There you go, talking like a naturalist, but meantime I’ll be acting like a baker! Conseil, harvest some of this fruit to take with us when we go back.” “And how will you prepare it?” I asked the Canadian. “I’ll make a fermented batter from its pulp that’ll keep indefinitely without spoiling. When I want some, I’ll just cook it in the galley on board—it’ll have a slightly tart flavor, but you’ll find it excellent.” “So, Mr. Ned, I see that this bread is all we need—” “Not quite, professor,” the Canadian replied. “We need some fruit to go with it, or at least some vegetables.” “Then let’s look for fruit and vegetables.”", "zh": "应当承认，这面包很好吃，我很喜欢吃。 “可惜这样一种好面团不能长久保持新鲜，””我说／孜想用不着拿回船上去作贮藏的食品了。” “真的吗，先生！”尼德·兰喊，“您是拿生物学家的身份来说这话；但我要拿制面包人的身份来作事。康塞尔，您去摘取这些果子，我们回去的时候可以带走。” “您怎样把这些果子制作起来呢？”我问加拿大人。 “拿这果子的淀粉泥制成发面团，那就可以长久保存，不至于腐败。当我要食用的时候，到船上厨房里一烤使得，虽然有些酸味，但您一定觉得它很好吃。” “尼德·兰师傅，那么，有了这面包，看来我们是不短什么了吧？……” “还短些东西，教授，”加拿大人回答，“还短些水果，至少还短些蔬菜！” “我们找水果和蔬菜去。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Then, in a gentler voice, he went on: “Now, allow me to finish what I have to tell you. I’ve heard of you, Professor Aronnax. You, if not your companions, won’t perhaps complain too much about the stroke of fate that has brought us together. Among the books that make up my favorite reading, you’ll find the work you’ve published on the great ocean depths. I’ve pored over it. You’ve taken your studies as far as terrestrial science can go. But you don’t know everything because you haven’t seen everything. Let me tell you, professor, you won’t regret the time you spend aboard my vessel. You’re going to voyage through a land of wonders. Stunned amazement will probably be your habitual state of mind. It will be a long while before you tire of the sights constantly before your eyes. I’m going to make another underwater tour of the world—perhaps my last, who knows?—and I’ll review everything I’ve studied in the depths of these seas that I’ve crossed so often, and you can be my fellow student. Starting this very day, you’ll enter a new element, you’ll see what no human being has ever seen before—since my men and I no longer count—and thanks to me, you’re going to learn the ultimate secrets of our planet.”", "zh": "随后，他用比较温和的口气说： “现在，请允许我说完我要跟您说的话。阿龙纳斯先生，我了解您。其实，您也许不至于和您的同伴一样，会抱怨这个偶然把你们跟我的命运连结在一起的机会吧！在我喜欢研究的书籍中，您可以找到您发表的那本关于海底秘密的著作。我时常阅读这本书。地上的学问可以使您达到的，在您的著作中已经达到了。但您还不是什么都懂，还不是什么都看见过。教授，让我跟您说，您决不至懊悔您在我船上度过的时光。您以后将到神奇的世界中游历。震惊、奇怪，将是您心情中惯有的状态。，那不断呈现在您眼前的奇异景象会使您百看不厌。我在下一次周游海底世界的时候，（也许这是最后一次，谁知道？）又要在我跑过许多次的海底下看见我曾经研究过的一切事物，那时您将变为我这一次科学研究的同伴。从这一天起，您将进入一个新元素的世界，您将看见世界上除了我和我的同伴之外任何人都没有看到过的东西，由于我，我们的星球将把它最后的秘密玄给您。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "强化网络安全产业供需对接。加强网络安全技术创新，推动构建先进完备的网络安全产品体系。创新网络安全服务。模式，健全网络安全公共服务体系，鼓励企业从提供网络安全产品向产品和服务并重转变。加大新型基础设施安全需求场景化应用，加快推动5G、工业互联网、车联网、物联网、智慧城市等重点领域网络安全解决方案部署。加强网络安全创新示范应用。深化开展网络安全技术应。用试点示范，遴选优秀安全技术、产品、服务及解决方案并推动落地应用，打造安全技术产品和解决方案资源池。健全网络安全产品评价体系，创新“安全+行业”、“安全+区域”服务模式。打造网络安全卓越验证示范中心，支持建设网络安全创新应用先进示范区，引领促进网络安全产品服务规模化应用。繁荣网络安全产业生态。统筹国家网络安全产业园区布局，支持建设网络安全公共服务平台，形成“多点支撑、辐射全国、协同发展”的园区发展格局，推动网络安全产业集聚发展。强化网络安全企业的主体地位，优化产业政策环境，打造一批“专精尖”网络安全特色企业。加强网络安全产融合作，加强创新型、应用型、技能型网络安全人才培养，充分发挥联盟协会作用，完善网络安全产业生态。专栏19网络安全技术产业生态培育工程。", "en": "Strengthen the integration of supply and demand in the network security industry. Enhance technological innovation in network security and promote the construction of an advanced and comprehensive network security product system. Innovate network security services and improve the public service system for network security. Encourage companies to shift from providing network security products to a focus on both products and services. Increase the application of security solutions in scenarios related to new infrastructure security demands, and accelerate the deployment of network security solutions in key areas such as 5G, industrial internet, connected vehicles, Internet of Things, and smart cities. Enhance the demonstration and application of network security innovation. Deepen pilot demonstrations of network security technology applications, select outstanding security technologies, products, services, and solutions, and promote their implementation to create a resource pool of security technology products and solutions. Improve the network security product evaluation system and innovate the security + industry and security + regional service models. Establish a network security excellence verification demonstration center, support the construction of advanced demonstration areas for network security innovation applications, and lead the scale application of network security products and services. Foster a prosperous ecosystem for the network security industry. Coordinate the layout of national network security industrial parks, support the construction of public service platforms for network security, and form a development pattern of multiple support, nationwide radiation, and coordinated development in the parks to promote the concentration and development of the network security industry. Strengthen the leading position of network security enterprises, optimize the industrial policy environment, and cultivate a group of specialized and outstanding network security companies. Enhance the integration of network security and finance, strengthen the cultivation of innovative, applied, and skilled network security talents, fully leverage the role of alliances and associations, and improve the network security industry ecosystem. Column 19: Ecological Cultivation Project for Network Security Technology Industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Peace comes only when a conflict becomes ripe for resolution, which happens when the leaders of the principal protagonists are both willing and able to embrace compromise. Absent that, no amount of well-intentioned diplomatic effort by outsiders can compensate. But the 1967 war has had an enormous impact all the same. Palestinians acquired an identity and international prominence that had largely eluded them when most were living under Egyptian or Jordanian rule. What Palestinians could not generate was a consensus among themselves regarding whether to accept Israel and, if so, what to give up in order to have a state of their own. Israelis could agree on some things. A majority supported returning the Sinai to Egypt. Various governments were prepared to return the Golan Heights to Syria under terms that were never met. Israel unilaterally withdrew from Gaza and signed a peace treaty with Jordan. There was also broad agreement that Jerusalem should remain unified and in Israeli hands. But agreement stopped when it came to the West Bank. For some Israelis, this territory was a means to an end, to be exchanged for a secure peace with a responsible Palestinian state. For others, it was an end in itself, to be settled and retained. This is not to suggest a total absence of diplomatic progress since 1967. Many Israelis and Palestinians have come to recognize the reality of one another’s existence and the need for some sort of partition of the land into two states. But for now the two sides are not prepared to resolve what separates them.", "zh": "和平只有在冲突成为决议的成熟动因时才会到来，而要达到这一条件，冲突主角各方领导人都要拿出意愿和具备能力形成妥协。 否则，外部人士付出再多初衷良好的外交努力也无济于事。 但1967年战争仍形成了巨大的影响。 巴勒斯坦人赢得了身份和他们大部分人生活在埃及或约旦统治下时无法获得的国际地位。 巴勒斯坦人无法在是否接受以色列，以及若接受以色列要放弃哪些东西以换取自己的国家这一问题上形成共识。 在同样的问题上，以色列人能够形成共识。 大部分人支持将西奈半岛还给埃及。 多届政府准备有条件地将戈兰高地还给叙利亚，但这些条件从未获得满足。 以色列单方面撤出了加沙，并与约旦签订和平条约。 耶路撒冷应该保持统一并掌握在以色列人手里也是广泛的共识。 但在约旦河西岸问题上，共识戛然而止。 对一些以色列人来说，这片领土是为了达到目的的手段，可以用来换取与负责任的巴勒斯坦国的可靠的和平。 对另一些人来说，这片领土本身就是目的，是为了定居和捍卫。 这并不是说，1967年以来完全没有取得外交进展。 许多以色列人和巴勒斯坦人已经承认另一方存在的事实，以及对土地进行某种类型的分割并入两国家的需要。 但目前，双方都没有准备好解决造成它们隔阂的问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "王水照 1955年-1960年，北京大学中文系学习，获文学学士学位，参与北大55级学生编撰的红皮文学史、黄皮文学史，为宋元段主要执笔人。 1960年-1978年，分配到当时隶属于中国科学院哲学社会科学部的文学研究所工作，在钱锺书、何其芳、余冠英等先生指导下，参与了多项集体项目，包括社科院版《文学史》、《唐诗选》等；1978年3月至今，调入复旦大学中文系工作，期间1984年-1986年，国家公派至日本东京大学讲学。 1980年11月任副教授，1985年9月晋升为教授，1990年经国务院学位委员会批准为中国古代文学学科（唐宋文学方向）的博士生导师。 1992年获“有突出贡献的国家级专家”称号，1998年9月当选为复旦大学首席教授，现为复旦大学中文系学术委员会主任。 2000年起，兼任中国宋代文学学会会长，2015年始任中国宋代文学学会名誉会长。", "en": "Shuizhao Wang Wang studied at the Department of Chinese, Peking University from 1955 to 1960 and thus received B.A. in Literature. He had participated in the compilation of History of Chinese Literature (red cover version and yellow cover version) and was the main writer of history of Song and Yuan Dynasties. He was assigned to a literature institute which was affiliated to the Division of Philosophy and Social Sciences of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, and he worked there from 1960 to 1978, during the time of which he was instructed by Zhongshu Qian, Qifang He, Guanying Yu etc. to participated in multiple collective projects, such as the History of Literature and Selection of Poems in Tang Dynasty. Hence he was transferred to the Department of Chinese, Fudan University in March 1978. In the intervening period, he was sponsored by the government to give lectures at the University of Tokyo from 1984 to 1986. Wang became an Associate Professor in November 1980, was promoted as Professor in September 1985, and was authorized to be a Doctoral Supervisor in Ancient Chinese Literature by Academic Degrees Committee of State Council in 1990. He won the title of National Expert with Outstanding Contributions in 1992, was elected as the Chief Professor of Fudan University in September 1998, and now serves as the Director of Academic Committee of the Department of Chinese, Fudan University. Wang has concurrently served as the President of the Song Dynasty Literature Association since 2000, and as the Honorary President of China Song Dynasty Literature Association since 2015."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "里程碑式跨越！\n国际米兰解锁第3000场意甲比赛-中新网\n中新网客户端7月26日电 北京时间26日凌晨，意甲传统豪门国际米兰迎来了里程碑之战。\n据意大利媒体统计，客场对阵热那亚一役是国际米兰队史第3000场意甲联赛，蓝黑军团也是首个解锁这项里程碑的球队。\n自1929年联赛改制以来，国际米兰是唯一一支从未缺席意甲的队伍，也是唯一一支从未降级的球队。\n据意大利媒体报道，国际米兰与热那亚的比赛是蓝黑军团队史第3000场比赛。\n在这场里程碑之战中，国际米兰客场三球完胜热那亚。\n此役卢卡库梅开二度，替补出场的桑切斯也贡献一球。\n比赛从一开始就进入了国际米兰的节奏，强攻终于在第34分钟转化为进球。\n比拉吉左路传中，卢卡库中路包抄头球破门。\n第82分钟国际米兰如法炮制，摩西右路突破后传中，桑切斯中路包抄推射得手；终场前卢卡库完成梅开二度，反击中布罗佐维奇送出长距离直塞，卢卡库突入禁区晃过罗梅罗后推射空门得分，将比分定格在3：0。\n国际米兰客场3：0完胜热那亚，积分反超亚特兰大上升至第2，在多赛一场的情况下落后领头羊尤文图斯4分，仍保留着争冠希望。\n至此，在这跨越近90载光阴的3000场意甲联赛中，国际米兰赢得了其中的1489场，打平834场，输掉677场，胜率为49.6%。\n其间，球队共打进5038球，丢3102球，场均打进1.68球。\n蓝黑军团18次获得联赛冠军，并且从未降级", "en": "Milestone Leap!\nInter Milan unlocks the 3000th Serie A match - www.chinanews.com\nWww.chinanews.com Client, July 26 - In the early morning of the 26th Beijing time, Inter Milan, a traditional top club of Serie A, ushered in a milestone battle.\nAccording to Italian media statistics, the away game against Genoa C.F.C. is the 3000th Serie A game in the history of Inter Milan, and the Nerazzurri is also the first team to unlock this milestone.\nSince the league was reformed in 1929, Inter Milan is the only team that has never been absent from Serie A and the only team that has never been relegated.\nAccording to Italian media reports, the match between Inter Milan and Genoa C.F.C. is the 3000th match in the history of the Nerazzurri.\nIn this milestone match, Inter Milan won Genoa C.F.C. by three goals away game.\nIn this match, Lukaku scored twice and Sanchez, who came off the bench, also contributed a goal.\nThe match entered the rhythm of Inter Milan from the beginning, and the crazy attack finally turned into a goal in the 34th minute.\nBiraghi made a cross from the left, and Lukaku made a header from the middle.\nIn the 82nd minute, Inter Milan did the same thing; Moses made a breakthrough on the right and made a pass, Sanchez's middle road was successful, and before the final game, Lukaku scored twice; and in the counterattack, Brozović sent a long-distance straight plug, and after Lukaku broke into the restricted area and slipped past Romero, he pushed an empty goal and fixed the score at 3: 0.\nInter Milan defeated Genoa C.F.C. 3-0 away game, and the score surpassed Atalanta B.C. to rise to the second place; and after one more game, it was 4 points behind the leader Juventus, and still kept the hope of winning the championship.\nSo far, Inter Milan has won 1489 of the 3000 Serie A matches spanning nearly 90 years, drew 834 games and lost 677 games, with a winning rate of 49.6%.\nDuring the period, Inter Milan scored 5,038 goals and lost 3,102 goals, averaging 1.68 goals per game.\nThe Nerazzurri have won league titles 18 times and have never been relegated."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "TowerBlocks"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This way, the logic went, Pakistan could retain enough influence with the Taliban to secure leverage over Afghanistan’s government. But it is the Taliban that ultimately gained strategic depth in its Pakistan-based guerrilla war with Afghanistan – a war that has become a serious threat to Pakistan’s security. The Pakistani Taliban has killed hundreds of Pakistani soldiers this year. And Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s new strategy – to seek a non-interference agreement with the Pakistani Taliban – will probably lead to even more domestic insecurity. Meanwhile, India has been attempting to counter-balance Pakistan’s influence with the Taliban by providing investment, military training, aid, and other support to the Afghan government. But this amounts to betting all of its chips on one hand, the Afghan government – an especially risky strategy in such a volatile environment. China’s Afghan policy also has its pitfalls. The People’s Republic has invested billions of dollars in Afghanistan, including a $3 billion payment for rights to mine copper at Mes Aynak. Although the Chinese have offered rhetorical support for international forces’ anti-terror efforts in Afghanistan, they have refused even the smallest military role. And they have provided only about $250 million in aid over the last decade – a paltry sum, given the potential consequences of Afghan instability for China’s $6 trillion economy. To be sure, China claims to be upholding its doctrine of non-interference in other countries’ domestic affairs.", "zh": "这样一来，在逻辑上，巴基斯坦就可以拥有对塔利班的足够影响力并保持对阿富汗政府的制约。 但最终获得战略纵深的其实是塔利班 — — 它在以巴基斯坦为基地与阿富汗开展的游击战争取得了优势，而这场战争则对巴基斯坦的安全构成严重威胁。 今年，巴基斯坦塔利班已经杀害了数百名巴基斯坦士兵。 纳瓦兹·谢里夫（Nawaz Sharif）总理的新策略 — — 寻求与巴基斯坦塔利班达成互不干扰协议 — — 将可能导致更多的国内危机。 与此同时，印度一直试图通过提供投资，军事训练，援助以及其他支持阿富汗政府的手段来制衡巴基斯坦对塔利班的影响。 但是，这无异于在阿富汗政府身上投注所有的筹码 — — 在一个动荡的环境中这是一个特别冒险的策略。 而中国的阿富汗政策也存在缺陷。 该国已经在阿富汗投入了数十亿美元，其中包括以30亿美元购得的阿亚纳克地区铜矿开采权。 虽然中国已经对国际部队在阿富汗的反恐努力作出口头支持，但它拒绝发挥哪怕最微小的军事作用。 并且在过去的十年中中国只提供了约2.5亿美元的援助 — — 这相对阿富汗的动荡可能对中国6万亿美元的经济规模所造成的潜在影响来说，实在是微不足道。 可以肯定的是，中国声称要维护其不干涉他国内政的原则。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By the time the Communists established the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the Manchurian provinces were firmly within their grasp. But the Chinese have not forgotten the 14-year occupation of Manchuria. In fact, official Chinese doctrine establishes the 1931 Manchurian Incident as the beginning of WWII. And every year, on September 18, sirens wail in Shenyang and other cities in the region to commemorate not just the explosion itself, but the atrocities that followed. These include the horrific experiments that Unit 731 – the Japanese army’s research-and-development unit for biological and chemical warfare – carried out on live subjects. What do these memories mean today? Within China, the message is clear: before the People’s Republic was established, the country was weak and vulnerable to foreign invasion. A major museum in Shenyang, which tells the story of those who died fighting the Japanese occupation, reinforces the narrative that China’s Nationalist leaders did little to protect the country from humiliation by invaders. But while China’s leaders are eager to use the Manchurian Incident to advance their favored narrative of the past, they hesitate to acknowledge echoes of the event in the present, particularly when it comes to the actions of China’s close military and strategic partner, Russia. In 2008, when Russia invaded Georgia, Chinese leaders, perhaps quietly seething over the distraction from the start of that year’s Olympic Games in Beijing, refrained from voicing strong support for its actions (unlike other Kremlin allies such as Belarus).", "zh": "到1949年共产党建立中华人民共和国时，他们已牢牢控制了满洲省。 但中国人并没有忘记长达14年的对满洲的占领。 事实上，中国官方学说将1931年满洲事变确定为第2次世界大战的开始。 每年9月18日，沈阳和其他地区城市都会拉响警报，这不仅是为纪念爆炸本身，同时，也是为了纪念随之而来的日军的暴行。 其中包括731部队 — — 日军生物和化学战研发单位 — — 针对活体对象所进行的可怕试验。 这样的记忆在今天意味着什么？ 中国国内的信号非常明确：在人民共和国成立之前，国家在外敌入侵面前表现得异常软弱。 沈阳的一家大型博物馆讲述了日本占领期间那些死难者的故事，这再次证明了一种说法，那就是中国国民党领导人在保护国家免受侵略者羞辱方面几乎鲜有作为。 但尽管中国领导人迫不及待地利用满洲事变来传播他们所偏爱的关于过去的叙事，但却不愿承认那次事件对现在的影响，尤其当涉及到中国亲密的军事和战略伙伴俄罗斯。 2008年，当俄罗斯入侵格鲁吉亚时，中国领导人可能因为那年北京奥运会的开幕而分散了注意力，因此并未表达对其行动的强烈支持（这一点不同于克里姆林宫的其他盟友，比如白俄罗斯 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And it's well illustrated by a nifty paradox known as the Baker/baker paradox, which goes like this: If I tell two people to remember the same word, if I say to you, \"Remember that there is a guy named Baker.\" That's his name. And I say to you, \"Remember that there is a guy who is a baker.\" And I come back to you at some point later on, and I say, \"Do you remember that word that I told you a while back? Do you remember what it was?\" The person who was told his name is Baker is less likely to remember the same word than the person was told his job is that he is a baker. Same word, different amount of remembering; that's weird. What's going on here? Well the name Baker doesn't actually mean anything to you. It is entirely untethered from all of the other memories floating around in your skull. But the common noun baker, we know bakers. Bakers wear funny white hats. Bakers have flour on their hands. Bakers smell good when they come home from work. Maybe we even know a baker. And when we first hear that word, we start putting these associational hooks into it that make it easier to fish it back out at some later date. The entire art of what is going on in these memory contests and the entire art of remembering stuff better in everyday life is figuring out ways to transform capital B Bakers into lower-case B bakers -- to take information that is lacking in context, in significance, in meaning and transform it in some way so that it becomes meaningful in the light of all the other things that you have in your mind. One of the more elaborate techniques for doing this dates back 2,500 years to Ancient Greece. It came to be known as the memory palace. The story behind its creation goes like this: There was a poet called Simonides who was attending a banquet. He was actually the hired entertainment, because back then if you wanted to throw a really slamming party, you didn't hire a D.J., you hired a poet. And he stands up, delivers his poem from memory, walks out the door, and at the moment he does, the banquet hall collapses, kills everybody inside.", "zh": "这个概念能用一则幽默的悖论完美诠释 叫做Baker/baker悖论 简单说来就是 假设我让两个人去记同一个词 我跟你说 \"记住有个人叫Baker\" Baker是人名 我又来告诉你 \"记住有个人是面包师\" 过了一段时间我又回来找到你们 问 \"还记得我之前 叫你们记住的那个词吗?\" \"还记得是什么词吗?\" 被告知人名是Baker的人 记住这个词的可能性远不如 被告知职业是面包师的那个人 同样的词 导致不同的记忆程度 到底是为什么呢 是因为 人名Baker没有任何特殊含义 没法跟你脑海里 零碎繁杂的记忆产生任何联系 但是面包师作为一个常用名词 我们都知道面包师是什么 面包师带着搞笑的白帽子 他们手上沾满了面粉 他们下班回到家带着扑鼻的烤面包香 甚至可能有些人有朋友就是面包师 我们初次听到这个词时 马上就会产生各种各样的联想 这使我们能在一段时间后还能回忆起来 其实 要理解记忆竞赛中的 一切奥妙 或在日常生活中改善记忆力的秘诀 仅仅在于想办法把Baker中的大写B 变为面包师中的小写b 把没有前因后果 没有重要性 没有涵义的信息 用某种方法转化为 有意义的内容 跟脑海里的其他记忆串联起来 这种精确记忆的技巧 在两千五百年前的古希腊就已出现 后来将其称为记忆宫殿 发明这种技巧的过程如下 有个叫做Simonides的诗人 他要去参加一个晚宴 其实他算是被请去做表演嘉宾的 因为在那个年代 炫酷派对的标准 不是请D.J.来打碟 而是要请诗人来颂诗 他站起来 背出了他的全篇诗作 然后潇洒离去 他刚走出门口 晚宴大厅就塌了 砸死了里面所有的人"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I agree with Harvard University economist Kenneth Rogoff that a uniform global carbon-emissions tax is likely to be the best solution to the climate challenge, at least from an environmental perspective. But with such a tax in place, average household electricity prices over the next decade would increase cumulatively by 45%, and gasoline prices by 15%. Hence, even within rich countries, the distributional consequences would be difficult to handle, as France’s government found out after it tried to introduce a modest fuel tax in 2018. Worse, since the 1980s, effective redistributive fiscal mechanisms in most advanced economies have been emasculated. Moreover, the larger distributional burden of a global carbon tax would fall disproportionately on poor countries that are hoping to pursue rapid development in the coming decades. Around 570 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa alone lack access to basic electricity; globally, the number is closer to 1.2 billion. Needless to say, long-overdue growth in developing and emerging economies will bring massive increases in energy consumption and GHG emissions. In India, China, and many other countries, coal-fired power plants will likely continue to be built for years to come. Clean and renewable energy from solar and wind will complement, but not displace, fossil fuels in these countries. Despite the strides made in battery storage technology, the intermittency problems associated with wind and solar imply a continuing role for fossil fuels and nuclear power.", "zh": "我同意哈佛大学经济学家肯尼斯·罗格夫（Kenneth Rogoff）的观点，即至少从环境角度来看，一个全球统一的碳排放税可能是应对气候变化挑战的最佳解决方案。 但倘若这一税项落实到位，未来十年的平均家庭电价将累计上涨45 ％ ， 汽油价格则上涨15 ％ 。 因此即使是在富裕国家，由此产生的分配性后果也将极为棘手 — — 正如法国政府试图在2018年引入适度燃油税后所发现的那样。 而更糟糕的莫过于自1980年代以来大多数发达经济体中的有效重新分配财政机制大多已经名存实亡。 此外，全球碳税的大多数分配性负担将不成比例地落在有望在未来几十年内实现快速发展的贫困国家。 仅在撒哈拉以南非洲地区就有约5.7亿人无法获得基本电力，而在全球范围内这一数字则接近12亿。 毋庸置疑，发展中以及新兴经济体的后发增长将引发能源消耗和温室气体排放的大幅增加。 印度，中国以及许多其他国家很可能会在未来数年内继续兴建燃煤电厂，而包括太阳能和风能在内的洁净可再生能源可以补充但依然无法在这些国家取代化石燃料。 尽管电池储能技术取得了长足进步，但与风能与太阳能相关的供应间歇性问题仍意味着着化石燃料和核能还将持续占据一席之地。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“我和安小柠是打过交道的。”裴逸微微一笑，“她这个人，是有仇必报的类型，你们想要她的命，她能善罢甘休吗？” “好了，废话不多说了，我时间比较宝贵，这俩人我都带走了。” 见东宫家族的人又要发话了，他又补充了一句，“如果不想这里见血的话。” 就这样，东宫家族的人看着原本已经煮熟的鸭子彻底的给飞走了。 气得东宫老太和老太爷实在是不行。 最后东宫老太直接发话，“算了算了，把他的名字除名，户口也给销毁了！” “我们得回S国。” 裴逸斜她一眼，“利用完就撤？” “不是说会答应我一个要求的么，我都还没说这个，就说回国？” “我是急着回国有事儿，但是答应你一个要求也是真的，说吧，什么要求？” “嗯，我的要求可能你会有点为难……”", "en": "Pei Yi smiled and chimed in, “I do know Ms. An personally, and she’s definitely one to take revenge where it’s due. You guys tried to kill her. Do you think she would take it lying down?” “Okay, enough with the crap. My time is precious. I’m taking both of them away with me.” Noticing that the members of the Donggong family were about to speak again, he added, “You should know what to do if you don’t want there to be any bloodshed.” Hence, the Donggong family watched as their meticulously-premeditated plan backfired. Old Mr. and Mrs. Donggong were beyond exasperated. Finally, Old Mrs. Donggong said, “Forget it, forget it. We’ll just remove his name from the family records and the household register!” “We have to go back to S Nation.” Pei Yi gave her the side-eye and gibed, “Are you burning the bridge after you crossed over it?” “Didn’t you say that you’d promise me something? I haven’t even informed you of my request and yet you’re already intending to return to your country?” “I just have something important to handle back home, but I meant it when I said that I would agree to one of your requests. Tell me, what do you have in mind?” “Hmm, my request might put you in a difficult spot…”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I use the term \"disabled people\" quite deliberately, because I subscribe to what's called the social model of disability, which tells us that we are more disabled by the society that we live in than by our bodies and our diagnoses. So I have lived in this body a long time. I'm quite fond of it. It does the things that I need it to do, and I've learned to use it to the best of its capacity just as you have, and that's the thing about those kids in those pictures as well. They're not doing anything out of the ordinary. They are just using their bodies to the best of their capacity. So is it really fair to objectify them in the way that we do, to share those images? People, when they say, \"You're an inspiration,\" they mean it as a compliment. And I know why it happens. It's because of the lie, it's because we've been sold this lie that disability makes you exceptional. You know, I'm up here bagging out inspiration, and you're thinking, \"Jeez, Stella, aren't you inspired sometimes by some things?\" And the thing is, I am. I learn from other disabled people all the time. I'm learning not that I am luckier than them, though.", "zh": "我刻意使用\"残疾人\"这个词， 因为我可以接受这种社会普遍认同的残疾， 这让我们认识到，相比较我们身体本身的 缺陷和病症，我们所居住的社会 让我们更觉得自己是残疾人。 其实我像现在这样已经相当久了。 感觉还挺不错的。 我想做什么都能做， 而且我也知道怎么做那些力所能及的事儿， 就跟你们一样， 图片里的那些孩子也是这样。 他们并没做什么不同寻常的事儿。 他们只是最大程度的 让自己的身体发挥功能。 那么通过传播这些图片 来物化他们 真的公平吗？ 当人们说：\"你真励志，\" 他们以为这是一种赞美。 我知道大家为什么这么做。 是因为我们一直以来都被灌输一种错误的思想： 残缺可以让你变得出色。 我在讲台上否认这种激励作用， 你们就会想：\"天呐，史黛拉， 难道你就不会受其他事物的激励吗？\" 事实是，我会。 我无时无刻不在从其他残障人士身上学习。 不过我学习，并不是我比他们幸运多少。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The relative absence of legacy investments is the principal reason why green power is Africa’s best energy option. Although every country must balance its own energy needs, reliance on renewable sources, and solar power in particular, is the most cost-efficient strategy for fostering rapid economic development throughout the continent. Evidence of this potential can be found in the few photovoltaic power plants that have begun operating in Africa. For example, the Senergy 2 solar plant in Senegal sells electricity to the Senegalese power utility at a price that lowers the cost of the energy mix by 50%. Similar solar solutions are being implemented by African telecoms to electrify communication towers. The best way to accelerate the transition from hydrocarbons to greener forms of energy would be to redirect a portion of national oil subsidies to renewables. This would create stronger incentives to reduce fossil-fuel consumption, while encouraging investment and growth in green-energy output. For Africa’s rural regions, moreover, such policies would help bring communities out of darkness and lead to the installation of other critical infrastructure that economic growth requires. But while renewables hold the key to Africa’s long-term prosperity, the continent’s transition to cleaner power should not lead to an immediate, full-scale repudiation of hydrocarbons. The oil sector will still have an important role to play. The industry’s experience on the continent will be needed to navigate the energy transformation. And, because fossil fuels will remain part of the continent’s energy mix, the oil sector must be encouraged to clean up its own act. This may sound like an impossible alliance. But as policymakers across the continent seek to secure adequate supplies of clean energy to ensure rapid, inclusive economic growth and environmental sustainability, they are likely to find that there is no alternative. Cooperation between old and new energy industries may be the only engine that is capable of powering Africa forward.", "zh": "历史包袱相对较小是使绿色电力成为非洲最佳能源选择的主要原因。 尽管每个国家都必须平衡自身的能源需求，但依靠可再生资源（特别是太阳能 ） ， 对于促进全非洲快速经济发展来说是性价比最高的策略。 这一潜力有多大？ 从非洲已经开始运行的少数光伏发电厂可见一斑。 比如，塞内加尔的Senergy 2太阳能电站向塞内加尔电网出售的电价能让能源总成本下降50 % 。 类似的太阳能方案也被非洲电信公司用于给通讯塔供电。 加快从碳氢化合物到绿色能源的转型的最佳办法是将一部分国家石油补贴用于可再生能源。 这将带来更强的激励去降低化石燃料消费，同时鼓励绿色能源产出的投资和增长。 此外，对非洲农村地区来说，这类政策还有助于让社区摆脱黑暗，建造其他经济增长所需要的重要基础设施。 但尽管可再生能源是非洲长期繁荣的关键，非洲向清洁电力的转型也不应该立刻一刀切地否定碳氢化合物。 石油部门仍将扮演重要的角色。 非洲需要石油业的经验来完成能源转型。 而由于化石燃料仍然是非洲能源组合的一部分，因此也必须鼓励石油业向清洁化方向发展。 这听上去像是一个不可能的联盟。 但在全非洲的决策者寻找确保清洁能源的充足供给，以保证高速、包容的经济增长和环境可持续性之际，他们也许会发现除此之外别无选择。 新旧能源业的合作可能是能够推动非洲向前的唯一引擎。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Her fellow Chasers, Katie Bell and Angelina Johnson, were yawning side by side opposite them.\"There you are, Harry, what kept you?\" said Wood briskly. \"Now, I wanted a quick talk with you all before we actually get onto the field, because I spent the summer devising a whole new training program, which I really think will make all the difference ....Wood was holding up a large diagram of a Quidditch field, on which were drawn many lines, arrows, and crosses in different colored inks. He took out his wand, tapped the board, and the arrows began to wiggle over the diagram like caterpillars. As Wood launched into a speech about his new tactics, Fred Weasley's head drooped right onto Alicia Spinnet's shoulder and he began to snore.The first board took nearly twenty minutes to explain, but there was another board under that, and a third under that one. Harry sank into a stupor as Wood droned on and on.\"So,\" said Wood, at long last, jerking Harry from a wistful fantasy about what he could be eating for breakfast at this very moment up at the castle. \"Is that clear? Any questions?\"", "zh": "另两名追球手，凯蒂贝尔和安吉利娜约翰逊坐在对面，连连打着哈欠。“你来了，哈利，怎么这么晚?'，伍德精神抖擞地说，“好，在上球场之前，我想简单说几句，我这一暑假在家设计出了一套新的训练方案，我想一定有效..”伍德举起一块魁地奇球场的大型示意图，上面绘有各种颜色的线条、箭头和叉叉。他取出魔杖，朝图板上一点，那些箭头就像毛毛虫一样在图上蠕动起来。五德开始讲解他的新战术，弗雷德韦斯莱的头垂到了艾丽娅的肩上，打起了呼噜。第一块图板用了将近二十分钟才讲完，可是它下面还有第二块、第三块。伍德单调的声音在那里讲啊讲啊，哈利进入了恍惚状态。“就这样，”伍德终于说，一下子把哈利从幻想中惊醒了，因为他这时正在想城堡里会吃些什么早点，“清楚了吗?有什么问题?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So long as the USSR did not stage a military attack, containment’s reliance on economic sticks and carrots, competition within the world communist movement, intelligence and diplomacy, and promoting the vitality of the capitalist democracies would guarantee security. Kennan was right: the dysfunctional features of Soviet system, and its over-extension internationally, would lead to its demise. When containment has been abandoned, America has paid a high price. The Eisenhower administration toppled Iran’s elected government in 1953 believing it to be too pro-Soviet. The hugely unpopular Shah they installed was swept away in the Islamic revolution in 1979. America made comparable errors in Guatemala and elsewhere in Latin America. Vietnam was America’s costliest departure from containment. As Kennan explained, when America goes to war over something less than a vital interest, the adversary – for whom vital interests are at stake – will fight long after the war has become too unpopular at home to sustain. Bush repeated this mistake in Iraq. Containment is hardly a relic of the Cold War. It worked against Libya, leading Muammar Khadafi in the late 1990’s to stop sponsoring terrorism, turn over the Lockerbie bombers for trial, and pay compensation to British and French victims of Libyan-sponsored terrorism.", "zh": "只要苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟（USSR）不首先发动军事袭击，那么遏制政策就能靠经济大棒和胡萝卜、靠世界共产主义运动的内部矛盾、靠情报和外交手段、靠焕发资本主义民主国家的内部活力来保证我们的安全。 凯南是对的：运行失衡的苏联政治制度，再加上它在国际上的过度扩张，最终必然导致苏联的毁灭。 每当遏制政策被弃之不用，美国就会付出高昂的代价。 艾森豪威尔政府在1953年推翻了伊朗的民选政府，理由是认为这个政府过于亲苏。 他们在推翻原有政府之后培植的国王根本得不到伊朗民众的认可，在1979年的伊斯兰革命运动中被赶下台。 美国在危地马拉和拉美其他地方也犯下了相似的错误。 美国悖离遏制策略的教训尤以越南最为惨重。 就像凯南所说的那样，美国发动战争时并不是为了自己的核心利益，但对手的情况却恰恰相反，因此我们的对手一定会英勇奋战，一直到战争由于持续的时间过长而在美国民众中失去支持。 布什在伊拉克再次犯下了这样的错误。 遏制绝不是冷战的后遗症。 遏制在利比亚发挥了作用，成功地在20世纪90年代制止了卡扎菲（Muammar Khadafi）继续支持恐怖主义，将洛克比空难的制造者交出受审，并向在利比亚制造的恐怖主义活动中丧生的英法公民做出赔偿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While the government has assembled considerable firepower to limit the unwinding of a spectacular bubble, the overhang of highly leveraged speculative demand is disconcerting. Indeed, in the 12 months ending in June, margin financing of stock purchases nearly tripled as a share of tradable domestic-equity-market capitalization. While Chinese equities initially bounced 14% off their July 8 low, the 8.5% plunge on July 27 suggests that that may have been a temporary respite. The likelihood of forced deleveraging of margin calls underscores the potential for a further slide once full trading resumes. More broadly, just as in Japan, the US, and Europe, there can be no mistaking what prompted China’s manipulation: the perils of outsize asset bubbles. Time and again, regulators and policymakers – to say nothing of political leaders – have been asleep at the switch in condoning market excesses. In a globalized world where labor income is under constant pressure, the siren song of asset markets as a growth elixir is far too tempting for the body politic to resist. Speculative bubbles are the visible manifestation of that temptation. As the bubbles burst – and they always do – false prosperity is exposed and the defensive tactics of market manipulation become both urgent and seemingly logical. Therein lies the great irony of manipulation: The more we depend on markets, the less we trust them. Needless to say, that is a far cry from the “invisible hand” on which the efficacy of markets rests. We claim, as Adam Smith did, that impersonal markets ensure the most efficient allocation of scarce capital; but what we really want are markets that operate only on our terms.", "zh": "政府集中了大量弹药遏制一个巨大的泡沫的破裂，但高杠杆投机性需求的堆积令人不安。 事实上，在截至6月的12个月中，保证金融资买入股票规模占国内股市流通市值之比翻了近三倍。 中国股市从7月8日的低点大幅反弹14 % ， 但7月27日再度暴跌8.5 % ， 这表明市场稳定也许只是昙花一现。 全面恢复交易后，被迫去杠杆的可能性仍可能造成进一步下跌。 从更广的角度，与日本、美国和欧洲一样，毫无疑问促使中国进行市场操纵的是巨大资产泡沫带来的风险。 监管者和决策者 — — 更不用说政治领导人了 — — 一再守着遏制市场过度的开关睡大觉。 在劳动收入被持续抑制的全球化世界中，把资产市场当作万灵丹的诱惑实在太大，国家难以抵御。 投机泡沫便是这一诱惑的症候。 随着泡沫的破裂 — — 泡沫总是会破裂 — — 虚假繁荣暴露无遗，防御性市场操纵策略刻不容缓，看起来也符合逻辑。 这就是市场操纵最大的讽刺所在：我们越是依赖市场，就越是不信任市场。 不消说，这与决定市场效率的“看不见的手”大不相同。 与亚当·斯密一样，我们声称无人性的市场确保了稀缺资本的效率最高的配置；但我们真正想要的是完全按我们的意图行事的市场。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The commissioner for economic and financial affairs should become a European finance minister, and the European Stabilization Mechanism should become the European Monetary Fund. A year ago, such “hardline” integrationism would have lacked credibility; after all, the UK would never stand for it. But, with Brexit apparently a sure thing, Juncker’s vision has gained some credibility. Nonetheless, Juncker’s “one-speed” approach to integration remains highly controversial. So Macron has set out his own ambitious vision for Europe, which echoes many of Juncker’s proposals, but seems to allow for more differentiation within the EU, at least in the medium term. For example, if Poland does not want to adopt the euro, it should not be forced to do so, and that decision should not prevent other eurozone countries from moving ahead with integration. That is why Macron wants a separate eurozone parliament, which would decide on matters that do not pertain to all members of the European Parliament. Differences in the level of integration countries pursued today would not prevent anyone – or everyone – from eventually joining the EU’s deeply integrated “core.” The third – and, it seems, most likely – way forward for the eurozone is business as usual. The economic crisis that long powered calls for more integration – and, in some cases, for more fragmentation – has subsided, with eurozone GDP growth now exceeding 2% and unemployment having declined significantly.", "zh": "经济和金融事务委员应该成为欧洲财政部长，而欧洲稳定机制（European Stabilization Mechanism）应该成为欧洲货币基金（European Monetary Fund ） 。 一年前，如此“强硬”的一体化根本毫无可信度可言；毕竟，英国绝不会支持它。 但如今，英国退欧已是板上钉钉，容克的愿景也有了一些可信度。 尽管如此，容克的“单速”一体化方针仍然饱受争议。 因此，马克龙也抛出了他自己的宏大愿景，其中不少与容克的方案遥相呼应，但马克龙的方案允许欧盟内部存在差异，至少在中期是如此。 比如，如果波兰不想采用欧元，就不应该强迫它这样做，并且这一决定也不应该妨碍其他欧元区国家继续迈向一体化。 因此，马克龙希望建立一个单独的欧元区议会，由它来决定不适用于欧洲议会全体成员的事务。 各国所追求的一体化程度的不同不应该妨碍任何国家 — — 或每一个国家 — — 最终加入欧盟深度一体化的“核心 ” 。 欧元区的第三种 — — 似乎也是最有可能的一种 — — 前途是一切照旧。 引起加强一体化 — — 有时是更加分裂 — — 的呼声的经济危机已经过去了，目前欧元区GDP增长率超过2 % ， 失业也大幅减少。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Dancing with the Debt Ceiling BERKELEY – In 2011, when still vice chair of the US Federal Reserve, Janet Yellen reassured her colleagues that drama around the federal government’s debt ceiling “usually turns out to be just theater.” Theater of the absurd, one might add. A decade later, the debt-ceiling debate is shaping up as a tragedy for the ages. To understand the absurdity of the debt ceiling, recall its origins. The statute creating it was adopted in September 1917, in conjunction with an act authorizing the issuance of bonds to help finance US entry into World War I. It was designed to assure opponents of US involvement in the war that there were limits on how far the country would go. The Constitution had given Congress the power to micromanage borrowing by the Treasury, something that was impractical in wartime. So legislators now delegated this power to the president. But to placate those who opposed any enlargement of executive powers, as well as German-Americans who opposed going to war with Germany and Irish-Americans opposed to allying with Britain after that country’s violent suppression of the 1916 Easter Rising for an independent Ireland, Congress placed a ceiling on that borrowing. Those all-but-forgotten grievances from more than a century ago created the dilemma the United States faces today. Absurd is right. Until now, Congress has always succeeded in averting the worst. Even in 2013, a year of partisan rancor, Democrats and Republicans agreed to suspend the debt ceiling just a week before the Treasury, already unable to borrow, ran out of cash reserves. But this year might be different. Most obviously, political polarization is even greater than it was in 2013. Norms of political behavior – including the idea that the two parties should collaborate to avoid a predictable disaster – have gone out the window since the January 6 attack on the US Capitol by supporters of then-President Donald Trump. In a post-fact world, Republican members of Congress, even if they are the actual agents of the calamity, can successfully blame – at least in the eyes of the Republican base – Democratic legislators and their free-spending ways. The immediate consequence of a failure to raise or suspend the debt ceiling would be a government credit-rating downgrade.", "zh": "与\"债务上限\"共舞 伯克利—2011年，时任美国联邦储备委员会副主席的珍妮特·耶伦向同事保证，围绕联邦政府债务上限的纠纷“往往大不了就是一场闹剧而已 ” ， 有人可能会补充说是“一场荒谬的闹剧 ” 。 但十年后，有关债务上限的辩论正逐渐演变成一场旷日持久的悲剧。 要理解债务上限的荒谬之处，先得谈谈它的起源。 创建债务上限的法令于1917年9月通过，当时发行债券是为了资助美国加入一战，为了向美国反战者保证美国不会过度参与战争，借用这一政策来限制美国的参战程度。 宪法赋予国会对财政部借款进行微观管理的权力，这在战时是不切实际的，所以立法者现在将这一权力授予总统。 国会设置借贷上限，以期安抚那些反对任何行政权力扩张的人，反对与德国交战的德裔美国人，以及因为1916年复活节独立起义被暴力镇压而拒绝与英国结盟的爱尔兰裔美国人。 一个多世纪前那些几乎被遗忘的不满，导致美国今天面临此般困境，的确十分荒谬。 到目前为止，国会总是成功地避免了最坏的情况。 即使在两党互相仇恨的2013年，民主党和共和党在已经无法借款的财政部用完现金储备的一周之前，也能就暂停债务上限达成一致。 但今年可能会有所不同。 最明显的是，今年政治两极分化甚至比2013年还要严重。 自1月6日时任总统唐纳德·特朗普的支持者袭击美国国会大厦以来，两党合作以避免可预见灾难之类的政治行为完全没了可能。 在后事实世界里，国会的共和党议员，即使他们是这场灾难的实际推动者，也可以把责任推给民主党议员和他们挥霍无度的花钱方式上，至少共和党选民会相信。 如果不能提高或暂停债务上限，其直接后果将是政府信用评级下调。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, as Admati pointed out in her testimony, if the authors had included 2006 and earlier years in their analysis, they would have seen low spreads using their own methodology – despite the obvious fact that massive implicit subsidies were already in place. All that the GAO established is that the macroeconomy was previously in bad shape and it is now doing somewhat better – hardly a profound finding. The GAO report also refers to the Dodd-Frank financial reforms of 2010, including the requirement that large bank holding companies create “living wills.” The industry contends that the existence of these living wills – showing how a big bank’s collapse could be handled without causing global financial panic – means that “too big to fail” is over. Sadly for the GAO, shortly after their report appeared, the Federal Reserve and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation rejected the most recent living wills as completely inadequate – meaning that there is still no road map for handling the failure of a very large bank. Either such a firm would be allowed to fail, with dire consequences for global finance, or there would be some sort of backdoor bailout. The GAO’s failure to see and state this problem clearly is a major disappointment. As FDIC Vice Chairman Tom Hoenig put it, “Despite the thousands of pages of material these firms submitted, the plans provide no credible or clear path through bankruptcy that doesn’t require unrealistic assumptions and direct or indirect public support.” To be fair, the GAO is not the only part of official Washington seemingly beguiled by large banks. While the Fed now recognizes that living wills are inadequate, it has taken an extraordinarily long time to reach this rather obvious conclusion – and the Fed’s Board of Governors is still dragging its feet on forcing the banks to simplify their operations. American forces performed disastrously at the Battle of Bladensburg in August 1814, allowing the British to capture and burn the capital. Two hundred years later, we may well be witnessing that battle’s intellectual and policymaking analogue.", "zh": "但是，正如阿德马提在他的��词中所指出的，如果作者将2006年及其以前的年份纳入分析，那么同样的方法将产生很低的利差 — — 尽管大规模隐性补贴已经成为显而易见的事实。 审计办公室的全部结论是，先前宏观经济不景气，而如今情况有所好转 — — 这显然不是什么意义重大的发现。 审计办公室的报告和提及了2010年多德-弗兰克（Dodd-Frank）金融改革，包括其中对大银行控股公司建立“生前遗嘱”的要求。 金融业的主张是，这些生前遗嘱的存在表明一家大银行的倒闭可以有序处理而不会引起全球金融恐慌，因此意味着“太大而不能倒”已经成为过去。 审计办公室真是不幸，在报告发布后不久，美联储和联邦储蓄保险公司就认为最新的生前遗嘱完全不够充分，予以拒绝 — — 这意味着处理超大银行倒闭仍没有路线图可以遵循。 要么这类企业将允许倒闭并掀起全球金融的恶性后果，要么给予其后门援助。 审计办公室没能清楚地看清和表述问题，这着实令人失望。 联邦存款保险公司副主席汤姆·霍尼格（Tom Hoenig）指出 ， “ 尽管这些企业递交了几千页材料，但它们的计划并没有提供不需要直接或间接公共支持和不现实假设的可信而明确的破产办法 。 ” 平心而论，审计办公室决非唯一一个被大银行诱骗的华盛顿机构。 尽管美联储现在认为生前遗嘱不够充分，但在此之前它花了极其漫长的时间才形成了这一相当明显的结论 — — 而美联储董事会在强迫银行简化经营方面仍然停滞不前。 在1814年8月的布兰登斯堡战役（Battle of Bladensburg）中，美军的表现是一场灾难，导致首都被英国人攻陷并焚毁。 两百年后，我们极有可能经历思维和决策战线上的布兰登斯堡战役。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Only by addressing these weaknesses and shifting to an innovation-based, environmentally sustainable growth model can the country continue to prosper – and ultimately achieve high-income status. The difference between the two reform efforts is that Xi must also address the shortcomings of Deng’s work. Deng mistakenly believed that the state, which retained its central role in the economy, would be able to use new market-generated resources to correct the short-run inequalities created by his reforms. But the bureaucracy and its privileged networks benefited most, and a second, non-market source of inequality – endemic official corruption – became entrenched. That is why Xi’s anti-corruption campaign was a critical precursor to reform. In other words, beyond completing China’s transformation into an open, market-based economy, Xi must establish a strong rule of law that applies to all, while addressing acute inequality of income, opportunity, wealth, and wellbeing. For this reason, Xi must pursue reforms that allow people, money, resources, information, and companies to move more freely across sectors, regions, and national borders. The resulting convergence of wealth and opportunities would generate massive economic and social gains.", "zh": "只有解决这些问题并转向基于创新、包容、及环境可持续的增长模式，中国才能继续繁荣， 并最终步入高收入行列。 两人改革的不同之处在于，习近平必须处理邓小平改革初期没有预料到的新问题 。 邓小平认为，仍在经济中扮演核心角色的政府，能够使用市场所产生的新资源来纠正他的改革所引发的短期不平等。 但现实是官僚体系及其特权网在改革过程中不仅成了最大的既得利益，而大量的官员腐败还形成了非源于市场的第二种不平等。 因此，习近平的反腐运动成为改革的关键前奏。 除了完成中国向更开放、更市场化的经济转型，习近平还必须建立适用于所有人的法治精神，同时解决尖锐的机会、收入、 财富和福利不平等的矛盾。 习近平所追求的改革必须能让人、资金、自然资源、信息和企业更加自由地在部门、地区和国家间流动。 由此带来的财富和机会的趋同将产生巨大的经济与社会效益，并将改变中国、亚洲和世界的经济地理。 这种改头换面的变革必然会伴随巨大的创造性破坏。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要按照十六大、十七大、十八大提出的全面建成小康社会各项要求，紧扣我国社会主要矛盾变化，统筹推进经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设、生态文明建设， 坚定实施科教兴国战略、人才强国战略、创新驱动发展战略、乡村振兴战略、区域协调发展战略、可持续发展战略、军民融合发展战略， 突出抓重点、补短板、强弱项， 特别是要坚决打好防范化解重大风险、精准脱贫、污染防治的攻坚战，使全面建成小康社会得到人民认可、经得起历史检验。 从十九大到二十大，是“两个一百年”奋斗目标的历史交汇期。 我们既要全面建成小康社会、实现第一个百年奋斗目标， 又要乘势而上开启全面建设社会主义现代化国家新征程，向第二个百年奋斗目标进军。 综合分析国际国内形势和我国发展条件，从二○二○年到本世纪中叶可以分两个阶段来安排。", "en": "We must follow the requirements on building this society set out at our 16th, 17th, and 18th National Congresses, act in response to the evolution of the principal contradiction in Chinese society, and promote coordinated economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological advancement. We must show firm resolve in implementing the strategy for invigorating China through science and education, the strategy on developing a quality workforce, the innovation-driven development strategy, the rural vitalization strategy, the coordinated regional development strategy, the sustainable development strategy, and the military-civilian integration strategy. We must focus on priorities, address inadequacies, and shore up points of weakness. In this regard, I want to stress that we must take tough steps to forestall and defuse major risks, carry out targeted poverty alleviation, and prevent and control pollution, so that the moderately prosperous society we build earns the people’s approval and stands the test of time. The period between the 19th and the 20th National Congress is the period in which the timeframes of the two centenary goals converge. In this period, not only must we finish building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and achieve the first centenary goal; we must also build on this achievement to embark on a new journey toward the second centenary goal of fully building a modern socialist country. Based on a comprehensive analysis of the international and domestic environments and the conditions for China’s development, we have drawn up a two-stage development plan for the period from 2020 to the middle of this century."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The War Against Iraq’s Children Iraq’s children have suffered more than just successive wars and economic sanctions. The loss of parents and family resources has boosted child labor, homelessness, and inclinations towards violence and rebellion. They often now live in homes where 25 people live in a space of 40 square meters. Even intact families may comprise parents and five children in a single six-meter room. The increase in child labor reflects families’ dire economic situation: children are frequently a family’s only breadwinners, and they work cheap. Contractors in municipal services, for example, prefer to use children in order to cut costs. Here, a child may be used for agricultural labor or for janitorial work. Many work in piles of garbage, either removing them to another place or collecting empty bottles and cans to sell. Other children load and transport items in the markets, where they must pull carts weighing 60-70 kilograms and carry boxes weighing 15 kilograms in temperatures of 50 degrees centigrade. Two children may unload a truck carrying 1,000 kilograms of food items. Not surprisingly, Iraq’s child workers suffer from a wide array of serious health problems. Children who work in the garbage dumps are prone to skin and respiratory problems, while those who work with paints eventually become addicted to the intoxicants that they inhale. And all working children are vulnerable to malnutrition, as their diet typically lacks the items necessary to build body tissues. Nor is there any official authority to protect children and defend their rights in case of incapacitation or sickness. On the contrary, children are often beaten by family members if they do not provide the daily wage expected of them, or by their bosses when they are inattentive or make a mistake. Indeed, Iraqi children are exposed to beating without regard for their age and for myriad reasons, thus growing up insecure, hostile, and violent. Moreover, they are prone to being kidnapped by criminal gangs, trained to steal or pickpocket, or, worse, placed at the mercy of terrorists for use in attacks. The deterioration of families’ financial situation has also left poor children deprived of educational opportunity.", "zh": "战乱中的伊拉克儿童 让伊拉克儿童遭受痛苦的不仅是绵延战乱和经济制裁。 父母和家庭资源的缺失引发了儿童劳工、无家可归和暴力及反叛等问题。 他们现在的居家环境通常是25个人挤在40平方米的空间里。 甚至连完整的家庭也可能是父母和5个子女居住在六米见方的一居室里。 儿童劳工的增加直接反映了家庭的经济状况：儿童经常是家庭中唯一的收入来源，而且还是廉价劳力。 例如，市政工程的承包商就愿意使用童工以降低成本。 在此情况下，儿童可以被用作农业劳力或是从事看门一类的工作。 许多儿童在垃圾堆里出没，要么将垃圾运到其他地方，要么收集空瓶罐卖钱。 其他的儿童在市场从事装卸和搬运货物的工作。 他们必须在50摄氏度的气温下拉动重量为60-70公斤的货车并搬运15公斤重的货箱。 两名儿童可能会负责给一辆装载着1000公斤食品的卡车卸货。 因此，伊拉克的儿童劳工遭遇一系列严重的健康问题也就不足为奇了。 在垃圾堆里工作的儿童容易发生皮肤和呼吸系统的问题，那些与油漆打交道的儿童最终会对他们吸入的有毒物质上瘾。 所有的童工都由于饮食中缺乏人体组织必须的营养成分从而容易发生营养不良的问题。 也没有任何的官方机构在儿童发生残障和疾病的情况下为他们提供保护并捍卫他们的权利。 相反，儿童常常因为不能提供预期的收入而遭到家庭成员的殴打，或由于粗心或犯错而遭到雇主的体罚。 的确，伊拉克的儿童由于各种原因，不论年龄都经常遭到殴打，因此他们就在这样的环境中成长为缺乏安全感、充满敌意和有暴力倾向的人。 另外，他们还容易被犯罪团伙挟持，经过训练从事偷盗，或者在更坏的情况下任由恐怖分子摆布，执行袭击任务。 家庭经济状况的恶化还剥夺了穷困儿童受教育的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, while these observational studies are threatened by bias from patient selection – sicker patients mean higher death rates, for example ­– the available administrative databases document patient characteristics such as age, severity of illness, and co-morbidity, including diabetes and high blood pressure. This information allows statistical approaches that level the playing field, helping to protect against biases associated with patient selection. These systematic reviews have shown that for-profit hospital care leads to higher death rates than not-for-profit care, despite higher charges to third-party payers. Systematic reviews have demonstrated the same phenomenon in outpatient dialysis facilities – lower death rates in not-for-profit facilities – and have also shown higher quality care in not-for-profit nursing homes. The reason that not-for-profit providers can achieve higher quality care with better health outcomes at lower cost is evident. While for-profit providers have higher administrative costs and larger executive salaries, their main burden relative to not-for-profit provision is the need to generate returns for their shareholders. These additional costs mean that approximately 20% of the total income that not-for-profit providers can devote to patient care is unavailable. The result is cutting corners, deficiencies in care, and poorer outcomes for patients. Principles of evidence-based medicine have transformed the way we look at clinical interventions and may prevent repetitions of public-health disasters such as the inappropriate promotion of hormone replacement therapy and anti-arrhythmic drugs.", "zh": "但是，这些对比研究可能会因病人的选择而产生偏差。 比如，病情更严重的病人意味着更高的死亡率，而可提供的管理数据库记录了病人的特征，比如年龄、疾病的严重性以及共病，包括糖尿病和高血压。 这些信息使研究者可以采取统计学的方法从而使竞争环境变得平等，使研究不会因病人的选择问题而产生偏差。 这些系统评价表明盈利性医院护理所产生的死亡率比非盈利性护理的死亡率要高，尽管它们对第三方付费者收取更高的费用。 系统评价显示出在门诊病人血液透析设施上存在同样的现象，非盈利性设施的死亡率较低，此外非盈利性疗养院的护理质量也更高。 非盈利性服务提供者能够在提供更高质量的护理的同时以更低的成本获得更好的健康效果的原因很明显。 因为盈利性服务提供者行政管理费用和管理人员的工资都更高，它们相对非盈利性服务提供者最沉重的���担在于需要为它们的股东提供回报。 这些额外的费用意味着它们无法将非盈利性服务提供者可以用在病人护理上的总收入的大约20%用在病人护理上。 结果必然带来它们要节约人力和物力、护理的缺陷以及对病人治疗结果较差。 循证医学的原理已经转变了我们对临床干预的看法，并且可能会阻止类似不恰当地推行荷尔蒙替代疗法和抗心律不齐药物这样的公共卫生灾难的重复发生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Biden had long been a critic of the US military commitment in Afghanistan, even though it had been scaled back significantly in recent years. But why he thought a hasty troop withdrawal was a good idea is something of a mystery, not least given the quality of his advisers and his own international experience. The most plausible explanation is that Biden believed following Trump down this dishonorable path could recover some of the working-class support that the Democrats had been losing to Trump’s isolationist populism. True, Afghanistan has a well-deserved reputation for being a political graveyard as well as a real one. The former UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, drawing on the experience of three fairly disastrous interventions by British imperial forces from India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, once said that the first law of politics was not to invade Afghanistan. The Soviet Union learned a similar lesson in the 1980s in a nine-year war that caused huge loss of life and destruction in Afghanistan, killed 15,000 Soviet soldiers, and contributed significantly to the collapse of the USSR itself. Despite these historical reasons for showing the greatest possible caution vis-à-vis Afghanistan, the Western intervention following the al-Qaeda terrorist attacks against the US in 2001 went far toward fulfilling its main purpose of making North America and Europe safer from Islamic terrorism. By 2003-04, Western forces and development assistance were starting to stabilize life in Afghanistan and even partly curtail the illicit drug trade, a principal source of terrorist funding as well as rural income. These efforts were accompanied by much well-meaning rhetoric about how humanitarian intervention by rich open societies could make the world safer. But, unsurprisingly, this commitment began to fray and buckle, largely as a consequence of the Iraq War, a huge error that created far more chaos than it prevented. What started as an advertisement for humanitarian intervention discredited the concept. Tony Blair, the former UK prime minister who has criticized Biden’s Afghan policy as “imbecilic,” should recognize that many think his own enthusiastic support for the Iraq War was even more imbecilic. That conflict drained political energy and resources from Afghanistan and thus made completing the West’s task there far more difficult. The damaging shambles of the Western retreat from Afghanistan holds lessons for all of us.", "zh": "尽管近年来预算已大幅缩减，但拜登长期以来仍一直在批评美国在阿富汗的军事承诺。 但他为什么会认为仓促撤军是个好主意仍然不得而知，尤其考虑到他拥有高素质的顾问以及他自己的国际经验就非常丰富。 最合理的解释是，拜登相信，跟随特朗普走上这条不光彩之路可以使民主党因特朗普孤立民粹主义而失去的部分工人阶级支持得以恢复。 诚然，阿富汗作为政治坟场和真正的坟场都享有当之无愧的声誉。 英国前首相哈罗德·麦克米伦借鉴19世纪和20世纪初英国帝国部队从印度发起的三次灾难性军事干预行动的经验，曾经表示，避免入侵阿富汗是政治的第一法则。 苏联在20世纪80年代也汲取了同样的教训，这场长达9年的战争在阿富汗造成了巨大的破坏和生命损失，导致15，000名苏军士兵阵亡，并且在很大程度上推动了苏联自身的解体。 尽管有这些历史原因促使人们在阿富汗问题上表现出最大限度的谨慎，但西方在2001年基地组织对美国进行恐袭之后的军事干预远未达到其令北美和欧洲免受伊斯兰恐怖主义威胁的主要目标。 截止2003~2004年，西方军队和发展援助开始稳定阿富汗生活，甚至部分遏制了作为恐怖主义资金和农村收入主要来源的非法毒品贸易。 相关努力催生出有关富裕、开放社会进行人道主义干预如何能使世界更加安全的善意言论。 但不出所料的是，作为伊拉克战争的主要后果，这种承诺开始破裂和失败，这是一个巨大的错误，其创造的混乱远远大于它所防止的。 最初曾经作为人道主义干预的广告宣传却最终将此概念彻底辱没。 曾批评拜登阿富汗政策“愚蠢”的英国前首相托尼·布莱尔应该意识到，许多人认为，他本人对伊拉克战争的热情支持更加愚蠢。 这场冲突耗尽了阿富汗的政治能量和资源，从而致使西方在那里完成任务变得更加困难。 所有人都必须面对西方从阿富汗撤军造成破坏性混乱的教训。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A China-shaped international system will also attach less weight to intellectual property rights. While one can imagine the Chinese government’s attitude changing as the country becomes a developer of new technology, the sanctity of private property has always been limited in China’s state socialist system. Hence intellectual property protections are likely to be weaker than in a US-led international regime. China’s government seeks to shape its economy through subsidies and directives to state-owned enterprises and others. Its Made in China 2025 plan to promote the country’s high-tech capabilities is only the latest incarnation of this approach. The WTO has rules intended to limit subsidies. A China-shaped trading system would, at a minimum, loosen such constraints. A China-led international regime would also be less open to inflows of foreign direct investment. In 2017, China ranked behind only the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, and Indonesia among the 60-plus countries rated by the OECD according to the restrictiveness of their inward FDI regimes. These restrictions are yet another device designed to give Chinese companies space to develop their technological capabilities. The government would presumably favor a system that authorizes other countries to use such policies. In this world, US multinationals seeking to operate abroad would face new hurdles. Finally, China continues to exercise tight control over its financial system, as well as maintaining restrictions on capital inflows and outflows. While the IMF has recently evinced more sympathy for such controls, a China-led international regime would be even more accommodating of their use.", "zh": "一个由中国塑造的国际体系也将弱化知识产权的重要性。 可以想象，虽然中国政府在这方面的态度会随着中国逐渐成为新技术的开发者而发生变化，而私有财产的神圣性在中国国家社会主义制度中一直受限。 因此对知识产权的保护力度可能比美国主导的国际体制更弱。 中国政府试图通过对国有企业和其他企业的补贴和指令来塑造本国经济。 而其计划提升该国高科技能力的“中国制造2025”计划只是这种手段的最新体现而已。 对此世贸组织设有旨在限制补贴的规则，但中国塑造的贸易系统则至少会放松这种限制。 一个由中国主导的国际体制对外国直接投资流入的开放性也会较低。 在2017年针对外国直接投资流入限制的经合组织评比中，中国在60多个国家中的排名甚至在菲律宾，沙特阿拉伯和印尼之后。 这类限制措施是另一种旨在为中国公司提供空间去发展自身技术实力的工具。 预计中国政府会偏向一个授权其他国家去使用这些政策的制度。 如果是这样的话，那么寻求在国外经营的美国跨国企业就将面临新的障碍。 最后，中国对其金融体系的管控依然偏紧，并继续维持对资本流入和流出的限制。 虽然国际货币基金组织最近对这种控制表达了更多的理解和同情，但一个中国领导下的国际制度将更加容忍这类手段的使用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Angela Merkel’s New Momentum MADRID – Upon Albert Einstein’s death in 1955, the New York Times published a letter to the editor with a marvelous anecdote. Shortly after the atomic bombs had fallen on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Einstein was asked, “Why is it that when the mind of man has stretched so far as to discover the structure of the atom we have been unable to devise the political means to keep the atom from destroying us?” His answer was timeless: “That is simple, my friend. It is because politics is more difficult than physics.” As a former student of physics in East Germany, German Chancellor Angela Merkel was able to confirm the truth of Einstein’s quip firsthand when she went into politics. I humbly believe that I can attest to the same, as my own life has followed a somewhat similar path. Just as I had done in Spain a few years before, Merkel reacted to the collapse of the dictatorship she lived in by leaving physics to embrace public service. Eventually, she got caught up in the whirlwind of European politics. In her various public roles, and throughout 13 years as chancellor, Merkel has always maintained a methodical and reflective style that suits her scientific background. But world politics seems to be diverging from that style, and increasing agitation in Germany has taken a toll on her standing.", "zh": "默克尔的新动力 发自马德里 — — 在阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦在1955年去世时 ， 《 纽约时报》发表了了一封讲述了一件精彩轶事的读者来信。 在广岛和长崎原子弹爆炸后不久，有人问爱因斯坦 ： “ 为何当人的思维已经可以延伸到可以发现原子的结构时，我们却无法设计出相应的政治手段来防止原子摧毁我们自己 ？ ” 他的回答是永恒的 ： ” 答案很简单，我的朋友，这是因为政治比物理更难懂 。 ” 作为曾经的东德物理学专业学生，德国总理默克尔得以在步入政界时亲自证明爱因斯坦这句讽喻确实属实。 我谦卑地相信自己也可以证明这一点，因为我自己的生活也是循着一条类似的道路。 正如我多年前在西班牙所做的那样，默克尔对独裁统治崩溃的反应是放弃物理投身公共服务，并最终使自己陷入了欧洲政治的漩涡之中。 在她以往所承担的各类公共角色以及随后作为总理的那13年中，默克尔一直保持着一种与其学术出身契合的有条不紊且注重反思的行事风格。 但世界政治似乎正与这种风格背道而驰，而德国国内的日益骚动也对她的地位构成了冲击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "报告期内，公司主营业务为网络安全核心软件产品的研究、开发、销售以及相关技术服务，为网络安全行业网络安全系统平台与安全服务提供商。 在网络安全行业中，发行人依托于自主开发的应用层可视化网络安全原创技术，为业界众多网络安全产品提供操作系统、业务组件、分析引擎、关键算法等软件产品及相关的技术服务。 安博通坚持核心技术自主创新，把业务聚焦到自身擅长的技术研发领域，是网络安全能力输出者、上游软件平台与技术提供商，公司将网络安全产品与服务提供给各大产品与解决方案厂商，由合作伙伴交付给政府与企事业单位等最终用户，是网络安全行业“厂商的厂商”。 公司研发的网络安全系统平台ABTSPOS针对新型网络攻击手段与高级持续性威胁，具备丰富的应用层安全识别与流量解析功能，运用安全大数据分析、深度机器学习与流量可视化技术，发现并阻断网络中传统技术无法检测出的违规。 行为与未知威胁，已成为行业内多家大型厂商安全网关类产品和安全管理类产品所广泛选用的软件系统平台，是国内部分政府部委与央企网络安全态势感知整体解决方案的重要功能组件与数据引擎。 安博通网络安全系统平台ABTSPOS具备跨硬件平台适应能力与云计算虚拟化能力，全面的对外开放接口以及大规模的行业应用实践。 网络产品厂商、解决方案厂商、电信运营商、云服务提供商等合作伙伴均可基于该软件快速开发各种网络安全网关类硬件设备、云环境下虚拟化安全网关、安全监测预警与运维管理类产品，从而快速响应用户需求。 该平台不仅可以应用在传统计算机网络与虚拟化云计算网络中，还可以应用于IPv6互联网、工业互联网、视频监控网络、IoT物联网等下一代信息网络中，同时在国产自主可控的设备网络中也有多种专业用途。", "en": "During the reporting period, the company's main business was the research, development, sales, and related technical services of core software products for network security. It is a provider of network security system platforms and security services in the network security industry. In the network security industry, the issuer relies on independently developed application-layer visual network security original technology to provide software products such as operating systems, business components, analysis engines, key algorithms, and related technical services for many network security products in the industry. Anbotong adheres to independent innovation of core technology and focuses its business on its own expertise in technology research and development. It is an exporter of network security capabilities, an upstream software platform, and a technology provider. The company provides network security products and services to major product and solution vendors, which are then delivered to government and enterprise users by partners. It is known as the \"vendor of vendors\" in the network security industry. The network security system platform ABTSPOS developed by the company is aimed at new network attack methods and advanced persistent threats. It has rich application-layer security identification and traffic analysis capabilities. It uses security big data analysis, deep machine learning, and traffic visualization technology to detect and block violations in the network that traditional technologies cannot detect. It has become a widely used software system platform for security gateway products and security management products of many large vendors in the industry, and is an important functional component and data engine of the overall solution for network security situational awareness in some government departments and central enterprises in China. The Anbotong network security system platform ABTSPOS has the ability to adapt to cross-hardware platforms and cloud computing virtualization, comprehensive external open interfaces, and large-scale industry application practices. Partners such as network product vendors, solution vendors, telecommunications operators, and cloud service providers can develop various network security gateway hardware devices, virtualized security gateways in cloud environments, security monitoring and warning, and operation and maintenance management products based on this software to quickly respond to user needs. This platform can be applied not only in traditional computer networks and virtualized cloud computing networks but also in next-generation information networks such as IPv6 Internet, industrial Internet, video surveillance networks, and IoT networks. It also has various professional uses in domestically controllable device networks."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She loves her new career, she loves her new family, and she sent me a card that said, \"Now the emergency contact blanks don't seem big enough.\" Now Emma's story made that sound easy, but that's what I love about working with twentysomethings. They are so easy to help. Twentysomethings are like airplanes just leaving LAX, bound for somewhere west. Right after takeoff, a slight change in course is the difference between landing in Alaska or Fiji. Likewise, at 21 or 25 or even 29, one good conversation, one good break, one good TED Talk, can have an enormous effect across years and even generations to come. So here's an idea worth spreading to every twentysomething you know. It's as simple as what I learned to say to Alex. It's what I now have the privilege of saying to twentysomethings like Emma every single day: Thirty is not the new 20, so claim your adulthood, get some identity capital, use your weak ties, pick your family. Don't be defined by what you didn't know or didn't do. You're deciding your life right now. Thank you.", "zh": "她爱她的新职业，她爱他的新家庭， 她还给我一张上面写着 \"现在紧急联系人一栏 似乎不够大了。\"的卡片。 Emma的故事让这件事听起来非常简单， 但这就是我喜欢和二十几岁的人工作的原因。 要帮助他们实在太容易了。 二十几岁的人就像刚离开洛杉矶国际机场的 目的地在西边某地的航班。 起飞之后，航线的一个小调整 就是落在阿拉斯加还是落在斐济的区别。 同理，在21岁或者25岁甚至是29岁时， 一个好的聊天，一次好的休息， 一个好的TED演讲可以对接下来的 几年甚至是几代人有非常大的影响。 这里给出一个值得传播给 每个你认识的二十几岁的人的想法。 它和我学到的该跟Alex说的话一样简单。 它就是现在我有权利 每天对像Emma一样的二十几岁的人说的话： 30岁不再是新的20岁，所以把握好你的成年时期， 积累一些身份资本，利用你的微弱联系 并且选择好你的家庭。 别被你不知道的事或者没做的事 定义。 现在，你就在决定你的生命。 谢谢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Establishing such a system requires more than removing the tariffs, administrative impediments, and “behind the border” measures that encumber the movement of basic consumer products, industrial goods, and especially technology. Countries must recognize that either we all win – with people everywhere gaining access to the tools they need to improve their quality of life, develop industries, and innovate – or we are all worse off. That means drastically improving access to trade finance, especially in the emerging economies, where there is a funding gap of over $1 trillion. Insufficient trade and investment finance hits SMEs especially hard, hampering their ability to expand or innovate in good times, and to survive in bad times. That is why the ICC has called on banks to boost bridge funding to companies to mitigate the worst effects of the COVID-19 crisis, and allow companies to continue to trade through a financial shortfall. But much more needs to be done. While boosting trade finance during the 2008 global financial crisis helped to catalyze the global recovery, progress has since stalled. To ensure a sustained recovery from this crisis, and the development of a more resilient and inclusive global economy in the longer term, trade finance must occupy a permanent place on the global agenda. Reviving multilateralism and ensuring open trade are entirely achievable objectives. They require no new laws or additional resources, only commitment and solidarity. The payoff – equitable and sustainable development – would be massive. Humanitarian aid has long proved critical in times of crisis. Now, in the midst of a crisis gripping the entire world, all of us must recognize the importance of “humanitarian trade.”", "zh": "建立这样一个系统需要的不仅仅是取消关税、行政障碍以及那些会阻碍基本消费品、工业用 品和科技流动的“边境内措施 ” 。 各个国家还必须认识到，我们抑或携手走向胜利 — — 使得全球各地的人们都能获取让他们生活质量得以提高、工业得以发展、科技得以创新的工具 — — 抑或我们将共同面临更艰难的处境。 这就意味着需要大幅改善贸易融资渠道，特别是资金缺口超过一万亿美元(连结)的新兴经 济体的贸易融资渠道。 贸易和投资融资不足沉重打击中小企业，阻碍他们在顺境中扩展或者 创新，及束缚他们在逆境中生存的能力。 因此，国际商会呼吁银行增加给予公司的过桥资金， 使其缓解新冠危机所带来的最严重的影响，以促使公司可以继续进行贸易往来。 但是我们要做的远不止于此。 2008年全球金融危机之时，贸易融资的增加促进了全球经济 复苏，但此后的进展却陷入停滞。 为了确保此次危机后的经济持续复苏，以及长期而言，创 造更具韧性、更包容的全球经济，贸易融资必须在全球议程中永远占有一席之地。 恢复多边主义，确保贸易开放是完全可以达到的目标，既不需要新的法律，也不需要额外的 资源，只需要我们共同承诺，团结一心。 由此我们将获得公平且可持续的发展环境，这回报 将是巨大的。 长期以来，危机时期的人道主义援助被证明是至关重要的。 如今，在全球陷入危机之时，我 们也必须认识同“人道主义贸易”的重要性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It’s the Energy System, Stupid SHARM EL-SHEIKH – Ordinary people around the world are suffering from two massive, overlapping problems: surging living costs and the fallout from a rapidly warming climate. In the Horn of Africa, 22 million people are at risk of starvation, owing to the failure of four consecutive rainy seasons and soaring global grain prices. Making matters worse, high fuel prices, exacerbated by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, are pushing communities and businesses across Africa to the brink of collapse. And in Europe, a summer of record-breaking heat is about to give way to a crippling winter as the high cost of gas drives up energy prices for everyone. While one should be careful not to oversimplify global problems that manifest differently in different regions, it is impossible to ignore the root cause of today’s food, energy, and cost-of-living crises: our fossil-fuel-dependent energy system is broken. For many years, the fossil-fuel industry has argued that its products offer a fast track to cheap energy and economic development. Yet this claim has been proven wrong time and again. Decades of fossil-fuel development have not served the 600 million people (a figure that continues to rise) in Sub-Saharan Africa who still lack access to energy. Fossil-fuel prices are inherently volatile, and it is vulnerable communities that suffer most from wild fluctuations in global hydrocarbon markets. In the United Kingdom, this year’s spike in gas prices has led to an 80% increase in projected household energy bills. In the coming months, many lower-income families will be forced to choose between heating and eating. Meanwhile, BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Total, and Shell raked in profits of $59 billion just in the second quarter of this year. Worse, the pain that many are already feeling this year pales in comparison to what awaits us if we continue to burn fossil fuels. Earlier this year, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change warned that if we want to avoid catastrophic warming scenarios, we cannot build any new fossil-fuel infrastructure, and we must rapidly phase out the fossil fuels that we are already using. Similarly, in 2021, the head of the International Energy Agency declared that, “If governments are serious about the climate crisis, there can be no new investments in oil, gas, and coal, from now – from this year.”", "zh": "问题出在能源系统，笨蛋 沙姆沙伊赫 — — 世界各地的普通人正被迫面对两个大规模的重叠问题：生活成本飙升和气候快速变暖的影响。 在非洲之角，由于连续4个雨季少雨加之全球粮食价格飙升，2，200万人口有可能被饿死。 更重要的是，因俄罗斯入侵乌克兰而被加剧的高油价正将非洲的社会和企业推向崩溃的边缘。 而在欧洲，由于高企的天然气成本推高了每个人的能源价格，导致创记录的夏季高温即将让位于能造成严重损害的严冬。 尽管人们应当保持谨慎不要将不同地区所表现出的全球不同问题过分简单化，但无视今天粮食能源和生活成本危机的根本原因完全不可能：那就是我们崩溃的化石燃料能源系统。 多年来，化石燃料行业一直声称其产品提供了通往廉价能源和经济发展的捷径。 但事实却一再证明了这种说法的错误。 数十年的化石燃料发展未能服务于撒哈拉以南非洲的 6亿民众（这一数字仍在继续上升 ） ， 这些人仍然缺少能源可用。 化石燃料价格本身具有波动性，而弱势群体往往受全球碳氢化合物市场剧烈波动的最大影响。 在英国，今年的天然气价格飙升已导致家庭预期能源账单出现了80%的上涨。 在未来几个月，许多低收入家庭将被迫在供暖和吃饭之间作出选择。 与此同时，BP、雪佛龙、埃克森·美孚、道达尔和壳牌仅今年二季度就获得了590亿美元的利润。 更糟的是，如果我们继续燃烧化石燃料，未来的痛苦将令许多人今年已经感受到的痛苦相形见绌。 今年早些时候，政府间气候变化专门委员会曾警告，如果我们想避免气候灾难性变暖，我们就不能修建任何新的化石燃料基础设施，而且必须快速淘汰我们已经在使用的化石燃料。 同样，在2021年，国际能源署负责人宣布 ， “ 如果各国政府认真对待气候危机，那么从现在开始 — — 从今年开始，就不能再投资于煤炭、石油和天然气 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So those concerned with job losses in US manufacturing should join the chorus lobbying for a much smaller fiscal deficit. Can large US fiscal deficits and near-zero interest rates be justified because they help to revive domestic economic growth and job creation? Five years after the credit crunch of 2007-2008, it seems that they cannot. And, without even that justification, the latest wave of criticism of the US dollar standard appears set to rise further – and to stimulate the search for a “new” arrangement. But the best new arrangement – and possibly the only feasible one – would follow an old formula: as in the 1950’s and 1960’s, the US would set moderately positive and stable interest rates, with sufficient domestic saving to generate a (small) trade surplus. The cooperation of China, now the world’s largest exporter and US creditor, is essential for easing and encouraging the transition to this nirvana. Apart from the ongoing euro crisis, a stable renminbi/dollar exchange rate is the key to renewed (dollar) exchange-rate stability throughout Asia and Latin America – as envisaged in the original 1944 Bretton Woods Agreement.", "zh": "因此，担心美国制造业岗位流失者应该鼓吹降大大降低财政赤字才对。 美国巨额财政赤字和近零利率能振兴国内经济增长和就业创造，因而打有必要，这种观点正确吗？ 从2007—2008信贷动荡后的五年来看，答案是否定的。 此外，即使没有这一观点的论证，对美元本位的最新批判也会走得更远，并刺激对“新”安排的探索。 但最佳新安排 — — 或许也是唯一可行的新安排 — — 将跟在旧模式后亦步亦趋：正如20世纪五六十年代，美国将把利率设定在略正的稳定水平，以充足的国内储蓄催生（小规模）贸易盈余。 目前已是世界出口冠军兼美国最大债权人的中国的合作对于这一涅槃过程的加速和刺激是至关重要的。 撇开尚在发酵的欧元危机，稳定的人民币/美元汇率是亚洲和拉美的新（美元）汇率稳定的关键 — — 一如1944年布雷顿森林协定的设想。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thatcher and the Big Bang LONDON – In the United States, for people of a certain age, Margaret Thatcher was a superstar, and Americans have been surprised at the sharply divided views on display in the Britain that she governed for 11 years. But Britons were not astonished. Like Tony Blair, Thatcher has long been a British product with more appeal in export markets than at home. All aspects of her legacy are earnestly disputed. Was she prescient about the problems of European monetary union, or did she leave Britain isolated on the fringes of the continent? Did she create a new economic dynamism, or did she leave the United Kingdom bitterly divided, more unequal, and less cohesive than before? Did she destroy the power of vested interests and create a genuine meritocracy, or did she entrench bankers and financiers as the new elite, with disastrous consequences? Indeed, one issue that has come under the microscope is Thatcher’s reforms of the City of London in the late 1980’s. In 1986, her government was instrumental in what is known colloquially as the “Big Bang.” Technically, the main change was to end “single capacity,” whereby a stock trader could be a principal or an agent, but not both. Before 1986, there were brokers, acting for clients, and jobbers, making a market, and never the twain could meet. This system had been abandoned elsewhere, and the reform opened London to new types of institutions, especially the major US investment banks.", "zh": "撒切尔和“大爆炸” 伦敦—在美国，对某个年龄层的人来说，玛格丽特·撒切尔是一颗超级巨星，美国人感到诧异的是，她执政了11年的英国对她的评价分歧如此之大。 和托尼·布莱尔一样，撒切尔一直是英国造产品 — — 在出口市场远比国内受欢迎。 她身后的一切都引发了激烈的争论。 她是对欧洲货币联盟的问题有着先见之明，还是让英国孤立于大陆边缘之外？ 她是创造了新的经济动态，还是让英国陷入了苦涩的两极分化、不平等性加剧、凝聚力日薄西山？ 她是摧毁了既得利益并创造了真正的精英治国制度，还是巩固了银行家和金融家的新精英地位，导致了日后的灾难性后果？ 事实上，一个被放在了显微镜下的问题是撒切尔在20世纪80年代末对伦敦金融城的改革。 1986年，撒切尔政府推行了日后俗称“大爆炸”的改革。 从技术上讲，主要变化是结束了“单一资格 ” — —即股票交易者只能作为委托人或代理人之一，而不能兼而任之。 1986年之前，存在代表客户利益的经纪人和做市的批发商，两者不能合而为一。 这一制度在其他国家早已被弃，撒切尔的改革也打开了伦敦的大门，新的机构类型，特别是美国大投行开始涌入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Goldman is surely right that the United States has historically propped up small banks that it would not allow to fail. The savings-and-loan crisis of the 1980’s was a $100 billion problem. The banks that failed during the Great Depression of the 1930’s were small banks. More perniciously, because small banks, unlike big ones, paid for most of the costs of their failure through an insurance fund, small banks were given local monopolies, for fear that vigorous competition would lead too many to fail. Customers suffered because competition was weak. The Goldman report seems to be aimed at a recent proposal by Senators Sherrod Brown and David Vitter to increase big banks’ capital requirements sharply, while exempting small banks (presumably to get the small banks’ political support, or out of nostalgia for local banking, or because the senators believe that small banks present no regulatory problems). Because small banks have historically been failure-prone, and have failed en masse, the Brown-Vitter proposal sidesteps a major problem – call it “too-many-to-fail.” But, although Goldman is right to widen the focus to include small banks’ weakness, doing so undermines the logic underlying its view that the narrowing of the long-term funding-cost advantage implies that America’s banking problems are over. Goldman is right that small banks fail and have been protected by government insurance and bailouts; but that means that the big banks’ funding advantage over small banks needs to be added to whatever advantage the small banks themselves have. Likewise, if big banks’ funding advantage is really not so large now as it was in the past, that narrowing may mean that others understand what the Goldman report is saying: small banks fail, too, and the government or the insurance fund bails them out. A narrowing gap in funding costs could just mean that financial markets recognize this. Moreover, by measuring the too-big-to-fail subsidy on the basis of banks’ long-term bonds, the Goldman report misses much. It is a big bank’s short-term debt that sinks it in a crisis, and it is this debt that is bailed out first. Big banks, not small banks, are the major players in the market for short-term debt, which makes their bonds riskier than small banks’ bonds.", "zh": "高盛无疑是对的 — — 从历史上看，美国会支持不允许倒闭的小银行。 20世纪80年代的储贷危机是一个千亿美元的大问题。 20世纪30年代大萧条期间倒闭的银行都是小银行。 更糟糕的是，由于小银行（和大银行不同）通过保险基金偿付倒闭成本，因此能得到地方垄断地位，原因是人们担心激烈竞争会导致太多小银行倒闭。 客户因为缺少竞争而受到损失。 高盛的报告似乎成为参议员布朗（Sherrod Brown）和维特（David Vitter）的最新方案的目标，布朗和维特欲大幅提高大银行的资本要求，但赦免小银行（这大概是为了得到小银行的政治支持，或者出于对地方银行的怀旧，或者是因为两位参议员认为小银行不会引发监管问题 ） 。 从历史上看，小银行容易倒闭，也曾大规模倒闭过，因此布朗-维特方案回避了一个大问题 — — 可以称之为“太多而不能倒 ” 。 但是，尽管高盛关于放宽视野注意小银行的脆弱性的观点是正确的，如此行事却会破坏这一观点的基本逻辑 — — 长期融资成本优势的缩小意味着美国银行问题的终结。 高盛关于小银行倒闭并受到政府保险和援助保护的观点是正确的，但这意味着大银行对于小银行的融资优势必须加到小银行本身拥有的所有优势之上。 类似地，如果说大银行融资优势目前实际上已不像过去那样明显，那么这可能意味着其他人也明白高盛报告所说的内容：小银行也会倒闭，政府或保险公司会援助它们。 融资成本差距的缩小可能仅仅意味着金融市场意识到了这一点。 此外，通过以银行长期债券为基准计算太大而不能倒补贴，高盛的报告忽视了许多东西。 在危机中崩溃的是大银行的短期债务，首先得到援助的也是这类债务。 大银行（而不是小银行）是短期债务市场的主要玩家，这意味着它们的债券比小银行债券风险更高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the new laws do not specify how healthy lunches are to be provided, and local communities are still expected to provide the funding (except for the surplus commodities). It is one thing to enact legislation; building the infrastructure to implement it and, in this case, offer a healthy meal for about $1.50 per child is another matter. Indeed, how to change school lunches has more to do with money and business than with health and nutrition. (The latter goals are clear; the challenge is how to achieve them.) School Food FOCUS, an arm of the New York-based non-profit Public Health Solutions, convenes its members – food managers from 36 large US school districts, serving more than four million children daily – and brings in researchers, partner philanthropies (mostly healthy-food advocates), and food vendors. Indeed, FOCUS turns the vendors into allies – and sponsors. The National Gathering was a trade show as much as an event for bureaucrats and philanthropists. I expected to hear about lobbying efforts and nutrition, but mostly I learned about supply chains. The discussion focused mainly on how food can be procured, prepared, and delivered within the constraints of pricing, availability, and each school district’s facilities (which determine what kind of food they can prepare and serve). The school lunch program is the largest discrete market for low-cost, healthy food.", "zh": "但新法律并没有具体规定如何提供健康午餐，人们仍期待地方社区提供资金（除商品盈余之外 ） 。 制定法律是一回事，建立实施法律的基础设施以及（在校园午餐的问题上）以每人1.5美元左右的价格为儿童提供健康餐饮是另一回事。 事实上，改变校园午餐与其说是健康和营养问题，不如说是资金和商业问题。 （前者目标较为明确；挑战在于如何实现它们。 ）作为纽约非盈利组织公共健康方案（Public Health Solution）的一个分支的校园餐聚焦组织召集各成员 — — 来自36个美国大学区的校园餐经理，他们每天要为400多万儿童提供校园餐 — — 并请来研究者、合作慈善人士（大部分是健康饮食支持者）和食品商。 事实上，校园餐聚焦将食品商转变成了盟友和出资者。 全国大会是既是官僚和慈善家的聚会，也是一次产品展览会。 我原本以为会听到很多游说声音和关于营养学的论调，但实际上我在会上了解得最多的是供应链。 大会的讨论主要集中于如何在价格、可获得性和各学区设施（决定了该学区可以准备和提供何种食物）约束条件下采购、准备和运送食物。 校园午餐计划是低成本健康饮食的最大离散市场。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "She joined French President Emmanuel Macron – with whom she showed great rapport at the commemoration of the Armistice Day centennial in Paris – in his call to form a European army. As both Macron and Merkel have made clear, such a force would not only be compatible with NATO; it would actually strengthen the organization. Predictably, however, Merkel’s ambitious speech elicited scorn from Euroskeptics, who would much rather see the EU succumb to despair and political opportunism. In light of her announced departure, some already regard Merkel as a “lame duck” whose legacy will now be debated in political obituaries. Yet these eulogies are premature: there is good reason to believe that she is not yet done forging her European legacy. To be sure, Merkel’s successor at the head of the CDU may not be closely aligned with her positions, and could inject more instability into the coalition government with the Christian Social Union (the CDU’s Bavaria-based sister party) and the Social Democrats (SPD). But even under those circumstances, Merkel would have a few cards up her sleeve. For starters, a no-confidence vote in Germany cannot succeed unless an alternative candidate wins the backing of an absolute majority in the Bundestag. That has happened only once – when Helmut Kohl of the CDU replaced Helmut Schmidt of the SPD as chancellor in 1982 – and it would be extremely unlikely in a parliament that is as fragmented as the current Bundestag. A scenario in which Merkel finishes out her term, staying on for another three years, should therefore not be ruled out. She remains very popular on the international scene. And, liberated from electoral pressures, at least of a kind focusing on her directly, she may feel freer to pursue a more proactive foreign policy. Recall that it was during his final years in office that US President Barack Obama achieved some of his biggest milestones in foreign policy. In addition to restoring diplomatic relations with Cuba, the Obama administration concluded the nuclear deal with Iran and signed the Paris climate agreement. Though President Donald Trump has sought to reverse these accomplishments, he has not been able to consign them to history. For the EU, it would be healthy if Merkel were to continue revitalizing the Franco-German axis, thereby opening the door to EU-level reform. Nevertheless, there are significant obstacles ahead.", "zh": "她与法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙（Emmanuel Macron ） — —两人在巴黎举行的停战日纪念活动中表现融洽 — — 共同呼吁组建一支欧洲军队。 正如马克龙和默克尔都明确表示的那样，这种力量不仅与北约兼容；甚至会在事实上强化该组织。 然而不出所料，默克尔雄心勃勃的言论引来了欧洲怀疑论者的蔑视，后者更希望看到欧盟屈服于绝望和政治机会主义。 鉴于她已经宣布隐退，一些人已经将默克尔视为只配在政治讣告中讨论其遗产的“跛脚鸭 ” 。 然而现在致悼词还为时过早：有充分的理由相信她的欧洲遗产还在构建之中。 可以肯定的是，默克尔在基民盟的继任领导者可能不会紧密追随她的立场，并且可能向其与基督教社会联盟（基民盟在巴伐利亚州的姐妹党）和社会民主党组成的联合政府中注入更多的不稳定性。 但即便在这种情况下默克尔也还留着几招后手。 首先，在德国的不信任投票不会成功，除非替代者能赢得联邦议院绝对多数的支持。 这种情况只发生过一次 — — 当时基民盟的赫尔穆特·科尔在1982年取代社民党的赫尔穆特·施密特担任总理 — — 而且在当前这个山头林立的联邦议院中更是极不可能。 因此不应排除默克尔在完成本届任期后再坚持三年的可能性。 她在国际舞台上仍然广受欢迎。 此外从选举压力（至少是一种对她的直接关注）中解放出来后她或许可以更自由地寻求更积极的外交政策。 回想一下，美国总统奥巴马正是在其执政的最后几年实现了在外交政策上的一些最大里程碑。 除与古巴恢复邦交之外，奥巴马政府还与伊朗达成核协议并签署了巴黎气候协议。 尽管特朗普试图扭转这些成就，但他还未能将它们彻底废止。 对于欧盟来说，如果默克尔继续致力于振兴法德轴线从而为欧盟层面的改革打开大门,那么联盟的良性运作就有了保障。 然而未来仍存在重大障碍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the monetary-policy story, while plausible, is not ironclad. Indeed, other factors may explain – or at least contribute to – current stock-market trends. A key factor is earnings growth. In the long run, it is reasonable to expect that revenue growth would be broadly consistent with economic growth – and, as it stands, there is little acceleration on this front. Earnings can grow faster than revenues for a prolonged (though not indefinite) period, if companies cut costs or reduce investment – a trend that would, over time, lower depreciation charges. In theory, corporate-tax cuts could have the same effect. Furthermore, the economy’s equilibrium conditions could change, so that aggregate earnings would capture a larger share of national income. There is some evidence that this is now occurring in advanced economies, with the proliferation of labor-saving digital technologies and the globalization of supply chains suppressing income growth. That said, some trends may be having the opposite effect on expectations for earnings growth. More than two-fifths of the S&P 500’s earnings come from external markets, some of which, like Europe and Japan, are barely growing, while others, like China, are slowing. The appreciation of the dollar exacerbates the situation for US markets, because it creates headwinds for exporters and causes companies’ foreign earnings, reported in dollars, to decline. And a slowdown in productivity growth, together with excessive leverage and persistent public-sector underinvestment, may be undermining medium-term potential economic growth.", "zh": "但货币政策的逻辑尽管在理，却并不可靠。 事实上，其他因素也可以解释 — — 或至少作用于 — — 当前的股市趋势。 一个关键因素是盈利增长。 在长期，预期收入增长将与经济增长大体一致是合理的 — — 而从目前的情况看，经济增长几无增速可言。 盈利可能在相当长（但非无穷）的时间内以快于收入的速度增长，如果公司削减成本或降低投资的话 — — 这一趋势随着时间的延长可以降低折旧。 理论上，公司税削减也可以产生同样的效果。 此外，经济的均衡条件可能发生变化，因此总盈利将占据国民收入的更大比例。 一些证据表明，发达经济体目前就出现了这种情况，劳动力节约型数字技术的繁荣和供应链的全球化抑制了收入增长。 尽管如此，一些趋势也许与盈利增长预期背道而驰。 在标准普尔500指数公司的盈利中，超过五分之二来自外部市场，其中一些市场，如欧洲和日本，几乎毫无增长可言，而其他市场，如中国，也正在放缓。 美元升值恶化了美国市场的局面，因为这不利于出口商，也导致公司以美元计价的海外盈利下降。 而生产率增长的放缓，以及过度负债和公共部门投资持续不足，可能阻碍中期潜在经济增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While it is hard to get counter-cyclical timing exactly right, that is no excuse for pro-cyclical policy, an approach that puts the US in a weak position to manage the next inevitable shock. During economic upswings, the budget deficit usually falls, at least as a share of GDP. But with the US now undertaking its most radically pro-cyclical fiscal expansion since the late 1960s, and perhaps since World War II, the Congressional Budget Office projects that the federal government’s fast-growing deficit will exceed $1 trillion this year. America’s deficit is being blown up on both the revenue and expenditure sides. Although a reduction in the corporate tax rate was needed, the tax bill that Congressional Republicans enacted last December was nowhere near revenue-neutral, as it should have been. Like the Republican-led governments of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush, the Trump administration claims to favor small government, but is actually highly profligate. As a result, when the next recession comes, the US will lack fiscal space to respond. The Trump administration’s embrace of financial deregulation is also pro-cyclical and intensifies market swings. The Trump administration and the Republican-controlled Congress have gutted Obama’s fiduciary rule, which would have required professional financial advisers to put their clients’ interests first when advising them on assets invested through retirement plans. They have also rolled back sensible regulations of housing finance, including risk-retention rules, which force mortgage originators to keep some “skin in the game,” and requirements that borrowers make substantial down payments, which work to ensure ability to pay.", "zh": "虽然很难精确捕捉反周期时机，但这并不是实施顺周期政策的借口，这种政策会将美国置于不利境地，以致无法应对必然到来的下一轮冲击。 在经济增长期间，预算赤字（或至少是其相对GDP的比例）通常会下降。 但由于美国现在正在进行自1960年代末（甚至是自二战）以来最激进的顺周期财政扩张，国会预算办公室预计联邦政府快速增长的赤字规模将在今年突破1万亿美元。 美国的收入和支出方面的赤字都在膨胀。 尽管确实有必要降低公司税率，但国会共和党人在去年12月颁布的税收法案依然远未达到本该实现的收入中立。 跟其共和党前任里根和小布什一样，特朗普虽声称支持小政府，但实际上却大肆挥霍。 因此，当下一次经济衰退到来时，美国将缺乏足够的财政空间去加以回应。 特朗普政府放松金融管制的行为也是顺周期性且加剧了市场波动。 特朗普政府和共和党控制的国会已经扼杀了奥巴马的信托规则 — — 它要求专业财务顾问在向客户提供相关退休资产投资建议时将客户利益放在第一位。 他们还推翻了对住房融资的合理监管，包括迫使抵押贷款发起人保留一定利益相关关系的风险自留规则以及规定借款人应当支付足量首付款以确保其支付能力的相关要求。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Case for Climate Tariffs CANBERRA – As Australia heads toward a federal election on May 18, the national debate on cutting carbon dioxide emissions is heating up. Yet the discussion highlights the limits of what Australia or any other individual country can do to combat global warming. Rather, the world must step up its collective efforts to tackle climate change. And, strange as it may sound, US President Donald Trump’s aggressive trade policies could point to a way forward. In Australia, the opposition Labor Party wants the country to reduce its greenhouse-gas emissions by 45% relative to their 2005 level by 2030. But achieving this lofty goal would impose high costs on Australians in terms of foregone income and actual taxes – estimated by economist Brian Fischer to be AUD10,000-20,000 ($7,000-14,000) per capita over a decade. Even if Australia manages to cut emissions by this amount, the overall impact would be small, because the country accounts for less than 2% of the global economy. The Labor Party’s claim that the benefit of the plan would be fewer floods, hurricanes, landslides, and other natural disasters is only half true, because Australian actions alone will not have much effect on the frequency and severity of such events. Enough other countries would have to cut their own greenhouse-gas emissions further to make a difference. Until recently, the world’s best hope for combating global warming was the 2015 Paris climate agreement, which has been signed by 197 parties, including the world’s two largest cumulative emitters of greenhouse gases (the United States and the European Union) and the leading current emitter (China). All signatories have pledged to meet numerical targets to lower drastically their own emissions relative to a business-as-usual path. At the time, many thought that the Paris agreement was the limit of what was politically feasible. Yet most climate-change models predict that even if all countries fulfilled their pledges, their efforts would not keep the increase in global temperature below 2°C above pre-industrial levels – the critical threshold beyond which catastrophic outcomes, including higher sea levels and more frequent natural disasters, would become inevitable.", "zh": "气候关税案 堪培拉—澳大利亚将于5月18日举行联邦选举，关于减少二氧化碳排放的辩论正在全国范围内不断升温。 然而，这次讨论凸显了澳大利亚或其他任何国家在独自应对全球变暖方面的局限性。 相反地，全世界应该加强合作，共同应对气候变化问题。 尽管听起来可能有些奇怪，但美国总统唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)咄咄逼人的贸易政策可能为未来指明了方向。 澳大利亚的反对党-工党希望，到2030年，澳大利亚温室气体排放量比2005年减少45 % 。 但实现这一目标将给澳大利亚人带来高成本，包括放弃收入和实际增加的税收 — — 经济学家布莱恩•费舍尔(Brian Fischer)估计，未来10年，澳大利亚人均税收将达到1万至2万澳元(合7千至1.4万美元 ) 。 即便澳大利亚能够达到这一目标，但这对整体的影响依然微不足道，因为澳大利亚在全球经济中所占的比重还不到2 % 。 工党宣称该计划将会减少洪水、飓风、山体滑坡和其他自然灾害的发生，但这一说法只对了一半，因为澳大利亚的行动并不会对此类事件的频率和严重程度产生太大影响。 只有其他国家也进一步减少温室气体排放，才能真正起作用。 直到最近，人类应对全球气候变暖的最大希望还是2015年的《巴黎气候协定 》 ， 197个缔约方签署了该协定，其中包括温室气体累计排放量最大的两个经济体（美国和欧盟 ） ， 以及目前的主要排放国（中国 ） 。 所有缔约方都承诺大幅减少自己一贯的排放量，以达到《巴黎协定》明确的数字目标。 当时，许多人认为《巴黎协定》是政治可行性的极限。 然而，大多数气候变化模型预测，即使所有国家都履行了它们的承诺，它们的努力也无法将全球气温升幅控制在比前工业化时期高出2摄氏度以下的水平 — — 而超过这个临界值，包括更高的海平面和更频繁的自然灾害在内的灾难性后果将不可避免。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yes, viewed from the perspective of liberal democracies, China’s constitutional revision is a disappointing governance setback. From China’s perspective, however, it may well be the only option to address its daunting implementation imperatives head-on. And the recent experience of other countries, particularly the United States, certainly cautions against the Western tendency to conflate succession and leadership quality. America’s leadership deficit is, in fact, pushing the US and China to the brink of a trade war. The plight of the US middle class has been framed as a blame game, with China and its alleged unfair trading practices singled out as the culprit. Yet the evidence points elsewhere: to a dramatic shortfall of domestic saving that leaves America dependent on surplus saving from abroad to fill the gap. The result is a multilateral trade deficit, with China and 101 other countries, required to provide the foreign capital needed for the balance of payments. In other words, China is actually an important part of America’s “solution” to its saving-short growth problem. Yet US leaders find it expedient to make China a scapegoat. And the situation is going from bad to worse. The large tax cut enacted at the end of 2017 will expand the US federal budget deficit by $1.5 trillion over the next decade, pushing domestic saving even lower – an outcome that will lead to even wider trade deficits. As if that’s not bad enough, a protectionist Trump administration has elevated anti-China tariffs to a central role in its international policy agenda. Yet protectionism in the face of widening trade deficits spells nothing but trouble for frothy financial markets and a saving-short US economy. And it risks the most serious rupture in the Sino-American relationship since 1989. No one knows how long Xi will remain in office. If China stays the course, the succession question is inconsequential – at least for the time being. If China slips, the verdict will be very different. While the US has a very different political feedback loop, accountability also matters. In the end, the quality of leadership is what matters most for both countries. Sadly, those living in glass houses always find it easiest to throw stones.", "zh": "当然从自由民主的角度来看，中国的宪法修订是令人失望的治理倒退。 然而从中国的角度来看，它可能是正面应对其艰巨实施要求的唯一选择。 而其他国家（特别是美国）的近期经验则肯定会反对西方那种将连任条件和领导质量混为一谈的倾向。 实际上，美国的领导缺陷正将美中两国推向一场贸易战。 美国中产阶级的困境需要有人来承担责任，而中国及其所声称的不公平交易行为则被列为罪魁祸首。 然而证据却表明并非如此：由于美国国内储蓄缺口极大，只能依赖国外的剩余储蓄来填补差距，其结果就是多边贸易逆差，而中国以及其他101个国家都在提供美国实现收支平衡所需的外国资本。 换句话说，中国实际上是美国“解决”储蓄短缺型增长问题的重要组成部分。 然而美国领导人认为把中国打成替罪羊没什么问题。 更何况情况正在恶化，2017年年底实施的大规模减税措施将在未来十年中令美国新增1.5万亿美元联邦预算赤字，进一步压低其国内储蓄额 — — 这一结果将导致更庞大的贸易赤字。 如果这还不够糟糕的话，奉行保护主义的特朗普政府已将反华关税提升为国际政策议程中的核心角色。 然而贸易逆差扩大之下的贸易保护主义只会对充斥泡沫的金融市场以及储蓄不足的美国经济带来麻烦。 而这可能导致自1989年以来中美关系最严重的破裂。 没有人知道习近平将继续任职多久。 如果中国继续坚持原有的道路，继任问题其实是无足轻重的 — — 至少目前如此。 当然如果中国出了问题，对此的评价肯定会非常不同。 虽然美国拥有一个与中国极为不同政治反馈路径，但问责制也相当重要。 最终两国领导人的素质才是最重要的。 可悲的是，住在玻璃房子里的人总会觉得向别人扔石头最容易，却不知道这一做法首先会伤到自己。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Economic Wisdom of George Shultz STANFORD – George Shultz, who died this month at age 100, is best known for being US President Ronald Reagan’s Secretary of State. Their close working relationship enabled them to limit nuclear weapons, help end the Cold War, and champion human rights. Words like “great” and “extraordinary” have been so debased nowadays that they sound out of place even when they are truly deserved. In fact, words may fail to convey the depth, breadth, and enduring impact Shultz had on the world, and on economic policy in particular. While melding, as he put it, ideas into action, he never lost his grace, humility, and integrity. I had the privilege of working closely with him for five decades on a wide array of public policy issues, when we were each in and out of government and at the Hoover Institution. He became a cherished colleague, mentor, and role model to me and many others. And he was a close friend: I was a pallbearer at his first wife’s funeral, and he saw my wife through my life-threatening emergency surgery. George thought strategically, with a view to the long term, which he attributed to his training as an economist. Be a compass, not a weather vane was his modus operandi.", "zh": "乔治·舒尔茨的经济智慧 斯坦福—乔治·舒尔茨于本月去世，享年百岁，因担任过美国总统罗纳德·里根的国务卿而闻名于世。 他们密切的工作关系使他们得以结束冷战、捍卫人权，并且限制核武器。 像“伟大”和“非凡”这样的字眼现在已经贬值到即使真正当之无愧，但听起来也不合时宜的程度。 事实上，语言可能难以表述舒尔茨对这个世界，尤其是对经济政策长期影响的广度和深度。 正如他本人所言，在将思想融入行动时，他从未丧失过自己的优雅、谦逊和正直。 我有幸与他在一系列公共政策问题上紧密合作了长达50年，当时我们两人都曾在政府和胡佛研究所任职。 他成了我和其他许多人所珍视的同伴、榜样和导师。 他是我亲密的朋友：我曾在他第1任妻子的葬礼上为她抬棺，而他则在我生命垂危之际接受急救手术时照顾我的妻子。 乔治擅长长期战略性思维，他认为，作为经济学家的严格训练造就了他这一优势。 成为指南针、而非风向标一直是他的办事方式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In response, current-account balances – the Achilles’ heel of the so-called East Asian growth miracle – went from deficit to surplus. For the ASEAN-5, current-account deficits averaging 4% of GDP in 1996-97 swung dramatically into average surpluses of 6.8% of GDP in 1998-99. A similar transformation occurred in South Korea, where a 2.8% current-account deficit in 1996-1997 became an 8.6% surplus in 1998-1999. Since then, the region has never looked back. Within two years, most of Asia’s crisis-ridden economies had regained their pre-crisis peaks. Nor was this a temporary rebound. Beginning in 1999, the ASEAN-5 began a ten-year spurt of 5% average annual GDP growth (5.5% in South Korea over the same period). In short, there were no lasting negative effects from the short-term dose of austerity, and, to the extent that austerity was essential to post-crisis healing, the long-term benefits have proven to be both enduring and astounding. Three lessons for the rest of us come to mind. First, there is no gain without pain. Few of us in the developed world can fathom aggregate-output contractions on the scale that crisis-torn Asia suffered in 1998, let alone muster the political will to impose them on our economies. The economic dislocations and the humiliation of proud nations were, indeed, devastating (as Greeks today can attest).", "zh": "而在这些项目实施之后，各国的经常账户收支 — — 所谓东亚增长奇迹的阿喀琉斯之踵 — — 随之从逆差转为顺差。 在东盟五国方面，1996~1997年度平均相当于GDP4%的经常账户逆差戏剧性地逆转为1998~1999年度的6.8%顺差。 而韩国也实现了类似的转变，从1996~1997年度相当于GDP的2.8%经常账户逆差变成1998~1999年度的8.6%顺差 从那以后，各国就走上了一条康庄大道。 在两年之内，亚洲大多数受灾经济体都重新恢复到了危机前水平，而且都不是临时性的回光返照。 自1999年始，东盟五国经历了GDP年平均增长率达5%的十年（韩国则达到了5.5 % ） 。 简而言之，这种短期的紧缩行为并不会导致长期性的负面效应，而且紧缩在某种程度上是灾后复原所必不可少的，事实证明，其带来的长期好处不仅持久，而且令人震惊。 这让我们这些亚洲之外的人领悟到了三个教训：首先，有付出才有收获。 只有很少发达国家的人能体会到1998年受灾亚洲国家所经历的那种严峻的总产值收缩状况，更别说拿出将紧缩加诸于本国经济之上的勇气了。 事实上，那种经济紊乱以及对一个原本自信的国家的侮辱都是灾难性的（当今的希腊可以证实这一点 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And agents may have interests of their own that clash with the principal’s. As a result, citizens have plenty of reasons not to trust politicians. Democracies endeavor to ensure by institutional means that the interests of politicians and voters are aligned. In Britain, the constituencies that elect members of Parliament are relatively small, and in the United States, members of the House of Representatives must seek reelection every two years. But these solutions are not without their own problems, including parochialism and the risk that the frequency of elections will make politicians beholden not to voters, but to the special interests that finance their campaigns. Democratic politicians also try to persuade voters that their own interests are aligned with those of the electorate. Such efforts can be healthy, as when officials disclose the sources of their campaign funds and possible conflicts of interest. But they can also be unhealthy, as when candidates pander to voters’ fears and resentments. Indeed, two fascinating recent papers by researchers at Harvard and MIT explain the emergence of populism in terms of politicians’ efforts to signal to voters that they are not beholden to powerful interests. Thus, although populist policies reduce overall economic welfare, rational voters choose them because they are the price of distinguishing between different types of politicians. As one of the papers puts it: “once leaders are not necessarily honest, it may be worth hiring those that are incompetent.” Bobbio emphasizes that lack of trust in democratic politicians also arises from two additional difficulties. One is that modern societies are pluralistic, with many interests vying to be represented; there is no general will for a politician to represent. The other is that in a representative democracy there is no binding mandate for the elected politician to act in a certain way. Once she is elected, it is up to her to decide what the good of society is and which policies will advance it. The potential for conflict is obvious. Even in the unlikely event that the interests a politician represents do not clash with one another, there will be no easy agreement about the best policies. Worse, an able and honest politician may indeed choose the best policies; but, in an environment of imperfect information, she may be unable to persuade voters that she did the right thing.", "zh": "而且代理人自身利益可能与委托人不一致。 结果是民众有很多理由不信任政界人士。 民主政体通过体制手段努力确保政客和选民的利益保持一致。 在英国，选举议会议员的选区相对较小，而在美国，众议院议员必须每两年寻求连任。 但这些方法本身并非没有问题，包括狭隘主义以及竞选频率过大所导致的政客受制于资助其竞选活动的特殊利益集团而非选民。 民主政治家也试图说服选民他们自身的利益与选民利益一致。 这样的工作可能是健康的，比如当官员公开其竞选资金来源及可能的利益冲突。 但这种做法也有可能产生不健康的后果，比方说当候选人迎合选民的恐惧和愤怒。 事实上，哈佛大学和麻省理工学院研究人员最近发表的两篇引人入胜的论文从政客试图向选民证明他们并未受制于权势影响的角度解释了民粹主义的崛起。 因此，尽管民粹主义政策牺牲整体经济福利，但理性的选民仍会选择它，因为它们是区分不同类型政治家所付出的代价。 正如其中一篇论文所指出的那样 ： “ 一旦领导人不一定保持诚实，雇佣那些无能的领袖就似乎体现出价值 。 ” 博比奥强调对民主政客信任的缺失同样源于另外两大难题。 其一是现代社会极致多元化，众多利益竞相争夺代表资格；政客无法代表普遍意志。 还有就是在代议制民主中，没有任何约束力量强制当选政治家以某种特定的方式行事。 一旦当选，她就有权确定什么是社会利益，以及实行什么样的政策来推动它。 冲突的可能性是显而易见的。 即使在政客所代表的意义并不相互冲突的不太可能的情况下，就最佳政策达成一致也并不容易。 更糟的是，一名能干而且诚实的政治家可能确实选择了最佳政策；但在不完全信息环境下，她可能无法说服选民她做了正确的事。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "还比如，“三保障”工作不扎实，义务教育、基本医疗、住房安全和饮水安全等方面还存在薄弱环节。现在，全国贫困人口中14%需要解决“三保障”问题。 还有，脱贫摘帽后工作放松，有的摘帽县出现撤摊子、甩包袱、歇歇脚的情况，有的摘帽县不是把精力物力用在巩固成果上，而是庆功搞铺张浪费。 第二类是工作中需要进一步改进的问题。 比如，脱贫攻坚责任不落实、政策不落实、工作不落实问题，形式主义、官僚主义问题，数字脱贫、虚假脱贫问题，以及贪占挪用扶贫资金等问题。 第三类是需要长期逐步解决的问题。 比如，产业发展基础薄弱，易地扶贫搬迁后续帮扶措施乏力，稳定脱贫长效机制没有建立，贫困群众内生动力不足、陈规陋习难改等。", "en": "Furthermore, we have yet to secure the \"three guarantees,\" since weak links still exist in guaranteeing access to compulsory education, basic medical services, safe housing, and safe drinking water. At present, issues covered in the \"three guarantees\" have yet to be resolved for 14% of the country’s poor population. Finally, we have seen efforts slacken after exits from poverty, with some counties abandoning poverty alleviation projects, shirking their responsibilities, or choosing to take a break, while others have wasted energy and resources on celebrations instead of building on their achievements. The second includes further improvements that need to be made to our work. For example, numerous problems have emerged in poverty alleviation such as failure to assume responsibilities, implement policies, and carry out initiatives, going through formalities for formality sake and bureaucratic practices, deception and manipulation of figures, and misappropriation of poverty alleviation funds. The third includes problems that need to be resolved gradually over the long term. For example, the foundations for industrial development are weak, follow-up assistance measures for poor people that have been relocated are insufficient, and long-term mechanisms for people to steadily make their way out of poverty have yet to be established. Among poor population, there is a lack of endogenous drive as well as outmoded customs and habits are difficult to break away from."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Countries like Greece, Italy, and arguably Portugal over-borrowed, and now their citizens face severe consequences. But the bankers face no consequences whatsoever for over-lending. To be sure, some major European financial institutions may now face difficulties, and – who knows – perhaps some of their executives will end up being fired. But does anyone think that the people who ran European banks into the ground will leave their positions with anything less than considerable wealth? There is no real austerity – now or possibly in the future – for leading bank executives. The protesters of “Occupy Albany” issued a powerful consensus statement recently, which reads in part: “The interests of those who purchase influence are rewarded at the expense of the People, from whom the government’s just power is derived. We believe that this failure in our system is at the core of many interconnected issues we face as a society, and its resolution is key to a just future. We therefore demand true democracy, decoupled from the corrosive influence of concentrated economic power, and we call all who share in this common goal to stand with us and take action toward this end.” Big banks represent the ultimate in concentrated economic power in today’s economies. They are able to resist all meaningful reform that could really change their compensation schemes.", "zh": "希腊（或许还能算上葡萄牙）这样的国家过度借债，而他们的人民正面对着严重后果。 但那些过度发放贷款的银行家们却无需为任何后果买单。 可以肯定的是，一些主要欧洲金融机构如今可能正面临着困境，而它们的某些高管（说不定）最终会丢掉工作。 但是否有人认为这些把欧洲银行带入如斯境地的人不会带着巨额财富离职？ 可见对于那些过度发放贷款的银行家来说，不管是现在还是未来，紧缩都是不存在的。 对此 “占领奥尔巴尼（美国纽约州首府 ） ” 运动的示威者们最近发布了一份有说服力的共识宣言，其部分内容如下： “那些金钱来换取影响力的人通过牺牲人民的利益来实现自己的利益，而政府的公平权力却来自于人民。 我们相信该系统的失灵正是这个社会当前所面对的许多相联问题的核心，而对此的解决方案则是通往一个更公平未来的钥匙。 有见及此，我们要求实现一个与经济寡头势力的腐蚀性影响脱钩的真正民主，同时呼吁那些认同这一共同目标的人们与我们一起行动起来，共同实现这一点 。 ” 在当今的经济中大银行恰恰代表着金融寡头势力的利益。 它们有能力去阻止任何影响其补偿方案的切实改革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They have focused on banking, construction, distribution, retail, and television broadcasting. Once these companies dominate one market, they move to another that is equally sheltered from competition and devoid of export opportunities, often using their size and political influence to keep out would-be competitors. Instead of becoming agents of change, they often prevent change. (Indeed, the big economic debate in South Korea nowadays concerns whether the chaebols are stifling innovation by preventing start-up competitors from challenging them.) The productive transformation that developing countries need is much easier to achieve with the support, rather than the obstruction, of their conglomerates. But ensuring such support requires policies that nudge (or even shove) conglomerates toward export industries that can grow beyond the limits of the domestic market – industries in which competition will encourage the discipline that they lack as a result of dominating local markets. To succeed, conglomerates need the support of government and the acceptance of society. They must earn it through their contribution to the growth of employment, exports, and tax revenues, and to the country’s technological transformation. That is what General Park Chung-hee (South Korea’s longtime ruler, and father of current President Park Geun-hye) pressured the chaebols to do in the early 1960’s. And it is what governments and civil societies in developing countries today should demand of their conglomerates.", "zh": "它们专注于银行、建筑、分销、零售和广电业务。 一旦这些公司主宰了一个市场，它们就会转向下一个同样没有竞争、全无出口机会的市场，通常利用其规模和政治影响排挤潜在竞争对手。 它们不但没有变成变化的代理人，反而往往阻碍变化。 （事实上，今日韩国的一大经济争论就在于财阀是否通过阻挠创业竞争者挑战它们而阻碍了创新。 ） 如果有来自集团公司的支持而不是阻碍，发展中国所需要的生产性转型要容易得多。 但确保集团公司的支持需要促使（甚至迫使）集团公司进入可以冲破国内市场限制的出口行业的政策 — — 在这类行业中，竞争能改进它们因为主宰国内市场而有所缺少的纪律。 要想成功，集团公司需要政府的支持和社会的接受。 它们必须通过为就业、出口和税收收入以及国家技术转型做出贡献赢得政府支持和社会接受。 这就是朴正熙将军（韩国的长期统治者，现总统朴槿惠之父）强迫财阀在20世纪60年代初所做的事情。 而这也是当今发展中国家政府和公民社会应该要求其集团公司所做的事情。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So the city’s government blunders away, stirring up trouble, clearly on the orders of the government in Beijing. Indeed, the Chinese authorities only recently showed what they think of treaty obligations and of the “golden age” of Sino-British relations (much advertised by British ministers), by abducting a British citizen (and four other Hong Kong residents) on the city’s streets. The five were publishing books that exposed some of the dirty secrets of China’s leaders. On the mainland, the Chinese Communist Party has launched the biggest crackdown on universities since the aftermath of the killings in Tiananmen Square in 1989. There is to be no discussion of so-called Western values in China’s universities. Only Marxism can be taught. Did no one tell President Xi Jinping and his Politburo colleagues where Karl Marx came from? The trouble these days is precisely that they know little about Marx but a lot about Lenin. Westerners should take a closer interest in what is happening in China’s universities and what that tells us about the real values underpinning scholarship, teaching, and the academy. Compare and contrast, as students are asked to do. Do you want universities where the government decides what it is allegedly safe for you to learn and discuss? Or do you want universities that regard the idea of a “safe space” – in terms of closing down debate in case it offends someone – as an oxymoron in an academic setting?", "zh": "于是香港政府匆匆忙忙地挑起事端，显然是在北京政府的命令之下。 事实上，通过在香港大街上绑架一名英国公民（和其他四名香港居民）的行为，中国政府最近才向外界表明他们对中英关系“黄金年代”条约义务（受到英国大臣们广为宣传）的看法。 这5人出版的书籍揭露了中国领导人某些不可见人的秘密。 在大陆，中国共产党对大学发动了继1989年天安门广场屠杀事件后最大规模的镇压。 中国大学不允许讨论所谓西方价值观，只允许教授马克思主义。 难道没有人告诉习近平主席及其政治局同事卡尔·马克思从哪里来？ 现在的问题恰恰是他们对马克思知之甚少，但却对列宁了解颇多。 西方人应密切关注中国大学正在发生的事件，以及它们对支撑学术、教学和学院的实际价值是什么？ 我们要学会像学生那样进行对比和比较。 由政府决定什么能安全学习和探讨的大学是否符合你的愿望？ 你心目中的大学是否将“安全空间”理念 — — 即在冒犯他人的情况下停止讨论 — — 视为学术环境中的矛盾修饰法？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America, Human Rights, and Israel’s War on Palestine NEW YORK – Israel’s attempt to justify its latest brutal assault on Gaza rings hollow to anybody familiar with events in Israel, where the government of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, backed by anti-Arab racists, has systematically, cruelly, and persistently violated the basic human rights of the Arab population. Human Rights Watch, a global NGO with many Jewish leaders, has recently condemned Israel for crimes against humanity. Israel’s behavior puts US President Joe Biden’s administration, which professes a foreign policy based on human rights, under the spotlight. If that commitment is genuine, the administration should support an independent UN investigation of Israeli human rights violations against the Arab population and suspend military aid to Israel until the inquiry is completed and the human rights of the Palestinians are secured. The antecedents of Israel’s recent airstrikes and artillery attacks on Gaza were Israeli threats to expel Palestinians from their home in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem and Israeli-provoked violence at the al-Aqsa Mosque, one of Islam’s holiest sites. Right-wing Israelis marched through East Jerusalem chanting “death to Arabs.” Rocket fire from Gaza soon followed, which may well have been Netanyahu’s objective. He is fighting for his political life in the face of a looming corruption trial, and fomenting and exploiting anti-Arab hatred has long served him well in pursuing and holding on to power. As a Jew, I am deeply troubled by Israel’s reckless anti-Arab violence, which runs against the very core of Jewish ethics. The Talmud says that, “Whoever saves a single life is considered by Scripture to have saved the whole world.” The great sage Hillel famously observed that all Torah (Jewish law) could be summed up as, “That which is despicable to you, do not do to your fellow.” Israel’s ruthless bombing of Gaza, causing mass suffering and killing innocent people, including at least 63 children, violates both principles. Corrupt and self-serving politicians like Netanyahu often wrap themselves in religious garb to cover their malevolent deeds. They gravely wound religion in the process. Netanyahu claims to be acting in the name of the Jewish people. He certainly is not.", "zh": "美国、人权和以色列对巴勒斯坦的战争 纽约—以色列为其最近对加沙地带的野蛮袭击而辩解的企图在任何熟悉以色列事件的人听来都十分空洞，以色列政府总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡在反阿拉伯种族势力的支持下，系统、残酷而又持续地开展侵犯阿拉伯民族基本人权的运动。 拥有许多犹太领导者的全球非政府组织人权观察最近谴责了以色列所犯下的反人类罪行。 以色列的所作所为使美国总统乔·拜登所领导的政府备受关注。 拜登政府自称奉行以人权为基础的外交政策，如果该承诺是真的，那么美国政府应支持联合国对以色列侵犯阿拉伯人民人权的行为展开独立调查，同时，在调查完成和巴勒斯坦人的人权得到保障之前，暂停为以色列提供军事援助。 以色列人威胁将巴勒斯坦人逐出在东耶路撒冷谢赫贾拉社区的家园并在伊斯兰最神圣的场合之一阿克萨清真寺挑起暴力是以色列最近对加沙发动空袭和炮击的前奏。 右翼以色列人在东耶路撒冷游行，高喊着“阿拉伯人去死”的口号。 火箭弹很快就从加沙发射，而这很有可能就是内塔尼亚胡的目标。 面对即将到来的腐败审判，他正在为自己的政治生命而战，煽动和利用反阿拉伯仇恨，长期以来对其追逐和掌控权力起到了有效的作用。 身为一名犹太人，以色列无所顾忌的反阿拉伯暴行令我深感不安，这样的所作所为是与犹太伦理核心相悖的。 犹太法典记载 ， “ 凡拯救一条生命者，圣经都认为他拯救了整个世界 。 ” 伟大的圣人希勒尔曾有一句名言，即所有犹太律法（Torah）都可以被概括为 ， “ 那些让你觉得厌恶的事，不要对你的同伴去做 。 ” 以色列无情轰炸加沙造成大规模痛苦并杀害无辜民众（其中包括至少63名儿童）无疑违反了上述两项原则。 像内塔尼亚胡这样腐败而自私的政客往往用宗教的外衣来掩盖自己的恶行，他们在行事过程中严重伤害了宗教。 内塔尼亚胡声称自己以犹太人的名义行事。 他当然是在说谎。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋走上前，扶住了他，这才恍然发现，弟弟似乎又长高了。 她到底是多久没来了？ 恍惚间，她将乔易扶着坐进旁边的轮椅上休息。 乔易笑着看着她，“姐，你怎么来了？” 乔恋听到这话，心口一酸。 生活的压力，让她不得不疲于奔命，所以她很少亲自照顾弟弟。 似乎，这个月里，她只在弟弟手术那天过来陪伴他，这还是她第二次来。 她伸出手要去揉一揉他的头，乔易却立马歪了头，“姐，别摸，都是汗。” 少年别扭的样子，让她忍不住笑起来：“好，我给你买了你最爱吃的栗子，走，我们去吃吧。” 乔易看了一下身后的训练架，想要说什么，可对上乔恋，到底还是什么都没说，怪怪的跟着她回到病房。 乔恋拿起一个栗子，打算给他剥开，可按了半天也没用，只好用老办法，打算用牙咬。", "en": "Qiao Lian walked forward and held him. That was when she realized that he seemed to have grown taller. How long had she not visited? In her trance, she helped Qiao Yi get on his wheelchair to rest. Qiao Yi smiled at her and asked, “Sister, why did you come?” The stress in her daily life had caused her to be terribly busy working. Hence, she had few chances of taking care of her brother personally. It seemed like this was her second time visiting him this month. The last time she had visited him was on the day of his surgery. She stuck out his hand to pat his hair, but Qiao Yi immediately shunned her. “Sister, don’t touch my head, I’m sweating.” Qiao Lian couldn’t contain her laughter when she saw how uncomfortable her brother was. “Ok, I’ve bought your favorite chestnuts. Let’s go and have some.” Qiao Yi looked at the practice beam behind him, wanting to say something, but when he looked at Qiao Lian, he didn’t speak and followed her back into his room like a good boy. Qiao Lian picked up a chestnut, intending to peel it for him, but she wasn’t able to despite many tries. Thus, she had not choice but use the most primal way, her teeth."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Ghost of Arthur Burns NEW HAVEN – Memories can be tricky. I have long been haunted by the inflation of the 1970s. Fifty years ago, when I had just started my career as a professional economist at the Federal Reserve, I was witness to the birth of the Great Inflation as a Fed insider. That left me with the recurring nightmares of a financial post-traumatic stress disorder. The bad dreams are back. They center on the Fed’s legendary chairman at the time, Arthur F. Burns, who brought a unique perspective to the US central bank as an expert on the business cycle. In 1946, he co-authored the definitive treatise on the seemingly rhythmic ups and downs of the US economy back to the mid-nineteenth century. Working for him was intimidating, especially for someone in my position. I had been tasked with formal weekly briefings on the very subjects Burns knew best. He used that knowledge to poke holes in staff presentations. I found quickly that you couldn’t tell him anything. Yet Burns, who ruled the Fed with an iron fist, lacked an analytical framework to assess the interplay between the real economy and inflation, and how that relationship was connected to monetary policy. As a data junkie, he was prone to segment the problems he faced as a policymaker, especially the emergence of what would soon become the Great Inflation. Like business cycles, he believed price trends were heavily influenced by idiosyncratic, or exogenous, factors – “noise” that had nothing to do with monetary policy. This was a blunder of epic proportions. When US oil prices quadrupled following the OPEC oil embargo in the aftermath of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Burns argued that, since this had nothing to do with monetary policy, the Fed should exclude oil and energy-related products (such as home heating oil and electricity) from the consumer price index. The staff protested, arguing that it made no sense to ignore such important items, especially because they had a weight of over 11% in the CPI. Burns was adamant: If we on the staff wouldn’t perform the calculation, he would have it done by “someone in New York” – an allusion to his prior affiliations at Columbia University and the National Bureau of Economic Research.", "zh": "阿瑟·伯恩斯的阴魂 纽黑文—回忆可能是微妙的。 我一直对上世纪70年代的通货膨胀心有余悸。 50年前，我作为美联储的一名职业经济学家刚刚开始了我的职业生涯，当时作为一名美联储内部人士，我亲眼目睹了大通胀的起因。 那场通货膨胀让我对金融业有了一种创伤后应激障碍，这是我挥之不去的梦魇。 现如今，梦魇又回归了。 梦魇的焦点集中在美联储当时的传奇主席阿瑟•F•伯恩斯（Arthur F.Burns）身上，他作为经济周期专家为美联储带来了独特的视角。 1946年，他与人合著了一本权威论著，讲述19世纪中叶美国经济看似有规律的起起落落。 当他的下属令人感到害怕，尤其是对于我这种职位的人来说。 我的任务是每周举行正式的简报会，内容正是伯恩斯最了解的话题。 他利用自己的知识储备在员工做报告时挑刺儿。 我很快发现我们讲的内容他无所不知。 然而，以铁腕手段执掌美联储的伯恩斯缺乏一个分析框架来评估实体经济与通胀之间的相互作用，以及这种关系如何与货币政策联系在一起。 他是一个迷恋数据的人，倾向于将自己作为决策者所面临的问题分割开来，尤其是当出现大通胀早期迹象时。 他认为价格走势与经济周期一样受到特殊因素（或外生因素）的严重影响—这些都是与货币政策无关的“噪音 ” 。 这是一个史无前例的大错误。 1973年赎罪日战争后，石油输出国组织（OPEC）实施石油禁运，美国石油价格翻了两番。 伯恩斯认为，由于这与货币政策无关，美联储应该将石油和能源相关产品（如家用燃料油和电力）从消费价格指数（CPI）中剔除。 工作人员提出抗议，认为忽视如此重要的项目毫无意义，尤其是因为它们在CPI中的权重超过11 % 。 伯恩斯固执己见：如果我们这些员工不进行计算，他就会让“纽约的某个人”来做—他这是在暗指他以前在哥伦比亚大学和国家经济研究局工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the increased trade and investment flows brought about by the TPP’s ratification and implementation will benefit even the countries that must make larger sacrifices. Japan, for example, will find that the TPP enhances “Abenomics,” the three-pronged economic-revitalization strategy introduced by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in 2012. The third component, or “arrow,” of Abenomics – structural reforms – aims to restore growth by raising productivity. But increasing efficiency in a wide variety of sectors, as Japan must do, can be a long, difficult, and piecemeal process, as it involves the upgrading of virtually every technology and process. By connecting Japan’s industries more closely with those of other countries, the TPP can accelerate this process considerably. Moreover, it can spur faster administrative reform. Simply put, the TPP will amount to a powerful tailwind for Abenomics. It should be noted that liberalization does involve some economic tradeoffs, as protection can, in some areas, serve an important purpose. As the economist Jagdish Bhagwati points out, maintaining increased protections for, say, intellectual property may encourage research and innovation. At the same time, however, excessive IP protections can deter the proliferation of existing knowledge and the development of high-tech products. In the case of pharmaceuticals, for example, this tradeoff can be difficult to navigate. Nonetheless, Bhagwati maintains, when it comes to overall trade and capital movements, freer is better. Given all of this, one hopes that opposition from political figures like Clinton amounts to naught – an entirely plausible outcome, in Clinton’s case, because the TPP should be enacted before the presidential election in November 2016. This would, to some extent, be in line with the TPP negotiation process, in which the political challenges associated with trade liberalization have been handled remarkably well. It seems that involving so many sectors in so many countries actually made it easier to overcome resistance, as it diffused the opposition and prevented any single specific interest from getting the upper hand. Of course, that does not mean that the negotiations were easy. On the contrary, trade representatives had to display impressive endurance and patience – for more than five years, for some countries. To enable progress, confidentiality was vital (despite US negotiators’ claims that the discussions were wholly transparent).", "zh": "但批准和实施TPP带来的贸易和投资流的增加将让必须做出更大牺牲的国家也能够受益。 比如，日本将发现TPP增强了“安倍经济学 ” 。 安倍经济学是日本首相安倍晋三在2012年推出的三管齐下的重振经济战略。 该战略的第三个部分，或者说“第三支箭 ” — —结构改革的目标是通过提高生产率重塑增长。 但日本必须在众多部门增进效率，这需要一段漫长、艰难和渐进的过程，因为几乎所有技术和过程都要更新。 TPP让日本各行业与其他国家联系更加紧密，将大大加速这一过程。 此外，TPP还能刺激更快的行政改革。 简言之，TPP将成为安倍经济学的东风。 应该指出，自由化确实包含了一些经济权衡，因为在某些领域，保护有助于实现重要目的。 经济学家贾格迪什·巴格瓦蒂（Jagdish Bhagwati）指出，保持增加对（比如）知识产权的保护可以鼓励研究和创新。 但是，与此同时，过度知识产权保护可能延缓现有知识的扩散和高科技产品的开发。 比如，在制药行业，这一权衡就很难规避。 尽管如此，巴格瓦蒂认为，对于总体贸易和资本流动而言，越自由越好。 考虑到这些方面，我们希望来自克林顿等政治人物的反对不要产生效果 — — 在克林顿的例子中，这是完全可能的，因为TPP应在在2016年11月总统选举之前生效。 在某种程度上讲，这也符合TPP的谈判过程 — — 在此过程中，与贸易自由化相关的政治挑战处理得非常得体。 看起来，将如此多国家的如此多的部门包括进来更有利于克服抵制，因为这样能分散反对意见，防止任何一个特殊利益集团取得上风。 当然，这并不意味着谈判很容易。 相反，各国贸易代表表现出令人印象深刻的忍力和耐力 — — 某些国家甚至保持了五年多。 为了取得进展，保密性至关重要（尽管美国谈判员声称讨论是完全透明的 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“可是，秀老师，听说要进入皇家中级魔法学院必须有贵族推荐才行啊，我们都是平民能让我们考试吗？” 爸爸问了一个关键的问题。 “这些你们不用管，我已经解决了，我有一个好朋友是子爵，我让他推荐的长弓。” 妈妈突然推了爸爸一下。 “就是砸锅卖铁我也让我儿子去，我豁出去了，我们儿子这么有出息怎么能因为我们埋没他的才华呢！” 听着爸爸大义凛然的话。 “老爸，老妈，你们放心，我一定能考上的。” 我激动的说。 “长弓真乖。” 爸爸拍拍我的头。", "en": "“But Teacher Xiu, to enter the Royal Intermediate Magic Academy, a lord’s recommendation is required. We’re commoners, would they even let him take the test?” Father asked about a crucial issue. “You don’t have to worry about this issue. I have already resolved it since I have a good friend who is a viscount. I asked him to recommend Zhang Gong. Mother suddenly gave father a push and quietly whispered to father: “The Royal Intermediate Magic Academy’s tuition fee is really high though. We…..” “I’m willing to sacrifice everything I have and throw caution to the wind in order to let my son go. How could we bury our son’s talents?” Hearing my father’s inspirational words, I felt that mother and father’s expectations of me are unexpectedly high. “Father, mother, be at ease, I will surely pass the entrance exam.” I emotionally said. Shortly after saying this, I regretted it. “Zhang Gong truly is well-behaved.” Father patted my head."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "强化网络安全产业供需对接。加强网络安全技术创新，推动构建先进完备的网络安全产品体系。创新网络安全服务。模式，健全网络安全公共服务体系，鼓励企业从提供网络安全产品向产品和服务并重转变。加大新型基础设施安全需求场景化应用，加快推动5G、工业互联网、车联网、物联网、智慧城市等重点领域网络安全解决方案部署。加强网络安全创新示范应用。深化开展网络安全技术应。用试点示范，遴选优秀安全技术、产品、服务及解决方案并推动落地应用，打造安全技术产品和解决方案资源池。健全网络安全产品评价体系，创新“安全+行业”、“安全+区域”服务模式。打造网络安全卓越验证示范中心，支持建设网络安全创新应用先进示范区，引领促进网络安全产品服务规模化应用。繁荣网络安全产业生态。统筹国家网络安全产业园区布局，支持建设网络安全公共服务平台，形成“多点支撑、辐射全国、协同发展”的园区发展格局，推动网络安全产业集聚发展。强化网络安全企业的主体地位，优化产业政策环境，打造一批“专精尖”网络安全特色企业。加强网络安全产融合作，加强创新型、应用型、技能型网络安全人才培养，充分发挥联盟协会作用，完善网络安全产业生态。专栏19网络安全技术产业生态培育工程。", "en": "Strengthen the integration of supply and demand in the network security industry. Enhance technological innovation in network security and promote the construction of an advanced and comprehensive network security product system. Innovate network security services and improve the public service system for network security. Encourage companies to shift from providing network security products to a focus on both products and services. Increase the application of security solutions in new infrastructure security scenarios, and accelerate the deployment of network security solutions in key areas such as 5G, industrial internet, connected vehicles, Internet of Things, and smart cities. Strengthen the demonstration and application of network security innovation. Deepen pilot demonstrations of network security technology applications, select excellent security technologies, products, services, and solutions, and promote their implementation to create a resource pool of security technology products and solutions. Improve the network security product evaluation system and innovate the security + industry and security + regional service models. Establish a network security excellence verification demonstration center, support the construction of advanced demonstration areas for network security innovation applications, and lead the scale application of network security products and services. Promote the prosperity of the network security industry ecosystem. Coordinate the layout of national network security industrial parks, support the construction of public service platforms for network security, and form a development pattern of multiple support, nationwide radiation, and coordinated development in the parks to promote the concentration and development of the network security industry. Strengthen the leading position of network security enterprises, optimize the industrial policy environment, and cultivate a group of specialized and outstanding network security companies. Strengthen the integration of network security and finance, enhance the cultivation of innovative, applied, and skilled network security talents, fully leverage the role of alliances and associations, and improve the network security industry ecosystem. Column 19: Ecological Cultivation Project for Network Security Technology Industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Central Banking’s Next Act LONDON – When US Federal Reserve Chair Jay Powell delivered his major speech at the Jackson Hole conference of central bankers last month, setting out the results of a yearlong review of the Fed’s monetary policy framework, he had stars in his eyes. Not the twinkly kind, but rather the notation that encapsulates the Fed’s views of interest rates, and unemployment. R-star is the equilibrium real interest rate, while u-star is the natural rate of unemployment. Both stars seem to have been falling in recent years, and, unlike in the old song, the Fed has had trouble catching them. Since 2012, when the Fed last restated its policy objectives, the Federal Open Market Committee’s members believe, on average, that r-star has fallen from 4.25% to 2.5%, while the median estimate of u-star has dropped from 5.5% to 4.1%. These declines have been associated with what Powell himself calls a “persistent undershoot of inflation from our 2% longer-term objective.” They have found that lower inflation expectations and lower interest rates have meant that the Fed has found itself at the effective lower bound for interest rates for long periods, implying less flexibility to stimulate demand when necessary. One consequence is that annual inflation in the United States has averaged only 1.75% over the last decade, and has undershot the target 63% of the time. The consequence is what Powell’s predecessor, Janet Yellen, calls “a pretty subtle shift” in policy, but one that could be critical over time.", "zh": "中央银行的下一步行动 伦敦—当美联储主席杰伊·鲍威尔上个月在杰克逊霍尔中央银行家会议上发表重要讲话时，他展示着对美联储货币政策框架长达一年的评估结果，眼中仿佛含有“星星 ” 。 不是天上闪烁的那种，而是美联储衡量利率和失业率的符号。 R星为均衡实际利率，U星为自然失业率。 近年来，这两颗“明星”似乎都在陨落，而且，与老歌中所唱的不同，美联储很难抓住它们，让他们不再下滑。 自2012年美联储上一次重申其政策目标以来，联邦公开市场委员会(Federal Open Market Committee)的成员认为，平均而言，均衡实际利率的估值已从4.25%降至2.5 % ， 而自然失业率的估值中值已从5.5%降至4.1 % 。 这些下降与鲍威尔自己所说的“通货膨胀持续低于我们2%的长期目标”有关。 他们发现，较低的通胀预期和较低的利率水平意味着，美联储发现自己长期处于实际利率较低的区间，说明在必要时刺激需求的灵活性减弱。 其结果之一是，在过去十年中，美国的年通胀率平均只有1.75 % ， 低于63%的目标。 上一任美联储主席珍妮特·耶伦(Janet Yellen)称其结果是政策上的“非常微妙的转变 ” ， 但随着时间的推移，这可能是至关重要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Once the past bear markets were identified, it was time to assess stock valuations prior to them, using an indicator that my Harvard colleague John Y. Campbell and I developed in 1988 to predict long-term stock-market returns. The cyclically adjusted price-to-earnings (CAPE) ratio is found by dividing the real (inflation-adjusted) stock index by the average of ten years of earnings, with higher-than-average ratios implying lower-than-average returns. Our research showed that the CAPE ratio is somewhat effective at predicting real returns over a ten-year period, though we did not report how well that ratio predicts bear markets. This month, the CAPE ratio in the US is just above 30. That is a high ratio. Indeed, between 1881 and today, the average CAPE ratio has stood at just 16.8. Moreover, it has exceeded 30 only twice during that period: in 1929 and in 1997-2002. But that does not mean that high CAPE ratios aren’t associated with bear markets. On the contrary, in the peak months before past bear markets, the average CAPE ratio was higher than average, at 22.1, suggesting that the CAPE does tend to rise before a bear market. Moreover, the three times when there was a bear market with a below-average CAPE ratio were after 1916 (during World War I), 1934 (during the Great Depression), and 1946 (during the post-World War II recession). A high CAPE ratio thus implies potential vulnerability to a bear market, though it is by no means a perfect predictor.", "zh": "一旦过去的熊市被定义，就可以开始使用我的哈佛同事约翰·Y·坎贝尔（John Y. Campbell）和我于1988年开发的预测长期股票市场回报指标来评估在那些时期之前的股票估值水平了。 通过将实际（计入通胀后的）股票指数除以十年的平均收益水平，可以计算出周期调整后的市盈率比率，而如果该比率高于平均水平则意味着低于平均水平的回报。 尽管我们没有报告这个比率预测熊市的能力，但研究表明该比率对预测十年期间的实际收益是有一定效果的。 就在本月，美国的周期调整后市盈率比率刚刚超过30，也是个很高的数字。 事实上，从1881年至今的平均周期调整后市盈率比率只有16.8，在此期间超过30的只有两段时间：1929年和1997 ~2002年。 但这并不意味着高周期调整后市盈率比率与熊市无关。 相反，在熊市前的高点月份平均比率都会高于平均水平，在22.1的水平，表明该比率在熊市前趋向于上升。 不过在1916年后（一战 ） ， 1934年（大萧条时期）和1946年（二战后衰退时期）也出现过3次比率低于平均水平的熊市。 因此尽管它决不是完美的预测指标，但高比率也预示着熊市的潜在可能性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Poverty Is Also a Psychosocial Problem BRIGHTON – Being poor is a highly shameful experience, degrading one’s dignity and sense of self-worth. While the manifestations and causes of poverty differ, the humiliation that accompanies it is universal. Recent research conducted at the University of Oxford found that from China to the United Kingdom, people facing economic hardship – even children – experience a nearly identical assault on their pride and self-esteem. Yet, despite the clear evidence linking poverty to psychological distress, policies tacking poverty do not typically take shame into account. Rather, poverty reduction efforts tend to focus on tangible manifestations of deprivation such as lack of income or education. As a result, solutions to poverty often implicitly assume that more material wealth or improved living conditions will automatically translate into non-tangible benefits, including improved mental wellbeing. This lack of focus on the “psychosocial” side of poverty – the interaction between social forces and individual attitude or behavior – is misguided. If we are to alleviate human suffering and achieve the UN’s premier Sustainable Development Goal of ending poverty “in all its forms” by 2030, addressing the intrinsic and instrumental roles that shame plays in poverty must be front and center in our efforts. The crippling sense of dishonor that accompanies poverty, and impedes people from taking positive action to improve their situation, has been seen around the world. In India, the shame associated with crop losses and financial stress has pushed farmers to substance abuse and, in extreme cases, suicide.", "zh": "贫困也是社会心理问题 布莱顿—贫穷是非常可耻的经历，它吞噬人的尊严和自我价值感。 贫穷的表现和根源各异，但其所带来的耻辱则放之四海而皆准。 牛津大学的最新研究发现，从中国到英国，面临经济困境的人，即使他只是儿童，也会经历几乎相同的对骄傲和自尊的打击。 但是，尽管有清楚的证据表明贫困与心理压力有关，但扶贫政策通常并不会考虑到耻辱因素。 相反，扶贫措施常常注重无形的形式，如缺少收入或教育。 结果，减贫方案常常间接假定只要提高物质财富、改善生活条件，就能自动带来包括精神福利改善在内的无形收益。 对贫困的“社会心理”面 — — 即社会力量和个体态度或行为之间的互动 — — 关注不够起到了误导作用。 如果我们想要减少人道痛苦，实现联合国的最重要的可持续发展目标 — — 到2030年消灭“一切形式”的贫困，就必须将解决羞耻在贫困问题上所扮演的内在和积极的角色作为核心。 伴随贫困而生的羞辱感会造成严重后果，阻碍人们采取积极行动改善境况。 这种现象全世界随处可见。 在印度，因庄稼歉收和财务压力而导致的羞耻感让农民陷入药物滥用，在极端情形甚至可能发生自杀。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The early post-crisis enthusiasm for new, globally agreed regulatory standards has given way to a range of national initiatives, driven by domestic political agendas, with little regard for cross-border compatibility. More problematic, the peer-review procedures that have been introduced so far will do little, if anything, to resolve the problem. Nor do the memoranda of understanding drawn up by national financial regulators offer hope of salvation. According to the FMLC paper, “they are usually the subject of interpretative disagreement, are not legally binding, do not benefit from any binding dispute-resolution mechanisms, and do not prevent national authorities from acting unilaterally.” So what can be done? The FMLC makes four important recommendations. First, the Financial Stability Board should help to reduce avoidable inconsistencies across countries by propagating a set of high-level principles to which all member countries would be expected to conform when introducing new regulations. Indeed, the need for such principles should have been recognized in 2009, when the wave of re-regulation began. Second, to address existing regulatory conflicts, the FMLC recommends establishing a “conflict of regulation” framework to determine which legal regime – that of a global firm’s home country or that of its local subsidiary’s host country – has jurisdiction in a specific cross-border dispute. The alternative of relying on a third-party multilateral organization to act as mediator in such disputes, the report explains, has little support from G-20 countries. Third, the FMLC proposes expanding the Financial Stability Board’s mandate.", "zh": "危机爆发之初对全球一致监管标准的热情已经变成了各自为政的国家监管政策，这些政策受国内政治日程推动，毫不顾及跨国兼容性。 问题更大的是，目前所引入的同行评议程序对于解决问题几乎没有作用。 国家金融监管机构之间所签订的谅解备忘录也没有带来多少希望。 根据FMLC论文 ， “ 它们往往沦为解释不同问题，不具有法律约束力，无法从有约束力的纠纷解决机制中获益，也无法防止国家当局实行单边行动。 那么我们可以做些什么？ FMLC提出了四点重要建议。 首先，金融稳定委员会应该宣传一系列所有成员国在引入新监管措施时都会遵从的高级别原则，以此协助减少跨国不一致性。 事实上，这类原则的必要性在2009年监管潮复起时就应该被认识到。 其次，要解决当前的监管冲突，FMLC建议成立“监管冲突“框架以决定哪种法律机制 — — 以跨国企业的母国为准还是以当地分支所在国为准 — — 对具体的跨境纠纷拥有司法权。 FMLC报告解释道，替代方案 — — 依靠第三方多边组织作为这类纠纷的调停者 — — 得不到G-20国家的支持。 第三，FMLC建议扩大金融稳定委员会的权限。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Middle East Integration The attempts now being made to revive the “road map” to a final settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the creation of a Palestinian state are at only a preliminary stage. The recent international conference in London, aimed at supporting reforms in the Palestinian Authority and shoring up support for renewed negotiations with Israel, is one of those preliminary efforts. I suggest, however, that it is not mediation that is needed: what the Palestinians need now are partners. In their conflict with Israel, their natural and historical partner has always been Jordan. That partnership was never broken. Articles 3 and 8 of Jordan’s peace treaty with Israel refer explicitly to the refugee problem as one of the major issues still to be resolved, as well as citing the unresolved status of trans-border arrangements and of Jerusalem. Jordan is not outside the peace process, but an essential part of it. The original road map sketched out at the Madrid Conference in 1991 envisaged two stages: the final settlement of disputes between the Palestinians and Israel, and the permanent settlement of regional conflicts. Jordan’s participation in both stages is crucial. Indeed, the interests of the inhabitants of the three areas – Palestine, Jordan, and Israel – are so intertwined that their representatives will have no choice but to come to terms with one another if negotiations are to succeed.", "zh": "中东整合 当前，为重新恢复“路线图” 以最终解决巴以冲突以及巴勒斯坦建国所作的努力 还仅仅停留在初级阶段。 最近在伦敦举行的以支持巴勒斯坦政权改革以及与以色列恢复谈判为目的的国际会议，就是初级阶段的努力之一。 尽管那并非必需的调解之道，我还是建议：巴勒斯坦目前需要的是合作伙伴。 在与以色列的冲突中，约旦一直是他们的历史伙伴。 这种合作关系从未有过破裂。 约旦与以色列签署的和平条约的第三和第八条款明确将难民问题作为一个主要的亟需解决的问题，同时还引证了越国界管理和耶路撒冷未解决的状况。 在和平进程中，约旦并非置身事外，而是其中必不可少的一部分。 1994年马德里会议拟定的路线图草图设想了中东和平的两个阶段：最终解决巴以争端，以及实现地区永久性和平。 约旦在这两个阶段中的参与都显得至关重要。 事实上，巴勒斯坦、约旦和以色列这三个地区的居民的利益是如此紧密相连，以至于如若希望谈判成功的话，他们的代表除了彼此达成协议别无他法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "President Joe Biden’s administration has announced that it is reviewing the deal to determine whether the Taliban is “living up to its commitments.” The Biden administration must also decide what to do about America’s NATO allies, which together have substantially more forces in Afghanistan than the US does. And – as the post-Soviet experience indicates – it must devise a plan for influencing the situation in the country and region after the withdrawal. The challenge is formidable. Afghanistan is one of the world’s poorest countries. Today, the Afghan state’s income amounts to little more than a third of what the US pays only to sustain its various security forces, to say nothing of US aid to the civilian sector (which, to be sure, amounts to less than half Europe’s contributions). In fact, Afghanistan has depended on outside support to sustain its statehood since Russia and Britain played their “Great Game” in the nineteenth century. As it stands, the US seems to be leaning toward maintaining some sort of security presence, focused on fighting the terrorists of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (ISIS), beyond the May deadline. German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas has advocated this approach. But there are risks. The Taliban could reject this solution, leading to an intensification of fighting and renewed attacks on international forces. Zalmay Khalilzad, the US Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation, is most likely already working to assess this risk. The Taliban’s acceptance of a continued security presence may depend on progress in the intra-Afghan talks, though no one seems to have a clear vision for a power-sharing agreement. The gap between today’s Islamic Republic and the Taliban’s desired Islamic Emirate is wide, and narrowing it will require a recalibration of the diplomatic process concerning Afghanistan. To that end, regional powers – including Iran, Russia, and China – should be engaged in all talks about the country’s future, with one or two also taking a more active role in facilitating the intra-Afghan political dialogue. In this process, managing the dynamics between India and Pakistan, for which developments in Afghanistan hold profound national-security implications, will undoubtedly emerge as a key challenge. Indeed, at the moment Russia is taking the initiative in this regard.", "zh": "乔·拜登总统政府已经宣布正在审查这项协议，以确定“塔利班的承诺是否已经履行 。 ” 拜登政府还必须确定如何对待北约盟国，上述盟国加在一起在阿富汗拥有比美国多得多的兵力。 而且 — — 后苏联时代的经验表明 — — 美国必须制定一项计划，在撤军后继续影响该国和地区局势。 这项挑战十分艰巨。 阿富汗是世界最贫困的国家之一。 今天，阿富汗国家收入仅相当于美国用于维持其各种安全部队费用的1/3，而且，美国对民间部门的援助还不包括在内（可以肯定，欧洲所贡献的援助超过美国的两倍 ） 。 事实上，自从俄罗斯和英国19世纪开始所谓“大博弈”以来，阿富汗就一直依赖外界支持来维持其国家地位。 从目前的情况看，美国似乎倾向于在5月最后期限到来后仍维持一定程度的安全存在，重点放在打击基地组织和伊斯兰国（ISIS）恐怖分子。 德国外长海科·马亚斯一直主张采用这样的策略。 但这样做同样有风险。 塔利班可能会拒绝这一方案，从而导致战斗加剧，并重新开始袭击国际部队。 美国负责阿富汗和解事务的特别代表扎勒迈·哈利勒扎德很可能已经在评估这种风险。 塔利班能否接受安全部队继续留在阿富汗或许取决于阿富汗国内谈判所取得的进展，尽管似乎根本没有人明确设想过权力分享协议。 今天的伊斯兰共和国和塔利班所设想的伊斯兰酋长国之间差异甚大，而缩小这一差异则需要重新调整有关阿富汗的外交进程。 要想实现这一目标，地区强国 — — 包括伊朗、俄罗斯和中国在内 — — 应当参与有关阿富汗未来的所有谈判，其中某一两个国家还应当在推动阿富汗内部政治对话方面发挥更加积极的作用。 在谈判过程中，管理印度和巴基斯坦之间的动态无疑将成为一项关键的挑战，因为阿富汗国内事态发展对上述两国实现国家安全影响深远。 事实上，俄罗斯现在正在这方面采取行动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "My work provides a new and coherent approach to macroeconomics that explains how a lack of confidence can lead to persistent unemployment. It supports the purchase of equities by central banks to reduce asset-price volatility, restore the value of wealth, and prevent a future market crash. When businessmen and women are afraid, they stop investing in real assets. Lack of confidence is reflected in low and volatile asset values. The environment of fear that arises has little to do with bad government policies, although bad policy may exacerbate the situation. Businessmen and women become afraid that stocks, and the values of the machines and factories that back those stocks, may fall further. Fear feeds on itself, and the prediction that stocks will lose value becomes self-fulfilling. The 2008 recession was triggered by the collapse of a real-estate bubble. Housing wealth in the US has fallen by 34% since its peak in 2006, and is still declining. The stock market fell by almost 50% from its 2007 peak and remains down by nearly a third. This enormous loss of wealth caused a large and persistent drop in consumption demand, which has led to an increase in unemployment. Until we are willing to explore new solutions, the misery experienced by millions of unemployed workers will continue. A quantitative-easing policy in which a central bank buys risky assets can prevent price fluctuations and restore the value of financial wealth. These purchases would need Treasury support, since this tactic is in effect a fiscal policy, not a monetary policy.", "zh": "我的研究提出了一种崭新且一致的宏观经济学观点，可以解释信心缺失为何会导致持久失业。 该观点支持央行买入股票以降低资产价格波动、重塑财富价值并防止市场进一步崩溃。 当商界人士感到恐惧的时候，他们就会停止投资实物资产。 信心缺失将反映在资产价值的低水平和高波动上。 恐惧氛围的产生与政府政策失当并无多少关系，不过后者可能会使情况进一步恶化。 商界人士担心，股票以及支撑股票的设备和厂房的价值会越跌越深。 恐惧是一种自强化过程，股票价值会下跌将成为自我实现的预言。 2008年衰退的触发因素是地产泡沫的破灭。 在美国，住房财富从2006年峰值下跌了34 % ， 且还在进一步下跌。 股市从2007年峰值下跌了近50 % ， 至今距离前高仍有三分之一的距离。 如此大幅度的财富缩水造成了消费需求剧烈且持久的疲软，从而导致了失业的增加。 除非我们愿意尝试新解决方案，否则的话，几百万失业工人将继续在痛苦中挣扎。 央行买入风险资产的量化宽松政策可以防止价格波动、重塑金融财富价值。 政府的买入行为需要财政部的支持，因为这一策略本质上是财政政策而非货币政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This time France stood firm, with Prime Minister Manuel Valls saying that to retreat one inch would be to hand victory to the militants. Gourdel was beheaded. The pressure on governments to pay ransoms, or at least facilitate the payment of ransoms by families desperate to save their loved ones’ lives, is understandable. It is an application of the so-called “Rule of Rescue”: our perceived duty to spend almost any amount to save an identifiable victim, such as a trapped miner, an injured mountain climber, or an extremely premature baby. We are far less willing to invest in saving lives when the victims cannot be identified in advance, even when the number of lives saved would be higher – for example, by providing better road safety or education in preventive health measures. The Rule of Rescue should be understood as a rule about human psychology, not about morality. Applying it can seem justifiable if we put ourselves in the position of a captive, or imagine that our child, parent, or spouse has been captured by terrorists who make a credible offer to release our loved one for a ransom. But this argument trades on our inability to put ourselves in the position of any of the larger number of people killed by the Islamic State and other terrorist groups. They have become victims only because the estimated $125 million in ransom money paid to such groups over the past six years has enabled them to arm more militants to carry out lethal attacks. We ought to use our resources to save the most lives; and, overall, paying ransoms is likely to lead to more lives being lost. Moreover, the additional military strength that terrorists gain from ransom revenue is not the only harm caused by paying ransoms. Ransoming one Western hostage creates an incentive for militants to capture another. Graeme Wood, a journalist who spent four years working in the Middle East, notes that journalists in dangerous areas were always at risk of being kidnapped or killed for ideological reasons; but it does not help that a Western journalist could be worth millions of dollars, a sum he calls “universally motivating.”", "zh": "这一回法国表现得十分坚定，总理瓦尔斯表示，退后一英寸就意味着将胜利拱手让给了伊斯兰国。 古德尔最后被斩首了。 向政府施压支付赎金，或至少方便急切地希望拯救爱人生命的家人支付赎金是可以理解的。 这是对所谓“救援规则 ” （ Rule of Rescue）的应用：我们感到有责任倾尽所有拯救可证明身份的受害者，比如被困矿工、受伤登山者或极早产儿。 如果受害者无法事先确认身份，我们花血本拯救生命的意愿就会小得多，即使被拯救的生命数量会大得多 — — 比如提供更好的道路安全设施或预防性卫生手段教育。 救援规则应该被理解为人类心理学规则，而不是道德规则。 使用这一规则看起来相当合理，如果我们将自己置于被绑架者的处境，或想象我们的孩子、父母或配偶被恐怖分子绑架并且获得交钱放人的可信条件的话。 但这一观点的要害在于我们无法将我们自身置于更大数量被伊斯兰国和其他恐怖组织杀害的人的处境上。 他们之所以成为受害者，完全是因为过去六年所支付的大约1.25亿美元赎金让伊斯兰国能够武装更多的军人实施致命袭击。 我们应该用我们的资源拯救最多的生命；而总体而言，支付赎金可能导致更多的生命损失。 此外，恐怖分子得到赎金收入从而增加军事强度并非支付赎金所造成的唯一伤害。 为一名西方人质支付赎金形成了一种激励，刺激伊斯兰国绑架另一名人质。 在中东工作了四年的记者格赖姆·伍德（Graeme Wood）指出，危险地区的记者总是存在因意识形态原因而遭到绑架或杀害的风险；但这并不意味着一名西方记者价值数百万美元，他认为这一数字“谁都会眼红 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As in the issue of the militarization of the intifada, this is not a simple matter, as it concerns forces outside the control of Abbas and his government. Nevertheless, internal policies will be of grave importance. The day-to-day lives – and livelihoods – of Palestinians need immediate improvement. The Israeli-built wall to the west of the West Bank means that Palestinian unemployment will continue to rise and living standards will continue to drop. To counter this, Abbas will have to seek external Arab and international support. The real need is to encourage investment, primarily from Palestinians and Arabs. But this is unlikely without major legal and administrative reforms, and, more generally, good governance and ironclad application of the rule of law. The key to establishing civil order is peace. No matter how persuasive Abbas is in convincing radical groups to put down their arms, a unilateral ceasefire will not last long if it is not mutual. The role of the Israeli occupation forces will thus be crucial in determining the success of Abbas’s daunting mission. Indeed, the task that Abbas faces will become impossible if the Israeli policy of “targeted killings” is allowed to continue while Palestinian leaders are working seriously to put an end to acts of violence against Israelis. Ultimately, the main agenda for the new Palestinian president in negotiations with Israel will be to push the Israelis to make good on their repeated international assurances that a viable contiguous Palestinian state is a realistic goal in the near future. But if left to Israelis and Palestinians alone, the goal of Palestinian independence within the 1967 borders of Palestine will most likely remain out of reach. The international community, lead by the United States, must invest effort and political capital to realize this goal. The new Palestinian president faces a challenging agenda and high popular expectations. Much will depend on how Abbas handles himself and how he governs. But the ultimate question is what Israel and the international community will do if Abbas fulfills his pledge to end anti-Israeli violence and apply the rule of law in a functioning democracy. Palestinians have chosen; now the world must do so as well.", "zh": "反抗运动军事化并非易事，因为这涉及到超出阿巴斯和他的政府势力范围之外的力量。 然而，对内政策极为重要。 巴勒斯坦人民每天的生活和生计需要立即改善。 以色列在约旦河西岸西面建墙意味着巴勒斯坦的失业率将继续上升，生活水平持续下降。 考虑到这点，阿巴斯将不得不寻求阿拉伯以外的国际社会的支持。 真正需要的是鼓励人们投资，主要是巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯人。 但是如果没有法律和行政改革，广而言之，没有良好的执政能力和严格的法制监管，吸引投资是不可能的。 建立社会秩序的关键是和平。 无论阿巴斯在劝说激进组织放下武器时多有说服力，如果停火不是双边的，那么单边停火也不会持续很久。 阿巴斯肩负令人畏惧的任务，它成功的关键在于以色列占领军队扮演的角色。 确实，如果以色列的“定点清除计划”继续得以实行而巴勒斯坦领导人着手制止抵抗以色列的暴力事件，阿巴斯面对的就是不可能完成的使命。 最后，巴勒斯坦领导人与以色列谈判时主要的任务就是催促以色列履行它们反复向国际社会做出的保证，即完成在不远的将来在其边界建立一个切实可行的巴勒斯坦国的目标。 但是如果把这一问题仅仅丢给以色列和巴勒斯坦，那么巴勒斯坦在其1967年的边界内独立的目标将会遥不可及。 以美国为首的国际社会必须为这一目标付出努力和政治资本。 新一届巴勒斯坦主席面临着极富挑战的任务和民众很高的期望。 这得看阿巴斯如何把握自己、如何执政。 但最终的问题是如果阿巴斯履行承诺 — — 制止抵抗以色列的暴力事件，并且在一个运作正常的民主国家内实行依法治国，那么以色列和国际社会将会做什么呢？ 巴勒斯坦人民已经做出选择，现在轮到国际社��了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mission Sustainable Development NEW YORK – Sixty years ago next May, President John F. Kennedy put the United States on a mission to the future. “I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the moon and returning him safely to the earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish.” Our generation’s moonshot is sustainable development on Earth. We have already set the goals, but not yet embraced the challenges in full. In two pivotal moments in late 2015, all of the world’s governments unanimously adopted the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Paris climate agreement. The world pledged to end extreme poverty, ensure universal health care, and provide education for all children by 2030; countries would decarbonize the world’s energy system to head off the dire risks of human-induced climate change. A subsequent scientific report in 2018 indicated that the goal of limiting warming to 1.5°C requires meeting the latter goal by mid-century. These bold goals are no less achievable than the moonshot, which the US accomplished on Kennedy’s original timeline, in July 1969. The US moonshot in fact illuminates how to achieve bold goals such as the 17 SDGs and the needed energy transformation. The moonshot was a “mission” with organizational attributes – ably described by historian Douglas Brinkley in his study American Moonshot – that were vital to its success. It had a clear goal and timeline, and a rigorous plan based on both. NASA, the US space agency, devised a three-act mission, including the single-astronaut Mercury flights, the two-astronaut Gemini flights, and the three-astronaut Apollo flights that ultimately went to the moon and back. And there was a national commitment to an integrated public-private program, ultimately involving some 20,000 private companies and 400,000 workers across the US.", "zh": "可持续发展使命 纽约—60年前的明年5月，肯尼迪总统在美国肩上承担了一项未来使命。 “我相信，这个民族应当在这个10年结束前，致力于实现将人类送上月球并安全返回地面的目标。 在此期间，没有任何太空项目能给人类留下更为深刻的印象，抑或对太空的长期探索意义更为重要；也没有任何项目实现起来更加艰巨或昂贵 。 ” 而我们这一代人的登月之旅是地球上的可持续发展计划。 我们已经制定了目标，但目标所带来的挑战我们却尚未完全接受。 在2015年下半年的两大关键时刻，世界各国政府一致通过了巴黎气候协定和17项可持续发展目标（SDGs ） 。 世界承诺，截止2030年消除极端贫困、确保全民医疗，并且为所有儿童提供教育；各国将实现世界能源系统脱碳，以防止由人为引发气候变化的严峻风险发生。 随后发表于 2018年的一份科学报告指出，将全球升温控制在1.5℃以内需要在本世纪中叶之前达到后一个目标。 上述大胆目标并不比登月计划更难实现，1969年7月，美国按照肯尼迪的原定计划实现了登月的目标。 美国登月计划实际向世人证明，如何实现包括17项可持续发展目标及其所需能源转型在内的雄心勃勃的设定目标。 登月计划的“任务”具有机构属性 — — 就像历史学家道格拉斯·布林克利在其研究报告美国登月计划 中所准确描述的那样 — — 而上述机构属性对计划的成功起到了至关重要的作用。 计划有明确的目标和时间表，并基于上述两者制定了严格的推进步骤。 美国宇航局（NASA）设计了一套分三步走的飞行计划，包括由单一宇航员完成水星飞行，由双宇航员配合完成双子座飞行，以及由三名宇航员共同完成最终登月并返回的阿波罗任务。 当时全国致力于一项统一的公私合营计划，最终涉及全美约2万家私人企业和40万名员工。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Will Technology Kill Convergence? WASHINGTON, DC – At last week’s annual meetings of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund in Lima, Peru, one topic that dominated discussions was the slowdown in emerging-economy growth. Hailed in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis as the new engines of the world economy, the emerging economies are now acting as a drag on global growth, and many argue that their era of rapid expansion – and their quest to achieve convergence with advanced-country income levels – is over. Are the doomsayers right? There is certainly reason for concern – beginning in China. After decades of nearly double-digit growth, China appears to be experiencing a marked slowdown – one that some argue is actually worse than official statistics indicate. As China’s growth slows, so does its demand for oil and commodities, with severe effects for other emerging economies that depend on commodity exports. Moreover, the benefits of lower commodity prices do not seem to have materialized among net importers, except perhaps India; if they have, they have been far from adequate to offset other growth-damaging forces. Meanwhile, the advanced economies are tentatively recovering from the 2008 crisis. As a result, the differential between growth in the emerging and advanced economies – aggregated from IMF data, and including Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan in the emerging group – has declined considerably. Indeed, after averaging three percentage points for two decades and rising to 4.8 percentage points in 2010, the percentage-point differential fell to 2.5 last year and is expected to amount to just 1.5 this year. The question, then, is whether the growth differential will remain as low at it is today. Those who believe that it will, typically rely on three arguments, all of which require some qualification. First, they argue that much convergence has already taken place in manufacturing. This is true, but it neglects the increasing interconnectedness of manufacturing and services, and the changing nature of many services. An iPad, for example, must not just be built; it also needs coding services. In a sense, it is actually more the product of the modern services sector than of manufacturing.", "zh": "技术会扼杀趋同吗？ 华盛顿—在上周世界银行和国际货币基金组织（IMF）在秘鲁利马举行的年会上，一个主导了讨论过程的话题是新兴经济体增长放缓。 2008年金融危机爆发后，新兴经济体被誉为世界经济体的新增长引擎，但如今，新兴经济体成了全球增长的拖累因素，许多人认为，它们的快速扩张期已经结束，它们对实现向发达国家收入水平趋同的努力也已经结束。 这些末日论者说得对吗？ 当然，担忧的理由是存在的 — — 从中国开始。 在经历了几十年的近两位数的增长后，中国似乎开始经历显著放缓 — — 有人认为放缓幅度之大实际比官方统计数字更加糟糕。 随着中国增长的放缓，其对石油和大宗商品的需求也放缓了，这给其他依赖大宗商品出口的新兴经济体造成了严重影响。 此外，大宗商品价格下跌的好处并没有体现在净出口国身上（也许印度是个例外 ） ， 即使获得了好处，也远不足以抵消其他不利于增长的力量。 与此同时，发达经济体正在从2008年的危机小心翼翼地复苏。 结果，新兴和发达经济体之间的增长差异 — — 据IMF数据加总，香港、新加坡、韩国和台湾被归为新兴经济体组 — — 显著收缩。 事实上，二十年来，这一差异平均值为三个百分点，2010年上升到4.8个百分点，去年下降到2.5个百分点，今年预计将继续下降到1.5个百分点。 因此，问题是这一增长差异是否会保持在今天那么低的水平。 相信答案是肯定的人通常基于三个原因，这三个原因都值得商榷。 首先，他们认为趋同的大部分发生在制造业。 确实如此，但他们忽视了制造业和服务业日益互通的趋势和许多服务业性质的变化。 比如，一个iPad不仅仅包括制造过程，还需要编程服务。 从某种程度讲，iPad实际上更多地是现代服务业产品，而不是制造品。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Intellectual-Property Rights and Wrongs Last October, the General Assembly of the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) decided to consider what a development-oriented intellectual property regime might look like. The move was little noticed, but, in some ways, it was as important as the World Trade Organization’s decision that the current round of trade negotiations be devoted to development. Both decisions acknowledge that the current rules of the international economic game reflect the interests of the advanced industrial countries – especially of their big corporations – more than the interests of the developing world. Without intellectual property protection, incentives to engage in certain types of creative endeavors would be weakened. But there are high costs associated with intellectual property. Ideas are the most important input into research, and if intellectual property slows down the ability to use others’ ideas, then scientific and technological progress will suffer. In fact, many of the most important ideas – for example, the mathematics that underlies the modern computer or the theories behind atomic energy or lasers – are not protected by intellectual property. Academics spend considerable energy freely disseminating their research findings. I am pleased when someone uses my ideas on asymmetric information – though I do appreciate them giving me some credit. The growth of the “open source” movement on the Internet shows that not just the most basic ideas, but even products of enormous immediate commercial value can be produced without intellectual property protection. By contrast, an intellectual property regime rewards innovators by creating a temporary monopoly power, allowing them to charge far higher prices than they could if there were competition. In the process, ideas are disseminated and used less than they would be otherwise. The economic rationale for intellectual property is that faster innovation offsets the enormous costs of such inefficiencies. But it has become increasingly clear that excessively strong or badly formulated intellectual property rights may actually impede innovation – and not just by increasing the price of research. Monopolists may have much less incentive to innovate than they would if they had to compete. Modern research has shown that the great economist Joseph Schumpeter was wrong in thinking that competition in innovation leads to a succession of firms.", "zh": "知识产权及其错误 去年10月，世界知识产权组织（WIPO）成员国大会决定研究什么样的知识产权制度才有利于促进发展。 虽然未曾引起广泛的关注，但从某种意义上，这次行动的意义丝毫也不亚于世界贸易组织决定把正在进行的回合谈判核心问题界定为促进发展。 这两项决议都承认，与其说国际经济竞争现有的规则反应了发展中国家的利益，还不如说反应了先进工业国家，尤其是先进国家中大企业的利益更为妥当。 如果没有知识产权的保护，会从一定程度上削弱某些人从事特定类型的创造性研究的积极性。 但与知识产权相关的代价也不容忽视。 创意是科学研究最重要的源泉，而如果知识产权使利用他人创意速度的放缓，那么科学和技术进步会为此蒙受损失。 事实上，很多最为重要的创意¾比如作为现代计算机基础的数学或原子能或激光背后的理论¾都并未受到知识产权的保护。 研究人员花费了大量的时间精力，无偿地传播自己的研究成果。 每次有人使用我提出的信息不对称理论，都会令我感到由衷的高兴¾虽然如果他们提及我的名字，会使我感到更加高兴。 因特网上“开放代码”运动的发展表明：不仅是最基本的创意，就连具有巨大商业价值的产品都可以不受知识产权的保护而免费获得。 与此相反，知识产权体系通过赋予创新者暂时的垄断权力来对其努力进行褒奖，允许他们制定比竞争情况下高得多的价格。 在上述过程中，创意的传播速度和利用率都大打折扣。 知识产权的经济原理是技术的快速革新能够抵消人们为低效率付出的巨大代价。 但有一点越来越明晰：那就是过于强大或先天存在缺陷的知识产权可能实际上会阻碍创新¾而且阻碍的方式绝不仅仅限于增加研究成本。 垄断者对创新的积极性远远比不上竞争中那样强烈。 现代研究表明：伟大的经济学家约瑟夫·熊彼特（Joseph Schumpeter）认为创新竞争会导致公司的更替，这种想法是错误的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "程安雅继续发扬沉默是金的美德，黑鹰找了两套衣服给他们换上，因为是男人的衣服，穿在程小姐身上很是滑稽，她干脆用毛毯裹着自己。 刚换好衣服，黑鹰就告诉她，宁宁要和她说话。 程安雅激动地抢过话筒，“宝贝，是妈咪啊。” “嗨，妈咪，想宝贝儿了吗？” 小奶包坐在沙发上，满面笑意和程安雅聊天，好久没听她妈咪的声音，怪想念的。 “一点都不想。” 程安雅冷哼，露出凶狠的口气，“你也太菜了，这么晚才找到妈咪，该打。” 宁宁想到许诺，心头一窒，转而微笑，“好，宝贝接打，等回了罗马，你爱怎么打都可以，我可是很想妈咪，妈咪你也太不疼我了，鄙视你。” “反鄙视。” 程安雅大笑，担心地问，“你没受什么伤吧？”", "en": "Keeping in line with the adage that ‘silence is golden’, Cheng Anya remained silent. Black Eagle got them two sets of clothes for them to change into. As they were men’s clothes, Cheng Anya looked comical in them. She instead used a blanket and wrapped herself in them. Just as she finished changing her clothes, Black Eagle told her that Ning Ning wanted to speak to her. Cheng Anya excitedly grabbed over the headset. “Darling, Mommy’s here.” “Hi, Mommy, do you miss your darling child?” The young kid sat on the sofa as he smiled while talking to Cheng Anya. He had not heard from his mommy in a long time. He really missed her voice. “Not the slightest bit.” Cheng Anya coldly harrumphed and sounded fierce. “You are such a noob to take so long to find Mommy. You deserve a spanking.” As Ning Ning thought about Xu Nuo, he felt tightness in his chest and smiled instead. “Okay, darling me will accept the spanking. Once we are back in Rome, you can spank me however you want. But I really do miss you, Mommy. Mommy, how dare you not dote on me at all? I dislike you.” “I reject that dislike.” Cheng Anya smiled widely and asked worryingly, “Were you injured?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Coming Crisis of China’s One-Party Regime CLAREMONT – On October 1, to mark the 70th anniversary of the People’s Republic, Chinese President Xi Jinping will deliver a speech that unreservedly celebrates the Communist Party of China’s record since 1949. But, despite Xi’s apparent confidence and optimism, the CPC’s rank and file are increasingly concerned about the regime’s future prospects – with good reason. In 2012, when Xi took the reins of the CPC, he promised that the Party would strive to deliver great successes in advance of two upcoming centennials, marking the founding of the CPC in 1921 and the People’s Republic. But a persistent economic slowdown and rising tensions with the United States will likely sour the CPC’s mood during the 2021 celebrations. And the one-party regime may not even survive until 2049. While there is technically no time limit on dictatorship, the CPC is approaching the longevity frontier for one-party regimes. Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party retained power for 71 years (1929-2000); the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ruled for 74 years (1917-1991); and Taiwan’s Kuomintang held on for 73 years (from 1927 to 1949 on the mainland and from 1949 to 2000 in Taiwan). The North Korean regime, a Stalinist family dynasty that has ruled for 71 years, is China’s only contemporary competition. But historical patterns are not the only reason the CPC has to be worried. The conditions that enabled the regime to recover from the self-inflicted disasters of Maoism and to prosper over the last four decades have largely been replaced by a less favorable – and in some senses more hostile – environment. The greatest threat to the Party’s long-term survival lies in the unfolding cold war with the US. During most of the post-Mao era, China’s leaders kept a low profile on the international stage, painstakingly avoiding conflict while building strength at home. But by 2010, China had become an economic powerhouse, pursuing an increasingly muscular foreign policy. This drew the ire of the US, which began gradually to shift from a policy of engagement toward the confrontational approach evident today.", "zh": "即将到来的中国一党体制危机 克莱蒙特—10月1日，为纪念中华人民共和国成立70周年，中国国家主席习近平，将发表一番毫无保留地庆贺1949年以来中共执政记录的讲话。 但是，尽管习近平显然充满了信心和乐观，但中共基层却在日益担心体制的未来前景 — — 理应如此。 2012年，习近平开始执掌中共，他承诺党要在两个即将到来的一百年之前实现伟大成就 — — 即1921年中共成立及人民共和国成立。 但持续的经济减速和与美国的日益紧张让中国的2021年庆典蒙上了一层阴影。 而一党体制可能无法维持到2049。 从技术上来说，中共的独裁并没有时间限制，但它已经接近一党体制的生存时间记录的前沿。 墨西哥制度革命党（Institutional Revolutionary Party）掌权71年（1929—2000 ） ， 苏共掌权74年（1917—1991 ） ， 台湾国民党掌权73年（1927—1949年在大陆，1949—2000年在台湾 ） 。 斯大林主义家天下的朝鲜体制已经统治了71年，是中国仅有的现存竞争对手。 但历史规律不是中共担心的唯一原因。 在过去四十年中让中共体制从毛泽东主义自作自受的灾难中恢复的条件已基本不复存在，取而代之的是更加不利 — — 甚至可以说比较敌对 — — 的环境。 党的长期生存的最大威胁来自与美国的冷战。 在后毛泽东时代的大部分时间里，中国领导人在国际舞台上保持低调，苦心避免冲突，建设强大的国家。 但到2010年，中国已成为经济超级大国，开始采取日益“炫肌肉”的外交政策。 这让美国颇为光火，开始逐渐从接触政策转向如今显而易见的对抗方针。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "陶红英抢上前来，一把搂住了他，喜道：“好孩子，你终于来了。每天晚上，我都到这里来瞧瞧，只盼早日见到你的记号。”韦小宝道：“姑姑，有一个人想见你。”陶红英微感诧异，放开了他身子，问道：“是谁？”白衣尼站直身子，低声道：“红英，你……你还认得我么？”陶红英没想到瓦缸后另有别人，吃了一惊，退后三步，右手在腰间一摸，拔短剑在手，道：“是……是谁？”白衣尼叹了口气，道：“原来你不认得我了。”陶红英道：“我……我见不到你脸，你……你是……”白衣尼身子微侧，让月光照在她半边脸上，低声道：“你相貌也变了很多啦。”陶红英颤声道：“你是……你是……”突然间掷下短剑，叫道：“公主，是你？我……我……”扑过去抱住白衣尼的腿，伏在地上，呜咽道：“公主，今日能再见到你，我……我便即刻死了，也……也喜欢得紧。”", "en": "She ran to him and enfolded him in her arms. 'Dear boy! You're back at last! I've been coming here every night, hoping to see the sign,' 'Auntie,' said Trinket, 'I've got someone here who wants to meet you.' 'Oh?' she said releasing him, a trifle suspiciously. 'Who is it?' The White Nun stood up to her full height. 'Hongying,’ she said. 'Can you still recognize me?' Startled, for she had not realized that there was another person behind the jar, Aunt Tao retreated a few steps and drew her sword. Who are you?' she said. The White Nun sighed. 'You don't recognize me, do you?' 'I can't see your face,' said Aunt Tao. She sounded shaken. 'Are you . . . is it. . .?' The White Nun turned her face into the moonlight. 'You have changed too, Hongying,' she said sadly. 'I hardly knew you.' 'You aren't. . .?' Aunt Tao's voice was shaking. Suddenly she threw down her sword, rushed forwards, flung herself to her knees, and embraced the White Nun's legs. 'Princess,' she sobbed, 'Princess! To see you again! Oh, I could die happy this very moment!'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Under these circumstances, and with inflation subdued and interest rates on US Treasury securities far below their historical average in both nominal and real terms, the economic case for temporary fiscal measures to boost demand is compelling. Yet the US Congress, spearheaded by Republicans in the House of Representatives, appears to be heading in the opposite direction, so far failing to agree on a deal to protect the economy from much, if not all, of the $600 billion in tax increases and spending cuts – the so-called fiscal cliff – scheduled to take effect in 2013. Confusion, fear, ideology, and electoral self-interest all play a role in the readiness of many members of Congress – despite warnings from the Federal Reserve, the Congressional Budget Office, and most private forecasters – to make such an egregious mistake. First, confusion. The US faces two distinct fiscal challenges: the tax increases and spending cuts that threaten to derail the economy in 2013; and a long-term structural deficit that is likely to mean higher interest rates, less investment, and slower growth once the economy has recovered and the output gap has disappeared. Unlike the fiscal cliff, the structural deficit problem is not imminent: contrary to deficit hawks’ dire warnings, the US does not face a time-sensitive debt crisis. Although US federal debt is projected to rise at an unsustainable rate in the long term, the right solution is not fiscal belt-tightening now, but rather a credible plan to stabilize the debt/GDP ratio gradually as the economy recovers.", "zh": "在这些情况下，通胀温和，美国国债利率在名义上及实际价值上远远低于其历史平均水平，经济上极需临时财政措施来刺激需求。 然而由众议院共和党人牵头的美国国会似乎却走向了相反的方向，到目前为止未能达成一个保护美国经济免受6000亿美元增税和削减开支 — — 所谓的财政悬崖 — — 影响的协议，而这一政策定于2013年生效。 困惑、恐惧、意识形态和选举利益在很多国会成员即将 — — 尽管有来自美联储、国会预算办公室和许多私人预测机构的警告 — — 犯下的这样一个惊人错误中起着一定的作用。 首先是困惑。 美国要面对两个独特财政挑战:一是有可能危及美国2013年经济的增税和开支削减；二是一个结构性的长期赤字很可能意味着更高的利率，更少的投资，以及一旦经济恢复增长及产出缺口消失就会减速的增长。 不像财政悬崖，结构性的赤字问题并非迫在眉睫的问题：与赤字鹰派危言耸听的警告相反，美国面对的并不是一个相对紧迫的债务危机。 尽管美国联邦债务预计将以一种不能长期持续的速度上升，正确的解决方案并不是现在采取财政紧缩政策，而是随着经济复苏制定一个可靠的计划来逐渐稳定债务对GDP的比率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such polarization fuels rising inequality in the distribution of labor income, which in turn drives growth in overall income inequality – a dynamic that many economists, from David Autor to Thomas Piketty, have emphasized. As Michael Spence and I argue in a recent paper, skill-biased and labor-displacing intelligent machines and automation drive income inequality in several other ways, including winner-take-all effects that bring massive benefits to superstars and the luckiest few, as well as rents from imperfect competition and first-mover advantages in networked systems. Returns to digital capital tend to exceed the returns to physical capital and reflect power-law distributions, with an outsize share of returns again accruing to relatively few actors. Technological change, Spence and I point out, has also had another inequality-enhancing consequence: it has “turbo-charged” globalization by enabling companies to source, monitor, and coordinate production processes at far-flung locations quickly and cheaply, in order to take advantage of lower labor costs. Given this, it is difficult to distinguish between the effects of technology and the effects of globalization on employment, wages, and income inequality in developed countries. Our analysis concludes that the two forces reinforce each other, and have helped to fuel the rise in capital’s share of national income – a key variable in Piketty’s theory of wealth inequality. The April 2017 IMF World Economic Outlook reaches a similar conclusion, attributing about 50% of the 30-year decline in labor’s share of national income in the developed economies to the impact of technology. Globalization, the IMF estimates, contributed about half that much to the decline. Mounting anxiety about the potential effects of increasingly intelligent tools on employment, wages, and income inequality has led to calls for policies to slow the pace of automation, such as a tax on robots. Such policies, however, would undermine innovation and productivity growth, the primary force behind rising living standards. Rather than cage the golden goose of technological progress, policymakers should focus on measures that help those who are displaced, such as education and training programs, and income support and social safety nets, including wage insurance, lifetime retraining loans, and portable health and pension benefits.", "zh": "这种极化现象促使劳动收入分配的不平等状况加剧，从而推动了总体收入不平等的恶化 — — 许多经济学家，从大卫·诺托（Thomas Autor）到托马斯·皮凯蒂（Thomas Piketty）都着重指出了这一动向。 正如迈克尔·斯宾塞（Michael Spence）和笔者最近联合发表的一篇论文中所提到的那样，偏向技能且取代劳动力的智能机器和自动化技术正在以其他几种方式推动收入差距的扩大，其中包括为超级巨星和最幸运的一小撮人带来巨大收益的赢家通吃效应，以及网络系统中因竞争不足和先发优势而产生的租金。 数字资本的回报往往超过实物资本并呈现出幂率分布现象（power-law distribution ） ， 使绝大部分的收益再次累积到少数参与者的腰包。 我们认为技术变革还存在着另一个强化不平等的后果：它通过使企业能够快速，廉价地在相隔遥远的地点之间采购，监测和协调生产过程以利用较低的劳动力成本，从而对全球化产生了“涡轮增压式”的加速效应。 有鉴于此，也就难以区分发达国家中就业，工资和收入不均的状况究竟是源自于技术还是全球化效应。 我们的分析结论是这两股力量其实是在相互强化，并助推资本占国民收入比率的提升 — — 这也是皮凯蒂财富不均理论的一个关键变量。 2017年4月国际货币基金组织发布的《世界经济展望》也得出了类似结论，将导致劳动在各发达经济体国民收入中所占比率持续30年下滑的其中一半因素归于技术的影响，同时也将相近的另一半因素归于全球化。 人们对飞速智能化的工具对就业，工资以及收入不均的潜在影响日益感到忧虑，也因此呼吁出台某些减缓自动化步伐政策，例如对机器人征税。 但这些政策又会破坏创新和生产率的增长，而生产率增长则是生活水平提高的主要推动力。 而政策制定者对应着眼于对失业者进行扶助，比如推出教育和培训项目，收入支持和社会保障网，包括工资保险，终生再培训贷款，流动型医疗和养老金等措施。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This culminated in poor electoral results for the ruling coalition in November 1999. The Islamist party, Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), took power in the states of Kelantan and Trengganu and strongly threatened UMNO in other northern states. The personal conflict between Mahathir and Anwar thus led to an apparent rupture between Malaysia’s Islamist political forces and the modernizers of UMNO. So, once again, Mahathir felt pressure to adopt a strategy aimed at preventing Islam from becoming a tool of opposition. This impulse strongly affected his choice of a successor when he decided to step down as prime minister. His choice of Abdullah Badawi, the current prime minister, helped UMNO regain the Islamist moral high ground that the PAS had been claiming. It was the beginning of America’s global “war on terror” in 2001, however, that brought the political march of the Islamist parties to a screeching halt, as it provided an excuse for the government to crack down on the Malay right and the PAS. But this only renewed UMNO’s desire to portray itself as sufficiently Islamist. So, before stepping down, Mahathir went so far as to declare Malaysia a de facto Muslim state. Eyebrows were raised and questions were asked about the lengths to which Mahathir would go to counteract the Islamist appeal. This trend continues. One of Badawi’s first acts after taking over as prime minister in October 2003 was to introduce the concept of Islam Hadhari. This vague term was finally fleshed out with a list of ten principles in September 2004, all but one of which, however, was without religious connotations. Nevertheless, this move appeared to be all that was needed for Islam-minded voters to return to the fold of the ruling front. In the general election in March 2004 – the first since Mahathir stepped down after 22 years in power – moderate Muslims helped Abdullah Badawi to a landslide victory. The release of Anwar Ibrahim soon afterwards raised the new premier’s prestige further as a leader who could heal intra-Malay, and intra-Muslim, conflicts. Since then, Abdullah Badawi has been popularizing the concept of “Hadhari,” shaping it as a means to shift Islam’s focus from its sanctioning function to its civilizing potential and rendering it less ideological.", "zh": "1999年11月执政联盟在选举中惨遭失败标志着这种反对情绪达到了高潮。 伊斯兰党派泛伊斯兰教党（PAS）掌握了吉兰丹和丁加奴州的权力，对马来民族统一机构在北部其它各州的力量也形成了有力的挑战。 马哈蒂尔和安瓦尔之间的个人冲突就这样演变成了马来西亚伊斯兰派政治力量与马来民族统一机构改革者之间显而易见的裂痕。 就这样，马哈蒂尔再一次感到了采取措施，防止伊斯兰教成为反对派工具的巨大压力。 他决意辞去首相职务的时候，这种压力很大程度上影响了他对接班人的选择。 他最终选择的现任首相阿卜杜拉. 巴达维（Abdullah Badawi）来再次帮助马来民族统一机构赢得伊斯兰民众的爱戴，而此前这种爱戴一直为泛伊斯兰教党所独享。 2001年美国全球“反恐战争”的开始使伊斯兰政党的政治长征骤然陷入了停顿，因为它为政府镇压马来右翼和泛伊斯兰教党提供了借口。 但其结果只是再次坚定了马来民族统一机构把自己描绘成伊斯兰信徒的决心。 由此，马哈蒂尔在辞职前做出了一个大胆的决定，宣布马来西亚为事实上的穆斯林国家。 此举引起了一场轩然大波，人们纷纷质问马哈蒂尔抵制伊斯兰诉求的政策还要坚持多久。 这一潮流大有延续之势。 2003年10月巴达维就任首相后最初采取的行动就是引入了伊斯兰文明社会的概念。 2004年9月，10大原则的清单终于丰富了这个模模糊糊的概念，但其中只有一条不具备宗教的内涵。 尽管如此，此举已足以把伊斯兰教选民拉回到执政党派的怀抱之中。 2004年3月举行的大选之中¾也是执政22年的马哈蒂尔辞职后的首次选举¾温和派的穆斯林帮助阿卜杜拉. 巴达维赢得了压倒性的胜利。 不久后安瓦尔·伊伯拉罕的释放令新总理声名雀起，人们把他看作能够修复马来人和穆斯林内部冲突的杰出领袖。 从那以后，阿卜杜拉. 巴达维一直致力于推广“伊斯兰文明社会”的理念，借此将伊斯兰教的重点从偏重制裁转向强调潜移默化的教化以及淡化意识形态的功能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This time, too, however, there was no mention by name of any deep economic thinker, or of any specific economic model. Obama originally had a wonder team of economic advisers, including Lawrence Summers, Christina Romer, Austan Goolsbee, and Cass Sunstein. But they are gone now. Today, the most powerful economic adviser remaining in the White House is Gene Sperling, head of the National Economic Council (NEC), the agency created by President Bill Clinton in 1993 to serve as his main source of economic policy (somewhat shunting aside the Council of Economic Advisers). Because this position does not require Congressional approval, the president may appoint whomever he wants, without having his choice raked over the coals in the US Senate. That is why Obama could appoint the highly talented but politically unpopular Summers, the former president of Harvard University. Sperling is not nearly so well known as Summers. But his record of influence in government is striking; indeed, he has been at the pinnacle of economic-policymaking power in the US for almost a decade. He was the NEC’s deputy director from its beginning in 1993 until 1996, and its director from 1996 to 2000.", "zh": "然而这一次也不例外，没有提及任何一个资深经济思想家的名字或任何特定的经济模型。 奥巴马原来拥有一个由经济顾问组成的梦之队，包括了劳伦斯·萨默斯（Lawrence Summers ） 、 克里斯蒂娜·罗默（Christina Romer ） 、 奥斯坦·古斯比（Austan Goolsbee）以及凯斯·桑斯坦（ Cass Sunstein ） 。 不过现在他们都离开了白宫。 如今依然留在白宫且权力最大的经济顾问是吉恩·斯珀林（Gene Sperling ） — —国家经济委员会(NEC)主任，NEC是由克林顿（Bill Clinton）总统于1993年创立的机构，充当他经济政策的主要来源 — — 这在某种程度上疏远了经济顾问委员会（Council of Economic Advisers ） 。 由于这个职位的任命并不需要国会的批准，总统可以指派任何他想要的人，而不会因他的选择被美国参议院痛骂。 这就是为什么奥巴马可以任命才华横溢却在政治上不受欢迎的萨莫斯（Summers ） — —哈佛大学的前任校长。 斯珀林远没有萨莫斯那么有名。 但他在政府的影响力却是显著的；确实，他处于美国经济政策制定权的顶峰已经差不多十年了。 他曾国家经济委员会成立之初的1993年到1996年间任副主管，1996年至2000年期间升任主管。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Measuring the Costs of “Too Big To Fail” CAMBRIDGE – The idea that some banks are “too big to fail” has emerged from the obscurity of regulatory and academic debate into the broader public discourse on finance. Bloomberg News started the most recent public discussion, criticizing the benefit that such banks receive – a benefit that a study released by the International Monetary Fund has shown to be quite large. Bankers’ lobbyists and representatives dismissed the Bloomberg editorial for citing a single study, and for relying on rating agencies’ rankings for the big banks, which showed that several would have to pay more for their long-term funding if financial markets didn’t expect government support in case of trouble. In fact, though, there are about ten recent studies, not just one, concerning the benefit that too-big-to-fail banks receive from the government. Nearly every study points in the same direction: a large boost in the too-big-to-fail subsidy during and after the financial crisis, making it cheaper for big banks to borrow. But a recent research report released by Goldman Sachs argues the contrary – and deserves to be taken more seriously than previous efforts to dismiss the problem. The report concludes that, over time, big banks’ advantage in long-term funding costs relative to smaller banks has been one-third of one percentage point; that this advantage is small; that it has narrowed recently (and may be reversing); that it comes from the big banks’ efficiency and their bonds’ liquidity; and that historically it has been mostly small banks, not big ones, that have failed.", "zh": "计算“太大而不能倒”的成本 美国剑桥—有的银行“太大而不能倒”的思想发轫于晦涩的监管和学术争论，后来走进了更广阔的公共金融话题空间。 彭博新闻开启了最新的公共讨论，批评这类银行所获得的好处 — — 据IMF发布的研究，这种好处相当巨大。 银行游说团和代表人反驳彭博社社论，认为它只援引了一份研究并且依赖于评级机构对大银行的评级 — — 根据评级，如果金融市场预期政府不会在遇到麻烦时出手支持，那么一些银行将为长期融资付出更高的代价。 但是，事实上有大约十份研究（而不是一份）关注了太大而不能倒的银行从政府获得的好处。 几乎所有研究都指向同一点：在金融危机期间和之后，太大而不能倒补贴大幅增加，拉低了大银行的借贷成本。 但高盛的一份最新研究报告持有相反观点，并且值得引起比此前的反驳意见更认真的关注。 高盛的报告测算，放宽时界，大银行相对于较小银行的长期融资成本优势大约为三分之一个百分点；这一优势相当小；并且最近有所缩小（并可能逆转 ） ； 之所有有这样的优势，是因为大银行效率更高、债券流动性更好；从历史上看，倒闭的往往是小银行而不是大银行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Without changes in prevention and control, deaths from cervical cancer worldwide are projected to rise almost two-fold by 2030, to more than 430,000 per year. And now, with help from my organization, the GAVI Alliance, a public-private partnership created to improve access to new vaccines for the world’s poorest children, other low-income countries are following Rwanda’s lead. As of this year, Ghana, Kenya, Laos, Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Niger, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe have all taken steps to introduce HPV vaccines, with more countries expected to follow. G-8 countries’ generous contributions to organizations like mine show that they understand the importance of childhood immunization. But, while HPV infection rates may be falling in some of these countries, are they falling fast enough? In the US, for example, the G-8 country for which we currently have the most data, infection rates have halved in the six years since the vaccine was first introduced. Yet failure to reach the 80% coverage mark means that 50,000 American girls alive today will develop cervical cancer, as will another 4,400 girls with each year of delay. So it is worth remembering that even in wealthy countries, there is an urgent need to overcome challenges in protecting the hardest-to-reach girls, who often are at high risk of HPV infection. Overcoming these challenges is essential to reducing cervical cancer and pre-cancer rates in the coming years. Rwanda’s success should be the norm, not the exception.", "zh": "如果预防和控制状况不发生变化，到2030年全球宫颈癌死亡人数预计将增长近2倍，超过430,000人/年的规模。 现在，在弊组织全球疫苗免疫联盟（GAVI Alliance）的帮助下，提高全球最贫困儿童和其他低收入国家新疫苗接种率的公私伙伴关系正在学习卢旺达的榜样。 到今年为止，加纳、肯尼亚、老挝、马达加斯加、马拉维、莫桑比克、尼日尔、塞拉利昂、坦桑尼亚和津巴布韦都已采取措施推广HPV疫苗，后续还有更多国家会迎头赶上。 G8集团对我所在组织的慷慨捐助表明他们了解儿童免疫接种有多重要。 可尽管某些G8国家HPV感染率在下降，他们是不是还可以做的更好？ 比方说我们目前掌握最多数据的G8国家美国，首次引入疫苗以来的六年里感染率已经下降了一半。 但未能实现接种率80%的目标意味着今天活着的50,000名美国女孩今后将患上宫颈癌，每拖一年还要增加4,400人。 因此我们应当记住即使是富裕国家也急需克服困难，为接种难度最大、往往也最容易感染的女童提供保护。 要想降低未来几年宫颈癌及癌前病变的患病率，现有的困难就必须克服。 卢旺达的成功应该从特例成为常态。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China and the Afghan Endgame BEIJING – Ever since US President Barack Obama decided to begin withdrawing American troops from Afghanistan, global interest in what role (if any) China will play in determining that war-ravaged country’s future has grown dramatically. After all, China is not merely a neighbor of Afghanistan, but the world’s most important rising power – indeed, a “world power,” as Mike Mullen, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff proclaimed in Beijing this past June. If China proves itself willing to help shore up Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s administration, it will not seek to gain any immediate advantage from the withdrawal of US forces. But, despite the billions of dollars China has invested in developing Afghanistan’s natural resources, it is hard to see it undertaking a policy of broader and proactive engagement there. One reason why China is wary of assuming a bigger role in Afghanistan, despite the country’s undoubted importance for regional stability, is that America’s war there has been controversial in China from the outset. Chinese nationalists believe that the war was undertaken by the US partly in order to place its military near one of China’s most sensitive borders. Moreover, to supply its Afghan forces, the US deepened its military footprint in Central Asia by renting the Manas Air Base in Kyrgyzstan, which also shares a border with China. In the eyes of Chinese nationalists, these efforts were all the part of an American conspiracy to encircle China. Thus, Chinese nationalists can’t wait to see the back of America’s Afghan military presence. For Chinese strategic realists, any support for America’s efforts to help end the Afghan insurgency should be part of a broader China-US bargain. China might agree not to undermine America as it withdraws only if the US agrees to rethink its arms sales to Taiwan, or to pull back from its commitment to support Japan’s claims to the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands, the ownership of which China disputes. Obviously, such deals will be unwelcome in the US. Given that neither Chinese foreign-policy camp believes that it will get what it wants out of cooperating with the US, both simply want America’s withdrawal to happen as soon as possible, without concern for what Afghanistan will look like afterwards.", "zh": "中国与阿富汗残局 发自北京 — — 自美国总统奥巴马决定从阿富汗撤军以来，全球开始对中国将在这个饱经战乱之国的未来中（如果会的话）扮演何种角色兴趣大增。 毕竟中国不仅是阿富汗的邻国，还是全世界最重要的新兴势力 — — 事实上正如美国参谋长联席会议主席迈克·马伦在7月访问北京时所说那样，是一个“世界大国 ” 。 如果中国想表明自己对阿富汗卡尔扎伊政府的支持，那它将不会试图从美国撤军中攫取任何短期利益。 纵使中国在开发阿富汗自然资源方面的投资已达数十亿美元之巨，却依然难以观察到一个涵盖范围更广且更为主动的参与性政策。 而虽然中国在维护区域稳定方面的重要性无可置疑，但其之所以不愿在阿富汗承担更重要角色，就是因为其内部从一开始就对美国的这场战争有不同的看法。 民族主义者认为美国在某种程度上就是想将自己的部队安插在中国其中一个最为敏感的边境地区。 同时为了支持阿富汗美军，美国还深入中亚地区，在吉尔吉斯斯坦租用马纳斯空军基地，而该国也与中国接壤。 在这些民族主义者眼中，这一切都是美国围堵中国阴谋的一部分。 因此他们也迫切希望美国早日撤军。 而对于中国的那些战略现实主义者来说，任何协助美国结束阿富汗军事行动的行为都将成为中美更宏观交易的一部分筹码。 只要美国能重新检讨对台军售或者撤回对日本钓鱼岛/尖阁列岛主权诉求的支持，那么中国就不会在阿富汗撤军行动上做手脚。 很显然，这种交易在美国没有什么市场。 考虑到上述两大中国外交政策阵营都不相信自己能从与美国合作中得益，所以他们都单纯地希望美国尽快撤军并对撤军后的阿富汗局势漠不关心。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要动员全党全国全社会力量，坚持精准扶贫、精准脱贫，坚持中央统筹省负总责市县抓落实的工作机制，强化党政一把手负总责的责任制，坚持大扶贫格局，注重扶贫同扶志、扶智相结合，深入实施东西部扶贫协作，重点攻克深度贫困地区脱贫任务，确保到二○二○年我国现行标准下农村贫困人口实现脱贫，贫困县全部摘帽，解决区域性整体贫困，做到脱真贫、真脱贫。 （五）实施健康中国战略。 人民健康是民族昌盛和国家富强的重要标志。 要完善国民健康政策，为人民群众提供全方位全周期健康服务。 深化医药卫生体制改革，全面建立中国特色基本医疗卫生制度、医疗保障制度和优质高效的医疗卫生服务体系，健全现代医院管理制度。 加强基层医疗卫生服务体系和全科医生队伍建设。 全面取消以药养医，健全药品供应保障制度。 坚持预防为主，深入开展爱国卫生运动，倡导健康文明生活方式，预防控制重大疾病。 实施食品安全战略，让人民吃得放心。 坚持中西医并重，传承发展中医药事业。 支持社会办医，发展健康产业。", "en": "We should mobilize the energies of our whole Party, our whole country, and our whole society, and continue to implement targeted poverty reduction and alleviation measures. We will operate on the basis of a working mechanism whereby the central government makes overall plans, provincial-level governments take overall responsibility, and city and county governments ensure implementation; and we will strengthen the system for making heads of Party committees and governments at each level assume the overall responsibility for poverty alleviation. We will continue to advance poverty reduction drawing on the joint efforts of government, society, and the market. We will pay particular attention to helping people increase confidence in their own ability to lift themselves out of poverty and see that they can access the education they need to do so. We will strengthen collaboration on poverty alleviation between the eastern and western regions; and we will provide focused assistance to areas of extreme poverty. We must ensure that by the year 2020, all rural residents living below the current poverty line have been lifted out of poverty, and poverty is eliminated in all poor counties and regions. Poverty alleviation should reach those who truly need it and deliver genuine outcomes. 5. Carrying out the Healthy China initiative A healthy population is a key mark of a prosperous nation and a strong country. We will improve the national health policy, and ensure the delivery of comprehensive lifecycle health services for our people. We will deepen reform of the medicine and healthcare system, establish distinctively Chinese systems for providing basic healthcare, medical insurance, and quality and efficient healthcare services, and develop a sound modern hospital management system. We will improve community-level healthcare services, and strengthen the ranks of general practitioners. We will put an end to the practices of hospitals funding their operations with profits from overpriced drugs, and improve the system for medicine supply. We will, with emphasis on prevention, carry out extensive patriotic health campaigns, promote healthy and positive lifestyles, and prevent and control major diseases. We will initiate a food safety strategy to ensure that people have peace of mind about what they’re putting on their plates. We will support both traditional Chinese medicine and Western medicine, and ensure the preservation and development of traditional Chinese medicine. We will support the development of private hospitals and health-related industries."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋是真的吓了一跳。 她跟沈凉川结婚，马上就要一个月，两个人住在一起的时间虽然不多，但是这几天里，沈凉川从来不会招呼都不打，就冲到卫生间来的。 她咬住嘴唇，瞪大了眼睛，这男人……难道是要来跟她那啥的？ 可是她明明全身都是伤，他还想要那个样子，也太禽兽了吧！ 这个想法一出，她就更加警惕，却见沈凉川上前一步，开口：“我来帮你。” 帮她？ 帮她干嘛？ 却见他就从盆里拿起毛巾，拧了一把，接着按住了她的肩膀，“还有哪里？” 这是……要帮她擦身体？ 乔恋只感觉自己的大脑都不够用了。 这家伙……会不会对她也太好了，难道还有什么企图？ “嗯？” 沈凉川见她久久不说话，只是瞪着一双滚圆的大眼睛盯着他，虽然裹着浴巾，可是露出精致的肩膀，锁骨好看又性感。 她皮肤很白，被掐一下都能肿几天，更何况上次被打？", "en": "She had been married to Shen Liangchuan for almost a month now. Even though they had not been living under the same roof for too long a period, Shen Liangchuan had been barging into the bathroom with nary a greeting these past few days. She bit her lip and widened her eyes. Could this guy… actually be coming in here to do that with her? However, her body was clearly covered with injuries. It would be unkind of him to think of doing that with her, when she was in this state! As she thought of this, she instantly became warier of him. However, Shen Liangchuan took a step forward and said, “Let me help you.” Help her? Help her do what? He grabbed a towel from a nearby bucket, wrung it, and pressed it on her shoulders. “Where else should I rub?” Was- was he helping her to wipe her body? Qiao Lian’s head begun to hurt. This guy… was clearly too nice towards her. Was he doing this with nefarious intentions in mind? Shen Liangchuan saw that she stayed silent for a long time as she kept staring at him with those round eyes of hers. Even though he was covered with a towel, his exquisite shoulders could still be seen. His clavicle looked both attractive and sexy. Her skin was so pale that even a slight pinch could cause it to swell for a few days, let alone a beating like the one she had experienced a few days ago."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Future of Happiness, Tolerance, and Youth DUBAI – Over the past two weeks, I have heard and read many questions, comments, and news stories regarding recent changes to the government of the United Arab Emirates. Why, everyone seems to want to know, did we establish a Ministry of Happiness, Tolerance, and the Future, and why did we appoint a 22-year-old Minister of Youth? The changes reflect what we have learned from events in our region over the past five years. In particular, we have learned that failure to respond effectively to the aspirations of young people, who represent more than half of the population in Arab countries, is like swimming against the tide. Without the energy and optimism of youth, societies cannot develop and grow; indeed, they are doomed. When governments spurn their youth and block their path to a better life, they slam the door in the face of the entire society. We do not forget that the genesis of the tension in our region, the events dubbed the “Arab Spring,” was squarely rooted in the lack of opportunities for young people to achieve their dreams and ambitions. We are proud that the UAE is a young country. And we are proud of our youth. We invest in them and empower them precisely because they are our future. We believe that they are faster than us in acquiring and processing knowledge, because they have grown up with tools and techniques that we lacked at their age.", "zh": "幸福、宽容与青年的未来 迪拜 — — 过去两周来，我听到和看到了有关阿拉伯联合酋长国政府最新变革的诸多问题、评论和新闻报道。 似乎每个人都想知道我们为什么设立幸福宽容和未来部，以及我们为什么任命一位年仅22岁的青年部长？ 过去5年来我们所吸取的地区教训就反映在上述变革当中。 尤其是我们已经认识到，无法有效满足青年人的愿望就是逆潮流而行。 没有青年人所特有的活力和乐观，社会无法发展壮大；事实上，它们注定难逃厄运。 当政府抛弃年轻人，阻碍他们走上美好生活之路，他们就对整个社会关上了大门。 我们不能忘记地区紧张局势的起源，被称为“阿拉伯之春”的这起事件其根源恰恰在于青年人缺乏实现其梦想和抱负的机会。 我们骄傲阿联酋是个年轻的国家。 我们自豪地拥有如此多的年轻人。 我们投资于他们、授权与他们，恰恰因为他们是我们的未来。 我们相信，他们能比我们更快地学习和处理知识，因为我们在他们那个年纪缺乏伴随他们成长的工具和技术。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Second, he and his administration were so busy trying to build consensus that they watered down some of the vital ingredients of the stimulus package, and failed to defend it robustly from Republican attack. There may sometimes be a downside in trying to woo your opponents. When they are plainly wrong, why let them off the hook? Here we have had Republicans criticizing an increase in America’s budget deficit after doubling America’s national debt in the Bush presidency’s eight years. Moreover, Republicans’ belief that only tax cuts, not public spending, will delivery recovery is a sad example of blinkered ideology. But there are more positive reasons for Obama effort at bipartisanship. In any democratic system of checks and balances, leaders usually require coalitions in order to get what they want done. Moreover, a consensual style is good politics. Most voters – certainly swing voters, who usually decide elections – do not like partisan battles as much as some politicians and their supporters do. After all, the wise, the moderate, and the floating voter do not switch on the radio to listen to archconservatives like the American broadcaster Rush Limbaugh. When things get tough in politics, as will happen in most of the world as we struggle with the impact of the global recession, every sensible government will try to hang on to the benefit of doubt. It is the most important attribute in politics.", "zh": "第二，他和他的政府如此急于要建立共识而淡化了其刺激方案中一些关键因素，在共和党的攻击下没法捍卫其刺激方案。 当你试图去讨好对手的时候，有时会产生负面影响。 当你的对手明显错误的时候，为什么不反击他们呢？ 当美国的国债在布什总统当政的八年里增加了一倍之后，我们却看到共和党人在批评美国的预算赤字的增加。 此外，共和党人认为只有减税而不是公共开支才能带来复苏，这是不开化脑筋的一个可悲的例子。 但奥巴马在争取两党合作上的努力也有更积极的理由。 任何民主的制衡制度，领导人通常需要形成联盟以完成他们想要做的事情。 此外，在协商一致的风格是治国的良方。 大多数选民-当然包括摇摆不定的选民，而通常是他们的票数最后决定了选举的结果-和政客以及其追随者不一样，他们不那么喜欢党派斗争。 毕竟，那些明智的、温和的和无党派的流动选民们不会打开收音机听极端保守派们如美国的全国联网电台主持人拉什·林堡的节目。 当治理国家很困难的时候，世界上大多数国家在为应付全球经济衰退带来的影响的时候会将会发生这样的情况，每一个明智的政府都会极力抓住遇事宁愿往好处想的大众心理，这是政治最重要的特性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "周荣庭，男，浙江东阳人，博士，中国科学技术大学教授，博士生导师。 现任科技传播与科技政策系主任，知识管理研究所执行所长，终身学习实验室执行主任，中科大先研院新媒体研究院院长。 兼任沉浸式媒体技术文化和旅游部重点实验室主任，中国科技传播理论研究专委会主任，中国科技新闻学会常务理事，中国自然博物馆学会学术工委会常务理事，中国自然辩证法研究会科学传播与科学教育专委会副主任委员，安徽数字创意产业联盟理事长，安徽电子商务教育协会理事长，安徽广告协会学术专委会理事长，合肥市新媒体和文化创意类文化名家。 1995年开始在信息管理与决策科学系从事信息管理与信息系统、传播学两个方向的教学和科研。 2001年至今，在科技传播与科技政策系任教。 2007年4月至2008年4月，美国麻省理工学院“比较媒体研究”项目访问学者。 2009年1-2月，赴德国海德堡大学访学。", "en": "Rongting Zhou, male, from Dongyang, Zhejiang province, Doctor, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at University of Science and Technology of China. Zhou currently serves as the Director of the Department of Science and Technology Communication and Policy, Executive Director of the Knowledge Management Institute, Executive Director of the Lifelong Learning Laboratory, and Dean of the New Media Research Institute of the Advanced Research Institute of the University of Science and Technology of China. And his concurrent posts are Director of the Key Laboratory of Immersive Media Technology, Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Director of China Science and Technology Communication Theory Research Committee, Executive Director of China Science and Technology Journalism Society, Standing director of the Academic Working Committee of the Chinese Society of Natural Museums, Vice Chairman of the Science Communication and Science Education Committee of the Chinese Society of Dialectics of Nature, Chairman of Anhui Digital Creative Industry Alliance, Chairman of Anhui Electronic Commerce Education Association, Chairman of Academic Committee of Anhui Advertising Association, Cultural Master of Heifei City in fields of New Media and Cultural Creativity. Since 1995, he has been engaged in the teaching and research of Information Management and Information System, and Communication at the Department of Information Management and Decision Science. Since 2001, he has taught AT the Department of Science and Technology Communication and Science and Technology Policy. From April 2007 to April 2008, he was a Visiting Scholar in the \"Comparative Media Studies\" project of Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He worked as a Visiting Scholar at Heidelberg University from January to February 2009."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obama clearly recognizes that the NPT needs to be strengthened in order to prevent countries from turning their civil nuclear-power capacity into weapons. But Obama also knows that if the existing nuclear states want others to accept tougher restrictions, they will have to cut back their nuclear arsenals. This is principally an issue for the US and Russia, which possess 95% of the world’s nuclear weapons. In addition, it would help if the US could take a strong lead by ratifying the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The nuclear issue is one of the biggest items on the Obama agenda. How it is handled will help to define his presidency. Even before the talking gets serious in May, there will be the question of Iran to sort out. Iran says that it seeks no more than its own ability to produce nuclear power. Disbelief grows with every revelation of secret Iranian facilities and plans, and with every refusal by Iran to negotiate safeguards that would allow for civil use while preventing weaponization. The US, the European Union, and Russia have tried to engage Iran on this issue, so far without success. China seems likely to block effective sanctions on Iran because of its close energy relationship with the country. How China eventually handles this will profoundly affect its standing in the US and Europe. These are going to be some of the major questions for Obama over the next year and more. If he gets them right, he can forget about his short-term critics. Fortunately, he is smart enough to know this.", "zh": "奥巴马清楚地明白到必须加强这一条约，否则就难以阻止那些拥有民用核技术的国家将自己的科技转化为杀人武器。 但奥巴马也同时意识到，如果现有的核武国家希望其他国家接受更严格的管制，他们就必须削减自己的核武器数量。 而这主要是美俄两家的事情，因为两国手中握有占全世界总量95%的核弹头。 此外，如果美国能批��《全面禁止核试验条约》的话，那么将起到一个强有力的示范作用。 核问题是奥巴马众多议程中的其中一个重中之重。 而如何处理这个问题甚至将决定人们对他总统任期的评价。 即便在五月进行正式谈判之前，伊朗的问题也亟待解决。 随着伊朗秘密核设施和反应堆的不断曝光，以及德黑兰当局不断拒绝旨在保证核设施民用而非武器化的国际监察，不信任的情绪正与日俱增. 在这个问题上，美国，欧盟和俄罗斯都在努力和伊朗接触，但至今都无功而返。 中国似乎出于两国之间紧密的能源关系考虑，希望阻止对伊朗进行有效制裁。 而中国最终如何处理这个问题将深远地影响其在美国和欧洲心目中的形象。 而上述就几个是奥巴马在今后几年中所需要面对的主要问题。 如果处理得漂亮，他就能把这些短期内的批评置诸脑后。 幸运的是，他足够聪明，肯定会意识到这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "These examples demonstrate the importance of good leadership when communities that uphold different claims to the truth are subject to the same political authority – especially when these communities seek assurance that their survival is not threatened. Iraq’s current political leaders need to learn from this past and ensure that none of the country’s communities face marginalization or discrimination – lessons that apply throughout the Muslim world. In Pakistan, for example, there are sectarian killings almost daily; in Malaysia, the tiny Shia population is viewed as an existential threat; and incendiary language dominates discourse about rival sects in Wahhabi circles in Saudi Arabia and far beyond. Politics and power struggles explain much of the violence and mistrust. Fear of Iranian-led hegemony, for example, has focused Gulf leaders’ minds on their Shia population’s loyalty. Malaysia’s political parties use anti-Shia animus to spread fear, helping to attract votes and consolidate power. Syria and its regional allies are determined to protect a new regional balance of power that shifted in their favor following the US-led invasion of Iraq. But political calculation cannot explain everything. The fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 provides a good example of how a political event, viewed through a sectarian lens, can be interpreted differently. The US destruction of the Iraqi state brought about a precarious new order that sought to redress years of Sunni dominance by favoring the Shia. However, the shock of sudden Sunni disempowerment generated a discourse, widely shared in the Muslim world, in which the Shia are guilty of collusion in the US occupation of the country – a view reinforced by events in Syria. According to this thesis, the Shia simply reverted to their “historic” role as wreckers and fifth columnists. Was it not the case, it is claimed, that the Shia also colluded with the Mongols in the fall of Baghdad in 1258, culminating in the death of the last Abbasid caliph and the destruction of the Abbasid Empire, the “universal state” of Muslims? Several medieval Muslim historians pointed to the role of the Shia vizier Ibn al-‘Alqami, arguing that he plotted with the Mongols to bring down the caliphate. Once the preserve of a handful of scholars, the Ibn al-‘Alqami story now plays a prominent part in today’s Sunni- Shia disputes.", "zh": "这些例子表明，当存在持有对真相的不同主张的宗派共存于同一个政治当局之下 — — 特别是这些宗派都试图确保自身生存不受威胁时，好的领导是至关重要的。 伊拉克的现任政治领导人需要从这些历史中吸取教训，并保证伊拉克的所有派别都不会被边缘化或受到歧视，这些教训是从穆斯林世界的全部历史中提炼出来的。 比如，在巴基斯坦，几乎每天都有宗派杀戮；在马来西亚，为数很少的什叶派被视为生存威胁；而在沙特阿拉伯和其他许多国家，瓦哈比派在讨论敌对派别时动辄扬言烧杀抢掠。 政治和权力斗争能够解释这一暴力和不信任的大部分原因。 比如，海湾国家领导人认定，担心以伊朗为首的霸权主义是其什叶派人口忠心的基础。 马来西亚政党以反什叶派为目标散布恐惧，以此吸引选票、巩固权力。 在美国领导的入侵伊拉克战争打响后，叙利亚及其地区盟友决心捍卫朝对其有利的方向发展的新的地区实力平衡。 但政治算计不能解释一切现象。 2003年萨达姆·侯赛因的倒台为我们提供了一个很好的例子，说明了同一件政治事件是如何被不同的宗派做出不同解读的。 美国对伊拉克国家的摧毁带来了不稳定的新秩序，该秩序试图通过向什叶派倾斜纠正多年来的逊尼派主导。 但是，逊尼派突然失去权力所带来的冲击在穆斯林世界引起了轩然大波，结论是什叶派与美国勾结占领了伊拉克 — — 这一观点因为叙利亚事件而进一步强化了。 根据这一说法，什叶派只是恢复了其肇事者和第五纵队的“历史”角色。 在历史上，1258年什叶派还和蒙古人勾结导致巴格达陷落，阿巴斯王朝末代哈里发因此丧命，穆斯林的“大一统 ” （ universal state ） — —阿巴斯王朝因此灭亡。 一些中世纪穆斯林历史学家指出，什叶派宰相伊本·阿尔恰米（Ibn al - ‘ Alqami）与蒙古人合作灭掉了阿巴斯王朝。 阿尔恰米的故事曾经是一些学者的禁脔，而如今，它成了逊尼派-什叶派纠纷的核心部分。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An estimated 6% of all employees are working fewer hours per week than they would like, and about 2% of potential employees are not counted as unemployed because they have not looked for work in the past few weeks, even though they would like to work. Adding these individuals to those officially classified as unemployed implies that about 15% of potential labor-force participants are working less than they want. Solid increases in payroll employment at the start of the year contributed to a general sense of confidence. But the rate of increase in payroll employment fell in March to less than half of the rate recorded in previous months, and the number of workers claiming unemployment benefits recently jumped to a four-month high. Even those who are working are seeing their incomes shrink. Real average weekly earnings have fallen in recent months, and are now lower than they were 18 months ago. The broader measure of real per capita after-tax personal income has also been falling, and is back to levels last seen a year ago. Despite their declining incomes, households raised their spending in early 2012 at a rapid pace by cutting their saving rate to just 3.7%. Without further declines in the saving rate from this very low level, consumer spending will not continue to grow as robustly. Recent reports of declining consumer confidence reinforce the likelihood that spending will slow in the months ahead. Moreover, the housing market remains in bad shape. The most reliable index of comparable house prices has continued to decline month after month, and prices are now about 7% lower in real terms than a year ago, implying a $1 trillion loss of household wealth. With roughly 25% of all homeowners with mortgages owing more than their homes are worth, the decline in house prices reflects high rates of default and foreclosure. Falling prices, together with stricter lending standards, has spurred a shift by would-be home buyers to the rental market, causing recent declines in the sales of both new and existing homes. The weakness of America’s economy is not limited to the household sector. Industrial production has been unchanged for the past two months, and utilization of industrial capacity has declined. And the monthly purchasing surveys conducted by the Institute for Supply Management now indicate weaker activity among service firms as well.", "zh": "据估计，6%的雇员的每周工作时间少于期望时间，大约2%的潜在雇员被计为失业，因为他们在过去数周内想找但没能找到工作。 将这些个人加到被官方失业统计口径中，则有15%的潜在劳动参与者不能如愿工作。 今年年初注册就业率的稳步增加提振了总体信心。 但3月份注册就业率增长率只有前两个月的一半，此外，最近申请失业救济工人数量上升到了四个月来新高。 即使是有工作者，也在面临收入下跌的窘境。 在最近几周中，真实平均周薪出现了下降，跌至18个月前的水平之下。 跟广义的真实人均税后个人收入指标也在下降，跌到了1年前的水平。 尽管收入下降了，但2012年初家庭还是大幅增加了支出，这是通过将储蓄率削减至3.7%实现的。 如果储蓄率不能在如此之低的水平上继续下降，那么消费支出就不可能稳健增长。 最新报告显示，消费者信心在下降，这增加了支出将在未来几个月有所下降的可能性。 此外，房地产市场疲软依旧。 最可靠的可比房价指数一月低过一月，真实价格较一年前下跌了7 % ， 这意味着家庭财富蒸发了1万亿美元。 大约25%的屋主背负着超过住房价值的按揭，因此房价的下跌意味着违约和收房率的高企。 下跌的价格和收紧的贷款标准一起，将潜在购房者驱赶到了租房市场中，导致最近新屋和旧屋销量双双下降。 美国经济的疲软之势并不局限于家庭部门。 工业产量在过去两个月里停滞不前，工业产能利用率也出现了下降。 供给管理委员会（Institute for Supply Management）的月度采购调查数字显示，服务企业现在也陷入了颓势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Congress would restore trade relations with Cuba, without insisting that Cuba remake itself in America’s image or forcing Cuba to revisit the post-revolution nationalizations. Cuba would not be pressured to abandon state-financed health care or to open the health sector to private American investors. Cubans look forward to such a mutually respectful relationship, but bristle at the prospect of renewed subservience. This is not to say that Cuba should move slowly on its own reforms. Cuba should quickly make its currency convertible for trade, expand property rights, and (with considerable care and transparency) privatize some enterprises. Such market-based reforms, combined with robust public investment, could speed economic growth and diversification, while protecting Cuba’s achievements in health, education, and social services. Cuba can and should aim for Costa Rican-style social democracy, rather than the cruder capitalism of the US. (The first author here believed the same about Poland 25 years ago: It should aim for Scandinavian-style social democracy, rather than the neo-liberalism of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.) The resumption of economic relations between the US and Cuba is therefore a test for both countries. Cuba needs significant reforms to meet its economic potential without jeopardizing its great social achievements. The US needs to exercise unprecedented and unaccustomed self-control, to allow Cuba the time and freedom of maneuver it needs to forge a modern and diversified economy that is mostly owned and operated by the Cuban people themselves rather than their northern neighbors.", "zh": "国会重启与古巴的贸易关系，而不坚持古巴根据美国的形象改造自己或强迫古巴重新审视革命后的国有化。 古巴不会受到放弃公费医疗或向美国私人投资者开放医疗部门的压力。 古巴人期待这一相互尊重的关系，但对重新附属于美国的前景感到愤怒。 这并不是说古巴应该缓慢执行自身的改革。 古巴应该立刻让其货币实现贸易兑换，扩大产权，并（相当谨慎且透明地）私有化一些企业。 这些基于市场的改革，再加上强劲的公共投资，能够加速经济增长和多样化，同时保护古巴在卫生、教育和社会服务方面取得的成就。 古巴可以也应该将目标定在哥斯达黎加式的社会民主，而不是更粗放的美国资本主义。 （25年前，本文第一作者认为波兰也是如此：它应该将目标定在斯堪的纳维亚式的社会民主，而不是里根和撒切尔夫人的新自由主义。 ） 因此，美古重建关系对两国都是一个考验。 古巴需要大手笔改革以实现其经济潜力而不破坏其巨大的社会成就。 美国需要实施前所未有的、也尚不习惯的自我控制，给古巴时间和自由处置构建现代多样化经济的需要。 这一现代多样化经济主要应该由古巴人民自己拥有和运转，而不是由北方的邻居代劳。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, as real-estate prices decline, so, too, will household wealth. Although lower house prices will make new homes more affordable, the stock of occupied homes will far exceed new purchases in the near term, so the negative-wealth effect will overwhelm the gains. Given these large upfront costs, it is reasonable to ask how effective demonetization is in fighting tax evasion and corruption, and if there is a less costly approach to demonetization. Back in 1976, in an article entitled “How to Make the Mob Miserable,” the American economist James S. Henry addressed the question of effectiveness, prescribing demonetization as a measure to undermine mafia operations. But policymakers did not take his proposal seriously. Henry’s proposal was, in his own words, “dismissed as either administratively impractical or as a one-shot action that would have no long-run impact on criminal behavior.” In a new book, The Curse of Cash, Kenneth Rogoff champions the elimination of high-denomination notes in order to fight tax evasion and criminal activity. Rogoff furnishes extensive evidence that making it costly to hoard cash would deter illegal activities. While tax evaders also store their wealth in non-monetary forms, such as land, art, and jewelry, cash remains a leading vehicle for ill-gotten gains, owing to its inherent liquidity.", "zh": "此外，随着房地产价格的下跌，家庭财富也将缩水。 尽管房价下跌让新房子变得更加平易近人，但售出房屋存量在短期将远超新购房量，因此负财富效应将压倒收益。 考虑到这些巨大的前端成本，一个合理的问题是废钞对于打击逃税和腐败效果如何，以及是否存在成本更小的废钞方法。 1976年，在一篇题为《如何让暴徒痛苦 》 （ How to Make the Mob Miserable）的文章中，美国经济学家詹姆斯·亨利（James S. Henry）解决了有效性的问题，他将废钞描述为打击黑手党经营之道。 但决策者没有认真对待他的方案。 亨利的方案，用他自己的话说 ， “ 因为不具备管理上的可行性或被视为无法对犯罪行为形成长期影响的短期行动而被否决 。 ” 在新书《现金的诅咒 》 （ The Curse of Cash）中肯尼斯·罗格夫（Kenneth Rogoff）主张取消高面额钞票以打击逃税和犯罪行为。 罗格夫提供了大量证据证明增加囤积现金的成本能威慑非法行为。 尽管逃税者也用非货币形式保存财富，如土地、艺术品和珠宝等，但由于现金具有天然的流动性，它仍然是非法所得的主要载体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Algeria, Angola, and Nigeria were exporting to the US a kind of light sweet crude that is comparable to shale oil. Yet many US refineries are still geared toward the heavier and more sour types of crude that the country imports from the Middle East. As a result, Saudi Arabia’s market share in the US seems relatively secure. This is not to suggest that Saudi Arabia is invincible. On the contrary, it has lost market share among the largest oil importers in Asia, which have increased their purchases of West African crude (diverted from the US). Perhaps most painful, the Kingdom has lost substantial market share in China to Russia. Russian penetration of the Chinese market was spurred by the imposition of Western sanctions after Russia invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea in 2014. China took full advantage of the Kremlin’s desperation, securing rock-bottom rates for Russian energy resources. Once the door to Asia was open, however, Russian companies seized the opportunity to enter the downstream markets of India and Indonesia – two countries that are critical to the Saudis’ own strategy. Over the last two years or so, Saudi Arabia has made starkly clear that it will not easily give up its market share – to anyone. It has pursued a campaign to recover its former position not just in crude, but also in petroleum products, natural gas liquids, and petrochemicals. To this end, it has sustained a price war, supported by a boost in production, aimed at pushing out weaker competitors. At first, Saudi Arabia took aim at the shale industry. But its strategy for asserting its dominance over global energy markets evolved over time, adapting to new economic information and political circumstances. Ultimately, Saudi Arabia dragged all of OPEC into the price war. Countries increased their production for as long as they could, causing prices naturally to drop. When production peaked, the bottom fell out of the market, because OPEC members were forced to enter into direct price competition with one another. The permanent internal rifts that all of this has produced were painfully apparent at this April’s OPEC meeting in Doha, where a deal to freeze output fell apart. Saudi Arabia refused to cut production unless Iran would do likewise. But Iran – which, like Russia, had lost considerable market share as a result of Western sanctions – refused to cut production outright.", "zh": "阿尔及利亚、安哥拉和尼日利亚出口美国的是一种轻质低硫原油（甜油 ） ， 与页岩油相仿。 但许多美国炼油商仍更加偏好美国进口自中东的较重和含硫量较高的原油（酸油 ） 。 因此，沙特阿拉伯占美国市场的份额相对安全。 这并不意味着沙特阿拉伯不可撼动。 相反，它已经失去了亚洲最大进口国的市场份额，这些国家增加了对西非原油的采购（与美国形成差异 ） 。 也许最痛苦的是，沙特王国在中国的巨大市场份额输给了俄罗斯。 俄罗斯对中国市场的渗透受2014年其入侵乌克兰、吞并克里米亚后的西方制裁的刺激。 中国充分利用了克里姆林宫的急切心理，确保了以最低价获得俄罗斯能源资源。 但是，一旦打开了通往亚洲的大门，俄罗斯公司又抓住了进入下游的印度和印度尼西亚市场的机会 — — 这两国家对沙特自身的战略至关重要。 过去两年中，沙特阿拉伯明确地表现出绝不会拱手让出其市场份额 — — 不管对谁。 它采取了一项计划，不但要恢复先前在原油市场上的地位，还要捍卫石油产品、液化天然气和石油化工方面的地位。 在这方面，沙特坚持价格战，以增产为依托，目标是挤出较弱的竞争对手。 沙特阿拉伯的目标首先是页岩行业。 但其捍卫全球能源市场主导权的战略随时间而变化，依照新的经济情报和政治环境调整。 最终，沙特阿拉伯将整个欧佩克拖入了价格战。 各国尽可能扩大产量，导致价格自然下跌。 当产量见顶时，价格见底，因为欧佩克成员国被迫彼此开展价格竞争。 所有这些所造成的持久内讧在今年4月多哈举行的欧佩克会议上表现无疑。 在多哈会议上，冻结产能协议无疾而终。 沙特阿拉伯拒绝减产，除非伊朗也这么做。 但伊朗 — — 和俄罗斯一样，它因为西方制裁而已经失去了大量市场份额 — — 断然拒绝减产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Prevent a Depression AMSTERDAM – The latest economic data suggests that recession is returning to most advanced economies, with financial markets now reaching levels of stress unseen since the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008. The risks of an economic and financial crisis even worse than the previous one – now involving not just the private sector, but also near-insolvent sovereigns – are significant. So, what can be done to minimize the fallout of another economic contraction and prevent a deeper depression and financial meltdown? First, we must accept that austerity measures, necessary to avoid a fiscal train wreck, have recessionary effects on output. So, if countries in the eurozone’s periphery are forced to undertake fiscal austerity, countries able to provide short-term stimulus should do so and postpone their own austerity efforts. These countries include the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, the core of the eurozone, and Japan. Infrastructure banks that finance needed public infrastructure should be created as well. Second, while monetary policy has limited impact when the problems are excessive debt and insolvency rather than illiquidity, credit easing, rather than just quantitative easing, can be helpful. The European Central Bank should reverse its mistaken decision to hike interest rates. More monetary and credit easing is also required for the US Federal Reserve, the Bank of Japan, the Bank of England, and the Swiss National Bank. Inflation will soon be the last problem that central banks will fear, as renewed slack in goods, labor, real estate, and commodity markets feeds disinflationary pressures. Third, to restore credit growth, eurozone banks and banking systems that are under-capitalized should be strengthened with public financing in a European Union-wide program. To avoid an additional credit crunch as banks deleverage, banks should be given some short-term forbearance on capital and liquidity requirements. Also, since the US and EU financial systems remain unlikely to provide credit to small and medium-size enterprises, direct government provision of credit to solvent but illiquid SMEs is essential. Fourth, large-scale liquidity provision for solvent governments is necessary to avoid a spike in spreads and loss of market access that would turn illiquidity into insolvency. Even with policy changes, it takes time for governments to restore their credibility.", "zh": "如何避免萧条 阿姆斯特丹—最新的经济数据表明，大多数发达经济体正在重新陷入衰退，金融市场正在承受自2008年雷曼兄弟倒闭以来最大的压力。 我们正面临出现比前一次更可怕的经济和金融危机的风险，而且这一风险还不小 — — 这一次，危机将不仅包括私人部门，还将包括近于破产的主权当局。 因此，我们可以做些什么来让新一波经济收缩的后果最小化，并防止深度萧条和金融崩溃？ 首先，我们必须接受这一现实：紧缩措施虽然对于避免财政脱轨而言必不可少，但对产出却有着抑制效应。 因此，如果欧元区外围国家被迫采取财政紧缩，有条件实施财政刺激的国家就不能首鼠两端，必须停止紧缩。 这些国家包括美国、英国、德国、欧元区核心国以及日本。 金融业所需要的公共基础设施 — — 基础设施银行也必须建立起来。 其次，由于问题出在过度负债和资不抵债，而不是流动性缺失，因此货币政策效果有限，但信贷宽松（而不是量化宽松）仍是大有裨益的。 欧洲央行应该收回升息的错误决策。 美联储、日本银行、英格兰银行和瑞士国民银行也应该采取更多的货币和信贷宽松。 要不了多久，通胀就将成为央行所面临的问题中最微不足道的哪一个，因为商品、劳务、房地产和大宗商品市场的新一轮不景气将形成通缩压力。 第三，为了���振信贷增长，欧元区银行和资本不足的银行体系应该在欧盟层面的计划下通过公共融资加以强化。 为了避免在银行去杠杆化时出现又一次信贷动荡，各银行应该获得一定的短期资本和流动性要求的放松。 此外，由于美国和欧盟金融体系仍然难以向中小企业提供信贷，由政府直接向财务状况良好但缺少流动性的中小企业提供信贷就变得至关重要了。 第四，向偿债能力无忧的政府提供大规模流动性是避免利差急剧扩大、无法从市场上融资以至于流动性缺失问题恶化为偿付能力问题的必要手段。 即使政策有所转变，政府也需要时间来重塑信誉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They climbed two more flights until they reached a door with peeling paint and a small plaque on it, saying RONALD'S ROOM.Harry stepped in, his head almost touching the sloping ceiling, and blinked. It was like walking into a furnace: Nearly everything in Ron's room seemed to be a violent shade of orange: the bedspread, the walls, even the ceiling. Then Harry realized that Ron had covered nearly every inch of the shabby wallpaper with posters of the same seven witches and wizards, all wearing bright orange robes, carrying broomsticks, and waving energetically.\"Your Quidditch team?\" said Harry.\"The Chudley Cannons,\" said Ron, pointing at the orange bedspread, which was emblazoned with two giant black C and a speeding cannonball. \"Ninth in the league.\"Ron's school spellbooks were stacked untidily in a corner, next to a pile of comics that all seemed to feature The Adventures of Martin Miggs, the Mad Muggle. Ron's magic wand was lying on top of a fish tank full of frog spawn on the windowsill, next to his fat gray rat, Scabbers, who was snoozing in a patch of sun.", "zh": "他们又爬了两层，来到一扇油漆剥落的房门前，门上有块小牌子写着“罗恩的房间”。哈利走了进去，倾斜的天花板几乎碰到了他的头。他觉得有点晃眼，好像走进了一个大火炉：罗恩房里所有的东西看上去都是一种耀眼的橙黄色：床罩、墙壁，甚至天花板。然后哈利发现，原来罗恩把破旧墙纸上的几乎每寸地方都用海报贴住了，所有的海报上都是同样的七位女巫和男巫，穿着一色鲜艳的橙黄色长袍，扛着飞天扫帚，兴高采烈地挥手。“你的魁地奇球队?”哈利说。“查德里火炮队，”罗恩一指橙黄色的床罩，那上面鲜艳地印着两个巨大的字母C，还有一枚疾飞的炮弹，“俱乐部中排名第九。”罗恩的魔法课本零乱地堆在屋角，旁边是一些连环画册，好像都是《疯麻瓜马丁.米格斯历险记》。罗恩的魔杖搁在窗台上的一口大鱼缸上，缸里养了很多蛙卵。他的灰毛胖老鼠斑斑躺在鱼缸旁的一片阳光里打着呼噜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Capitalizing on Africa’s Youth Dividend TORONTO – When South African university students took to the streets in 2016 as part of the “Fees Must Fall” protest movement, the “decolonization of the curriculum” was among the movement’s chief concerns. It was a pivotal moment in South Africa’s history, as young people rose to demand quality and accessible education. But a crucial question was missing from the debate over fees and curricular relevance: how can changes to higher education empower Africa’s youth to drive the continent’s economic transformation? For Africa, the question is no longer “if” students are taught, but “what.” Unfortunately, while access to education has improved significantly in recent decades, school curricula have changed little since the colonial era, when secondary education was an elite privilege designed to advance the careers of a select few. Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) programs have also suffered from neglect. Today, these initiatives are marked by outdated courses and rote learning methods that fail to prepare young people for the demands of the twenty-first-century job market. The trouble goes beyond traditional components of the curriculum, like math, science, and language. There is also a deficiency in critical “soft” skills, such as communication, teamwork, and problem solving. Though neglected, it is these skills that enable young people to become adaptable, lifelong learners. The mastery of soft skills correlates to improved outcomes in school, work, and life. Yet, until recently, training in soft skills has not been integrated into formal education systems on the continent. Fortunately, that is changing. Across the continent, secondary schools and TVET systems are transforming themselves to prepare Africa’s young minds with the skills they need to make the transition from school to employment, and to become more engaged citizens. These adjustments are coming at a critical time for Africa, where many countries are experiencing a demographic dividend of declining fertility rates and rising productivity. In particular, these changes mean more opportunity for young people as they prepare to enter the job market. But to succeed on the job, young people must have the skills and education that a modern economy requires.", "zh": "利用非洲的年轻人红利 多伦多—2016年，南非大学生纷纷走上街头，这是“必须降学费”运动的一部分。 当时 ， “ 课程的去殖民地化”是这场运动的核心诉求之一。 这场运动也是南非的一个历史转折点，年轻人开始站起来要求高品质的普及教育。 但这场关于学费和课程的争论遗漏了一个关键问题：更高的教育程度如何让非洲青年赢得力量，推动非洲经济转型？ 对非洲来说，学生受到教育已经不是“是否”的问题，而是学到“什么”的问题。 不幸的是，尽管教育普及在近几十年来有了重大改善，但学校课程并没有较之殖民地时代有多少变化。 在殖民地时代，中等教育是一种精英特权，是专为一小撮人的职业生涯而设计的。 技术和在职教育和培训（TVET）也因为不受重视而蒙受损失。 如今，这些项目课程陈旧，学习方法呆板，无法让年轻人适应二十一世纪就业市场的需求。 问题不仅在于课程的传统内容，如数学、科学和语言上，也在于缺乏重要的“软”技能，如沟通、团队合作和解决问题。 尽管这些技能不受重视，但它们能让年轻人成为适应能力卓著的终身学习者。 掌握软技能与学业、工作和生活结果的改善之间存在相关性。 但是，直到最近，软技能的训练仍然没有纳入非洲的正规教育体系中。 幸运的是，情况正在起变化。 在整个非洲，中等学校和TVET系统正在实现转型，准备好用完成学生到工作者和参与度更高的公民的转变所必须的技能，来武装非洲的年轻头脑。 这些调整的到来正逢非洲的关键时刻。 许多非洲国家正在经历生育率下降、生产率提高的人口红利。 特别是，这些变化意味着年轻人在准备进入就业市场时可以获得更多机会。 但要取得职场成功，年轻人必须具备现代经济所要求的技能和教育。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The longer this contagion continues, the greater the concern that it will lead to more disruptive financial and economic outcomes. As such, central banks in several emerging economies – as diverse as Argentina, Hong Kong, and Indonesia – felt compelled to take counter-measures. What has followed is what makes this episode of emerging-market crisis different, at least so far. Rather than sticking with the approach taken by numerous other countries – including Argentina earlier this year – by raising interest rates and seeking some form of support from the International Monetary Fund, Turkey has shunned both in a very public manner, including through strident remarks by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Facing an accelerated exchange-rate depreciation that, at one stage, almost halved the lira’s value, Turkey has taken a variety of measures that attempt to simulate – albeit partially – the traditional approach that emerging economies have tended to follow in the past. Domestically, it tightened funding conditions and, at the same time, provided liquidity to domestic banks, along with regulatory forbearance. It made it harder for foreigners to access lira liquidity, thereby squeezing speculators that had shorted the currency. It promised to deal with credit and fiscal excesses while ruling out capital controls. Externally, the government has mobilized at least $15 billion from Qatar to be used for direct investment in Turkey. And, in the midst of all this, the government also found time to retaliate against the doubling of tariffs on Turkish metal exports by US President Donald Trump’s administration. The question is whether this response will be enough to act as a circuit breaker, thus giving the Turkish economy and its financial system time to regain their footing. This is particularly important because continued currency turmoil would tip the economy into recession, raise inflation, stress the banking system, and increase corporate bankruptcies. With this comes the toughest question of all for the government: Can it bring about recovery without reneging on its pledge not to raise interest rates or approach the IMF? It is possible, but not probable. Absent additional measures, it is unlikely that a critical mass of corrective steps has been attained in Turkey. While the domestic policy adjustments provide short-term relief for the currency, they may be neither comprehensive nor sufficient as yet to return Turkey to a promising path for inclusive economic growth and durable financial stability.", "zh": "传染维持的越久，对它将导致更严重的金融和经济后果的担忧就越大。 因此，新兴经济体 — — 包括阿根廷、香港和印尼等情况各异的经济体 — — 被迫采取反制措施。 接下来发生的事情让这次的新兴市场危机变得有所不同，至少到目前为止是如此。 土耳其没有选择其他许多国家所 — — 包括今年早些时候的阿根廷 — — 采取的方针，即提高利率并寻求某种形式的国际货币基金组织（IMF）支持，而是公然回避着两种做法，总统埃尔多安亲自出来做犀利的批评。 在汇率加速贬值的情况下 — — 里拉价值一度接近腰斩 — — 土耳其采取了一系列措施，这些措施与新兴市场过去常用的传统方针类似 — — 尽管只是局部类似。 在国内，土耳其政府收紧了融资条件，与此同时，还向国内银行提供流动性和监管宽容。 外国人要获得里拉流动性变得更加困难，从而挤压做空里拉的投机者。 土耳其政府承诺在解决信用和财政过度而不采取资本管制。 对外，土耳其政府从卡塔尔动员了至少150亿美元用于对土直接投资。 在此期间，土耳其政府还有时间报复美国总统特朗普政府对土耳其金属出口加倍征收关税的决定。 问题在于这样的应对之道是否足以打破循环，给土耳其经济和金融系统创造时间站稳脚跟。 这一点极其重要，因为持续的货币动荡将导致经济陷入衰退，推高通货膨胀，让银行系统承压，并加剧企业破产。 这就引出了对所有政府来说都是最棘手的问题：它能否在说到做到、不升息、不向IMF求助的情况下让经济恢复过来？ 有可能，但希望不大。 在缺少传统手段的情况下，土耳其不可能实现临界量的矫正措施。 国内政策调整为里拉提供了短期喘息，但可能既不全面，也不充分，无法让土耳其回归包容经济增长和持续金融稳定的希望之路。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Problem With “Green” Monetary Policy FRANKFURT – As an alarming new United Nations report shows, climate change is probably the biggest challenge of our time. But should central banks also be worrying about the issue? If so, what should they be doing about it? Central-bank representatives who do decide to make public speeches about climate change cannot deny the scale and scope of the problem; to do so would be to risk their own credibility. But the same is true when central bankers feel obliged to discuss the distribution of income and wealth, rising crime rates, or any other newsworthy topic. The more that central banks’ communications strategy focuses on trying to make themselves “popular” in the public’s eyes, the greater the temptation to address topics outside their primary remit. Beyond communicating with the public, the question, of course, is whether central banks should try to account for environmental considerations when shaping monetary policy. Obviously, climate change and corresponding government policies in response to it can have powerful effects on economic development. These consequences are reflected in all kinds of variables – growth, inflation, employment levels – that will in turn affect central-bank forecasts and influence monetary-policy decisions. Likewise, natural disasters and other environmental events – actual or potential – can pose implicit risks to entire classes of financial assets. Regulators and supervisors charged with assessing risk and associated capital needs must take this environmental dimension into account. At a minimum, the high uncertainty stemming from these risks implies a huge challenge for assessing the stability of the financial system and corresponding macroprudential measures. And these risk factors are also increasingly relevant for monetary-policy decisions, such as when central banks should buy bonds or (in some cases) equities. But the growing public demand that central banks contribute more actively to the fight against climate change leads to a different dimension. In theory, central banks could introduce preferential interest rates for “green” activities – thus driving up the prices of “green bonds” – while adopting a more negative attitude toward noxious assets, such as those tied to fossil fuels. And yet, assessing whether and to what extent an asset is environmentally harmful or helpful would be extremely difficult. Putting aside these more technical issues, the broader question remains: Should central banks assume responsibility for implementing policies to combat climate change?", "zh": "“绿色”货币政策的问题 发自法兰克福—正如一份令人警醒的新联合国报告所显示的那样，气候变化可能是我们这个时代最大的挑战。 但是中央银行是否也应该担心这个问题？ 如果是的话，它们又应该做点什么？ 那些决定就气候变化问题公开发言的中央银行代表不能否认该问题所涉及的规模和范围；否则就会搭上自己的信誉。 而那些自觉有义务讨论收入和财富分配，犯罪率上升或任何其他新闻性话题的央行行长们也是如此。 中央银行的沟通策略越聚焦于试图使自己在公众眼中“受欢迎 ” ， 那么染指自身主要职权范围之外议题的诱惑就越大。 除了与公众沟通外，问题当然在于央行在制定货币政策时是否应考虑环境因素。 显然，气候变化以及相关政府应对政策可以对经济发展产生巨大影响。 这些后果反映在各种变量（增长，通胀，就业水平）中，继而影响央行的预测并影响货币政策决策。 同样，自然灾害和其他环境事件（无论是实际的还是潜在的）都可能对所有类别的金融资产构成隐性风险。 负责评估风险和相关资本需求的监管者和主导者必须考虑到这一环境因素。 最起码而言，由这些风险引起的高度不确定性意味着在评估金融体系和相应宏观审慎措施的稳定性方面面临着巨大挑战。 这些风险因素也越来越与货币政策决策相关，例如央行何时应该购买债券或（在某些情况下）购买股票。 但公众要求央行为应对气候变化做出更积极贡献的呼声却引出了一个不同的方面。 从理论上讲，中央银行可以为“绿色”活动实施优惠利率，从而推高“绿色债券”的价格，同时对诸如化石燃料相关的环境毒害性资产采取更加消极的态度。 然而，评估资产是否对环境有害（或有用）及其影响程度则是非常困难的。 除了这些更为技术性的问题之外还存在一个更宏观的问题：央行是否应该承担实施政策以应对气候变化的责任？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们将扩大两岸经济文化交流合作，实现互利互惠，逐步为台湾同胞在大陆学习、创业、就业、生活提供与大陆同胞同等的待遇，增进台湾同胞福祉。我们将推动两岸同胞共同弘扬中华文化，促进心灵契合。 我们坚决维护国家主权和领土完整，绝不容忍国家分裂的历史悲剧重演。 一切分裂祖国的活动都必将遭到全体中国人坚决反对。我们有坚定的意志、充分的信心、足够的能力挫败任何形式的“台独”分裂图谋。 我们绝不允许任何人、任何组织、任何政党、在任何时候、以任何形式、把任何一块中国领土从中国分裂出去！ 同志们！ 实现中华民族伟大复兴，是全体中国人共同的梦想。 我们坚信，只要包括港澳台同胞在内的全体中华儿女顺应历史大势、共担民族大义，把民族命运牢牢掌握在自己手中，就一定能够共创中华民族伟大复兴的美好未来！ 十二、坚持和平发展道路，推动构建人类命运共同体 中国共产党是为中国人民谋幸福的政党，也是为人类进步事业而奋斗的政党。中国共产党始终把为人类作出新的更大的贡献作为自己的使命。 中国将高举和平、发展、合作、共赢的旗帜，恪守维护世界和平、促进共同发展的外交政策宗旨， 坚定不移在和平共处五项原则基础上发展同各国的友好合作，推动建设相互尊重、公平正义、合作共赢的新型国际关系。 世界正处于大发展大变革大调整时期，和平与发展仍然是时代主题。", "en": "We will expand cross-Straits economic and cultural exchanges and cooperation for mutual benefits. We will ensure that over time, people from Taiwan will enjoy the same treatment as local people when they pursue their studies, start businesses, seek jobs, or live on the mainland, thus improving the wellbeing of Taiwan compatriots. We will encourage people from both sides to work together to promote Chinese culture and forge closer bonds between them. We stand firm in safeguarding China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and will never allow the historical tragedy of national division to repeat itself. Any separatist activity is certain to meet with the resolute opposition of the Chinese people. We have the resolve, the confidence, and the ability to defeat separatist attempts for “Taiwan independence” in any form. We will never allow anyone, any organization, or any political party, at any time or in any form, to separate any part of Chinese territory from China! Comrades, Realizing the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is a dream shared by all of us as Chinese. We remain firm in our conviction that, as long as all the sons and daughters of the Chinese nation, including our compatriots in Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan, follow the tide of history, work together for the greater national interests, and keep our nation’s destiny firmly in our own hands, we will, without doubt, be able to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. XII. Following a Path of Peaceful Development and Working to Build a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind The Communist Party of China strives for both the wellbeing of the Chinese people and human progress. To make new and greater contributions for mankind is our Party’s abiding mission. China will continue to hold high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit and uphold its fundamental foreign policy goal of preserving world peace and promoting common development. China remains firm in its commitment to strengthening friendship and cooperation with other countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and to forging a new form of international relations featuring mutual respect, fairness, justice, and win-win cooperation. The world is undergoing major developments, transformation, and adjustment, but peace and development remain the call of our day."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The problem is that Abdullah cannot rely on his domestic conservative allies to give him the time that the Kingdom needs. The Wahhabi religious establishment, the Saudi state’s hidden co-rulers, could very well obstruct Abdullah’s attempts at regional religious reconciliation. Members of the religious police remain adamant that the country’s Christian guests must continue to live according to strict Wahhabi rules of behavior. While the Wahhabis could yet be bribed again with oil money, the sect’s power-hungry judges eagerly await the next beheading, stoning, or lashing in Riyadh’s public square. Thus, uniting the forces of status quo conservatism, even if some of those conservatives are Christian, is the only viable diplomatic strategy open to Saudi Arabia. For conservative rulers usually fall when they fail to grasp their own vulnerability, especially when the revolutionary challenge is cloaked in conservative garb. After all, few political systems can defend against those, like Saudi Arabia’s Islamic radicals, who claim that they can preserve the system and its religious values more effectively than the current rulers. Only an alliance of conservative leaders and powers (including a retreat by America from diplomatic radicalism), Abdullah believes, can restore some stability to the Middle East.", "zh": "问题是，阿卜杜拉无法依靠其国内的保守派盟友来给他王国所需要的时间。 瓦哈比宗教机构是沙特国家的幕后共同统治者，很有可能破坏其地区宗教和解的企图。 宗教警察成员坚持该国的基督教客人必须继续遵守严格的瓦哈比行为规范。 瓦哈比还是可以通过石油美元加以贿赂，这一教派追逐权力的法官们急迫地在利雅德的公共广场上等待下一个的斩首、乱石击死或者鞭击。 如此，联合现在的保守派力量就成为沙特唯一可行的外交战略，即使这些保守派的某些人是基督教派。 保守派统治者未能控制其自身弱点、特别是革命性的挑战以保守派的外衣包裹的时候就会倒台。 毕竟，很少有政治制度可以抵御这些，就像沙特的伊斯兰极端主义者那样。 他们宣称他们可以比当前的统治着更为有效地维持这一制度及其宗教价值。 阿卜杜拉相信，只有保守派领导人和强国(包括美国从外交极端主义后撤)的联盟才能够在中东恢复某种稳定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It appears that climate engineering could buy us some time, and it is time that we need if we are to make a sustainable and smooth shift away from reliance on fossil fuels. Research shows that non-fossil fuel energy sources will – based on today’s availability – get us less than halfway toward a path of stable carbon emissions by 2050, and only a tiny fraction of the way towards stabilization by 2100. If politicians change course and agree this December to invest significantly more in research and development, we would have a much greater chance of getting this technology to the level where it needs to be. And, because it would be cheaper and easier than carbon cuts, there would be a much greater chance of reaching a genuine, broad-based – and thus successful – international agreement. Carbon pricing could be used to finance research and development, and to send a price signal to promote the deployment of effective, affordable technology alternatives. Investing about $100 billion annually would mean that we could essentially resolve the climate-change problem by the end of this century. While the blame game will not solve global warming, the mounting panic could lead to a positive outcome if it means we re-consider our current approach. If we want real action, we need to pick smarter solutions that will cost less and do more.", "zh": "如果我们想要真正实现可持续且平稳地摆脱对矿物燃料的依赖，那么这个方法显然能为我们争取一些必要的时间。 研究显示，非矿物燃料能源资源 — — 依据目前的可应用性 — — 在帮助我们在2050年保持一个稳定的碳排放量方面也只能解决不到一半的需要，而在达成2100年目标方面也只能是杯水车薪。 如果政治家们能改变谈判进程并在今年12月达成一致，将更大数量投资在研究和提高技术方面，我们就可能拥有一个更好的机会把这项技术提高到所需的水平之上。 并且由于它价格更低，比削减碳排放更加简单可行，这对于达成一个真心诚意而且得到广泛支持 — — 并因此成功实现 — — 的国际条约来说也是一个更好的机遇。 实施碳排放定价可以用来资助研究和技术提高，并且作为价格信号推动有效、经济的可替代性技术的应用。 年投资约1千亿美元就意味着我们能够在本世纪末从根本上解决气候变化的难题。 互相推卸责任并不能够解决全球变暖问题，而那么持续升级的恐慌却能够产生出一个正面的结果 — — 如果这意味着我们能够重新考虑当前措施的正确性的话。 如果我们真的想采取行动，那就需要我们挑选出更明智的，低成本高回报的解决方法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They will be overturned at the next ballot, or in the streets, or even by local generals. But the repeated efforts of Britain, France, and the US to keep all Islamist governments out of power only block political maturation in the region, without actually succeeding or providing long-term benefits. Fourth, homegrown leaders from the Sahel through North Africa and the Middle East to Central Asia should recognize that the most important challenge facing the Islamic world today is the quality of education. The region lags far behind its middle-income counterparts in science, math, technology innovation, entrepreneurship, small business development, and (therefore) job creation. Without high-quality education, there is little prospect for economic prosperity and political stability anywhere. Finally, the region should address its exceptional vulnerability to environmental degradation and its overdependence on hydrocarbons, especially in view of the global shift to low-carbon energy. The Muslim-majority region from West Africa to Central Asia is the world’s largest populous dry region, a 5,000-mile (8,000 kilometers) swath of water stress, desertification, rising temperatures, and food insecurity. These are the true challenges facing the Middle East. The Sunni-Shia divide, Assad’s political future, and doctrinal disputes are of decidedly lesser long-term importance to the region than the unmet need for quality education, job skills, advanced technologies, and sustainable development. The many brave and progressive thinkers in the Islamic world should help to awaken their societies to this reality, and people of goodwill around the world should help them to do it through peaceful cooperation and the end of imperial-style wars and manipulation.", "zh": "它们会在下一次选举、或在街头被推翻，推翻他们的甚至可能是当地的军队领袖。 但英、法、美一再阻止伊斯兰政府当权却只能阻碍该地区的政治走向成熟，实际上不可能取得成功或带来长期的好处。 第四，从萨赫勒到北非、从中东到中亚，土生土长的领导人应该认识到今天伊斯兰世界所面临的最大挑战是教育质量。 该地区在科技、数学、技术创新、创业、小企业发展和（由此带来的）就业机会创造等方面都远逊于其他中等收入国家。 没有高质量的教育，任何地方都不太可能实现政治稳定和经济繁荣。 最后，该地区应全力应对环境恶化和对碳氢化合物的过度依赖，尤其考虑到目前正值向低碳能源的全球转型。 从西非到中亚的穆斯林多数地区是全世界人口最多的干旱地带，这块长达5，000英里（8，000公里）的地带面临着缺水、荒漠化、气温升高和粮食短缺的威胁。 这些才是摆在中东面前的真正挑战。 逊尼派和什叶派分歧、阿萨德的政治前景和宗教理论方面的争议长期来看对地区影响的重要性肯定比亟待满足的对高质量教育、岗位技能、先进技术和可持续发展的需求小得多。 伊斯兰世界众多勇敢进步的思想家们应竭尽全力让社会认清这一现实，世界各地满怀善意的民众应协助他们通过和平合作和结束帝国主义战争及操纵来实现这一目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Compared to standard post-World War II practice, China relies more on bilateral and regional trade agreements and less on multilateral negotiating rounds. In 2002, China signed the Framework Agreement on Comprehensive Economic Cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It has subsequently negotiated bilateral free-trade agreements with 12 additional countries. Insofar as China continues to emphasize bilateral agreements over multilateral negotiations, its approach implies a diminished role for the World Trade Organization (WTO). The Chinese State Council has called for a trade strategy that is “based in China’s periphery, radiates along the Belt and Road, and faces the world.” This suggests that Chinese leaders have in mind a hub-and-spoke system, with China the hub and countries on its periphery the spokes. Others foresee the emergence of hub-and-spoke trading systems centered on China and also possibly on Europe and the United States – a scenario that becomes more likely as China begins to re-shape the global trading system. The government may then elaborate other China-centered institutional arrangements to complement its trade strategy. That process has already begun. The authorities have established the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, headed by Jin Liqun, as a regional alternative to the World Bank. The People’s Bank of China has made $500 billion of swap lines available to more than 30 central banks, challenging the role of the International Monetary Fund. Illustrating China’s leverage, in 2016 the state-run China Development Bank and Industrial and Commercial Bank of China provided $900 million of emergency assistance to Pakistan, helping its government avoid, or at least delay, recourse to the IMF.", "zh": "与二战后的标准做法相比，中国会更多地依赖双边和区域贸易协定而不是多边谈判。 2002年，中国与东南亚国家联盟签署了《全面经济合作框架协议 》 。 随后它又与另外12个国家达成了双边自由贸易协定。 在中国继续强调双边（而非多边）谈判协议的情况下，这一做法意味着世界贸易组织的作用会被削弱。 而中国国务院则呼吁制定一项“立足周边、辐射‘一带一路 ’ 、 面向全球”的贸易战略。 这表明中国领导人希望建立一个以中国为中心向周边辐射系统。 也有人预计会出现以中国为中心，同时也以欧洲和美国为中心的多个中心辐射贸易系统 — — 鉴于中国已经开始着手重塑全球贸易体系，出现这种状况的可能性越来越大。 到那时候中国政府可能会提升其他以中国为中心的制度安排以补充其贸易战略，而这一进程其实早就启动了。 当局建立了由金立群任行长的亚洲基础设施投资银行作为世界银行的区域替代方案。 中国人民银行向全球30多家中央银行提供了5000亿美元的互换额度，挑战了国际货币基金组织的角色。 而体现中国影响力的则是国有的中国国家开发银行和中国工商银行在2016年向巴基斯坦提供了9亿美元的紧急援助，帮助其政府避免或至少推迟了向国际货币基金组织求助的计划。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Help Deflate America’s Opioid Bubble BRUSSELS – The opioid epidemic in the United States, which the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) declared a public-health emergency in 2017, continues to escalate. To figure out how to resolve it, policymakers should look for lessons in what may seem to be an unrelated episode: the 2008 global financial crisis. To be sure, the HHS has recently introduced a new coordinated strategy to address the opioid crisis. That strategy includes the Food and Drug Administration’s Opioids Action Plan, which aims to reexamine the underlying risk-benefit paradigm for opioids and to reduce the number of prescriptions for opioid painkillers through education programs. But the HHS strategy fails to address adequately one of the main causes of the opioid crisis: aggressive commercial and marketing tactics by pharmaceutical companies. While the FDA’s Office of Prescription Drug Promotion focuses on “ensuring that prescription drug information is truthful, balanced, and accurately communicated,” it does not do enough to control the incentives provided by drug manufacturers to prescribers and patients. Just as the promotion of opioid painkillers like OxyContin (sold by Purdue Pharma) has been a key driver of the opioid crisis, unethical “hook strategies,” facilitated by lax mortgage-lending practices, were a major cause of the 2008 financial crisis. In both cases, many individuals were lured into making risky decisions – whether taking out a mortgage they couldn’t afford or treating their pain with a highly addictive drug – by attractive “introductory offers.”", "zh": "如何压制美国阿片泡沫 布鲁塞尔—美国的阿片之弊 — — 美国卫生和公共服务部（HHS）称之为 2017年公共卫生紧急情况 — — 在不断地升级。 为了寻找解决之道，决策者应该着眼于一起看似毫无关联的事件的教训：2008年全球金融危机。 诚然，HHS最近采取了新的协调战略解决阿片危机。 该战略包括食品和药品监督局（FDA）的阿片行动计划，其旨在重新分析阿片的基本风险收益，通过教育计划降低阿片止痛药的处方数量。 但HHS的战略无法充分解决阿片危机的一个主要根源：制药公司的激进商业和营销策略。 FDA处方药推广办公室关注“保证处方药信息可信、平衡、准确 ， ” 但并没有采取足够的措施控制制药商给处方医生和患者的激励。 奥斯康定（Purdue Pharma贩售）等阿片止痛药的推广是阿片危机的主要推动因素，而宽松的按揭贷款条件所推动的不道德的“钓鱼战略”也是2008年金融危机的一个主要原因。 在两起事件中，许多个人受极具吸引力的“促销 ” （ introductory offers）引诱，而做出危险决定 — — 是否进入负担不起的按揭，或用高致瘾性药物治疗病痛。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That argument might have made sense if oil executives, including those from Exxon and Shell, had not later lied about climate change and actively prevented governments from enacting clean-energy policies. Although the details of global warming were foreign to most people in the 1980s, among the few who had a better idea than most were the companies contributing the most to it. Despite scientific uncertainties, the bottom line was this: oil firms recognized that their products added CO2 to the atmosphere, understood that this would lead to warming, and calculated the likely consequences. And then they chose to accept those risks on our behalf, at our expense, and without our knowledge. The catastrophic nuclear war plans that Ellsberg saw in the 1960s were a Sword of Damocles that fortunately never fell. But the oil industry’s secret climate-change predictions are becoming reality, and not by accident. Fossil-fuel producers willfully drove us toward the grim future they feared by promoting their products, lying about the effects, and aggressively defending their share of the energy market. As the world warms, the building blocks of our planet – its ice sheets, forests, and atmospheric and ocean currents – are being altered beyond repair. Who has the right to foresee such damage and then choose to fulfill the prophecy? Although war planners and fossil-fuel companies had the arrogance to decide what level of devastation was appropriate for humanity, only Big Oil had the temerity to follow through. That, of course, is one time too many.", "zh": "如果包括埃克森和壳牌在内的石油公司高管后来没有对气候变化撒谎并积极阻止政府制定清洁能源政策，那么这一说法可能是有道理的。 尽管20世纪80年代全球变暖的详细情况对多数人而言都还很陌生，但那些要为全球变暖承担大部分责任的企业却比绝大多数人都更了解后果。 尽管存在科学上的不确定性，但至少这些是确定的：石油企业承认他们的产品向大气中排放二氧化碳，知道这可能导致变暖并计算了可能造成的后果。 而后他们选择代表我们接受这一切风险，损害我们的利益，而这一切都是在我们不知道的情况下。 埃尔斯伯格在20世纪60年代所看到的灾难性核战计划是一柄达摩克利斯之剑，幸运的是，这把剑从未落下。 但石油业气候变化的秘密预测正在成为现实，而且还绝不是偶然的。 化石燃料生产企业故意驱使我们走向他们所惧怕的黑暗未来，宣传他们的产品、谎报其所造成的影响并积极捍卫他们在能源市场上的份额。 随着全球变暖，冰盖、森林、气流和洋流等我们这个星球的组成部分正在发生无可逆转的变化。 谁有权预见这种损失，然后选择实现这些预言呢？ 虽然战争策划者和化石燃料企业傲慢到决定人类可以接受什么样破坏的程度，但只有大型石油企业才有付诸实施的胆量。 这当然是绝对不能容忍的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Navigating the Energy Revolution RIYADH/LONDON – For decades, the international energy landscape has been relatively stable, with producers like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Algeria selling oil and gas to consumers in the United States and Europe. In a few years, however, the energy terrain is likely to be unrecognizable, as dramatic technological, economic, and geopolitical changes reshape commercial relationships worldwide. What is needed is a new governance structure, one that moves beyond traditional bilateral relationships between producers and consumers. In a rapidly evolving world, guaranteeing energy security will require the careful management of multiple, interlocking relationships. Only an inclusive international forum, in which complex ideas can be shared and debated, is likely to prove adequate to the task of navigating the new era of energy use, production, and consumption. The ongoing changes are profound. In many energy-exporting countries, domestic consumption is rising steeply. Historically, these countries have treated energy as a cheap resource. Today, they are increasingly taking steps to remove subsidies, introduce market prices, and increase efficiency – policies that are more typically associated with energy-importing countries. BP predicts that in the Middle East, with its extensive fossil-fuel reserves, primary energy consumption will grow 77% by 2035. At the same time, some traditional importers are tapping new sources of energy and becoming producers, changing the direction of energy flows. The shale-energy revolution in the US is perhaps the best-known example of this shift, but it is not the only one. The rapidly growing renewable-energy industry is another factor disrupting traditional relationships between producers and consumers.", "zh": "导航能源革命 利雅得/伦敦 — — 几十年来，国际能源格局一直相对稳定，沙特阿拉伯、伊朗和阿尔及利亚等生产国将石油和天然气出售给的美国和欧洲的消费者。 但随着引人注目的技术、经济和地缘政治变化重塑全球商业关系，能源格局可能会在短短几年内面目全非。 我们需要全新的治理结构，以便超越生产者和消费者之间传统的双边关系。 在迅速变化的世界确保能源安全需要精心管理环环相扣的多重关系。 只有可以分享和探讨复杂理念的包容性国际论坛才有可能完成引导新时代能源应用、生产和消费的任务。 正在发生的变化意义深刻。 许多能源出口国国内消费量急剧增长。 从历史上看，能源在上述国家一直扮演着廉价资源的角色。 如今，他们正越来越多地采取措施取消补贴、引入市场价和提高效率 — — 这些都是与能源进口国相关的典型政策。 英国石油公司预计中东地区凭借其丰富的化石燃料储量，到2035年一次性能源消费将增长77 % 。 与此同时，一些传统进口国正利用新能源来源成为生产商，从而改变能源流动的方向。 美国页岩能源革命或许是这种转变最有名的例子，但并不是唯一一个。 迅速发展的可再生能源业是干扰传统生产和消费关系的另一个���素。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "听着妻子滔滔不绝的演讲，叶哲泰苦笑了一下。琳，我蒙蔽了你?其实你在我心中倒一直是个谜。一次，我对你父亲称赞你那过人的天资——他很幸运，去得早，躲过了这场灾难——老人家摇摇头，说我女儿不可能在学术上有什么建树；接着，他说出了对我后半生很重要的一句话：琳琳太聪明了，可是搞基础理论，不笨不行啊。以后的许多年里，我不断悟出这话的深意。琳，你真的太聪明了，早在几年前，你就嗅出了知识界的政治风向，做出了一些超前的举动，比如你在教学中，把大部分物理定律和参数都改了名字，欧姆定律改叫电阻定律，麦克斯韦方程改名成电磁方程，普朗克常数叫成了量子常数……你对学生们解释说：所有的科学成果都是广大劳动人民智慧的结晶，那些资产阶级学术权威不过是窃取了这些智慧", "en": "As he listened to his wife’s lecture, Ye allowed himself a wry smile. Lin, I fooled you? Indeed, in my heart you’ve always been a mystery. One time, I praised your genius to your father—he’s lucky to have died early and escaped this catastrophe—and he shook his head, telling me that he did not think you would ever achieve much academically. What he said next turned out to be so important to the second half of my life: “Lin Lin is too smart. To work in fundamental theory, one must be stupid.”In later years, I began to understand his words more and more. Lin, you truly are too smart. Even a few years ago, you could feel the political winds shifting in academia and prepared yourself. For example, when you taught, you changed the names of many physical laws and constants: Ohm’s law you called resistance law, Maxwell’s equations you called electromagnetic equations, Planck’s constant you called the quantum constant.… You explained to your students that all scientific accomplishments resulted from the wisdom of the working masses, and those capitalist academic authorities only stole these fruits and put their names on them."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第1910章 深藏功与名 而且，公子海的这具替劫化身，在主动想要找上宋书航，希望能借助这具替劫化身来了断和宋书航之间的因果。 如果宋书航没有入梦公子海的话，说不定真会被蒙混过关宋书航非常相信公子海的布局能力和谋划能力，如果不是运气不太好，说不定数月前公子海已经将他谋划致死了。 【不过，既然公子海自己要将替劫化身送货上门，我没道理不接嘛。】宋书航乐呵道。 替劫化身肯定也很值钱的，这是个大礼包。 正思索间，宋书航从‘入梦’状态退了出了来。 入梦结束。 他缓缓睁开眼睛，便发现自己被安置在房间的大床上，连鞋子都没有脱去…… 宋书航又抬头望向窗外，天色渐亮，新一天已经开始。 他掏出手机看了下日期，2019年11月19日，周二，清晨７点。", "en": "Chapter 1910: Not bothering to steal the limelight Young Master Hai’s clone seemed to be actively trying to find Song Shuhang in the hope of breaking the karma between them using a clone. If Song Shuhang had not entered a dreamland of Young Master Hai’s life, he might have really been fooled. Song Shuhang had long since been convinced of Young Master Hai’s ability in scheming and planning. If it were not for his bad luck, perhaps Young Master Hai would have long succeeded and caused his death. Song Shuhang said happily, [But since Young Master Hai himself is going to deliver a clone to my doorstep, I have no reason not to pick it up!] The clone was definitely quite valuable, and with it coming his way, it really was no different from a big gift package. While he was in thought, Song Shuhang withdrew from the “dreamland” state. With that, the dreamland ended. He slowly opened his eyes, and found himself lying on a big bed inside a room with his shoes still on… Song Shuhang raised his head and took a look outside the window. As he looked past the window, he saw that the sky was already getting brighter, and a new day had begun. He took out his phone, and looked at the date. 7:00 a.m. Tuesday. November 19, 2019."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More politically effective, but economically and socially damaging, is the approach of populists like US President Donald Trump, who offer simplistic explanations that play on voters’ fears and frustrations (for example, by blaming immigrants or countries with trade surpluses) while pretending that there are easy fixes (say, erecting walls and import barriers). Trump blamed the struggles of Rust Belt workers on international competition. But that is only part of the story: technological displacement has played a larger role, though this has often been ignored, not least because it is harder to demonize. Meanwhile, the Trump administration has pursued extreme and morally unconscionable anti-immigration policies, such as the recently reversed policy of separating migrant children from their families at the southern border with Mexico. Similarly, in many European countries, the backlash against globalization has translated into virulent opposition to migration, not to mention increased resistance to European integration. Voters in Austria, Hungary, and Italy have elected politicians who campaigned explicitly against immigration. In the United Kingdom, the 2016 Brexit referendum partly reflected a rejection of the free movement of people within the European Union. By encouraging unilateralism, and to some extent even authoritarianism, the backlash against globalization threatens not only to prevent countries from reaping the economic benefits of openness, but also to undermine the structures of international cooperation that have supported nearly three-quarters of a century of relative peace since World War II. Reversing this trend will require, of course, the unequivocal rejection of policies that flout democratic values and repudiation of the leaders who advocate and implement them.", "zh": "在政治上比较有效，但对经济和社会不利的是美国总统特朗普等民粹主义者的方针。 特朗普的解释简单粗暴，利用了选民的恐慌和失望（比如指责移民或贸易盈余国 ） ， 同时，他装作解决问题并不难（比如只要通过筑墙和进口壁垒就能解决 ） 。 特朗普将锈带工人的挣扎归咎于国际竞争。 但这只是故事的一部分：技术取代扮演了更加重要的角色，但这一点常常被忽视，因为它更难妖魔化。 与此同时，特朗普政府采取了极端的、不合道德的反移民政策，比如最近收回的在南部的美墨边境上将移民儿童和他们的家庭分开的政策。 类似地，在许多欧洲国家，对全球化的攻讦被转移为针对移民的恶毒反对，欧洲一体化进程也日益受到抵制。 奥地利、匈牙利和意大利选民都选择了矛头直指移民的政客。 2016年英国退欧公投部分反映了人们反对欧盟内部的人员自由流动。 通过鼓励单边主义，在某种程度上甚至还包括极权主义，对全球化的抵制不但让各国无法获得开放所带来的经济利益，还破坏了自二战以来保持了四分之三个世纪的相对和平的国际合作结构的基础。 当然，扭转这一趋势需要明确拒绝践踏民主价值观的政策，否决鼓吹和实施这些政策的领导人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europeanizing Europe BERLIN – The eurozone is at the center of the global financial crisis, because only there, in the realm of the second most important currency after the dollar, does the crisis hit a weak “structure” rather than a state with real power. It is a structure that is squandering the trust of citizens and markets in its ability to resolve conflicts – while pushing the international financial system to the brink of disaster. In other words, the financial crisis now reflects a political crisis of the eurozone – one that calls into question the very existence of the European project as a whole. If Europe’s monetary union fails, not much of the common market, or of European institutions and treaties, will be left. We would have to write off six decades of successful European integration, with unknown consequences. This failure would coincide with the emergence of a new world order, as two centuries of Western predominance come to an end. Power and wealth are shifting towards East Asian and other emerging countries, while America will be preoccupied with its own problems and turning from the Atlantic towards the Pacific. If Europeans don’t address their interests now, no one will do it for them. If Europe today does not become the agent of its own destiny, it will become the object of new world powers. The cause of the European crisis is not three decades of neo-liberalism. Nor is it the result of the collapse of a speculation-fueled asset bubble, the violation of the Maastricht criteria, ballooning debt, or greedy banks. As important as all of these factors are, Europe’s problem is not what happened, but what did not happen: the creation of a common European government. At the beginning of the 1990’s, when the majority of the European Union’s member states decided to form a monetary union with a common currency and a central bank, the idea of a central government lacked support. As a result, that phase of the monetary union’s construction was postponed, leaving an impressive edifice that lacked a strong foundation to ensure stability in times of crisis. Monetary sovereignty was made a common cause; but the power needed to exercise it remained in national capitals. It was believed at the time that formalized rules – imposing mandatory limits on deficits, debt, and inflation – would be enough.", "zh": "欧洲化欧洲 柏林 — — 欧元区已成为全球金融危机的中心，因为在欧元区 — — 仅次于美元的第二大货币使用区 — — 危机击中的是软弱的“结构”而不是拥有真实力量的国家。 这一结构挥霍公民和市场对其解决冲突的能力的信任，还把国际金融体系推向了灾难边缘。 换句话说，眼下，金融危机反映了欧元区的政治危机，一场让人质疑欧洲计划存在的合理性的危机。 如果欧洲货币联盟崩溃，那么所谓的共同市场以及欧洲机构和条约都不会得到保留。 欧洲一体化进程60年的成就将一笔勾销，留给人们的将是充满不确定的未来。 这样的失败将伴随世界新秩序的出现，两个世纪以来的西方主导模式将寿终正寝。 权力和财富正在向东亚和其他新兴市场国家转移，美国将忙于处置自己的问题，并将重心从大西洋转向太平洋。 如果欧洲人现在不能维护好自己的利益，那么没有人会帮他们完成这一任务。 如果欧洲现在不能成为自身命运的代言人，那么它将沦为新势力的目标。 造成欧洲危机的原因并非30年来的新自由主义，也不是投机活动越吹越大的资产泡沫的崩溃、对马斯特里赫特条约的违反、日渐膨胀的债务或是贪婪的银行。 与这些因素同样重要的是，欧洲的问题并不在已发生的事情，而在于未曾发生的事情 — — 成立共同的欧洲政府。 20世纪90年代初，欧盟多数成员国决定成立一个货币联盟，使用共同货币，由一家央行管理，但成立中央政府的思想并没有得到支持。 结果，货币联盟建设的这一阶段被中止了，虽然建成了一幢耀眼的大厦，其根基却并不牢固，不足以在危机爆发时保证稳定性。 货币主权成为了欧洲的共同事业，但执行它所需要的权力依然掌握在各国手中。 当时，人们相信，形式化的规则 — — 设置关于赤字、债务和通胀的强制性限制 — — 已经足够了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Second, they have the economies of weak states. With the crucial exception of energy-rich Azerbaijan, they have few natural resources or high-value manufactures, and have large agricultural sectors. They also depend on economic rents or Russian derivatives rather than adding value themselves – Ukraine makes profits from gas transit, Belarus from oil refining. Many sell raw materials or base products – Ukrainian steel, for example – where export competitiveness depends less on product quality than on global commodity prices. The two economies in the region that appear most successful – Belarus and Azerbaijan – are the furthest from the EU model. Their good fortune is not due to their domestic policies, but to hydrocarbons in Azerbaijan’s case and, in Belarus, to Russian subsidies. The emulation effect that spurred Central European reform in the 1990’s is not working farther east. Unlike the EU accession candidates of the 1990’s, the states of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus have little incentive or capacity to adopt the Union’s body of law, the acquis communautaire, and move up the value chain. Third, although they would no doubt protest loudly at such a description, states like Ukraine are better thought of as balancers rather than joiners. Playing a game of balance between Russia and the West allows the elite to remain in power, and to preserve the oligarchical economy in an otherwise harmful equilibrium of semi-reform. Indeed, local leaders are modern-day Titos, unable or unwilling to join either Europe or Russia. But both Russia and the West are sufficiently interested that they feed the game of balance with enough resources to enable local leaders to fend off rivals and excuse their own lack of reform. Some are reluctant balancers. Moldova’s current government, the Alliance for European Integration, might be a lot more pro-European if it had not seen how Russia treated supposedly pro-Western governments in Georgia and Ukraine before it. Some play the game with relish – ironically, Belarus’s President Aleksander Lukashenka is suddenly something of a regional role model in this regard.", "zh": "首先，这些国家都是新生国家，其主权自1991年诞生以来就陷入争夺，并且一直孱弱。 它们的独立源于苏联的解体，并且虽然一些国家发生了革命，大多数前苏联地区社会精英和政治文化仍然根深蒂固。 腐败横行，强大的既得利益者把持国家，改革的机构效率和能力十分虚弱。 第二，它们拥有弱国的经济。 除了富有能源的阿塞拜疆，它们没有自然资源和高价值制造业，但拥有庞大的农业部门。 它们还依赖经济租金或俄罗斯金融衍生品，却不提升自身价值 — — 乌克兰以倒卖石油赚钱，白俄罗斯以精炼石油赚钱。 许多国家销售原材料或基本产品 — — 例如乌克兰钢铁 — — 所以出口竞争力依赖于全球商品价格而非产品质量。 这一地区看起来最成功的两个经济体 — — 白俄罗斯和阿塞拜疆 — — 与欧盟模式大相径庭。 它们的好运不是因为国内政策，阿塞拜疆是由于碳氢化合物，白俄罗斯是由于俄罗斯补助金。 第三，虽然乌克兰一类的国家无疑会对这种说法大声抗议，但它们更适合作为平衡器而非参与者。 在俄罗斯和西方之间玩平衡游戏，使得精英能保有权利，维持寡头经济，而非进入有害的半改革平衡状态。 确实，当地领导人就像现代的铁托，不能或不想加入欧洲或俄罗斯。 但俄罗斯和西方都对其十分感兴趣，它们在平衡游戏上投入许多资源，足够让当地领导人击败对手，并且找到不进行改革的借口 有些国家不愿意当平衡器。 摩尔多瓦的现任政府，欧洲一体化联盟若不是见证了俄罗斯之前如何对待所谓亲西方的格鲁吉亚和乌克兰政府的话，将更加亲近欧洲。 一些国家却狂热地扮演着这个角色 — — 讽刺的是，白俄罗斯总统亚历山大·卢卡申科在这方面突然成为了地区性的楷模。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet any damage that a no-deal Brexit causes to the EU would be dwarfed by the long-term harm it inflicts on Britain. Johnson and Cummings are prepared to use all the methods that were successful in the 2016 Brexit referendum campaign, when the British public were assured that there would be no question of leaving the EU without a deal. Promises of increased public spending now rain down from a Treasury that will soon be stretched thin. The value of the pound is falling, inflation rose in July, and business investment is flat. The supposed benefits of leaving the EU are no longer touted, with the exception of a promised trade deal with US President Donald Trump that would be almost as unacceptable to the US Congress as it would be to British public opinion. What’s more, the government is simply ignoring the fact that lengthy negotiations with the EU would inevitably follow from a “no-deal” departure. Worse still, the future of the Union of England, Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland looks increasingly at risk. The government fails to accept that if Britain leaves the EU’s customs union, the resulting border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland will imperil the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which has brought more than 20 years of peace to the island of Ireland. Are these the actions of a successful state? Those who raise the question risk being dubbed “enemies of the people.” We are in good company: this is how Brexiters previously described three British high-court judges who asserted the principle of parliamentary sovereignty in the Brexit process.", "zh": "但无协议脱欧对欧盟所造成的任何损失较之对英国造成的长期损失都相形见绌。 约翰逊和卡明斯准备使用曾在2016年英国脱欧公投运动中取得过成功的所有方法，当时英国公众确信，无协议脱欧是没有问题的。 现在财政部到处承诺增加公共开支，但如果脱欧，财政部的资金很快就会捉襟见肘。 英镑持续贬值，7月通胀上升，而商业投资则一直是持平的。 人们不再吹捧离开欧盟的所谓好处，唯一的例外是一项承诺与美国总统唐纳德·特朗普达成的贸易协议，而这份协议对美国议会和英国公众舆论而言几乎同样是不可接受的。 更重要的是，政府完全忽略了一个事实，那就是“无协议”脱欧后与欧盟的长期谈判将是不可避免的。 更糟的是，英格兰、苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰联盟的未来所面临的风险正越来越大。 政府未能认识到如果英国脱离欧洲关税同盟，爱尔兰共和国和北爱尔兰之间由此产生的边界将危及1998年耶稣受难日协定，而恰恰是这份协定已经为爱尔兰岛带来了超过20年的和平。 这些难道是一个成功国家的所作所为吗？ 胆敢如此提问者很有可能被称为“人民公敌 ” 。 我们并不孤单：英国脱欧派此前就是这样形容在英国脱欧过程中主张议会主权原则的三位英国高等法院法官的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Biden claims his proposals will add only modestly to the public debt (which is set to grow anyway, owing primarily to ever-rising expenditure on Social Security and Medicare). But there are good reasons to believe otherwise. For starters, the Biden administration hopes to offset higher spending by increasing corporate and capital-gains taxes. But these tax hikes are unlikely to pass an evenly divided US Senate as proposed. Moreover, such taxes are particularly harmful to growth, so if some version of them is enacted, the Biden administration will likely find that its revenue projections were overly optimistic. Biden’s spending proposals also include several expensive entitlements, such as improved home care for the elderly and people with disabilities, universal free preschool, and two years of free community college for young adults. History suggests that such programs are likely to become permanent, with costs that grow far in excess of projections. Meanwhile, even as China and Russia build up their militaries, Biden has placed a lower priority on defense spending, with an increase that does not keep up with inflation. Under his administration’s budget, defense spending will fall to its lowest share of GDP since before WWII. Some argue that the US has nothing to worry about. Deficits supposedly don’t much matter when an economy borrows in its own currency; the US Federal Reserve just needs to buy up the debt from the Treasury. And with government-borrowing rates lower than the projected growth rate, the debt can be rolled over forever. Deficit finance becomes a “free lunch.” These claims merit considerable skepticism. The reasons why are highlighted in recent technical papers by me, my Hoover Institution colleague, John Cochrane, Greg Mankiw and Laurence Ball (of Harvard University and Johns Hopkins University, respectively), and Boston University’s Larry Kotlikoff, along with his co-authors. Historically, huge debt buildups have usually been followed by serious problems: sluggish growth, an uptick in inflation, a financial crisis, or all of them. We cannot be certain which problems will occur or what debt-to-GDP ratio will signal trouble for which countries.", "zh": "拜登声称自己的提案只会适度增加公共债务（其实主要由于社会保障和医疗保险支出不断增大，公共债务无论如何都会增加 ） ， 但我们有充分的理由去推翻他的这一说法。 首先，拜登政府希望通过增加企业税和资本利得税来抵消开支增长。 但鉴于美国参议院当前的两党势均力敌状态，这些增税措施不太可能如设想般获得通过。 此外这类税收对经济增长的伤害尤为巨大，因此就算某个版本的这类税收最终出台，拜登政府也会发现其原本的收入预测是过于乐观了。 拜登的支出提案还包括几项耗资极大的福利支出，比如改善老年人和残疾人的家庭护理，普及免费学前教育以及免费为年轻人提供两年社区大学教育。 历史经验表明这些项目很可能会成为一些成本增长远超预期的永久性项目。 与此同时，眼看着中国和俄罗斯不断扩张军力，拜登却调低了国防开支的优先级，导致其增落后于通胀。 其政府预算显示国防开支相对GDP的比率将下降到二战前以来的最低值。 一些人认为美国没什么好担心的。 据说当一个经济体以自身发行的货币进行借贷时，赤字也就变得不那么重要了；美联储也只需要从财政部手里把这些债务买过来就行了。 由于政府借款利率低于预期增长率，债务就可以永远滚动下去，使得赤字财政成为一顿“免费的午餐 ” 。 我们应当对这些说法持有相当的怀疑，而我本人、我在胡佛研究所的同事约翰·科克伦（John Cochrane ） 、 克雷格·曼奇和劳伦斯·鲍尔（Greg Mankiw & Laurence Ball，两人分别来自哈佛大学和约翰·霍普金斯大学）以及波士顿大学的拉里·科特利科夫（Larry Kotlikoff）及其合著者都在近期发表的多份技术论文中强调了其中的原因。 参照历史经验，巨大的债务积累之后通常都会出现严重的问题：增长迟缓，通胀上升，金融危机，或是所有这些问题同时发生。 我们无法确定哪些问题会发生，或是哪些国家的何种债务相对GDP比例会预示着问题的发生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Musharraf, concerned at all costs to avoid any military action that might provoke a tribal rebellion against his forces, tried to buy himself more political space by cutting deals with insurgent leaders in the FATA, signing peace agreements with the very chiefs his army should have been pursuing. Meanwhile, internal difficulties worsened. As anti-Musharraf sentiment grew within Pakistan, and repressive measures aimed at the judiciary and the press cost him ever more support among the intelligentsia, his hold on power began to slip. His effort to cut a deal with Benazir Bhutto was a final attempt to remain in office through the election of a civilian leader acceptable to the public (and the West). Her assassination by Islamist elements foreclosed that option. Musharraf’s fraying authority made him less effective and, indeed, less useful: the Taliban re-emerged in strength on Pakistan’s Afghan border, and his own ISI was proved to have been involved in the bombing of India’s embassy in Kabul. By the summer of 2008, both the West and India were facing a Pakistan again in the grip of chaos, its border areas in Islamist hands and its ISI out of the control of the elected civilian government. The prospects of an implosion of effective governmental authority in Pakistan are strong, and the consequences would be dire. But, by the time Musharraf resigned, he had already lost the ability to do anything about it.", "zh": "他试图与在那些地区的反叛头领打成协议来为自己赢的更大的政治空间。 他与那些首领签署和平协议，而他的军队正要追杀这些首领。 与此同时，国内困境加剧。 巴基斯坦反穆沙拉夫的情绪增长，而针对司法系统和报纸的专制措施则让他付出了代价，丧失了知识阶层的支持，他的权力控制开始随之动摇。 他企图与贝托夫人打成协议，通过选举一位能够被公众和西方接受的文官领导人来保住权力。 贝托夫人被伊斯兰分子杀害终结了这一选择。 穆沙拉夫日益消退的权势使他政令不通，而且确实也变得用处不大了。 在巴基斯坦与阿富汗接壤的边境地区，塔利班东山再起，而其联合情报部门则被证明参与了轰炸喀布尔的印度使馆。 到了2008年夏天，西方和印度都面临巴基斯坦再一次陷入混乱动荡的局面，其边境地区陷入伊斯兰分子手中，而经选举产生的文官政府则对联合情报部门束手无策。 有效的政府权威消亡的可能性很大，而其后果将会十分严重。 但是，当穆沙拉夫辞职的时候，他已经无可奈何花落去了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reconciling with Sykes-Picot NEW YORK – This month marks the centenary of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, the secret British-French accord that launched a decade-long series of adjustments to the borders of the post-Ottoman Middle East. Most commentary on the anniversary has been negative, suggesting that the agreement bears considerable blame for the frequency and durability of the region’s conflicts. That interpretation, however, borders on caricature. Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot aimed to devise a plan that would enable Great Britain and France to avoid a ruinous rivalry in the Middle East. They largely succeeded: Their design kept the region from coming between the two European powers, and it managed to survive for a century. To be sure, many of the Sykes-Picot borders reflected deals cut in Europe rather than local demographic or historical realities. But that hardly makes the Middle East unique: Most borders around the world owe their legacy less to thoughtful design or popular choice than to some mixture of violence, ambition, geography, and chance. The unpleasant reality is that today’s Middle East is what it is because its people and leaders have done such a bad job in shaping it. Sykes and Picot cannot be blamed for the region’s pervasive lack of tolerance and political freedom, poor schools, or the unfair ways in which girls and women are treated. Other parts of the world (including those without enormous reserves of oil and gas) have emerged from colonialism in much better shape. The factors accounting for the record of failure in the Middle East – history, culture, religion, and personalities – are worthy of serious examination. But the more pressing question that this anniversary raises has less to do with historical analysis than it does with current policy. In much of the Middle East, a violent struggle for mastery is the new normal. In four – arguably five – countries in the region, the government does not control significant portions of the state’s territory. Lebanon has been in this condition for decades, Iraq for more than a decade, and Syria, Libya, and Yemen for some five years now. Militias, terrorist organizations, foreign fighters, and other armed groups have asserted varying degrees of local authority.", "zh": "平心而论赛克斯-皮科 纽约—这个月是赛克斯-皮科协定签署一百周年。 赛克斯-皮科是英国和法国之间的秘密协定，它启动了为期十年的对后奥斯曼帝国时代中东边境的一系列调整。 在这个纪念日里，大部分评论都对赛克斯-皮科协定持负面态度，认为它需要为该地区频繁持久的冲突负相当大的责任。 但这一解读殊为可笑。 马克·赛克斯（Mark Sykes）和弗朗索瓦·乔治-皮科（François Georges-Picot）的目标是制定一个能让大英帝国和法国避免在中东形成劳民伤财的对峙的计划。 他们基本取得了成功：他们的设计让该地区避免夹在欧洲两大列强之间，并且延续了一个世纪之久。 诚然，赛克斯-皮科边境中有不少反映的是欧洲所形成的交易，而不是本地人口或历史现实。 但这绝非中东独有的情况：全世界大部分边境与其说是有意识的设计或群众选择的结果，不如说是暴力、野心、地理和冒险等因素综合作用的结果。 令人不快的现实是，今天的中东之所以如此，是拜其人民和领导人的表现所赐。 不能把该地区普遍缺乏宽容和政治自由、学校体系破败、女孩和妇女遭遇不公对待等情况归咎于赛克斯和皮科。 世界其他地区（包括并不拥有巨量石油天然气蕴藏量的地区）从殖民主义中走出后表现要好得多。 中东失败的原因 — — 历史、文化、宗教和个性 — — 都值得认真考察。 但在赛克斯-皮科协定一百周年之际，更紧迫的问题更多地与当前政策而不是历史分析有关。 在中东大部，争夺支配权（mastery）的暴力斗争已成新常态。 在地区内的四个 — — 或者说五个 — — 国家，政府无法控制国土中相当大的部分。 黎巴嫩陷入这一状况已有即使年之久，伊拉克十多年，叙利亚、利比亚和也门大约五年。 军阀、恐怖组织、外国军人和其他武装集团以不同程度把持着地方权威。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this way, fundamental tensions are created both in the way these deals are put together and in the overall conduct of North-South and South-South integration. For example, powerful groups and transnational corporations (such as the World Economic Forum, General Electric, and Rio Tinto) are gaining influence within the G-20, the G-7, and the BRICS, whose members compete among themselves for access to resources and markets. That competition now features new Infrastructure Project Preparation Facilities (IPPFs) to accelerate and replicate large PPPs with a disturbing reliance on big dams and fossil-fuel infrastructure, such as Nigeria’s gas-supply pipeline to the European Union – a top priority of PIDA that implies slow progress toward a low-carbon future. Indeed, the struggle for sustainability, especially in Africa, is becoming a new battleground, featuring deployments by the BRICS, the G-20, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Mercosur, and other international groupings and local vested interests. To understand how this plays out requires a rigorous new development paradigm. That is a difficult challenge, because civil society organizations with the greatest interest in learning how to cope with the new pressures tend to specialize in specific development areas, such as the Millennium Development Goals, or sectoral issues, rather than having a broader view of how development finance institutions and their big shareholders operate. A revived World Social Forum might take on the task, by reverting to its original intention of being a counterweight to the WEF.", "zh": "如此，这些交易的汇总方式以及南北和南南融合的总体安排均造成了根本性的紧张。 比如，强大的组织和跨国公司（如世界经济论坛、通用电气和力拓）在二十国集团、七国集团和金砖国家内部都有巨大的影响力，这些集团的成员国彼此之间争夺着资源和市场。 这一竞争促使基础设施准备便利（Infrastructure Project Preparation Facilities，IPPF）加快并复制公私合作，在此过程中，它们依赖具有破坏性的大坝和化石燃料基础设施，如尼日利亚通往欧盟的输气管道 — — 这一PIDA的最优先项目之一意味着通往低碳未来的进步将放缓脚步。 事实上，可持续性斗争（特别是在非洲）正在成为新的战场，决定着金砖国家、二十国集团、亚太经济合作组织（APEC ） 、 南方共同市场和其他国际集团和地方既得利益的布局。 要了解它如何展开，就需要严格的新发展范式。 这是一项艰难的挑战，因为最有动力学习如何应对新压力的公民社会组织总是专注于具体的发展领域（如千年发展计划（the Millennium Development Goals ） ） 或部门性问题，而不会把眼界放宽到发展金融机构及其大股东会如何经营上。 复兴的世界社会论坛（World Social Forum）或许可以承担这一任务 — — 如果它回归制衡世界经济论坛的初衷的话。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Underlying the “Asia for Asians” trope may be China’s belief that the US, not its own behavior, is to blame for its neighbors’ defiance. Some Chinese strategists believe that the US is using Asian states, particularly Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines, as pawns to contain China. If this perspective has prevailed in the internal policy debate, Chinese leaders, including Xi, could have reached the fateful conclusion that, on balance, America’s security presence in Asia directly threatens Chinese interests and must be eliminated. That would be a grave strategic error, based on a fundamental misreading of Asian security dynamics. Most of China’s neighbors, even North Korea, fear an unconstrained Chinese hegemon – and, if the US security presence were eliminated, that is precisely what they would face. “Asia for Asians” would be “Asia for the Chinese.” It is difficult to imagine that Chinese policymakers, known for their sophistication and realism, could be pursuing a strategy that is not only unlikely to gain support from fellow Asians, but also is guaranteed to spark conflict with the US. Given this, it is likely – indeed, desirable – that “Asia for Asians” will remain a mere slogan. In fact, Xi has lately toned down his description of China’s aims, recently telling Communist Party leaders that, “We should increase China’s soft power, give a good Chinese narrative, and better communicate China’s message to the world.” But, even as rhetoric, the phrase “Asia for Asians” is problematic for historical reasons. In the 1930s, Japanese militarists used the idea of an “East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” as a cover for their imperial ambitions and conquests. The slogan was widely ridiculed, particularly in China, for its transparent absurdity. This may help to explain the lukewarm reception that the concept of “Asia for Asians” has received this time around. The smartest thing for Chinese leaders to do would be to drop it, once and for all.", "zh": "在“亚洲人民的亚洲”辞令的背后，中国也许认为美国 — — 而不是中国自己 — — 的行为要为邻国的反抗负责。 一些中国战略家认为美国正在利用亚洲国家 — — 特别是日本、越南和菲律宾充当挡箭牌遏制中国。 如果这一观点在国内政策争论中占得上风，包括习近平在内的中国领导人可能会形成一个重大结论，即，总而言之美国在亚洲安全事务上的身影直接威胁到中国的利益，必须将它除掉。 这将是一个可怕的战略错误，其根源是对亚洲安全动态存在根本性误解。 大部分中国的邻国，哪怕是朝鲜，都害怕不受遏制的中国霸权 — — 而如果美国的安全保障被去除，它们就将面临不受遏制的中国霸权。 “亚洲人民的亚洲”将变成“中国人民的亚洲 ” 。 很难想象以成熟和务实闻名的中国决策者回去追求不但不可能赢得亚洲邻国的支持、还必然会导致与美国的剧烈冲突的战略。 基于此，有可能 — — 事实上，但愿如此 — — “亚洲人民的亚洲”将只是一个口号。 事实上，习近平最近在中国的目标问题上的口风也有所缓和，最近他对中共领导人说 ， “ 要提升我国软实力,讲好中国故事,做好对外宣传 。 ” 但是，即使习近平这样说，但出于历史原因 ， “ 亚洲人民的亚洲”一词仍有问题。 20世纪30年代，日本军国主义者以“大东亚共荣圈”作为帝国和征服野心的幌子。 这一口号受到了广泛的口诛笔伐，特别是在中国，因为它具有显而易见的荒谬性。 这有助于解释如今“亚洲人民的亚洲”概念为何会遭受冷遇。 对中国领导人来说，最聪明的做法是一劳永逸地抛弃这一概念。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Central Bank Confidential LONDON – In 1993, the economists Alberto Alesina and Larry Summers published a seminal paper that argued that central bank independence keeps inflation in check, with no adverse consequences for economic performance. Since then, countries around the world have made their central banks independent. None has reversed course, and any hint that governments might reassert political control over interest rates, as happened recently in India, are met with alarm in financial markets and outrage among economists. In truth, however, there are many degrees of independence, and not all nominally independent central banks operate in the same way. Some monetary authorities, like the European Central Bank, set their own target. Others, like the Bank of England (BoE), have full instrument independence – control over short-term interest rates – but must meet an inflation target set by the government. There are differences, too, in how central banks are organized to deliver their objectives. In New Zealand, the bank’s governor is the sole decision-maker. At the US Federal Reserve, decisions are made by the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), whose members – seven governors and five presidents of the Fed’s regional reserve banks – enjoy varying degrees of independence. The ECB does not publish voting records and seeks consensus at the meetings of its General Council. By contrast, the BoE’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) has nine members, four of whom are appointed from outside the bank, and all votes are individually recorded; nobody is allowed to hide behind an institutional view. The Fed does not keep a voting record, but “dissents” from its major decisions are noted (these were almost unheard of when Alan Greenspan was Chairman, but have since become more common). There are differences, too, in the relationship between policymakers and their staff, which also influences a central bank’s independence. At the Fed, the staff present their own economic forecasts to the FOMC, without input from the policymakers who set the interest rate. At the BoE, the MPC is responsible for official forecasts, which it publishes in its Inflation Reports. That is helpful in influencing expectations, because a range of different views from the central bank could confuse the private sector; but it carries the risk of institutional groupthink.", "zh": "中央银行机密 伦敦—1993年，经济学家阿尔贝托·阿莱西纳（Alberto Alesina）和拉里·萨默斯（Larry Summers）发表了一篇开创性论文，论文指出，央行独立让通胀得以控制，并且对经济表现没有消极影响。 自此以后，全球各国纷纷让央行独立。 没有一个国家反其道而行之，而只要有政府表现出重新用政治控制利率的意图，比如最近的印度，就会引起金融市场的警报和经济学家的愤怒。 但是，事实上，独立有许多种程度，并且并非所有名义独立的央行都以相同的方式运行。 一些货币当局，比如欧洲央行，制定它们自己的目标。 另一些，比如英格兰银行，拥有完全的工具独立性 — — 控制短期利率，但需要满足政府制定的通胀目标。 在如何组织央行以实现这些目标方面也存在不同。 在新西兰，央行行长是唯一的决策者。 在美联储，决策由联邦公开市场委员会（FOMC）做出，而FOMC成员 — — 由七位理事和五位美联储地区储备银行行长组成 — — 的独立程度各不相同。 欧洲央行不发布投票记录，并且在总理事会（General Council）会议上寻求达成共识。 相反，英格兰银行货币政策委员会（MPC）有九名成员，其中四名在英格兰银行外部人士中任命，所有成员的投票都会必须个人做出，不得代表机构观点。 美联储不保留投票记录，但其主要决策的“持异见者”会被披露（在艾伦·格林斯潘（Alan Greenspan）任美联储主席期间几乎没有持异见者，而在最近持异见者变得普遍起来 ） 。 决策者和他们的央行工作人员之间的关系也各不相同，这也影响着央行的独立性。 在美联储，工作人员向FOMC报告他们自己的经济预测，这些预测不采用制定利率的决策者的观点。 在英格兰银行，MPC负责官方预测，并发表在其《通胀报告 》 （ Inflation Reports）中。 这有助于影响预期，因为央行观点不同可能让私人部门产生困惑；但风险是导致机构集体思维（groupthink ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "等激起的尘云散去之后，白色身影的本体才暴露了出来——那是尼禄那头白色的双足飞龙，只不过因为一路跟在空艇屁股后面，连点休息的时间都没有，一直拼了命的飞，所以现在这货正像是老牛一样穿着粗气，嘴巴里还不住有白色泡沫淌下…… 于是本来打算跟在西维后面的尼禄只能先一步去照顾自己的坐骑。 不知道是不是因为神圣魔力的关系，圣域之中的植物长的都十分茂盛，郁郁葱葱又不显杂乱，生机盎然又严肃的恰到好处，置身于其中的感觉让西维甚至有些流连忘返。 仪仗队并没有跟着红衣大主教和西维，在走了一段路之后就径自散去了，毕竟仪仗队的身份并不高，不能随随便便进入新约圣堂那座算是教廷中心的宏伟建筑之中。因此等到新约圣堂那座巨大建筑终于出现在视野之中时，路上只剩下了西维和那个红衣大主教。 等到他们终于来到了新约圣堂正门时，一个穿着银白色全身甲，金色的头发盘在脑后，用一只银色的簪子扎住，浑身上下英气勃发的少女正从里面阔步而出。", "en": "After the aroused dust cloud dissipated, the body of the white figure was exposed—it was Nero’s white two-footed dragon, only because he followed the **** of the empty boat all the way to get some rest time No, I have been flying desperately, so now this guy is dressed like an old cow, and there is still white foam dripping from his mouth… So Nero, who was planning to follow Sevi, could only take care of his mount first. I don’t know if it’s because of the divine magic power. The plants in the sanctuary are very lush, lush and not messy, full of vitality and seriousness, just right, the feeling of being in it makes Xiwei even a little lingering. The guard of honour did not follow the cardinal and Xiwei. After walking for a while, the guard of honour disappeared. After all, the status of the guard of honour is not high, so you can’t just enter the magnificent center of the New Testament church. In the building. Therefore, when the huge building of the New Testament Church finally appeared in sight, only Xiwei and the cardinal archbishop were left on the road. When they finally arrived at the main entrance of the New Testament church, a young girl wearing silver and white full body armor with golden hair tied behind her head was tied with a silver hairpin. out."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Railroading India’s Railways NEW DELHI – Every February, the Indian Parliament performs a curious and unique ritual. The railway minister (a portfolio that exists in few democracies nowadays) presents the “railway budget\" to the lower house for its approval. A packed chamber hangs on the minister's every word. The practice began in the days of the British Raj, when the railway budget rivaled that of the rest of the Indian government. Of course, railway revenues today, at $23 billion, no longer dwarf the country's budget, which now stands at some $268 billion. But India's railways still produce other mind-boggling figures: 23 million passengers are transported daily (over eight billion per year, more than the world's entire population) on 12,617 trains connecting 7,172 stations across a 65,000-kilometer (40,000-mile) network. And, with 1.31 million employees, the railways are the country's biggest enterprise. In short, the railways are the lifeblood of India's economy, touching the lives of every segment of society and playing a key role in moving people, freight, and dreams across a congested landscape. Yet much needs fixing. India's trains carry four times the number of passengers as China's, despite covering only half as many kilometers, but still lose about $7 billion annually. The problem is that a succession of railway ministers, viewing the trains as poor people's only affordable means of transport, have refused to raise passenger fares, squeezing freight instead. This has proved popular with voters but disastrous for the country.", "zh": "修建印度的铁路 新德里 — — 每年二月，印度议会都会举行奇怪而独特的仪式。 铁路部长（如今还设立这一职位的民主国家寥寥无几）将“铁路预算”提交给下院审核。 议员们对铁路部长的预算字斟句酌。 该做法起源于英统时期，当时铁路预算相当于印度政府其他预算的总和。 当然，今天约2680亿美元的印度预算与230亿美元的铁路收入相比已不再相形见绌。 但印度铁路仍会出现其他令人难以置信的数字：12,617 趟列车联系着 65,000公里（合40,000英里）路网上的 7,172座车站，日均运送2300万名乘客（每年运送人数高达80多亿，超过全世界人口总和 ） 。 而且，拥有131万名员工的铁路业在国内规模最大。 总之，铁路是印度的经济命脉，与社会各阶层生活息息相关，在运送人员、货物和梦想穿越这片拥挤的大陆时发挥了重要作用。 但需要解决的问题还有很多。 虽然印度火车里程数仅有中国的一半而载客量为中国的四倍，但每年仍带来高达70亿美元的亏损金额。 问题在于连任铁路部长视火车为穷人唯一负担得起的交通工具，不约而同地拒绝提高客运票价而代之以挤压货运。 事实证明这种做法颇受选民欢迎，但却为国家带来了灾难性的后果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That means emphasizing US companies’ access to China’s domestic goods and services markets. Pushing for a bilateral investment treaty that relaxes caps on foreign ownership in both countries would be an important step in that direction. Similarly, the US needs to give China credit for having taken meaningful steps on the road to further currency reform. The mid-March widening of the daily renminbi-dollar trading bands to plus or minus 2% (from the earlier 1% band) is an important step in relaxing control over the so-called managed float. That, coupled with the 3% depreciation in the past few months, should send a strong signal to speculators that one-way renminbi bets are hazardous – a signal that could help dampen inflows of hot money, which have complicated liquidity management and fueled asset-market volatility in China. There are two views of the future of the US-China economic relationship: one that sees only risk, and another that sees opportunity. Fixating on the renminbi falls into the former category: It misses the rebalancing and reforms already under way in China and deflects America’s focus from addressing its most serious long-term macroeconomic problem – a lack of saving. By contrast, viewing China as an opportunity underscores the need for America to undertake its own rebalancing – rebuilding US competitiveness and pushing for a meaningful share of China’s coming boom in domestic demand. Unfortunately, the revival in US saving that this will require is being drowned out by the renminbi rant.", "zh": "这意味着促进美国公司进入中国国内商品和服务市场。 推动双边投资条约、放松两国外国所有权限制将是这一方向的重要步骤。 类似地，美国需要赞美中国以促使其进一步采取有意义的货币改革措施。 3月中旬，人民币-美元日间交易区间扩大为正负2 % （ 此前为1 % ） ，这是向放松对所谓的有管理的浮动的管制的重要一步。 这一举动加上最近几个月3%的贬值构成了一个强烈的信号，投机者下注人民币单边升值是很危险的 — — 这或许有助于遏制热钱流入并干扰流动性管理、增加中国资产市场波动。 关于中美经济关系的未来有两种看法：一种只看到风险，另一种只看到机遇。 纠结于人民币贬值属于第一种：它无视中国已经采取的再平衡和改革，也让美国不再关注纠正其最严重的长期宏观经济问题 — — 储蓄不足。 相反，将中国视为机遇契合美国自身的再平衡需要 — — 重塑美国竞争力，争夺中国即将到来的内需繁荣份额。 不幸的是，实现这一点所要求的美国储蓄回升需要完全被人民币喧嚣掩盖了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, GDP would still triple, and per capita income would double, over the next 50 years. Nonetheless this rate of long-term growth would constitute a sharp break with the six-fold GDP expansion and nearly three-fold increase in per capita income of the last 50 years. Despite its potential benefits, especially for the environment, the impending growth slowdown carries significant risks. While growth is not an end in itself, it enables the achievement of a broad set of societal goals, including the creation of economic and employment opportunities for millions of vulnerable and poor people and the provision of social goods like education, health care, and pensions. So how do we ensure that these imperatives are fulfilled, despite demographic and environmental constraints? The first step is to secure economic growth through productivity gains. The needed acceleration in productivity growth – by 80% to sustain overall GDP growth and by 22% to sustain per capita income growth at the rates of the last half-century – is daunting. But, based on case studies in five economic sectors, the MGI report finds that achieving it, though “extremely challenging,” is possible – and without relying on unforeseeable technological advances. Three-quarters of the potential pickup in productivity could come from “catch-up” improvements, with countries taking steps – modernizing their retail sectors, consolidating automobile production into a smaller number of larger factories, improving health-care efficiency, and reducing food-processing wastage – that have already proven effective elsewhere.", "zh": "可以肯定，未来50年GDP仍将增长到原来的3倍，而人均收入仍将实现两倍的增幅。 但这样的长期增长率仍与过去50年6倍的GDP增长和近3倍的人均收入增长不可同日而语。 虽然经济放缓尤其在环保领域确有其潜在的好处，但即将到来的经济增速放缓所伴随的风险也不可小觑。 虽然增长本身不是目的，但它能实现一系列社会目标，包括为成百上千万弱势群体和穷人创造经济就业机会并提供社会商品，比方说教育、医疗和养老保险。 那么，尽管有着人口和环境等诸多制约因素，我们如何确保这些需求能得到满足？ 通过提高生产率确保经济增长是一个开始。 生产率增长是必要的加速器，完成保持GDP总量增长所需的80%生产率增长和人均收入增长所需的22%生产率增长其相关任务非常艰巨。 但根据对五大经济部门的案例研究，麦肯锡全球研究院发布报告认为虽然不靠无法预见的技术进步实现这一目标“难度巨大 ” ， 但却并非绝无可能。 四分之三的生产率提升可以源于“追赶型”增长，即各国采取措施实现零售部门现代化、完成对汽车制造业的兼并整合、提高医疗效率及控制食品加工中的浪费，这些措施的效果已经在诸多国家得到过证实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Schooling and Social Change in Pakistan ISLAMABAD – The importance of education – and especially schooling – cannot be overestimated. Not only has the expansion of primary and secondary education been linked to accelerated economic growth, poverty eradication, and improved income equality, but education also appears to be closely associated with social enrichment and inclusion, the upgrading of human capital, increased opportunities, and enhanced freedom and welfare. That is why, as Pakistan’s prime minister, I have placed universal access to education very high on the national agenda. Education influences the way people perceive the world around them, understand issues, and find solutions to their problems. It makes them more aware of their rights and duties and affects how they interact within their communities and with the state and its institutions. Above all, it enables them to think critically and question established wisdom, thereby enabling them to rise above prejudice, myth, and restrictive historical legacies. In this sense, education is a major driver of social progress. And it is the key to fulfilling my promise, made when I took office two years ago, to create a new framework for social change in Pakistan, one that ensures equal opportunities and social justice for everyone and stops the exploitation of the poor and harnesses their potential. As the Oslo Summit on Education for Development approaches, I remain firm in my commitment to securing the right to a high-quality education for every child in Pakistan – especially for girls, who have long faced high barriers to education. But there remain considerable obstacles to fulfilling that commitment. Indeed, nearly six million Pakistani children are currently out of school, and many more are not learning even basic mathematics or reading skills. Dropout rates are high. And, perhaps worst of all, terrorists and extremists have been targeting schools, blowing up their buildings and threatening their teachers, particularly in the northern part of the country. In a particularly tragic incident last December, terrorists attacked young students and teachers at a school in Peshawar. I now reiterate the promise that I made after that attack. My government will not allow Pakistan’s schools – so vital to our country’s future – to become targets of terrorism.", "zh": "学校教育与巴基斯坦社会变革 伊斯兰堡—教育，尤其是学校教育的重要性怎么强调都不过分。 中小学教育的普及与加快经济增长、减少贫困和增强收入平等直接相关，而教育更是与社会的多样化和包容性、人力资本的升级、机会的增加以及自由与福利的巩固紧密相关。 因此，作为巴基斯坦总理，我将教育普及作为国家日程的重中之重。 教育影响人们认识周边世界、理解问题以及寻找问题解决方案的方式。 教育让人们更加能够认识到他们的权利与义务，影响他们如何在社区内与人互动以及与国家和国家机构互动。 最重要的是，教育让人们能够批判性思考和质疑传统智慧，从而让他们超越偏见、传说和历史传统的桎梏。 从这个角度讲，教育是社会进步的重要推动力量。 教育也是实现我在两年前开始执政时所作的承诺的关键 — — 为巴基斯坦建立新的社会变化框架，这个框架将确保所有国民机会公平和社会正义，停止剥削穷人、阻碍他们发挥潜力。 随着奥斯陆为了发展的教育峰会（Oslo Summit on Education for Development）的临近，我坚持固守我的承诺 — — 确保每一个巴基斯坦儿童获得高质量教育的权利，特别是女孩，她们长期面临大量教育阻碍。 但实现这一承诺面临着诸多障碍。 事实上，目前有近六百万巴基斯坦儿童在学校大门外徘徊，更有多得多的儿童无法学习基本数学和阅读技能。 辍学率很高。 此外，也许最糟糕的是，恐怖分子和极端分子将学校作为目标，炸毁学校建筑，威胁学校教师，在巴基斯坦北部尤其猖獗。 在去年12月的一起惨绝人寰的事件中，恐怖分子袭击了白沙瓦（Peshawar）一座学校的年轻学生和教师。 现在，我重申我在白沙瓦袭击后所做的承诺。 我的政府决不允许巴基斯坦学校 — — 它们对巴基斯坦的未来至关重要 — — 成为恐怖主义的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the way that science works, the position I was in at that point  is, I had the data,  and I could have worked in a silo for many, many months,  analyzed the data carefully, slowly,  submitted the paper for publication, gone through a few back-and-forths,  and then finally when the paper came out, might release that data. That's the way the status quo works. Well, that was not going to work at this point, right? We had friends on the front lines  and to us it was just obvious that what we needed is help,  lots of help. So the first thing we did is,  as soon as the sequences came off the machines,  we published it to the web. We just released it to the whole world and said, \"Help us.\" And help came. Before we knew it,  we were being contacted from people all over,  surprised to see the data out there and released. Some of the greatest viral trackers in the world  were suddenly part of our community. We were working together in this virtual way,  sharing, regular calls, communications,  trying to follow the virus minute by minute,  to see ways that we could stop it. And there are so many ways that we can form communities like that. Everybody, particularly when the outbreak started to expand globally,  was reaching out to learn, to participate, to engage. Everybody wants to play a part. The amount of human capacity out there is just amazing,  and the Internet connects us all. And could you imagine that instead of being frightened of each other,  that we all just said, \"Let's do this. Let's work together, and let's make this happen.\" But the problem is that the data that all of us are using,  Googling on the web, is just too limited to do what we need to do. And so many opportunities get missed when that happens. So in the early part of the epidemic from Kenema,  we'd had 106 clinical records from patients,  and we once again made that publicly available to the world.", "zh": "但是就当时我所处的位置来看， 科学研究的方法是 我拿到了数据， 我可能要关在实验室里研究好几个月， 细致谨慎地分析那些数据， 写好论文投出去，再进行反复修改， 最后论文公之于众，那些数据才能公开。 这就是当时科学研究的现状。 好吧，在那个特定时候这种方法 肯定不管用，对吧？ 我们有些朋友在抗病前线工作， 显然对于我们来说 最需要的就是外界帮助， 很多的帮助。 所以我们所做的第一件事， 基因测序结果从机器上一出来， 我们就立即在网上发布了这些数据。 我们向全世界公开， 然后说：“帮帮我们！” 于是帮助接踵而至。 我们还没反应过来， 全世界就有一大群人主动跟我们联系， 他们惊喜地看到这些数据在网上公开了。 世界上一些最出色的病毒追踪者 突然就变成了我们团队的一员了！ 我们用这种虚拟的方式共同合作， 我们共享信息，经常互通电话， 一直保持联系， 希望能够分秒跟踪病毒的扩散情况， 然后找到遏制它的办法。 其实我们若要组建这样的团体 有很多种方式。 每个人，尤其是当疫情 在世界范围爆发时， 都在不断获取信息， 都在参与、投入进来。 每个人都想做一些贡献。 世界上所有人的力量真的是太神奇了， 而因特网将我们联系在一起。 你们可以想象吗？ 我们不再害怕与他人交流， 我们所有人都说，“开工吧。 让我们齐心协力，我们一定做得到！” 但是问题就是， 我们所有人所用到的数据， 在谷歌上搜到的数据， 远不能满足我们工作的需求。 当这种情况发生时， 我们就会错失很多机会。 所以在凯内马的疫情爆发初期， 我们有106份病人的临床记录， 我们再一次把这些都公之于众。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Strip away the technobabble about better algorithms, more transparency, and commitment to truth, and Silicon Valley’s “fixes” dodge a simple fact: its technologies are not designed to sort truth from falsehoods, check accuracy, or correct mistakes. Just the opposite: they are built to maximize clicks, shares, and “likes.” Despite pushing to displace traditional news outlets as the world’s information platforms, social media’s moguls appear content to ignore journalism’s fundamental values, processes, and goals. It is this irresponsibility that co-sponsors of the recent advertising transparency bill are seeking to address. Still, Russia’s success in targeting American voters with bogus news could not have succeeded were it not for the second problem: a poorly educated electorate susceptible to manipulation. The erosion of civics education in schools, the shuttering of local newspapers – and the consequent decline in the public’s understanding of issues and the political process – conspire to create fertile ground for the sowing of disinformation. Consider the evidence: In 2005, an American Bar Association survey found that 50% of Americans could not correctly identify the country’s three branches of government. By the time the Annenberg Center for Public Policy asked the same question in 2015, the percentage of such respondents had grown to two thirds, and a staggering 32% could not name a single branch.", "zh": "除了关于更好的算法的技术问题、更大的透明度和对真相的坚持，硅谷的“方案”忽视了一个简单的事实：它们的技术不是用来从谬误中截取真相、检查准确性或纠正错误的。 正好相反，它们是用来实现点击、转发和“点赞”最大化的。 社交媒体号称要取代传统新闻组织，成为世界信息平台，但社交媒体巨头似乎对于忽视新闻的基本价值观、程序和目标感到心安理得。 这种不负责任的态度正是最近的广告透明度法案的联合起草者所要纠正的问题。 尽管如此，俄罗斯成功针对美国选民推送了假新闻。 而要不是因为第二个问题，他们无法取得成功。 这个问题便是选民教育程度不够，容易操纵。 学校公民教育的衰败、地方报纸的倒闭 — — 以及由此导致的公众对问题和政治程序的理解力的下降 — — 共同形成了传播伪信息的温床。 我们来看证据。 2005年，美国律师协会的调查发现50%的美国人无法正确说出美国的三权分立是什么。 2015年，安嫩伯格公共政策中心（Annenberg Center for Public Policy）同样的调查，无法正确回答的回复比例增加到三分之二，更有高达32%的人连其中一类都说不出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "以保促稳、稳中求进，就能为全面建成小康社会夯实基础。 要看到，无论是保住就业民生、实现脱贫目标，还是防范化解风险，都要有经济增长支撑，稳定经济运行事关全局。 要用改革开放办法，稳就业、保民生、促消费，拉动市场、稳定增长，走出一条有效应对冲击、实现良性循环的新路子。 积极的财政政策要更加积极有为。 今年赤字率拟按3.6%以上安排，财政赤字规模比去年增加1万亿元，同时发行1万亿元抗疫特别国债。 这是特殊时期的特殊举措。 上述2万亿元全部转给地方，建立特殊转移支付机制，资金直达市县基层、直接惠企利民，主要用于保就业、保基本民生、保市场主体，包括支持减税降费、减租降息、扩大消费和投资等，强化公共财政属性，决不允许截留挪用。", "en": "Maintaining security will deliver the stability needed to pursue progress, thus laying a solid foundation for accomplishing our goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. We must be clear that efforts to stabilize employment, ensure living standards, eliminate poverty, and prevent and defuse risks must be underpinned by economic growth; so ensuring stable economic performance is of crucial significance. We must pursue reform and opening up as a means to stabilize employment, ensure people’s wellbeing, stimulate consumption, energize the market, and achieve stable growth. We need to blaze a new path that enables us to respond effectively to shocks and sustain a positive growth cycle. We will pursue a more proactive and impactful fiscal policy. The deficit-to-GDP ratio this year is projected at more than 3.6 percent, with a deficit increase of one trillion yuan over last year. On top of this, one trillion yuan of government bonds for covid-19 control will also be issued. These are extraordinary measures for an unusual time. The aforementioned two trillion yuan will be transferred in full to local governments; a special transfer payment mechanism will be set up to ensure that funds go straight to prefecture and county governments and directly benefit businesses and people. These funds should be primarily used to ensure employment, meet basic living needs, and protect market entities. This includes giving support to cut taxes and fees, reduce rents and interest on loans, and increase consumption and investment. It is important to stress that government funds are public in nature and that no such funds are allowed to be withheld or diverted for non-designated uses."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要支持特别行政区政府和行政长官依法施政、积极作为，团结带领香港、澳门各界人士齐心协力谋发展、促和谐，保障和改善民生，有序推进民主，维护社会稳定，履行维护国家主权、安全、发展利益的宪制责任。 香港、澳门发展同内地发展紧密相连。要支持香港、澳门融入国家发展大局，以粤港澳大湾区建设、粤港澳合作、泛珠三角区域合作等为重点，全面推进内地同香港、澳门互利合作， 制定完善便利香港、澳门居民在内地发展的政策措施。 我们坚持爱国者为主体的“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”，发展壮大爱国爱港爱澳力量，增强香港、澳门同胞的国家意识和爱国精神，让香港、澳门同胞同祖国人民共担民族复兴的历史责任、共享祖国繁荣富强的伟大荣光。", "en": "We will continue to support the governments and chief executives of both regions in pursuing the following endeavors: exercising law-based governance, uniting and leading the people of all sectors in an active and concerted effort to promote development and harmony, ensuring and improving people’s wellbeing, taking well-ordered steps to advance democracy, maintaining law and order, and fulfilling the constitutional responsibility of safeguarding China’s sovereignty, security, and development interests. The development of Hong Kong and Macao is closely tied up with that of the mainland. We will continue to support Hong Kong and Macao in integrating their own development into the overall development of the country. We will give priority to the development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area, cooperation between Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macao, and regional cooperation in the pan-Pearl River Delta, thus fully advancing mutually beneficial cooperation between the mainland and the two regions. We will formulate and improve policies and measures to make it more convenient for people from Hong Kong and Macao to develop careers on the mainland. We will remain committed to the policy for the Hong Kong people to govern Hong Kong and the Macao people to govern Macao, with patriots playing the principal role. We will develop and strengthen the ranks of patriots who love both our country and their regions, and foster greater patriotism and a stronger sense of national identity among the people in Hong Kong and Macao. With this, our compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao will share both the historic responsibility of national rejuvenation and the pride of a strong and prosperous China."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“Back to Edo” has become a dominant mood and theme in public debates, promoted by writers, pundits, and historians like Inose Naoki (who is also Vice Governor of Tokyo), who argue that the Japanese were much happier within their closed world, blissfully insulated from the quest for material success and international status. This “Back to Edo” discourse translates into the refusal of young Japanese to learn a foreign language or travel abroad. Indeed, in Europe, North America, and elsewhere, the omnipresent Japanese tourists of the 1970’s have been replaced by Chinese and Koreans. The number of Japanese studying abroad is at a new low at the very moment when South Koreans and Chinese are swarming into European and North American universities. Even the world’s great universities, from Harvard to Oxford, are seeing fewer Japanese students. Here the British are very much mimicking the Japanese: fewer and fewer are learning foreign languages, studying abroad, and following the old path of working in Hong Kong, Singapore, or Australia. So prevalent is this “little England” mood that Prime Minister David Cameron’s government is now tempted to hold a referendum to ask the British whether they want to remain within the European Union, a vote that even that arch euro-skeptic, Margaret Thatcher, never risked. The prospect of a referendum reflects the overwhelming mood among the Tories, who sometimes mention Norway – a non-EU member whose main role in global affairs is to award the Nobel Peace Prize – as a model for Britain’s role in the world. Of course, Norway has the world’s highest per capita income. But that is not the relevant standard against which the UK or other Western countries should measure themselves, because Norway has a tiny, homogeneous, population and sits on vast – and well-managed – natural resources. If asked in a referendum, the British might well leave the EU, which they never liked. This would have the unintended consequence of strengthening the federalists on the continent, thereby accelerating the integration dynamic that the British now want to stop. Indeed, the British would leave just when Iceland, Serbia, Turkey, and Ukraine, despite Europe’s current crisis, are trying to get in. And, while the eurozone may be in crisis, Poland, among others, still want to join in the near future.", "zh": "“回到江户”已成为日本人民的主流观点，引发了公众争论，各种写手、专家和历史学家在一旁煽风点火，如东京都副知事猪濑直树指出，日本人在封闭时代比现在快乐得多，完全不必受到物质成功要求和国际地位担心的困扰。 这种“回到江户”的论调导致日本年轻一代拒绝学习外语和出国旅行。 事实上，在欧洲、美国和其他地区，20世纪70年代无孔不入的日本人已经被中国人和韩国人取代。 出国留学的日本人数量处于历史新低水平，而同时韩国人和中国人正在占领欧洲和北美的大学。 即使在哈佛和牛津这样的世界名校中，日本学生的呃数量也在日渐减少。 在这方面，英国像极了日本人：越来越少的年轻人学外语、出国留学，然后沿着传统老路去香港、新加坡和澳大利亚工作。 这种“小英格兰 ” （ little England）观念是如此普遍，以致于首相卡梅伦政府意欲举行公投，让英国人选择是否愿意留在欧盟。 这种现象就连在欧元的主要质疑者撒切尔夫人时代都是绝不会发生的。 可能举行公投反映了保守党内的压倒性情绪。 保守党有时会把挪威当成英国在世界立足的榜样 — — 不加入欧盟，在国际社会中的主要作用是颁发诺贝尔和平奖。 当然，挪威拥有全世界最高的人均收入。 但这并不能当作英国或其他西欧国家衡量自己的标准，因为挪威人口稀少、人种单一，而且坐拥并很好地管理着巨量自然资源。 如果用公投来说话，那么英国很可能会离开欧盟，这是他们所不愿看到的。 这样做会产生意外后果 — — 巩固欧洲大陆的联邦主义，从而加速眼下英国所欲停止的一体化进程。 事实上，英国将在爱尔兰、塞尔维亚、土耳其和乌克兰不顾眼下欧洲危机试图加入欧盟的当口退出。 此外，尽管欧元区正处于危机，但波兰和其他国家仍然希望在近期加入其中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "刘建伟，中国科学技术大学特任教授，博士生导师，国家自然科学基金委优秀青年基金获得者。 2007年本科毕业于合肥工业大学，2013年在中国科学技术大学微尺度物质科学国家研究中心获得博士学位，师从俞书宏院士。 从事一维纳米结构单元的可控组装及组装体功能研究，通过表面活性剂及纳米线表面设计，研究纳米线在不同环境和界面中的浸润、吸附和组装规律，聚焦纳米线组装体结构与性能之间的关系，构建了新型柔性纳米线功能器件。 近年来，在国际知名发表通讯|第一作者论文39篇，包括Chem. Rev. 1篇、Chem. Soc. Rev. 1篇、Chem 1篇、Angew. Chem. Int. Ed. 3篇、J. Am. Chem. Soc. 4篇、Adv. Mater. 3篇、Nano Lett. 2篇、Natl. Sci. Rev. 1篇等。 主持了包括国家自然科学基金委青年基金、基金委面上项目（两项）、中国科学院青年创新促进会基金等多项科学基金。", "en": "Jianwei Liu, Distinguished Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the University of Science and Technology of China, Winner of the Outstanding Youth Fund of the National Natural Science Foundation of China. He graduated from Hefei University of Technology in 2007 with a Bachelor Degree. In 2013, he received his Ph.D. from the National Research Center of Microscale Material Science, University of Science and Technology of China, under the tutelage of Academician Yu Shuhong. He has been engaged in research on controllable assembly of one-dimensional nanostructure units and related assembly functions. Through the surfactant and nanowire surface design, he studies the rules of the infiltration, absorption and assembly of nanowires in different environments and interfaces, focuses on the relationship between the structure and performance of nanowire assemblies, and constructs a new type of flexible nanowire functional device. In recent years, he has published 39 first-author papers in internationally renowned communications, including 1 paper on Chem. Rev., 1 paper on Chem. Soc. Rev., 1 paper on Chem, 3 papers on Angew. Chem. Int. Ed.,4 papers on J. Am. Chem. Soc., 3 papers on Adv. Mater, 2 papers on Nano Lett, and 1 paper on Natl. Sci. Rev., etc. And Liu has presided over a number of scientific funds including the Youth Fund of National Natural Science Foundation of China, two National Natural Science Foundation of China's General Projects, and the Chinese Academy of Sciences Youth Innovation Promotion Association Fund."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Policymakers Should Ask Modelers CAMBRIDGE – On April 8, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo announced that his state was “flattening the curve” of the COVID-19 pandemic. But only two weeks earlier, various models had projected that peak hospitalizations in New York could be several times higher than they in fact turned out to be. Juxtaposing the actual number of COVID-19 hospitalizations with those projections, Cuomo wondered, “How do you come up with an actual curve that is so much different than what those experts predicted?” Cuomo’s question encapsulates the challenge that decision-makers face when dealing with predictive models. When the stakes are high, and model-based projections are a primary guide, how should policymakers proceed? It’s a relevant question not only during a pandemic. The 2008 financial crisis highlighted the power (and risks) of economic and financial models, and reliance on such tools will only continue to grow in an age of big data and big computing power. As scientists who routinely build models for policy analysis, we propose four questions that decision-makers should ask when using such models’ results. First, why was the model created? Every model simplifies reality, and its creator’s decisions regarding what to simplify (and how), what to include, and what to leave out are based primarily on the questions the model was built to explore. A model’s specific purpose guides the choice of mathematical equations and methods used.", "zh": "决策者应当询问建模者哪些问题 坎布里奇—4月8日，纽约州长安德鲁·库莫宣布，纽约州2019年新冠疫情“曲线正在趋缓 ” 。 但仅仅两周前，各种模型还在预测，纽约市的住院人数峰值或许会比实际出现的高出几倍。 库莫在对比2019年新冠病毒实际和预测住院人数后发出感叹 ， “ 究竟如何出现了与那些专家所预测的如此截然不同的实际曲线 ？ ” 库默的提问概括了决策者在处理预测模型问题时所面临的挑战。 当风险高企，并以基于模型的预测为主要指导时，决策者究竟应当如何应对？ 这绝不仅仅是疫情期间才会提出的问题。 2008年金融危机凸显了经济和金融模型的效用（和风险 ） ， 而且，在这样一个大数据和大计算的时代，人们只会越来越多地依赖上述工具。 身为时常建模用于政策分析的科研人员，我们建议，决策者在利用这些模型的结论时应当提出4个问题。 首先，为什么要建立模型？ 每种模型都简化了现实，而其创建者有关简化什么（以及如何简化 ） 、 包括什么以及放弃什么的决策主要取决于上述模型所要探讨的问题。 模型的特定用途为选择采用哪些数学方程和方法提供指引。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In doing so, he has connected with a voting population that is not only tired of politicians’ shenanigans but also frightened by what seems at times like a breakdown of the rule of law under pressure from growing (if localized) drug-related violence. But no one should expect AMLO to produce a ten-point plan to fight corruption and lawlessness. One problem is that some of AMLO’s associates in the motley coalition that is trying to propel him to the presidency – more than a few of them former PRI members – are not exactly paragons of transparency. More fundamentally, AMLO’s approach to corruption is textbook populism: social problems that seem complex have simple solutions, and they have not been solved only because traditional elites do not want them solved. Elect a strong leader with sufficient willpower, and those problems will conveniently melt away. That leader, of course, can only be AMLO. In the words of political scientist Jesus Silva-Herzog Márquez, “the medicine offered by AMLO to combat corruption is AMLO.” Remember Trump’s boast in the Republican National Convention that “I alone can fix it”? The parallel would be amusing if it were not so frightening. Populism is a kind of identity politics. It thrives on division. It is always us against them.", "zh": "如此，他团结了不少选民，他们厌倦与政客的欺骗，又害怕有时因为日益加剧（或者说地方化的）毒品相关暴力的压力而导致的法治的破坏。 但不必指望AMLO拿出一套完备的打击腐败和非法行为的计划。 一个问题是一些将AMLO送上总统宝座的鱼龙混杂的联盟成员 — — 大多是前PRI成员 — — 并不清白。 更为根本性的是，AMLO的反腐方针是教科书式的民粹主义：复杂的社会问题应有简单的解决办法，它们得不到解决，完全是因为传统精英不想解决。 选出一位有决心的强力领导人，这些问题就能迎刃而解。 当然，这个领导人只能是AMLO。 用政治学家热苏斯·席尔瓦-赫尔佐格·马尔克斯（Jesus Silva-Herzog Márquez）的话说 ， “ AMLO所提供的反腐药方就是AMLO 。 ” 还记得吗？ 特朗普在共和党全国大会上夸耀“我一个人就能解决问题 。 ” 两相对比既好玩又令人惊悚。 民粹主义是一种身份政治。 它因分歧而兴盛。 它永远是我者对阵他者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That is not surprising, given that its findings have implications for food companies, farmers, and consumers everywhere. Our main conclusion, supported by reams of peer-reviewed evidence, is that feeding ten billion people on a sustainable planet is possible. But doing so will require a transformation of the food system to address obesity, improve health, end forest loss, curb greenhouse-gas emissions, and protect the oceans. The world must do three big things in particular. It needs to halve the amount of food waste by 2050. It must move to more efficient and sustainable production systems and invest more in healthier crops. And people need to eat more fruit, vegetables, nuts, and legumes and reduce their dairy and red-meat consumption. Our analysis indicates that moving to such a balanced diet could prevent 11 million premature deaths per year. To achieve this, the Commission proposes a “planetary health diet” of 2,500 calories per day for an average global citizen leading an active life. The diet provides daily consumption ranges for different food groups (such as 200-600 grams of vegetables per day). We recommend that people eat significantly less red meat than they currently do in most parts of the world. A typical weekly meal plan under our proposal might include a hamburger, a couple of chicken dishes, and one or two fish meals, with the others being plant-based. Vegetarian or vegan diets also fall entirely within our food group ranges. Alternatively, people might use animal-based foods as flavorings rather than as the main part of a meal.", "zh": "这不足为奇，因为它的发现对于世界各地的食品公司、农民和消费者都会产生影响。 我们的主要结论得到了大量同行评议证据的支持，认为在可持续的地球上养活一百亿人是可能的。 但这需要改变粮食体系以解决肥胖问题，改善健康，终结森林流失，减少温室气体排放，并保护海洋。 世界尤其必须做三件大事。 到2050年，粮食浪费量必须减少一半。 生产体系的效率和可持续性必须提高，更健康的作物的投资力度必须加大。 此外，人们还必须吃更多水果、蔬菜、坚果和豆类，减少奶和红肉消费。 我们的分析表明，转向这样的均衡饮食每年能够减少1,100万早夭。 为了实现这一目标，委员会提出了一套“地球健康饮食 ” ， 普通地球公民的活跃日常生活每天需要2,500大卡热量。 这套饮食每天提供不同食物种类组合（如每天200—600克蔬菜 ） 。 我们建议，大部分地区的人必须较现在大幅减少红肉。 根据我们的方案，典型的每周肉食计划包括一个汉堡，一些鸡肉，一两餐鱼肉，其他则全吃植物性食品。 素食或严格素食也全部位于我们的食品组合范围内。 或者，人们可以使用调味品等动物性食品，而不把动物性食品作为主餐。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Measure of Financial Regulators’ Independence LONDON – There is a vast academic literature on central bank independence, and central bank governors address the topic at every opportunity. Most of the academic papers, and all of the governors, argue that a high degree of independence is associated with low inflation and monetary stability. Some of these academic studies question the direction of causation, asking whether countries with highly inflation-averse populations – Germany being the most obvious example – are inclined to favor robust independence. But there is wide support for the general proposition that taking politicians out of the process of setting interest rates is associated with lower and more stable inflation. There is much evidence that, previously, the electoral cycle influenced interest-rate decisions, with damaging consequences. Much less attention has been paid to the independence of financial regulators and, especially, banking supervisors. Many of the latter are of course part of central banks, but by no means all of them are. Around a third of countries with significant banking systems operate with supervisors outside the central bank. That is true of Sweden, Japan, and Australia, for example. And in some cases, different independence regimes apply to monetary policy and supervision, even where both are brigaded within the central bank. The question of how independent bank supervisors are is of more than theoretical interest. Regulatory and supervisory independence is one of the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision’s core principles. Yet according to the International Monetary Fund, it is the one with the lowest level of compliance across the countries the Fund reviews. Banking supervisors’ perceived lack of independence in some eurozone countries was one of the reasons for establishing the European Union’s banking union. There is evidence that banks with direct political involvement were subject to indulgent supervision and performed especially poorly in the 2008 global financial crisis. Their bad debts were higher than might have been expected. More recently, there have been questions about the closeness of German supervisors to the country’s finance ministry. After the accounting scandal that brought about the insolvency of the payment processing and financial services firm Wirecard, the European Securities and Markets Authority pointed to “a heightened risk of influence by the Ministry of Finance given the frequency and detail of reporting” in the Wirecard case.", "zh": "如何衡量金融监管者的独立性 发自伦敦—关于中央银行独立性的学术著作已是汗牛充栋，各大央行行长也会抓住一切机会探讨这一话题。 而且大多数学术论文和所有行长都认为央行的高度独立会带来低通胀和货币稳定。 但有些学术研究也对这一因果关系提出了疑问，质疑那些民众较为厌恶通胀的国家（德国是最明显的例子）是否必定倾向于赋予央行高度独立性。 但是人们普遍支持这样一个大概的理念，那就是将政治家排除在利率设定程序之外的做法与较低且更稳定的通胀相关。 也有大量证据表明以往的选举周期经常会影响利率决策，还会导致破坏性的后果。 然而却很少有人关注金融监管机构，尤其是银行监管机构的独立性。 后者经常被当成中央银行不可或缺的一部分，但并不是全部机构都是如此。 拥有大规模银行体系的国家中约有1/3会与中央银行外部的监管机构合作，比如瑞典，日本和澳大利亚。 在某些情况下货币政策和监管会使用各自不同的独立制度，即便这两个制度都隶属于央行内部。 独立银行监管者应当如何运作的问题可不仅仅具备理论意义。 监管独立是巴塞尔银行监督委员会的核心原则之一，然而根据国际货币基金组织的数据，它却是受该组织审查的国家中合规水平最低的一项。 对某些欧元区国家银行监管者缺乏独立性的认定是建立欧盟银行联盟的原因之一。 有证据表明，那些与政界有直接联系的银行受到的监管较为宽松，也在2008年全球金融危机中表现尤为差劲。 它们的坏账率也比预期要高。 最近则有人对德国监管机构与德国财政部之间的亲密关系表达了质疑。 在导致支付处理和金融服务公司Wirecard破产的会计丑闻之后，欧洲证券和市场管理局指出在Wirecard案中“过于频密和详细的汇报致使该企业受财政部影响的风险增大 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To focus the discussion, we can ask the following question: Did the status quo rejected by the Obama’s and Huckabee’s voters include the deterioration of American-European relations under the Presidency of George W. Bush? After all, the current Administration’s denigration of “old Europe” was not just a rhetorical aside, but a centerpiece of its reckless approach to foreign affairs. That is why any serious break with the disastrous Bush legacy should start with rethinking and rebuilding the Atlantic Alliance. That a renewed Atlanticism would be a priority for either Obama or Huckabee is extremely doubtful, however. Relations between the US and Europe have gone virtually unmentioned in the dozens of Presidential debates held over the past six months. This is not surprising. Candidates have no incentive to focus attention on a subject, such as the strained Atlantic Alliance, that seldom if ever enters the consciousness of the average voter. Obama’s failure to convene a single policy meeting of the Senate European sub-committee which he chairs (a committee that oversees, among other things, US relations with NATO and the EU) has had absolutely zero resonance among the electorate at large. When the topic arises, the Republican candidates, for their part, seem less blandly indifferent than overtly hostile to Europe. Their anti-European animus, while crudely uninformed, reflects, among other factors, the scorn for secularism typical of Southern white evangelicals and the perverse notion promulgated by some distinguished Republican defense intellectuals that Europe today can contribute little or nothing to American security.", "zh": "为了把讨论集中于一定范围之内，我们可以问下面的问题：奥巴马和赫卡比的选民们所拒绝的现状是否包括布什总体任期内美欧关系的恶化呢？ 毕竟，美国当前政府蔑称“老欧洲”并非只是口头而已，而是其对待外交事务鲁莽方针的中心部分。 对于像大西洋联盟这样很少进入普通选民意识的问题侯选人并没有动力来予以关注。 奥巴马主持参议员欧洲分委会(这一分委会的职责之一就是监督美国与北约和欧盟的关系 ) ， 但是他没有召开一次该分委会的政策会议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "康熙心想：“小桂子说这宫女是个男人，多半不错。这中间若不是有天大隐情，太后何必要沉尸入塘，灭去痕迹？”见韦小宝便站在身边，不自禁的伸出手去，握住了他手。两人均觉对方手掌又湿又冷。过了一会，听得扑通一声，那装尸首的布袋掉入了荷塘，跟着是扒土和投掷泥土入塘的声音，又过一会，那宫女回进寝殿。韦小宝早就认得她声音，便是那小宫女蕊初。太后问道：“都办好了？”蕊初道： “是，都办好了。”太后道：“这里本来有两具尸首，怎么另一具不见了？明天有人问起，你怎么说？”蕊初道：“奴才……奴才什么也不知道。”太后道：“你在这里服侍我，怎会什么也不知道？”蕊初道：“是，是！”太后怒道：“什么‘是，是’？”", "en": "'It seems Trinket was right about this maid being a man,' thought Kang Xi to himself. There's obviously something very shady going on, or why would she want to throw the body into a pond?' He reached out and held Trinket's hand in his own. They could each feel how cold and clammy the other's palm was. There was an audible splash as the body slid into the pond, followed by the sound of earth being thrown into the water. Minutes later the maid returned. Trinket had recognized her voice from the very first. It was his old flame Blossom, she of the honey-cakes. 'Did you manage it all right?' asked the Empress Dowager. 'Yes, Ma'am.' 'What will you say tomorrow if they ask you what happened to the other corpse?' 'I... I don't know anything about it. . .' 'Of course you must know something about it: you work here, you're my maid!' 'Yes! Yes, Ma'am!' 'What do you mean, \"Yes!\"?' The Empress Dowager sounded angry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unstable coalitions in Iran prevent any substantive negotiations between the two countries, while political fragmentation in Pakistan significantly hinders US policy there. And the fragility of Israel’s ruling coalition, combined with strong congressional support for Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, makes it difficult to influence the country’s policies, despite Israel’s significant impact on US strategy in the Arab world. But Obama has also struggled to define the terms of a possible grand bargain. Any agreement with Iran would require consent from Israel and the Gulf countries, which do not share the same objectives. And the US cannot reach an accord with Pakistan without India’s consent, which America would be unable to force, especially given that it relies on India to counterbalance China’s growing clout in Asia. With Israel, the terms are ostensibly simpler: in exchange for a stronger US security guarantee, Israel would accept the establishment of a Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders. But Israel is also a crucial domestic political topic in the US; indeed, any distancing from Israel is unacceptable to most Americans. While Obama’s first term could not be called a foreign-policy disappointment, his achievements – although not trivial – have been limited. If he wins a second term, he is likely to find it increasingly difficult to win by playing not to lose.", "zh": "伊朗内部联盟的不稳定性决定了美伊之间不可能开展任何有意义的谈判，而巴基斯坦的政治分裂局面也极大地拖累了美国的巴基斯坦政策。 以色列执政联盟的脆弱性，加上国会对总理内塔尼亚胡的强烈支持导致美国很难影响以色列的政策，尽管以色列对美国的阿拉伯政策具有重大影响。 但奥巴马仍然勉强地给出了可能的大谈判的条件。 任何与伊朗达成的协议都必须经过以色列和海湾国家同意，而后两者的目标并不相同。 美国也不可能在印度不同意的情况下与巴基斯坦达成协议，而印度是否同意并不由美国说了算，特别是在美国需要依赖印度制衡中国在亚洲的影响力的情况下。 至于以色列，条件看上去更简单：作为对美国加强其安全保证的交换，以色列将接受巴勒斯坦沿1967年边境建国。 但以色列也是美国的主要国内政治话题之一；事实上，任何远离以色列的做法对于大部分美国人来说都是不可接受的。 尽管奥巴马的第一个任期的外交政策算不上令人失望，但他的成就 — — 虽说不小 — — 极其有限。 如果他能够赢得第二个任期，那么他可能会更加难以通过立足不败之地获得胜利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Wrong Growth Strategy for Japan CAMBRIDGE – Japan’s new government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, could be about to shoot itself in the foot. Seeking to boost economic growth, the authorities may soon destroy their one great advantage: the low rate of interest on government debt and private borrowing. If that happens, Japanese conditions will most likely be worse at the end of Abe’s term than they are today. The interest rate on Japan’s ten-year government bonds is now less than 1% – the lowest in the world, despite a very high level of government debt and annual budget deficits. Indeed, Japan’s debt is now roughly 230% of GDP, higher than that of Greece (175% of GDP) and nearly twice that of Italy (125% of GDP). The annual budget deficit is nearly 10% of GDP, higher than any of the eurozone countries. With nominal GDP stagnating, that deficit is causing the debt/GDP ratio to rise by 10% annually. Japan’s government is able to pay such a low rate of interest because domestic prices have been falling for more than a decade, while the yen has been strengthening against other major currencies. Domestic deflation means that the real interest rate on Japanese bonds is higher than the nominal rate. The yen’s rising value raises the yield on Japanese bonds relative to the yield on bonds denominated in other currencies. That may be about to come to an end. Abe has demanded that the Bank of Japan pursue a quantitative-easing strategy that will deliver an inflation rate of 2-3% and weaken the yen. He will soon appoint a new BOJ governor and two deputy governors, who will, one presumes, be committed to this goal. The financial markets are taking Abe’s strategy seriously. The yen’s value against the US dollar has declined by more than 7% in the last month. With the euro rising relative to the dollar, the yen’s fall relative to the euro has been even greater. The yen’s weakening will mean higher import costs, and therefore a higher rate of inflation. An aggressive BOJ policy of money creation could cause further weakening of the yen’s exchange rate – and a rise in domestic prices that is more rapid than what Abe wants.", "zh": "日本的错误增长战略 美国剑桥—以安倍晋三为首相的日本新政府大概要搬起石头砸自己的脚了。 为了提振经济增长，当局可能会破坏其一大优势：国债和私人借贷的低利率。 果真如此的话，在安倍晋三任期结束时，日本所面临的条件极有可能会比现在更加糟糕。 10年期日本国债利率现在还不到1 % ， 为世界最低，尽管日本国债水平和预算赤字水平极高。 事实上，如今日本债务量大约在GDP的230 % ， 比希腊（175 % ） 更高，几乎是意大利（125 % ） 的两倍。 年度预算赤字接近GDP的10 % ， 比任何欧元区国家都高。 在名义GDP停滞不前的情况下，如此赤字造成债务/GDP比率每年升高10 % 。 日本政府之所以能够获得如此低的利率，是因为十多年来国内物价一直在下降，而日元则对其他主要货币升值。 国内通缩意味着日本债券的真实利率高于名义利率。 日元升值则提高了日本债券相对于其他货币债券的收益率。 这一情况马上就要结束了。 安倍晋三要求日本银行采取量化宽松政策，让通胀率达到2—3 % ， 让日元贬值。 他很快就会任命新的日本银行行长和两位副行长，人们预计，这三人将不折不扣地执行这一目标。 金融市场对安倍晋三的战略反应激烈。 上个月，日元对美元汇率猛跌7 % 。 而欧元对美元有所升值，故日元相对欧元的贬值更为强烈。 日元的贬值将意味着更高的进口成本，从而推高通货膨胀率。 日本银行激进的货币创造政策可能造成日元的进一步贬值，从而让国内物价以比安倍晋三所希望的更快的速度上涨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though Trump himself was probably motivated to recognize Guaidó more by his desire to win support from Hispanic voters, the fact is that Russia’s deepening military cooperation with Venezuela could conceivably result in a modern rendition of the Cuban Missile Crisis. But there is a more fundamental issue at play. The world’s dictatorships support Maduro because they want to undercut the principle, adopted unanimously by the United Nations General Assembly in 2005, that the international community has an responsibility to protect populations from atrocities carried out by their own governments. By backing Maduro, they seek immunity for themselves. Defending the spirit of the so-called R2P principle, which the left should cherish, was a key motivation behind the decision by many other democracies – including Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Spain, and the UK – to recognize Guaidó. Rather than stick to their old political dogma, leftist political figures should heed the voice of Toshiko Sakurai, a Venezuelan exile. “I am sick of you,” she told the Spanish left. “We both believe in public universal education and health care financed with taxes” and “a safety net and wealth redistribution.” But, she continued, “supporting socialist policies doesn’t keep me from denouncing the brutal monstrosity being inflicted upon my country.” The 2008 economic crisis has fueled the rise of a new political class that revived the social-democratic call for a fairer society. These figures are right to reject any consideration of a potentially calamitous foreign military intervention in Venezuela.", "zh": "尽管特朗普本人可能是受此刺激而承认瓜伊多，而非渴望赢得来自西班牙裔选民的支持，但事实是俄罗斯与委内瑞拉的深度军事合作极有可能引发当代版古巴导弹危机。 但还有一个更为根本性的问题。 全球独裁者支持马杜罗，因为他们想要破坏联合国大会在2005年一致通过的原则，即国际社会有责任保护（R2P）人民免遭本国政府的暴行。 他们支持马杜罗，实际上是在为自己争取豁免。 捍卫所谓的R2P原则的精神 — — 左翼应该珍视这一原则 — — 是其他众多民主国家决定承认瓜伊多的关键动机，包括澳大利亚、加拿大、法国、德国、西班牙和英国。 左翼政治任务不可拘泥于旧政治教条，而应该遵循委内瑞拉流亡者樱井年子（Toshiko Sakurai）的声音。 “我讨厌你们 ， ” 她对西班牙左翼说。 “我们都信奉用税收买单的全民公共教育和全民医疗”和“安全网和财富再分配 。 ” 但她继续说 ， “ 支持社会主义政策并没有阻止我谴责我的国家所遭受的残酷暴行 。 ” 2008年经济危机助长了新政治阶层的崛起，复兴了社会民主派的建设更加公平的社会的主张。 这些人正确地拒绝考虑任何有可能造成灾难性后果的军事干预委内瑞拉的做法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Renzi’s proposed reforms would, among other things, modernize the political system by disempowering the Senate (the upper house of Parliament). Such an amendment is sorely needed to eliminate political gridlock, and Renzi has already succeeded in getting it through both chambers of Parliament. Indeed, the plebiscite was only supposed to provide final confirmation. But Renzi failed to improve Italy’s dismal economic performance. Eight years after the 2008 financial crisis, industrial production is still down by 25% from pre-crisis levels, and youth unemployment is hovering at more than 40%. According to these economic indicators, “la crisi,” as the Italians call it, is as bad as that experienced a quarter-century ago in Poland and other Eastern European countries, in the aftermath of communism’s collapse. But those countries endured their post-communist hardships, because their leaders and enough of their people believed in the promise of free-market capitalism. By contrast, since the 2008 global financial crisis, that belief has been badly shaken in Italy and other EU-countries. The boyish Renzi did try to improve the existing system and close some of Italy’s generational gaps, by implementing labor-market reforms. But, unlike former British Prime Minister Tony Blair in the 1990s or former German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder in the early 2000s, Renzi is operating under far worse global economic conditions. Italy cannot build on an export-driven growth model, and it is staggering under the massive debt burden inherited from Berlusconi. Renzi’s foes include left-wing populists such as the Five Star Movement (Movimiento Cinque Stelle) and right-wing populists such as the Northern League, or Lega Nord, which fiercely attack him while blaming the EU for many of Italy’s economic and political problems. The EU, meanwhile, has left Italy to manage on its own the 160,000 North African refugees who have arrived so far just in the course of this year. If Renzi’s referendum fails, Five Star Movement leader Beppe Grillo has indicated that he will demand another plebiscite on Italy’s eurozone membership, which might just succeed. While Italy was once a staunchly pro-EU country, many Italians may now support less integration, especially after the high-profile example set by the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum in June. On the other hand, a eurozone-membership referendum may not even be necessary.", "zh": "伦齐所提出的改革要通过削减参议院（议会上院）的权力实现政治制度现代化。 要打破政治僵局，进行这样的宪法修订是十分必要的，并且伦齐已经成功说服了议会两院。 事实上，公决应该只是提供最终确认。 但伦齐没能改善意大利萎靡不振的经济。 2008年金融危机已经过去了八年，但意大利工业产量仍比危机前水平低25 % ， 年轻人失业仍徘徊在40%以上。 这些经济指标 — — 意大利人称之为“危机 ” （ la crisi ） — —与四分之一个世纪前波兰和东欧国家在共产主义崩溃后的情况一样糟糕。 但这些国家渡过了后共产主义难关，因为它们的领导人和足够多的人民相信自由市场资本主义带来的憧憬。 相反，2008年全球金融危机以来，意大利和其他欧盟国家的这一信念受到了极大的动摇。 年少成名的伦齐确实试图通过实施劳动力市场改革改善现有制度，消除一些代际差距。 但是，与20世纪90年代的英国前首相布莱尔和21世纪初的德国总理提施罗德不同，伦齐需要在恶劣得多的全球经济环境下施展。 意大利无法以出口拉动型增长模式为基础，并且因为贝卢斯科尼留下的沉重债务负担而步履维艰。 伦齐的对手包括五星运动（Movimiento Cinque Stelle）等左翼民粹主义者和北方联盟（Lega Nord）等右翼民粹主义者，他们猛烈抨击伦齐，同时指责欧盟要为意大利的诸多经济和政治问题负责。 与此同时，欧盟要求意大利管理好自身160,000北非难民，他们都是在今年到达意大利的。 如果伦齐的公投失败，五星运动领导人贝佩·格里洛（Beppe Grillo）已经表示他将要求举行关于意大利欧元区成员地位的新公决，这场公决很有可能取得成功。 尽管意大利曾经是坚定的欧盟支持者，但如今许多意大利人支持退出一体化，特别是在6月的英国退欧公投树立了高调的榜样之后。 另一方面，欧元区成员地位公投也许根本没有必要。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet today, universities in the United States easily outperform their European counterparts. Less than 2% of the European Union’s GDP is devoted to research, compared to 2.5% in the US and 3% in Japan. Spending per student on tertiary education is just over $9,000 in France, slightly under $11,000 in Germany, and almost $12,000 in the UK. Some EU countries, such as Denmark, do better, but still lag far behind the US, which spends more than $25,000.", "zh": "Pourtant, aujourd’hui, les universités des États-Unis sont bien meilleures que leurs homologues européennes. Moins de 2 % du PIB de l’Union européenne est consacré à la recherche, comparé à 2,5 % aux États-Unis et à 3 % au Japon. Les dépenses par étudiant dans l’éducation tertiaire représentent un peu plus de 9 000 $US en France, un peu moins de 11 000 $US en Allemagne, et presque 12 000 $US au Royaume-Uni. Quelques pays de l’UE, comme le Danemark, font mieux, tout en restant bien loin derrière les États-Unis, qui dépensent plus de 25 000 $US par étudiant."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Kim Jong-un’s Moneyball Strategy ATLANTA – Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe prioritized pomp over policy while hosting US President Donald Trump this week. The one exception was the issue of North Korea, which recently conducted more short-range missile tests off its east coast. Abe is clearly anxious about keeping Japan and the United States on the same page now that Trump’s denuclearization talks with North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un have faltered. But at a joint press conference on Monday, Trump dismissed concerns about the latest tests – breaking not just with Abe, but also with his own advisers. Abe has every reason to worry that Kim is gaining an important diplomatic edge. To be sure, as the North Korean economy struggles and food shortages loom, Kim’s bromance with Trump has failed to secure an easing of economic sanctions. But he has now reshuffled his negotiating team and tried to strike a statesmanlike pose, offering to hold yet another summit with Trump if the terms are right. At the same time, Kim has been shoring up his position for further negotiations, not least by reaching out to China and Russia. Such overtures by the North Korean regime certainly are not unprecedented, but they are unusual. As the scion of a dynasty that has jealously guarded the North’s independence for 70 years, Kim, like his grandfather, Kim Il-sung, the state’s founder, regards national self-reliance as sacrosanct. Though China and Russia are the Kim regime’s traditional allies, Kim’s grandfather and father, Kim Jong-il, always kept their distance from the two powers, often playing one off against the other. By contrast, Kim is teaming up with both to tilt the geostrategic field in his favor. China, Russia, and North Korea most likely are not sharing a script, but they do appear to have settled on a division of labor, and are operating accordingly. Kim is doing his job on the Korean Peninsula, exploiting South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s eagerness for rapprochement in order to drive a wedge between South Korea and the US. He is even entertaining the possibility of talks with Abe, who is desperate not to be excluded from the high-level exchanges. China, meanwhile, is playing its traditional role as the North’s most influential partner.", "zh": "金正恩的“点球成金”战略 亚特兰大—本周，日本首相安倍晋三招待美国总统特朗普可谓华而不实。 一个例外是朝鲜，它最近又在其东海岸进行了多次短程导弹测试。 在特朗普与朝鲜领导人金正恩的去核化谈判陷入僵局的情况下，安倍显然急欲和美国保持一致。 但在周一的联合新闻发布会上，特朗普打消了对最近的试射的担忧，不仅与安倍，也与他自己的顾问南辕北辙。 安倍有很充分的理由担心金正恩正在获得重要的外交优势。 平心而论，在朝鲜经济举步维艰、粮食面临短缺之际，金正恩与特朗普关系改善并没有保证经济制裁放松。 但他现在d改组了他的谈判团队，试图表现出政治家风度，提出在条件合适时与特朗普再举行一次峰会。 与此同时，金正恩一直在为后续谈判争取稳固的位置，为此不惜联络中国和俄罗斯。 朝鲜政权的这些示好之举显然是前所未有的，但并不反常。 作为竭尽全力保持独立70年的朝鲜王朝的继承人，金正恩和他的祖父、朝鲜国父金日成一样，将国家自立视为神圣不可侵犯。 尽管中国和俄罗斯都是金氏政权的传统盟友，但金正恩的祖父和父亲金正日向来与这两个大国保持距离，常常拉拢一个，对抗另一个。 相反，金正恩想要同时拉拢中俄，让地缘战略对自己有利。 中国、俄罗斯和朝鲜很有可能各怀各的心思，但确实在劳动分工上存在一致，并据以行事。 金正恩在朝鲜半岛上完成着自己的使命，利用韩国总统文在寅急于恢复邦交，在韩国与美国之间钉入一枚楔子。 他甚至利用了与安倍谈判的可能性，后者急欲加入高规格交流。 与此同时，中国也在扮演朝鲜最有影响力伙伴这一传统角色。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They include: India’s Ashwini, a visually impaired champion for disabled children; Attal, who created a girls school in his family kitchen in Afghanistan; Shweta who grew up in a South Asian brothel and created a support group for trafficked and abused girls; and Salyne, whose organization, Teach For Lebanon, is helping to educate many of the country’s half-million Syrian and Palestinian refugees. One Youth Courage award winner, Razia, who at the age of nine was forced to stitch footballs when she should have been in school, started her civil-rights work after Satyarthi rescued her. She is now leading the campaign in India for the right to education. The campaign against child exploitation and for education has become global. The organization A World at School is now circulating the biggest-ever petition in support of the Millennium Development Goal of universal education. The sad fact is that children are doing more than adults to fight for their own rights. Nonetheless, the child-liberation movement that Satyarthi, Yousafzai, and others have helped to mobilize is growing by the day, and new, courageous voices are speaking out against injustices that cannot be allowed to persist for another generation.", "zh": "这些人包括：为残疾儿童奔波的视障印度人阿什维尼（Ashwini ） 、 在自家厨房创办女校的阿富汗人阿塔尔（Attal ） 、 在南亚妓院中长大、成立援助被贩卖和被虐待女孩团体的什维塔（Shweta ） 、 协助教育五十万叙利亚和巴勒斯坦难民中的大量儿童的为黎巴嫩教书（Teach For Lebanon）组织创始人萨利恩（Salyne ） 。 青年勇气奖获得者拉齐亚（Razia）在九岁应该上学的年纪被迫从事缝制足球的工作，在获得塞蒂亚尔西的拯救后，她开始从事公民权利工作。 如今，她领导着印度教育权利运动。 反儿童剥削运动和儿童教育运动正在成为全球趋势。 学校世界（A World of School）组织正在募集史上最大规模请愿以支持有教无类的千年发展目标。 悲哀的事实是儿童在为自己争取权利方面比成年人做得更多。 尽管如此，塞蒂亚尔西、尤沙夫赛和其他人所动员起来的儿童解放运动正在日益蓬勃发展，充满勇气的新声音直指绝不能允许在子孙后代继续存在的不公。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Who instigated the Cultural Revolution, with its accompanying mass violence? It is not surprising that the CPC has worked so hard to extirpate the Tiananmen Square massacre from public memory. History – including the horrors of Mao Zedong’s rule – is too volatile a substance for the Chinese dictatorship. China’s leaders hold up their system of government as a model for other countries. But how can a regime be confident in the sustainability of its values and methods if it is afraid of its own past? Many of us used to think that China, growing richer and resuming a central role in world affairs, would slowly but inevitably embrace the same aspirations as most other societies: greater accountability, freedom to speak one’s mind, and a rule of law to which all, including the mightiest, were subject. President Xi Jinping, however, has been trying to bury that idea by reasserting party control over every aspect of government, jailing lawyers and human-rights activists, cracking down on religious groups, incarcerating hundreds of thousands of Uighurs in “re-education” camps in China’s Xinjiang region, and issuing increasingly bellicose threats against Taiwan. And we have seen the same reversal in Hong Kong. Communist China signed an international treaty to respect Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy, freedom, and rule of law for 50 years after it resumed sovereignty over the city in 1997. For more than a decade after this handover, things went pretty well, although China retreated from some of its promises about democratic development.", "zh": "谁发动了文化大革命，导致大规模群众暴力？ 毫不奇怪，中共不遗余力要将天安门广场大屠杀从公共记忆中抹除。 历史 — — 包括毛泽东统治时期的恐惧 — — 对于中国独裁制度而言是一个过于不稳定的存在。 中国领导人认为他们的政府系统堪为其他国家的榜样。 但一个害怕自身的过去的政权，如何能够自信满满地认为它的价值观和方法论能够永恒？ 我们中有许多人习惯于认为，日益富裕、回归世界事务主角的中国能够缓慢但不可避免地接受与大部分其他社会一样的期望：更大的可问责性、表达个人思想的自由，人人平等（包括权势人物）的法治。 但国家主席习近平一直在试图扼杀这一概念，重申党对政府全方位的控制，逮捕律师和人权活动家，镇压宗教团体，将数十万维吾尔人关进新疆的“培训中心 ” ， 对台湾发起越来越好斗的威胁。 我们在香港也看到了同样的反转。 共产主义中国签署了国际条约，规定要在其1997年收回香港主权后的50年里尊重香港的高度自治、自由和法治。 在主权交接后的十多年里，情况进展良好，尽管中国收回了一些民主发展的承诺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Donald Trump and the New Economic Order HONG KONG – Since the end of World War II, the hierarchy of economic priorities has been relatively clear. At the top was creating an open, innovative, and dynamic market-driven global economy, in which all countries can (in principal) thrive and grow. Coming in second – one might even say a distant second – was generating vigorous, sustainable, and inclusive national growth patterns. No more. In fact, a reversal seems to be underway. Achieving strong inclusive national-level growth to revive a declining middle class, kick-start stagnant incomes, and curtail high youth unemployment is now taking precedence. Mutually beneficial international arrangements governing flows of goods, capital, technology, and people (the four key flows in the global economy) are appropriate only when they reinforce – or, at least, don’t undermine – progress on meeting the highest priority. This reversal became apparent in June, when Britons – including those who benefit significantly from the existing open economic and financial system – voted to leave the European Union, based on what might be called the sovereignty principle. EU institutions were perceived to be undermining Britain’s capacity to boost its own economy, regulate immigration, and control its destiny. A similar view has been animating nationalist and populist political movements across Europe, many of which believe that supra-national arrangements should come second to domestic prosperity. The EU – which actually does, in its current configuration, leave its member governments short of policy tools to meet their citizens’ evolving needs – is an easy target. But even without such institutional arrangements, there is a sense that emphasizing international markets and linkages can hamper a country’s capacity to advance its own interests. Donald Trump’s victory in the United States’ presidential election made that abundantly clear. In keeping with Trump’s main campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again,” it was his “America first” comments that were most revealing. While Trump might pursue mutually beneficial bilateral agreements, one can expect that they will be subordinated to domestic priorities, especially distributional aims, and supported only insofar as they are consistent with these priorities. Developed-country voters’ frustration with the old market-driven global economic architecture is not unfounded.", "zh": "特朗普和新经济秩序 发自香港 — — 自二战结束以来，经济事务上的优先次序都相对清晰。 最顶端是创造一个开放、创新和充满活力的以市场为导向的全球经济 ， （ 原则上）所有国家都可以茁壮成长。 第二层 — — 有人可能会说这个比较遥远 — — 则是产生充满活力、可持续和包容性的国家增长模式。 除此之外就没有其它了。 事实上，一个逆转似乎正在进行。 实现强大的包容性国家级增长以复苏陷入衰退的中产阶级，重启停滞的收入，以及遏制高青年失业水平等事项如今被置顶。 那些关于商品、资本、技术和人员流动（全球经济中的四个关键性流动因素）的国际互利协议只有在它们能加强（或至少不破坏）推动最高优先级事务的进展时才算是合理的。 这种逆转在6月初露端倪，英国人 — — 包括那些从现有的开放经济和金融体系中获益良多的人 — — 基于所谓的主权原则最终投票决定脱欧。 在他们眼中，欧盟机构会损害英国促进本国经济，规管移民和控制自身命运的能力。 类似的观点令欧洲的民族主义和民粹主义政治运动大受鼓舞，其中许多人认为超国家协议应该排在本国繁荣之后。 实际上，在目前的配置下，欧盟确实令其成员国政府在满足公民不断变化的需求时缺乏政策工具 ，因此也容易沦为众矢之的。 但即使没有这样的体制安排，人们也会觉得强调国际市场和各国联系会妨碍一个国家增进自身利益的能力。 而特朗普在美国总统大选中的胜利更令这点显露无遗。 再结合特朗普的主要竞选口号“让美国再次伟大起来 ” ， 他这种“美国为先”的言论最能说明问题。 虽然特朗普可能会寻求签订互利性双边协议，但人们也会预料这些协议将服从于国内优先事项，尤其是一些分配性目的，也只有在与这些优先事项一致的情况下才会予以支持。 发达国家选民对旧有市场导向型全球经济结构的沮丧不是没有根据的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because India has just endured a decade of neglect by the previous Congress government, the new administration will have to act quickly and decisively to safeguard the country’s national-security. This imperative is made all the more urgent by China’s decision to expand its defense budget by more than 12%, to $132 billion, in the next fiscal year, as well as its recently concluded 30-year energy deal with Russia, which has strategic implications for India. Wang’s visit thus is coming at a time of fundamental redefinition of Sino-Indian relations. Given that continued friction is inevitable, even if no conflict occurs, the challenge is to find a way to engage in creative and competitive cooperation that bolsters both countries’ efforts to eradicate poverty and promote economic development. Xi has said that, “We need to innovate in our security concepts, establish a new regional security-cooperation architecture, and jointly build a shared, win-win road for Asian security.” But China’s actions suggest that its leaders view Chinese hegemony as the only viable security structure for the region. Subordination to China is certainly not Modi’s goal. The question is whether he can work with China and other Asian actors to design an alternative framework for regional peace.", "zh": "在上任国大党政府的治理下，印度刚刚经历了忽视的十年，因此新政府必须迅速而果断地行动起来捍卫印度的国家安全。 而中国决定在下一个财年将国防预算增加12%以上，达到1,320亿美元，最近又宣布与俄罗斯签订了30年能源贸易协议，这些都对印度具有战略影响，也让新政府的使命更加紧迫了。 王毅的访问正逢中印关系面临根本性重估的关口。 考虑到后续摩擦的不可避免，即便不发生冲突，也面临着找到建设性、竞争性合作以促进两国消灭贫困、刺激经济发展的挑战。 习近平说 ： “ 应该创新安全理念，搭建地区安全和合作新架构，努力走出一条共建、共享、共赢的亚洲安全之路 。 ” 但中国的行为表明其领导人将中国霸权视为唯一可行的地区安全结构。 屈从于中国决非莫迪的目标。 问题在于他是否能与中国和其他亚洲行动方共同为地区和平设计另外一套框架。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Securing the Rule of Law at Sea TOKYO – Japan is in a better position than ever before to play a larger and more proactive role in ensuring peace in Asia and the world. We enjoy the explicit and enthusiastic support of our allies and other friendly countries, including every ASEAN member country and the United States, Australia, India, the United Kingdom, and France, among others. All of them know that Japan stands for the rule of law – for Asia and for all people. We are not alone. In most Asia-Pacific countries, economic growth has nurtured freedom of thought and religion, as well as more accountable and responsive political systems. Though the pace of such changes varies from country to country, the idea of the rule of law has taken root. And that means that the region’s political leaders must ensure respect for international law. Nowhere is that need clearer than in the area of international maritime law. The Asia-Pacific region has achieved tremendous growth in the span of a single generation. Regrettably, a large and relatively disproportionate share of the fruits of that growth is going toward military expansion. The sources of instability include not only the threat of weapons of mass destruction, but also – and more immediately – efforts to alter the territorial status quo through force or coercion. And those efforts are taking place largely at sea. Recently, US President Barack Obama and I mutually reaffirmed our countries’ alliance as the cornerstone of regional peace and security. Moreover, the United States and Japan are strengthening trilateral cooperation with like-minded partners to promote regional and global peace and economic prosperity. Already, Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott and I have agreed that we should do exactly that. The history of international maritime law is long, stretching back to ancient Greece. By Roman times, the seas were open to all, with personal possession and partitioning prohibited. Since the dawn of the Age of Exploration, large numbers of people have crossed the seas for myriad reasons, and marine-based commerce has connected the world’s regions. Freedom on the high seas became a foundational principle for human prosperity. No particular country or group created international maritime law as it now exists. It is the product of humankind’s collective wisdom, cultivated over a great many years for the wellbeing of all.", "zh": "捍卫海洋法治精神 东京—日本正处在一个比以往任何时候都更有利于其在确保亚洲和世界和平的问题上起到更大更积极作用的位置。 我们拥有来自盟国和其他友邦的明确而热烈的支持，包括所有东盟成员国、美国、澳大利亚、印度、英国、法国等。 所有这些国家都知道日本站在法治精神这一边 — — 也站在亚洲和全人类这一边。 我们不孤单。 在大部分亚太国家，经济增长培育了思想和宗教自由以及可问责性更高、响应更快的政治制度。 尽管这一变革的速度因国而异，但法治精神的思想已经站稳了脚跟。 而这意味着亚太地区政治领导人必须确保尊重国际法。 关于这一点，没有比国际海���法领域更清楚的了。 亚太地区在一代人的时间里实现了巨大的增长成就。 遗憾的是，这一果实的大到有些不成比例的部分被用在了军事扩张上。 不稳定的源头不但包括大规模杀伤性武器的威胁，也包括通过武力或吞并改变领土现状的企图的威胁。 其中又以主要发生在海洋的后者的威胁为甚。 最近，美国总统奥巴马和我共同确认，两国的盟友关系是地区和平与安全的基石。 此外，美国和日本正在强化与观念相近的伙伴国家的三角合作以促进地区和全球和平与经济繁荣。 澳大利亚总理阿伯特和我已经达成共识，这正是我们需要努力的方向。 国际海洋法的历史十分悠久，可以追溯到古希腊。 在罗马时期，海洋已经向所有人开放，个人占有和划界的行为是被禁止的。 自地理大发现时期以来，许多人出于各种理由从事航海，基于海洋的商业将世界各地区连接在一起。 公海自由成为人类繁荣的基本原则。 现在所形成的国际海洋法不是由一国或一个集团制定的。 它是全人类集体智慧的产物，是以全人类的福利为目标经历多年形成的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Climate Tipping Point We Want NEW YORK – Like most worthwhile pursuits, reducing carbon pollution comes with costs. If it didn’t, climate change wouldn’t be a problem in the first place – at least not from a narrow economic perspective. But climate change, and what it demands of us, is also a deeply political issue. Now that the direct economic costs of climate action have declined, the debate is shifting to the political and social difficulties of moving away from fossil fuels and toward a low-carbon, high-efficiency world. On the matter of economic costs, climate action is becoming more affordable across the board. The costs of solar photovoltaic (PV) panels have plummeted by over 85% in under a decade, and by well over 99% since the first panels found their way onto people’s roofs in the early 1980s. As a result, global solar PV generation has increased rapidly, with projections pointing to a further quadrupling by the end of this decade. Solar is the fastest-growing source of electricity generation; and wind generation is not far behind. But there still is a long way to go. Worldwide, coal remains king for total electricity generation, as does oil for total energy use (which includes driving, flying, and shipping). This, in a nutshell, is the climate challenge: the costs of renewables are reaching new lows, but older, dirtier forms of energy are still in use, and in demand, everywhere. The eventual outcome is clear, and so are the trends: the green transition will happen. The only question is whether it will proceed quickly enough to contain the risks of climate inaction. It is clear that looking only at the costs of reducing carbon pollution is not enough; they must be compared to the costs of unmitigated climate change. Moreover, neither cost is, nor ever will be, distributed equally. Coal miners and manufacturers of internal combustion engines will necessarily bear more of the costs of climate action, whereas poor and vulnerable communities will bear the brunt of climate inaction. Overall, though, there is no comparison: the costs of inaction far outweigh the costs of cutting carbon-dioxide emissions.", "zh": "我们想要的气候临界点 纽约—像大多数有价值的追求一样，减少碳污染也伴随着成本。 如果不是的话，气候变化一开始就不会是个问题 — — 至少从经济角度而言不是问题。 但是，气候变化，及其对我们的要求，也是一个高度政治性的问题。 气候行动的直接经济成本已经下降，争论正在转向脱离化石燃料、通往低碳高效世界的政治和社会困难。 在经济成本问题上，气候行动正变得越来越负担得起。 自20世纪80年代初第一批太阳能电池板进入人们的屋顶以来，太阳能光伏（PV）面板的成本在不到十年的时间里暴跌了85%以上，到如今降幅更是超过了99 % 。 因此，全球太阳能光伏发电迅速增加，预测显示，到本世纪末，太阳能光伏发电量将再翻两番。 太阳能是增长最快的发电来源；风力发电紧随其后。 但还有很长的路要走。 在世界范围内，煤炭仍然是总发电量的王者，石油能源总使用量（包括驾驶、飞行和运输）也是如此。 简言之，这就是气候挑战：可再生能源的成本正在达到新的低点，但较旧、更脏的能源形式仍在普遍使用，而且普遍有需求。 最终的结果是明确的，趋势也是如此：绿色转型终将发生。 唯一的问题是发生的速度是否能快到足以克服气候不作为的风险。 显然，仅仅着眼于减少碳污染的成本是不够的：必须将其与不缓解候变化的成本进行比较。 此外，成本并非也永远不会是平均分配的。 煤矿和内燃机制造商必然要承担更多的气候行动成本，而贫困和脆弱的社区将首当其冲地承受气候无所作为的影响。 但总体而言，没有可比性：无所作为的成本远远超过减少二氧化碳排放的成本。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Dutch Public Prosecution Service has charged three Russians (Igor Girkin, Sergey Dubinsky, and Oleg Pulatov) and one Ukrainian (Leonid Kharchenko) with murder. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, there have been countless attacks on civilians. These include rocket strikes on residential buildings, hospitals, kindergartens, and asylums in Kyiv, Kharkiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, and other population centers. Russian forces have even attacked facilities at the Chernobyl and Zaporizhzhya nuclear power plants and the Kyiv reservoir, showing extraordinary recklessness. All these acts fall under the definition of terrorism. They are designed to further Russia’s political aims by killing, maiming, and intimidating the civilian population. Russia has thus violated both the UN International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (1999) and the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism (2005). UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001) requires all states to prevent the financing of terrorist acts, yet Russia has been doing precisely that in Luhansk and Donetsk. In these circumstances, Russia’s continued membership in the FATF is a further affront to international law. The organization’s president, Marcus Pleyer, and G7 governments should move to expel Russia and add it to the list of High-Risk Jurisdictions, defined as those “with serious strategic deficiencies to counter money laundering, terrorist financing, and financing of proliferation.”", "zh": "荷兰检察院指控三名俄罗斯人伊戈尔·吉尔金（Igor Girkin ） 、 谢尔盖·杜宾斯基（Sergey Dubinsky）和奥列格·普拉托夫（Oleg Pulatov）和一名乌克兰人列昂尼德·卡尔琴科（Leonid Kharchenko）涉嫌谋杀。 自俄罗斯于2月24日全面入侵乌克兰以来已经发生了无数起针对平民的袭击。 其中包括对基辅、哈尔科夫、苏梅、切尔尼戈夫和其他人口密集城市的住宅楼、医院、幼儿园和避难所的火箭袭击。 俄罗斯军队甚至极其不计后果地袭击了切尔诺贝利和扎波罗热核电站以及基辅水库的设施。 所有这些行为都符合恐怖主义的定义 — — 通过杀害、残害和恐吓平民来实现政治目的。 因此，俄罗斯同时违反了联合国《制止向恐怖组织提供资金国际公约 》 （ 1999年）和《制止核恐怖主义行为国际公约 》 （ 2005年 ） 。 联合国安理会第1373（2001）号决议要求所有国家防止资助恐怖主义行为，但这却是俄罗斯在卢甘斯克和顿涅茨克的所作所为。 在这种情况下，继续保留俄罗斯作为金融特别行动工作组成员国的做法是对国际法的进一步侮辱。 工作组主席马库斯·普莱尔（Marcus Pleyer）和七国集团政府应该采取行动驱逐俄罗斯并将其列入高风险管辖区名单，进入该名单的司法管辖区会被定义为“在打击洗钱、恐怖融资和扩散融资方面存在严重战略缺陷 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司长期致力于信息化与工业化的深度融合，积极研究和开发先进的智能视觉、流程模拟、数字孪生和虚拟现实等可视计算产品，通过深化信息技术与自动化技术对制造业进行全面升级和深度改造，提升制造业的智能化水平，推进生产过程自动化。 公司主营业务为智能视觉检测及流程模拟仿真产品的研发、生产、销售及相关服务。 智能视觉检测产品主要包括智能检测相机、WEBRANGER系列智能视觉检测系统、KTVISION系列智能视觉检测系统以及SMARTRANGER系列智检质控系统，以上产品均以公司自主研发的智能视觉算法为核心、自主研发的智能视觉技术平台为载体。 公司智能视觉检测系统可广泛应用于PCB（包括铜箔基板。 CCL、柔性铜箔基板FCCL及其上下游原材料）、新能源（包括锂电池极片、隔膜及铝塑复合材料等）、薄膜、金属、无纺布、造纸等六大行业，可高速准确地识别特定行业中不同种类的产品缺陷，帮助客户有效地提升质量管理，进一步改善生产工艺，提升流水线无人值守自动化水平。 流程模拟仿真产品主要包括多维仿真操作培训系统（OTS）和数字仿真工厂等产品，行业覆盖化工、石化、炼油、核工业等领域。", "en": "The company has long been committed to the deep integration of informatization and industrialization, actively researching and developing advanced visual computing products such as intelligent vision, process simulation, digital twins, and virtual reality. By deepening the integration of information technology and automation technology, the company aims to comprehensively upgrade and transform the manufacturing industry, improve the intelligence level of manufacturing, and promote the automation of production processes. The company's main business is the research, development, production, sales, and related services of intelligent vision inspection and process simulation products. The intelligent vision inspection products mainly include intelligent inspection cameras, WEBRANGER series intelligent vision inspection systems, KTVISION series intelligent vision inspection systems, and SMARTRANGER series intelligent inspection quality control systems. All of these products are based on the company's independently developed intelligent vision algorithms and intelligent vision technology platforms. The company's intelligent vision inspection systems can be widely used in six major industries including PCB (including copper foil substrates, CCL, flexible copper foil substrates FCCL, and their upstream and downstream raw materials), new energy (including lithium battery electrodes, separators, and aluminum-plastic composite materials), films, metals, non-woven fabrics, and papermaking. They can accurately and quickly identify product defects in specific industries, helping customers effectively improve quality management, further improve production processes, and enhance the level of unmanned automated assembly lines. The process simulation and simulation products mainly include multidimensional simulation operation training systems (OTS) and digital simulation factories, covering industries such as chemical, petrochemical, refining, and nuclear industries."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of course, the cow has long had a place in Indian politics: the country’s constitution includes a provision explicitly urging a gradual movement toward full prohibition of cow slaughter – a ban that has already been implemented in most states. For most of India’s existence, however, the default approach has essentially been “live and let live” – make your own choice about beef, and let others do the same. I am a vegetarian myself, but I have never considered it my business what others eat. Where beef was legally available, it was consumed not just by Muslims and other minorities, but also by many poorer Hindus, who could not afford other kinds of meat. But that response was possible only so long as relatively liberal or moderate officials (including an earlier BJP-led coalition government) were in power. The Modi government does not fit that description. Instead, it is full of leaders who seem more concerned with what goes into other people’s mouths than what comes out of their own. Modi’s government has given voice to a peculiar kind of Hindu chauvinism, one that embraces activist assertion of a narrowly constructed version of the faith. It cannot be described as “fundamentalism,” for Hinduism is a religion singularly devoid of fundamentals: it lacks a single sacred book, a single version of divinity, and even the equivalent of a Sabbath day. In fact, Hindus who eat beef can, like those who abjure it, find support for their beliefs in the religion’s ancient texts and scripture.", "zh": "当然，牛在印度政治中早已占据特殊的地位 — — 印度宪法有一个条款明确要求逐渐实现完全禁止牛只屠宰 — — 大部分邦已经实施了这一禁令。 但是，在大部分印度的存在中，默认的观点其实是“各活各的 ” （ live and let live ） — —你对牛肉的选择你自己定，让其他人也自己定。 我本人是素食者，但我从来不会去考虑被人吃什么。 在吃牛肉合法的地方，不但穆斯林和其他少数群体消费牛肉，许多较穷的印度教徒也消费牛肉，因为他们消费不起其他肉类。 但只有相对自由或温和的官员（包括早期印度人民党领导的联合政府）执政时才可能实现这一点。 莫迪政府并不符合这一标准。 相反，莫迪政府中充满了更关心别人嘴里有什么，而不是从自己嘴里说出什么的领导人。 莫迪政府让一种特殊的与印度沙文主义兴起，这种印度沙文主义积极的主张狭隘的信仰观。 它不能被称为“原教旨主义 ” ， 因为 印度教是一种罕见的没有原教旨的宗教：它没有单一的圣经，没有单一的神，甚至没有“安息日 ” 。 事实上，吃牛肉的印度教徒可以和戒吃牛肉的印度教徒一样，在印度教的典籍中找到支持自己信念的内容。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Europe’s Populist Right Is Getting Right PHILADELPHIA – On March 20, the European People’s Party, the conservative bloc in the European Parliament, will decide whether to expel Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz. The EPP has been slow to censure Fidesz and Hungary’s autocratic prime minister, Viktor Orbán, for its assault on democracy and rule of law. Yet, Orbán’s Western critics have been equally slow to understand the social and economic policies that underpin his popularity. Consider the bold set of family policies that Orbán announced on February 10. So far, the verdict in the West on these policies, which are aimed at addressing the country’s low fertility rate and further reducing immigration, has been thunderously negative and all but blind to their effectiveness in entrenching Orbán’s support among Hungarian voters. Western analysts fail to recognize that authoritarian nationalists such as Orbán win support not only by attacking immigrants, but also by delivering economic policies that benefit average people. Mainstream political parties in the West need to learn this economic lesson fast if they want to compete against their own populist challengers. Orbán is keen to connect his nationalist message to generous and popular social policies, while encouraging Hungarian women and families to have more children. Hungary’s current fertility rate of 1.45 children per female is below replacement rate. And its population has been shrinking since 1989, mirroring declines in other former communist countries that used to provide extensive social support to families.", "zh": "欧洲民粹主义右翼正在做对的事 费城—3月20日，欧洲议会的保守派欧洲人民党（European People’s Party，EPP）将决定是否开除匈牙利执政党青年民主党（Fidesz ） 。 EPP迟迟没有谴责青年民主党的匈牙利极权总理欧尔班践踏民主和法治。 但是，欧尔班的西方批评者也迟迟没能理解让他得到如此支持度的社会和经济政策。 以欧尔班在2月10日宣布的一系列激进的家庭政策为例。 目前，西方对这些政策的评价非常负面，丝毫没有看到这些政策非常有效地深化了欧尔班在匈牙利选民中间的支持率。 这些政策的目的是要提匈牙利低迷的生育率，进一步减少移民。 西方分析师没有认识到，欧尔班这样的极权民族主义者，他们赢得支持不仅仅依靠攻击移民，也依靠给普通老百姓带来实惠的经济政策。 西方主流政党必须迅速汲取这一教训，如果它们想要和自己的民粹主义挑战者竞争的话。 欧尔班热衷于将他的民族主义与大受欢迎的慷慨的社会政策联系起来，同时鼓励匈牙利妇女和家庭生更多的孩子。 目前匈牙利生育率为每位女性生育1.45个孩子，低于替换率。 其人口自1989年以来一直呈现下降趋势，其他曾经提供大量家庭社会支持的前共产主义国家也出现了类似的趋势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That’s why the ETC’s Mission Possible report argues for the inclusion of border carbon adjustments (carbon tariffs) in policymakers’ tool kit, and why so many leading US economists have reached the same conclusion. They now argue for a carbon price within the US, combined with border adjustments for the carbon content of both imports and exports. Such a scheme “would protect American competitiveness and punish free riding by other nations.” But while the economists couch their argument in language designed to play well in the US, the policy could equally be applied by other countries to defend their industries against carbon-intensive imports from America, should the US choose to be a free rider in efforts to tackle global climate change. Indeed, no country committed to addressing climate change should regard this policy proposal as a threat to its economy. If one country applies a tax of, say, $50 per ton of carbon dioxide emitted, with an equivalent border tax on imports and with a rebate for exporters, any other country doing the same will leave its industries in exactly the same relative competitive position as before either country introduced the policy. But companies in both countries would now face an effective carbon price. Global political agreement on carbon pricing has proven to be elusive. A carbon tariff could unleash a sequence of independent national decisions that drive a beneficial “race to the top” in which roughly equal carbon prices spread around the world. Sometimes, intellectual taboos should be dropped. Border carbon adjustment is an idea whose time has come. It could play a major role in driving progress toward the zero-carbon economy that is technologically and economically possible by mid-century.", "zh": "这就是为何能源转型委员会的《可完成的任务》报告主张在政策制定者的工具包中纳入边境碳调整措施（碳关税 ） ， 以及为什么多位美国知名经济学家都会得出同样的结论。 他们目前正在论证美国境内的碳价格，并与针对进口出口货物碳含量的边界调整措施相结合。 这样的方案“将保护美国的竞争力并惩罚其他国家的搭便车行为 ” 。 但是尽管经济学家们用能在美国发挥良好作用的语言来阐述其论点，但是如果美国选择成为应对全球气候变化方面的搭便车者，那么该政策可以同样适用于其他试图保护本国行业免遭美国碳密集型进口货物冲击的国家 。 。 实际上，任何致力于应对气候变化的国家都不应将这一政策提案视为对其经济的威胁。 如果某个国家对每吨排放的二氧化碳征收50美元税赋，在对进口产品征收相同的边境税的同时为出口商提供退税，那么其他任何采取同样措施的国家将使其产业置于两国引入该政策之前的同样相对竞争地位。 同时两国的企业都将面临一个有效的碳价格。 事实证明，针对碳定价的全球政治协议极难实现。 但碳关税可以释放出一系列独立的国家决策来推动有利的“优势争夺 ” ， 最终使得全球都实施一套大致相当的碳价格方案。 有时候我们应该跳出思维上的禁区。 边境碳调整措施是一个时机已到的理念，也可以在推动于本世纪中叶在技术和经济上实现零碳经济的进程中发挥重要作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "新时代党的建设总要求是： 坚持和加强党的全面领导，坚持党要管党、全面从严治党， 以加强党的长期执政能力建设、先进性和纯洁性建设为主线，以党的政治建设为统领，以坚定理想信念宗旨为根基，以调动全党积极性、主动性、创造性为着力点， 全面推进党的政治建设、思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、纪律建设，把制度建设贯穿其中， 深入推进反腐败斗争，不断提高党的建设质量， 把党建设成为始终走在时代前列、人民衷心拥护、勇于自我革命、经得起各种风浪考验、朝气蓬勃的马克思主义执政党。 （一）把党的政治建设摆在首位。 旗帜鲜明讲政治是我们党作为马克思主义政党的根本要求。 党的政治建设是党的根本性建设，决定党的建设方向和效果。 保证全党服从中央，坚持党中央权威和集中统一领导，是党的政治建设的首要任务。 全党要坚定执行党的政治路线，严格遵守政治纪律和政治规矩，在政治立场、政治方向、政治原则、政治道路上同党中央保持高度一致。 要尊崇党章，严格执行新形势下党内政治生活若干准则，增强党内政治生活的政治性、时代性、原则性、战斗性， 自觉抵制商品交换原则对党内生活的侵蚀，营造风清气正的良好政治生态。 完善和落实民主集中制的各项制度，坚持民主基础上的集中和集中指导下的民主相结合， 既充分发扬民主，又善于集中统一。", "en": "The general requirements for Party building for the new era are:  Uphold and strengthen overall Party leadership and ensure that the Party exercises effective self-supervision and practices strict self-governance in every respect;  Take strengthening the Party’s long-term governance capacity and its advanced nature and purity as the main thrust; take enhancing the Party’s political building as the overarching principle; take holding dear the Party’s ideals, convictions, and purpose as the underpinning; and take harnessing the whole Party’s enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity as the focus of efforts;  Make all-round efforts to see the Party’s political building enhanced, its theory strengthened, its organizations consolidated, its conduct improved, and its discipline enforced, with institution building incorporated into every aspect of Party building;  Step up efforts to combat corruption and continue to improve the efficacy of Party building;  Build the Party into a vibrant Marxist governing party that is always at the forefront of the times, enjoys the wholehearted support of the people, has the courage to reform itself, and is able to withstand all tests. 1. Putting the Party’s political building first Taking a clear political stand is the fundamental requirement our Party must meet as a Marxist party. The Party’s political building is of fundamental importance to the Party as it determines the direction and efficacy of Party building. The primary task of political Party building is to ensure that the whole Party obeys the Central Committee and upholds its authority and centralized, unified leadership. All Party members must closely follow the Party’s political line, strictly observe its political discipline and rules, and closely align themselves with the Central Committee in terms of political stance, direction, principle, and path. Every member of the Party must hold the Party Constitution in great reverence, act in strict accordance with the code of conduct for intraparty political life under new circumstances, and make intraparty activities more politically oriented, up-to-date, principled, and effective. We must guard against the rules of business dealings eroding intraparty conduct, and foster a healthy political atmosphere of integrity within the Party. We must improve and implement the systems of democratic centralism, and practice both democracy-based centralism and centralism-guided democracy. This means we should both give full play to democracy and practice centralism on this basis."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The value of the benefits that the immigrants receive in Germany is a multiple of the wages they can earn in their home countries (if they manage to find a job there at all). The Dublin Regulation, according to which the first EU country that a migrant reaches is obliged to register and process the migrant’s application, has long been disregarded. Greece and Italy are simply waving the refugees on. Germany accepted, with much fanfare, a large number of unregistered refugees from Hungary and offered them a warm welcome. This decision arguably tempted so many more refugees from the Arab countries that soon thereafter Germany was forced to impose border controls. What the German government had not reckoned with is that every refugee who manages to make it to Germany immediately texts the good news back to the home country, fueling a fresh wave of migrants. The UN refugee camps in the countries surrounding Syria are thus being gradually relocated to Germany. Only a fraction of asylum-seekers’ applications are ultimately approved, because most applicants are not politically persecuted but simply economic migrants. In the first half of 2015, for instance, only about one-quarter of applicants came from Syria and Iraq, a significant proportion of whom had already found shelter in the UN camps in or around those countries. But the proportion of Syrian refugees subsequently ballooned quickly, in part because the news spread that Germany approves most Syrian applications. If an application is successful, a refugee has the right to bring along his or her family members as well.", "zh": "移民从德国获得的福利价值是他们在祖国所挣工资的数倍之多（如果他们找得到工作的话 ） 。 根据《都柏林公约 》 （ Dublin Regulation ） ， 移民所抵达的第一个欧盟国家有义务注册并处理移民的申请。 这一规定早已名存实亡。 希腊和意大利对移民无动于衷。 德国接受了大量来自匈牙利的未注册难民，并给予热忱的欢迎。 大概是这一决定诱使更多来自阿拉伯国家的难民涌入而德国，很快就导致德国被迫开始边境管制。 德国政府未料到的是每一个成功抵达德国的难民都迫不及待地将好消息回报给祖国，促使新一波移民的到来。 叙利亚周边国家的联合国难民营也因此逐渐“迁移”到了德国。 只有一小部分寻求庇护者的申请最终会被批准，因为大部分申请者并未受到政治迫害，他们纯粹是经济移民。 比如，2015年上半年，只有四分之一的申请者来自叙利亚和伊拉克，很大一部分人已经在这些国家内部或周边找到了收容所。 但叙利亚难民占比随后快速膨胀，部分是因为有传播开来的消息称德国批准了大部分叙利亚申请。 如果申请成功，难民有权携带家人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈妙林说道，“明天下午你来这里，到时候我会对你进行考核。” “好！” 方丘点头答应。 一个月，三十万，虽然对他这个学生来说难于登天。 但是再难他要凑齐。 不为其他，只为报老爷子的恩！ 望着方丘大步流星的离开了，徐妙林微微一笑，说道：“我倒要看看能逼出你多大的潜力来，一年半成就大医，还未曾有过。” “身患绝症，借债学习，说不定真能逼出一个奇才来！” “我很期待啊！” 离开借阅室，方丘一路走向食堂。 吃完晚饭，返回宿舍。 因为没有晚课的缘故，方丘一直呆在宿舍里看书。 可心却是静不下来。 “该怎么办？” 盘坐在床上，方丘苦思冥想。 三十万，对他来说不是小数目。 对任何一个学生来说都不是小数目。 他必须想尽办法一个月内赚够三十万块钱。 可是到底怎么赚呢？ 他很困扰。 这钱，到底该怎么赚？ 想了一个多小时，各种办法合理合法的办法都想了，还是不想不到。", "en": "Shen Miaolin said, “Come here tomorrow afternoon. I’ll have you tested.” “Great!” Fang Qiu accepted with a nod. One month. 300,000. For a poor student like him, it would be as difficult as climbing up to heaven. But however hard it is, he’ll get the money. Just to repay the old master’s kindness! Watching Fang Qiu striding away, Xu Miaolin murmured to himself with a smile, “Can’t wait to see how much potential I can push out of you. No one has reached the doctor of greatness level in one and a half years.” “Incurable illness and high debts. I might be creating a genius!” “I’m looking forward to it!” Away from the reading room, Fang Qiu headed towards the cafeteria. He returned to the dorm after dinner. Fang Qiu had no evening classes that day so he stayed in the dorm reading. But his heart couldn’t find peace. “What shall I do?” Sitting on his bed with his legs crossed, Fang Qiu racked his brains for ideas. 300,000 was not a small number for him. Actually it wouldn’t be a small number for any student. He needed to make 300,000 within one month. But how? He was very troubled. How could he make this amount of money? After over one hour, he had run through all possible, reasonable methods but nothing could work."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And yet something is changing, even in hidebound Japan. In the 1950s, a Japanese professional wrestler named Rikidozan became a national idol because he regularly defeated much bigger and usually very blond Caucasian opponents. There was more than a little showmanship involved in these bouts, which usually began with the pale giant bullying the smaller Asian man and ended with a cathartic victory when the plucky Japanese wrestled the foreigner to the ground. Humiliated by wartime defeat and US occupation, Japanese men, in particular, enjoyed a sense of vicarious revenge by watching Rikidozan on televisions displayed in shop windows throughout the country. The fact that the Japanese hero was actually named Kim Sin-rak and was born in North Korea had to be kept a closely guarded secret. A few people remember how he built a small shrine in his apartment with a photograph of his mother surrounded by various Korean artifacts. But only his most intimate friends knew about this. In public, he was nothing but Japanese. (Unfortunately, when Rikidozan, who ran in dubious circles, was stabbed by a gangster in a Tokyo nightclub in 1963, he went on a bender instead of recovering in hospital and died a few days later.) Leitch’s family background obviously is no secret. His looks alone would have made it impossible to hide his foreign origin. But that is precisely the point.", "zh": "但哪怕是在保守的日本，有些事情也正在变化中。 上世纪50年代，一位日本职业摔跤手力道山（Rikidozan）因为多次击败比自己体重大得多、而且往往是金发碧眼的白种人对手而成为全国的偶像。 在这些赛事中随处可见技巧表演，往往以白皮肤的巨人暴打小个子的亚洲人开始，而结局却是这位勇敢的日本人宣泄性地将外国人摔倒在地并获胜。 由于对战时战败和美国占领感到耻辱，日本男性尤其享受这种另类复仇的快感，通过遍布全国的商店橱窗电视观看力道山在赛事中获胜。 而现实中，必须严格保密这位日本英雄本名金信洛（ Kim Sin-rak）并出生在朝鲜的事实。 只有少数几个人还记得他如何在自己的公寓里设立一个小小的神龛，供奉他母亲的照片，周围还摆放着各种朝鲜工艺品。 但只有他最亲密的朋友才知道这个事情。 在公众场合，他就是一个日本人。 （不幸的是，当经常在可疑圈子里出没的力道山于1963年在一家东京夜总会被歹徒刺伤时，他不但没有在医院康复反而开始酗酒，并在几天后丧命 ） 。 莱奇的家庭背景显然不是秘密。 仅是他的长相就很难隐藏他的外国血统。 而这恰恰是关键所在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第150章 小锦鲤于甘甘 张阿姨有些犹豫。陈妈妈和刘阿姨，一直在她耳边劝说。 最后张阿姨同意了，给她儿子打电话：“仔啊，早上隔壁邻居在家门口吵架那视频，你调出来发给我……你管那么多干什么，你发就是了……” 挂断电话后，她对于甘甘道：“等会儿发到我微信，我转给你了。 于甘甘站了起来，深深一个鞠躬，万分感激：“谢谢您，以后您来我的医馆看病，我绝对不收您一分钱。” 阿妈妈笑嘻嘻地说：“那可不行，不能让你亏本，还是要收点本钱的。” 旁边的黄阿姨，突然哈哈大笑了：“哎呀，不好意思，我又胡了。” 刘阿姨站了起来，笑呵呵地咧着嘴说：“老黄，刚刚你可是一手牌也没有胡，打从小鱼坐到你身后，就一直你胡牌。” 另一桌的张阿姨，冲着于甘甘招手：“来来来，你坐我身边，我今天也是一把都没胡，试试看你坐过来我会不会胡。”", "en": "Chapter 150: Lucky Yu Gangan Auntie Zhang was a little hesitant. But, Mother Chen and Auntie Liu kept trying to convince her. In the end, Auntie Zhang agreed and gave her son a phone call, “Son, find surveillance footage of the neighbor’s fight this morning and send it to me...Why are you asking so much? Just send it to me...” After hanging up the phone, she said to Yu Gangan, “When it arrives in my WeChat, I’ll send it to you.” Yu Gangan stood up and bowed thankfully, “Thank you. When you come to my clinic in the future, I won’t take a single cent from you.” “No, I can’t let you make a loss. You need to get paid,” Auntie Zhang said with a smile. On the side, Auntie Huang suddenly burst into laughter, “Oh, I’m sorry. I just won again.” Auntie Liu stood up. With her mouth open in laughter, she said, “Old Huang, you didn’t win a single game until Xiao Yu started sitting behind you and you won consecutively.” Over on another table, Auntie Zhang started waving at Yu Gangan, “Come here, come sit beside me. I haven’t won once today. Let’s see if I win when you sit next to me.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He leant up against the side of the car and shaded his eyes with his hands. 'Tell that bloody fellow with the barrel-organ to clear out,' he said. 'I can't stand that God-damned row.' 'Wouldn't it be simpler if we went ourselves?' said Maxim. 'Can you manage your own car, or do you want Julyan to drive it for you?' 'Give me a minute,' muttered Favell. 'I'll be all right. You don't understand. This thing has been a damned unholy shock to me.' 'Pull yourself together, man, for heaven's sake,' said Colonel Julyan. 'If you want a drink go back to the house and ask Baker. He knows how to treat for shock, I dare say. Don't make an exhibition of yourself in the street.' 'Oh, you're all right, you're fine,' said Favell, standing straight and looking at Colonel Julyan and Maxim. 'You've got nothing to worry about any more. Max is on a good wicket now, isn't he? You've got your motive, and Baker will supply it in black and white free of cost, whenever you send the word. You can dine at Manderley once a week on the strength of it and feel proud of yourself. No doubt Max will ask you to be godfather to his first child.' 'Shall we get into the car and go?' said Colonel Julyan to Maxim. 'We can make our plans going along.'", "zh": "他斜靠在车身上，用手遮住眼睛。“让拉手风琴的那家伙快滚开，”他说，“那声音他妈的让人心烦。” “我们自己滚开，不是更简单些吗？”迈克西姆说，“你能开得了车吗？要不让朱利安替你开？” “让我缓口气，我会没事的。你们不明白，这件事对我是一个可怕的打击。”他咕哝着说。 “看在上帝的份上，振作起精神来，伙计，”朱利安上校说，“如果想喝酒，可以回到房子里问贝克要。他大概知道如何对待受到打击的病人。别在大街上出乖露丑。” “你们没事啦，可以高枕无忧了，”费弗尔站直身子，望着朱利安上校和迈克西姆说，“你们再不必担惊受怕了。迈克斯已经化险为夷。而你总算找到了丽贝卡自杀的动机，只要你吭声气，贝克就会把白纸黑字免费提供给你。出了这么大的力，你回去后每星期可以到曼德利饱饱口福，摆摆功臣的架子。毫无疑问，迈克斯生下第一个孩子，还会请你当教父哩。” “我们上车走吧？”朱利安上校对迈克西姆说，“我们边走边在路上合计合计。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet Syrian civilians are the cannon fodder. Long before there was Islamist terrorism in the West, the United Kingdom, France, and the US relied on diplomatic chicanery and launched coups, wars, and covert operations in the Middle East to assert and maintain Western political control over the region. Historians know this sordid story, but most Westerners do not (in no small part because many of the interventions have been covert). Since the fall of the Ottoman Empire a century ago, Western powers have sought to control the Middle East for a variety of reasons, including claims on oil, access to international sea routes, Israel’s security, and geopolitical competition with Russia in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. The US now has more than 20 military bases in six countries in the region (Afghanistan, Bahrain, Djibouti, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, and Turkey) and large-scale military deployments in many others, including Egypt, Kuwait, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia. It has funded violence for decades, arming and training the mujahedeen (in effect building the precursor of Al Qaeda) in Afghanistan to fight the Soviets; stoking the Iraq-Iran War in the 1980s; invading Iraq in 2003; trying to topple Assad since 2011; and waging relentless drone attacks in recent years. The fact that jihadist terrorist attacks in the West are relatively new, occurring only in the last generation or so, indicates that they are a blowback – or at least an extension – of the Middle East wars.", "zh": "但叙利亚平民却成了炮灰。 在西方出现伊斯兰恐怖主义之前，英国、法国和美国便早已开始利用外交欺诈和煽动政变、战争和秘密行动使西方攫取并保持对对中东地区的政治控制。 历史学家都知道这段肮脏的历史，但大部分西方人不知道（相当大程度上是因为许多干预是秘密进行的 ） 。 自一个世纪前奥斯曼帝国崩溃以来，西方列强怀着各种算盘试图控制中东，包括主张石油权利、获得国际航海通道、以色列的安全、与俄罗斯在埃及、叙利亚、伊拉克和伊朗的地缘政治竞争等。 如今，美国在六个中东国家（阿富汗、巴林、吉布提、阿联酋、阿曼和土耳其）拥有20多个军事基地，在埃及、科威特、卡塔尔和沙特阿拉伯等其他许多国家也有大规模军事部署。 几十年来，美国人一直在资助暴力，他们在阿富汗武装和训练圣战者（事实上基地组织就是由此滋生的）与苏联人作战；在20世纪80年代煽动两伊战争；2003年入侵伊拉克；2011年试图推翻巴沙尔；最近几年更是大肆实施残酷的无人机袭击。 圣战恐怖分子袭击西方这一事实相对较新，只是最近二十来年的事，这表明它们是中东战争的副作用 — — 或至少是一种扩展。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China is Still Number Two CAMBRIDGE – Headlines around the world this week trumpeted a watershed moment for the global economy. As the Financial Times put it, “China poised to pass US as world’s leading economic power this year.” This is a startling development – or it would be if the claim were not essentially wrong. In fact, the United States remains the world’s largest national economy by a substantial margin. The story was based on the April 29 release of a report from the World Bank’s International Comparison Program. The ICP’s work is extremely valuable. I eagerly await and use their new estimates every six years or so, including to look at China. The ICP data compare countries’ GDP using purchasing-power-parity (PPP) exchange rates, rather than market rates. This is the right thing to do when looking at real (inflation-adjusted) income per capita in order to measure people’s living standards. But it is the wrong thing to do when looking at national income in order to measure the country’s weight in the global economy. The bottom line is that, by either criterion – per capita income (at PPP exchange rates) or aggregate GDP (at market rates) – the day when China surpasses the US remains in the future. This in no way detracts from the country’s impressive growth record, which, at about 10% per year for three decades, constitutes a historical miracle. At market exchange rates, the American economy is still almost double the size of China’s (83% larger, to be precise). If the Chinese economy’s annual growth rate remains five percentage points higher than that of the US, with no significant change in the exchange rate, it will take another 12 years to catch up in total size. If the differential is eight percentage points – for example, because the renminbi appreciates at 3% a year in real terms – China will surpass the US within eight years. The PPP-versus-market-exchange-rate issue is familiar to international economists. This annoying but unavoidable technical problem arises because China’s output is measured in renminbi, while US income is measured in dollars. How, then, should one translate the numbers so that they are comparable?", "zh": "中国仍是第二名 纽约剑桥—本周，世界各大媒体纷纷抛出全球经济分化时刻论。 《金融时报》说 ： “ 今年中国就将超过美国成为世界第一经济大国 。 ” 这是一个令人吃惊的趋势 — — 如果这一论断不错得离谱的话。 事实上，美国仍以相当大的优势稳坐世界第一大国家经济体宝座。 整个故事的起源是4月29日世界银行国际比较项目（International Comparison Program，ICP）发布的一份报告。 ICP的工作很有价值。 每隔六年，我都会翘首期待使用其新的估计结果，包括关于中国的结果。 ICP的数据使用购买力平价汇率（PPP）而非市场汇率比较各国GDP。 如果要比较真实（经通胀调整的）人均收入以测量人民的生活水平，这样比较是正确的。 但若要衡量国民收入以测量一国在全球经济中的分量，这样比较是错误的。 基本要点在于，以两种标准算 — — 人均收入（以PPP汇率衡量）和总GDP（以市场汇率衡量 ） — —中国超越美国的时刻都在未来。 这并不是说中国令人印象深刻的增长记录不重要 — — 以10%左右的速度连续增长三十年，这绝对是一个历史奇迹。 按市场汇率，美国经济仍比中国大几乎一倍（准确地说是大83 % ） 。 如果中国经济年增长率保持比美国高五个百分点的水平并且汇率不发生重大变化，那么还要12年才能从总规模上赶超美国。 如果两国增长率之差达到八个百分点 — — 比如由于人民币每年以3%的速度实际升值 — — 中国将在八年内赶超美国。 PPP和市场汇率之争对国际经济学家来说并不陌生。 这一令人厌倦但不可回避的技术性问题产生的原因在于中国的产出以人民币计算，而美国收入以美元计算。 那么，我们应该如何换算数字以使它们变得可比？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Political and civil-society leaders need to do more to champion health as a human right. And they should focus especially on AMR, which poses a threat to current and future generations alike. Second, policymakers and health-care providers must transform the standard response to TB to make it more equitable, rights-based, non-discriminatory, and people-centered, not just in health settings but also in workplaces, schools, and jails. This is especially important for vulnerable populations, including children and people living with HIV. But, more broadly, the ultimate goal should be universal health coverage, in order to protect people from the potentially catastrophic health expenditures associated with TB and MDR-TB. Third, we must commit to making the investments necessary to end TB, recognizing that the right thing to do also makes financial sense. The UN estimates that, over the long term, “Every dollar spent on TB generates up to $30 through improved health and increased productivity.” The fourth priority is to leverage the private sector. To fuel innovation and new discoveries, we urgently need more partnerships between governments, businesses (particularly drug makers), and civil-society organizations. The goal should be to develop better, less toxic treatment regimens that work faster than what is currently available. Finally, the international community must commit to more decisive and accountable global leadership. Without accountability, goals and commitments have little meaning. Governments need to be pressured to improve living standards. That means ensuring access to nutritious food, a clean environment, and education, and fostering healthy economic conditions. Meeting those objectives will go a long way toward reducing the burden of TB. Major global health organizations such as The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, Unitaid, the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, and others are supporting countries in this agenda. But with a global funding gap of $2.3 billion per year, the effort to end TB cannot be left to just a few organizations. Over the past 15 years, countries that have made significant progress in the fight against TB are the exception. To make progress the global norm, we will need to create a critical mass of countries that have both addressed the structural determinants of TB and appropriated adequate funding for treatments.", "zh": "政治和公民社会领袖需要在推动健康作为人权的基础上做更多的事。 他们应该特别关注AMR，它对我们和我们的子孙后代都是威胁。 其次，决策者和医疗提供商必须改变结核病的标准响应手段，让它变得更平等，让它成为一项权利，没有歧视，以人为本，不但要存在于卫生机构中，也要存在于职场、校园和监狱中。 对于脆弱人群，这一点尤其重要，包括儿童和艾滋病毒携带者。 但更广泛地说，终极目标应该是全民医疗覆盖，从而让人们免于与结核病和多重耐药性结核病有关的巨额医疗支出。 第三，我们必须承诺落实消灭结核病所需要的投资、认识到正确的做法在财务上也是有利可图的。 联合国测算，从长期看 ， “ 花在结核病上的每一美元，可以通过改善健康和提高生产率产生最多30美元回报 。 ” 第四项重点是要利用私人部门。 要推动创新和新发现，我们急需政府、企业（特别是制药商）和公民社会组织之间进行跟多合作。 目标应该放在开发更优秀、更少副作用、比现有水平见效更快的治疗机制上。 最后，国际社会必须致力于更果断和可问责的全球领导力。 如果没有可问责性，目标和承诺就毫无意义可言。 必须施压政府改善生活水平。 这意味着确保营养食物、清洁环境以及教育的普及，并营造健康的经济条件。 实现这一目标将大大有利于减轻结核病负担。 主要全球健康组织，如全球抵抗艾滋病、结核病和疟疾基金、国际药品采购机制（Unitaid ） 、 美国总统艾滋病防治紧急援助计划和其他等，正在支持这一议程中的国家。 但全球资金缺口高达每年23亿美元，消灭结核病的任务不能只落在少数几家组织头上。 在过去15年中，在防治结核病方面很少有国家取得重大进展。 要让进步成为全球常态，我们需要让超过临界数量的国家既能解决结核病的结构性因素，也拥有充足的治疗资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US Cannot Go It Alone On Iran NEW YORK – US President Donald Trump has announced what was long anticipated: that he will not certify that Iran is complying with the July 2015 “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA) signed by the United States, China, Russia, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and Iran. Nor will he certify that the suspension of sanctions undertaken by the US as part of the agreement is justified and in the vital national interest of the US. To be clear, such certifications are not required by the JCPOA. Rather, they are required every 90 days by a law enacted by the US Congress soon after the accord was signed. It is also essential to underscore that Trump did not withdraw from the JCPOA itself. What he chose was a compromise: to make clear his disdain for the agreement without leaving it or reintroducing sanctions that were removed as part of it (a step that would be tantamount to US withdrawal). What happens next is unclear. Congress has 60 days to reintroduce some or all of the suspended sanctions but is unlikely to do so. It might, however, introduce new sanctions tied to Iran’s behavior in Syria or elsewhere in the region. Consistent with this, Trump announced his intention to place extra sanctions on Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. If the US were to impose new sanctions for any purpose at any time, it would likely find itself alone.", "zh": "美国在伊朗问题上不可单打独斗 纽约—美国总统特朗普宣布了一件人们早已预料到的事：他不会认可伊朗遵守2015年7月与美国、中国、俄罗斯、法国、德国和英国签订的《全面联合行动计划 》 （ JCPOA ） 。 他也不会认可作为该协定一部分的美国暂停制裁是合理的、符合美国核心国家利益的。 澄清一下，这样的认可并不是JCPOA的要求。 相反，这是美国国会在协议签署后不久所实施的一部法律的规定，每90天就要认可一次。 同样重要的是要注意到特朗普并没有从JCPOA本身退出。 他选择了妥协：明确表达自己对这份协定的鄙夷，而不退出这份协定，也不重启作为该协定一部分被取消的制裁（如果这样做的话，等同于美国撤出该协定 ） 。 接下来会发生什么尚不清楚。 国会有60天时间重启部分或全部被暂停的制裁，但它不太可能这样做。 但是，它有可能根据伊朗在叙利亚和域内其他地方的行为，引入新的制裁。 与此相一致，特朗普还宣布他准备对伊朗伊斯兰革命卫队实施额外制裁。 不论美国在什么时候，出于什么目的实施新的制裁，都有可能陷入孤军奋战。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Danish government has sought to break free from this vicious circle by introducing reforms before pledging to increase budgets. In 2003, Denmark’s universities were turned into self-governing institutions run by governing boards dominated by external representatives. Last year, the government merged 12 universities into eight in order to achieve substantial economies of scale, and the Danish parliament approved a nearly 50% increase in government spending on research by 2010. The Danish case highlights the pivotal role of governance reform if Europe is ever to meet its Lisbon goals.", "zh": "Le gouvernement danois a cherché à se libérer de ce cercle vicieux en introduisant des réformes avant de promettre une augmentation des budgets. En 2003, les universités du Danemark ont été transformées en institutions autogérées, dirigées par des conseils d’administration dominés par des représentants extérieurs. L’année dernière, le gouvernement a fait fusionner douze université en huit afin de réaliser de substantielles économies d’échelle, et le parlement danois a approuvé une augmentation de presque 50 % des dépenses gouvernementales dans le domaine de la recherche d’ici 2010. Le cas danois souligne le rôle pivot de la réforme des modes de gouvernance si l’Europe veut atteindre les objectifs fixés à Lisbonne."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Changing Map of Middle East Power BERLIN – The eruption of the Arab revolts in late 2010 and early 2011 put power relations among Middle Eastern countries in a state of flux, and both winners and losers have emerged. But, given that the strengths and weaknesses of most of the actors are highly contingent, the regional balance of power remains highly fluid. As that balance currently stands, Egypt continues to be one of the region’s most influential actors, with the success or failure of its political and economic transition affecting how other Arab countries develop. But Egypt is weighed down by domestic concerns, including a plummeting economy and a security situation in which the military is used for police tasks. The expansion of Egypt’s soft power will depend on the ability of its first democratically elected government, led by President Mohamed Morsi, to take difficult decisions and forge domestic consensus. Success in establishing effective governance would establish a model that many of Egypt’s neighbors would seek to emulate, at least partly. In this respect, Turkey is a good example. Turkey’s power rests primarily on its vibrant economy. Its impressive military strength is of limited use as an instrument of power, and its political clout has been overestimated, particularly in Syria. A rapprochement with Israel and, more important, a lasting peace with its Kurdish population, would boost Turkey’s regional influence. Israel also remains an overall winner, despite the changing strategic environment and its virtual lack of soft power in the region.", "zh": "中东实力地图的变迁 柏林—2010年末、2011年初爆发的阿拉伯革命让中东国家实力关系乱成了一锅粥，产生了赢家和输家。 但是，由于大部分行动方的优势和劣势都是高度不确定的，地区实力平衡仍然极不稳定。 目前的实力平衡是，埃及仍然是地区最有影响力的行动方之一，其政治和经济转型的成与败影响着其他阿拉伯国家的发展。 但埃及的影响因为国内问题二有所削弱，包括遭受重创的经济和用军队来处理政治任务的安全局势。 埃及软实力的扩张将取决于以总统穆尔西为首的、其第一届民主选出的政府的作出艰难决定和铸造国内一致的能力。 成功地树立成功的治理将形成一个模式，埃及的诸多邻国都可以效仿（至少是部分效仿 ） 。 在这方面，土耳其是一个很好的例子。 土耳其的实力主要建立在其强健的经济上。 其令人印象深刻的军事优势作为展示实力的工具作用有限，而其政治影响力被高估，特别是在叙利亚。 于以色列重归于好以及（更重要的）于库尔德人保持和平相处将提振土耳其的地区影响力。 以色列也是总体赢家，尽管战略环境在变化，且它缺少地区软实力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Politics Getting to the Fed? CAMBRIDGE – From the early 1980s until the start of the financial crisis in September 2008, the US Federal Reserve seemed to have a coherent process for adjusting its main short-term interest rate, the federal funds rate. Its policy had three key components: the nominal interest rate would rise by more than the rate of inflation; it would increase in response to a strengthening of the real economy; and it would tend toward a long-term normal value. Accordingly, one could infer the normal rate from the average federal funds rate over time. Between January 1986 and August 2008, it was 4.9%, and the average inflation rate was 2.5% (based on the deflator for personal consumption expenditure), meaning that the average real rate was 2.4%. The long-term normal real rate can be regarded as an emergent property of the real economy. From an investment and saving standpoint, economic equilibrium balances the benefit from a low safe real interest rate (which provides low-cost credit for investors) against the benefit from a high real rate (which implies higher returns for savers). In the Great Recession, the federal funds rate dropped precipitously, reaching essentially zero by the end of 2008. That was appropriate, owing to the depth of the crisis. But what few expected was that the federal funds rate would remain close to zero for so long, through the end of then-Fed Chair Ben Bernanke’s term in January 2014 and beyond.", "zh": "政治正在染指美联储吗？ 坎布里奇—从20世纪80年代初直到2008年9月金融危机爆发，美联储似乎一直在调整其主要短期利率—联邦基金利率。 其政策主要由三部分组成：名义利率要比通货膨胀率上升更快；实体经济走强就提高名义利率；以及名义利率趋向长期正常值。 据此，你就可以从长期平均联邦基金利率推断正常利率。 1986年1月至2008年8月间，平均通货膨胀率为2.5 % （ 基于个人消费支出平减指数 ） ， 这意味着平均真实利率为2.4 % 。 长期正常真实利率可视为实体经济的突生性质（emergent property ） 。 从投资和储蓄的角度讲，经济均衡即低安全真实利率（它为投资者提供了低成本信用）所带来的好处与高真实利率（它意味着储蓄者回报较高）所带来的好处之间达到平衡。 在大衰退期间，联邦基金利率陡然下降，到2008年年底，已经达到近零水平。 从危机的深度看，这是合适的。 但人们没有料到的是，联邦基金利率会在近零水平上维持如此之久，一直到时任美联储主席本·伯南克（Ben Bernanke）2014年1月任期届满时还没有变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The phenomenon of grassroots innovation by virtually all sorts of people working in all sorts of industries was first perceived by the American historian Walt Rostow in 1952 and described vividly and voluminously by the British historian Paul Johnson in 1983. I discuss its origins in my 2013 book Mass Flourishing. So it was by no means clear that the Schumpeterian thesis would be incorporated into economic theory. But when MIT’s Robert Solow introduced his growth model, it became standard to suppose that the “rate of technical progress,” as he called it, was exogenous to the economy. So the idea that people – even ordinary people working in all industries – possess the imagination to conceive of new goods and new methods was not considered. And it would have been dismissed had it been mooted. The Dynamism Revolution in economic theory was put on hold. With the great slowdown and a decline of job satisfaction, however, there now appears to be a chance to introduce dynamism into economic modeling. And doing so is imperative. The importance of understanding the newly stagnant economies has sparked an effort to incorporate imagination and creativity into macroeconomic models. I have been arguing for a decade or more that we cannot understand the symptoms observed in the Western nations until we have formulated and tested explicit hypotheses about the sources, or origins, of dynamism.", "zh": "所有行业的几乎所有工作人员纷纷做出草根创新，这一现象首先被美国历史学家沃尔特·罗斯托夫（Walt Rostow）在1952年所察觉，并由英国历史学家保罗·约翰逊（Paul Johnson）在1983年进行了大量而生动的描述。 我在我2013年的书《大繁荣 》 （ Mass Flourishing）中讨论了它的起源。 因此，没有明确的迹象表明熊彼特主义论文能够嵌入到经济学理论中。 但麻省理工学院的罗伯特·索洛（Robert Solow）引入的增长模型成为标准，认为他所谓的“技术进步率”外生于经济。 因此，人们 — — 哪怕是在各行各业工作的普通人 — — 拥有构思新产品和新方法的想象力的概念并没有得到考虑。 而如果提出这一点以供讨论，也会遭到摒弃。 经济学理论的活力革命被搁置。 但是，在大减速和工作满意度下降的背景下，似乎有了将活力引入经济建模的机会。 并且这是一项当务之急。 理解新近停滞的经济的重要性促使人们将想象力和创造性纳入宏观经济模型。 十几年来，我一直认为我们无法理解西方国家所观察到的症结，除非我们构建并检验关于活力的源泉或起源的明确的假说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Regional free-trade agreements (FTAs), such as the TTIP, do so as well, but some of the gains may come at the expense of other trade partners. Within each country, despite net gains, there are also some losers. The best way to deal with the economic, political, and humanitarian concerns raised by trade agreements is via transition rules, temporary income support, and retraining, as opposed to maintaining protectionist barriers. The gains from such pacts stem from a variety of factors, the most important of which is comparative advantage: countries specialize in producing the goods and services that they are relatively most efficient at producing, and trade these goods and services for others. Economies of scale and other factors are also important. As the scope of trade liberalization shrinks, so do the benefits – more than proportionally. Estimates of the annual gains from a fully realized TTIP are $160 billion for the EU and $128 billion for the US. British Prime Minister David Cameron predicts two million new jobs. And a non-inflationary boost to growth in a weak global economy would be particularly timely. But the devil is in the details. Tariffs are generally modest already, so gains from their further reduction would be modest as well. It is vital to remove non-tariff barriers, such as localized rules and restrictions not based on scientifically legitimate safety or health concerns, despite political pressure to maintain or tighten them. Limiting the scope of trade and investment covered by the TTIP would likewise reduce the benefits. Trade negotiations become either broad and deep or narrow and limited. NAFTA, for example, followed the former route, greatly boosting trade among the US, Canada, and Mexico. Its copycat, SAFTA (the South Asian Free Trade Agreement), moved slowly to reduce tariffs and the list of excluded items, so India signed separate bilateral FTAs with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The TTIP is being divided into 15 specific working groups. While the negotiations are new, the issues separating the two sides are long-standing and widely known. One of the most difficult is the EU’s limitation of imports of genetically modified foods, which presents a major problem for US agriculture.", "zh": "TTIP等地区自由贸易协定也是如此，但其中一些好处来自其他贸易伙伴的痛苦。 每个国家尽管可以获得净收益，但也会有损失。 应对贸易协定带来的经济、政治和人道主义问题的最佳办法是通过转移支付、临时性收入支持以及再培训，而不是维持保护主义壁垒。 自由贸易协定的好处来自多重因素，其中最重要的是比较优势：各国专注于生产其相对来说生产效率最高的商品和服务，然后用之交换其他商品和服务。 规模经济和其他因素也很重要。 随着贸易自由化程度的降低，好处也不成比例随之减少。 据估计，TTIP若能充分实现，每年将给欧盟带来1600亿美元收益，给美国带来1280亿美元。 英国首相卡梅伦预测TTIP将增加200万个新工作岗位。 而在全球经济疲软时迎来无通胀的增长提振也可谓非常及时。 但细节中处处陷阱。 总体而言，关税已经相当低，因此进一步削减关税带来的好处也相当有限。 尽管政治压力要求维持甚至收紧非关税壁垒，但取消它们至关重要，比如并非基于合理法律安全和健康考虑的地方性规则和限制。 限制TTIP所覆盖的贸易和投资范围也会降低其益处。 贸易谈判要么广而深，要么狭而浅。 前者如NAFTA（北美自由贸易协定 ） ， 它极大地提振了美国、加拿大和墨西哥之间的贸易。 盲目模仿NAFTA的SAFTA（南亚自由贸易协定）在降低关税和减少剔除项清单方面进展缓慢，以至于印度与孟加拉国和斯里兰卡单独签署了双边自由贸易协定。 TTIP分成了15个具体的工作组。 谈判是新的，但双方存在分歧的问题是长期存在且广为人知的。 最困难之处之一是欧盟限制转基因食品进口，而这对美国农业来说构成了一个大问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And NATO is the most solid security insurance that the world has. Underwritten by 28 members, it has delivered security benefits to all Allies, year after year, for more than six decades. This weekend in Chicago, representatives of roughly 60 member states, partner countries, and international organizations will assemble for NATO’s latest summit, the largest in the Alliance’s history, to tackle some of the biggest security questions of our time. Our discussions will focus on three issues: the transition to full Afghan security responsibility, the continued development of Allied military capabilities, and NATO’s global network of partnerships. First, we will reaffirm our commitment to Afghanistan’s stability and security. Over the next few months, our role will shift from combat to training and mentoring. And, by the end of 2014, Afghans will have full responsibility for their own security. Second, as our military involvement in Afghanistan nears completion, we must look ahead and develop new capabilities for a new era. At a time when defense budgets are being slashed across the Alliance, this requires a new approach. By working together to maximize our assets and resources, we can do more with what we have. This is the essence of “Smart Defense.” In Chicago, the Allies will commit to this approach as a long-term strategy for improving NATO’s capabilities. Finally, partnerships will figure prominently on the agenda in Chicago. Over the past 20 years, NATO has created a network of security partnerships with countries around the world.", "zh": "而北约就是全世界所拥有的可靠保险。 北约有28个成员国，六十年来，每个成员国都能时刻获得北约提供的安全好处。 本周末，来自近60个北约成员国、伙伴国和国际组织的代表将齐聚芝加哥，出席北约历史上规模最大的峰会，讨论现时代的一些最大的安全问题。 我们的讨论议题将集中在三个问题上：阿富汗安全责任的完全过渡、北约军力的持续开发以及北约的全球合作伙伴网络。 首先，我们将再次重申对阿富汗稳定和安全的承诺。 在未来几个月中，我们的角色从战斗转为训练和观察。 到2014年底，阿富汗将完全自力更生承担自己的安全责任。 其次，我们在��富汗的军事介入已进入尾声，当此之际，我们必须向前看，为新时期做好能力储备。 在北约各成员国无不削减防务预算的时期，这要求我们另辟蹊径。 只要我们能够团结起来最大化我们的资产和资源，就能利用手中的资源办成更大的事情。 这就是“巧防御”的关键。 在芝加哥，北约将把这一方法作为改善北约军力的长期战略。 最后，合作伙伴问题将作为芝加哥峰会的主要议程。 过去20多年来，北约在全世界建立起了安全合作伙伴网络。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "佑哥独自返身又来到拍卖行，为数众多的玩家正在这里进行搜查，还时不时地有新兵到达。佑哥觉得自己有些低估了情况的严重，他没想到顾飞可以招来这么多追捕的人。人类的好奇心真是太可怕了。 离开拍卖行后佑哥联系了韩家公子等人。众人听到这个消息都是狠狠吃了一惊：“啥？那家伙不知道pk规则？” “这个废物！开会开会！”身为团长的韩家公子首先对顾飞进行了批评，接着招集众人小雷酒馆老地方见面。 与此同时，纵横四海的风行正飞奔着找到了他们的会长无誓之剑。 “机会来了！”纵横四海行会的大门几乎快被风行撞飞。 无誓之剑正在和行会的几个小美眉交流感情，被风行突然打断，轻轻皱了眉，沉声道：“说过多少遍了，遇事要冷静，千万不要慌！” “蒙面杀手被通缉了！”风行直接用喊。", "en": "Brother Assist returned to the Auction House alone. Countless players were searching the place thoroughly, with more joining in as time went by. Brother Assist thought he had a good grasp of the situation’s severity, yet he had not expected Gu Fei to attract these many pursuers. Human’s curiosity was indeed a frightening thing. Brother Assist contacted Young Master Han and his fellow mercenary mates once he had left the Auction House. All were extremely astonished when they heard the news, “WHAT? That guy didn’t know about the PvP rules?” “That guy is hopeless! Meeting! We’re having an emergency meeting!” Young Master Han first criticized Gu Fei before telling everyone to meet at the usual hangout, Ray’s Bar. Meanwhile, Gale Force of Traversing Four Seas hurriedly sought their guild leader, Oathless Sword. “Our chance is here!” The main door to Traversing Four Seas’ guild house almost flew off its hinges when Gale Force came crashing through. Oathless Sword was currently at the lounge, conversing with a few beauties from their guild. Gale Force’s abrupt interruption made Oathless Sword feel slightly annoyed. He furrowed his brows and said heavily, “Conciseness is a merit. But you must remain calm even when things happen and avoid panicking!” “The Masked Slayer is on the Wanted Players list!” Gale Force shouted immediately."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Providing a haven for people from all over the world, where all people are subject to the same rules and laws, has been a key strength of the US for most of its history. This idea is reflected in the words on the country’s seal: E Pluribus Unum (from many, one). But Clinton will also have to address some of the real grievances that spurred the backlash against economic openness. An infrastructure program, by creating huge numbers of productive jobs and distributed wealth, would be a good start – one that would be far easier to achieve if her Democratic Party also won the Senate. With such an approach, the US could revive its reputation as the “land of opportunity,” which has been so critical to US soft power in the past. As she works to overcome rifts at home, Clinton will also have plenty of work to do abroad. Herein lies the second lesson of Nagasaki’s history: the overwhelming threat posed by nuclear weapons. Today, it is North Korea that embodies that threat most acutely. That country’s volatile regime, led by the world’s most powerful juvenile delinquent, Kim Jong-un, not only possesses nuclear weapons, but is also working to develop long-range delivery capacity. Recent tests of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles – including the country’s most powerful nuclear test ever, carried out last month – show just how close the Hermit Kingdom is to achieving its goals.", "zh": "美国为全世界人民提供避风港，规则和法律面前人人平等，这是美国在其大部分历史中的一个关键优势。 这一思想体现在美国的国徽上：合众为一。 但克林顿还必须解决一些真正的仇恨，这些仇恨刺激了对经济开放的抵制。 基础设施计划可以创造大量生产性工作岗位并分配财富，它是一个良好的起点 — — 如果她的民主党能够同时赢得参议院，推行这一计划就将容易得多。 通过这一方针，美国可以重振其“机会之地”的名声，这是过去美国软实力的关键。 在克服国内分裂的同时，克林顿在国际层面也有很多事情要做。 这就引出了长崎历史的第二个教训：核武器带来的巨大威胁。 今天带来这一威胁的最主要是朝鲜。 喜怒无常的朝鲜政权在全世界最有权力的少年犯金正恩的领导下，不但拥有核武器，还在致力于研发远程输送能力。 最新的核武器和远程导弹测试 — — 包括上个月进行的朝鲜历史上最强力的核试验 — — 表明这个隐秘王国距离实现目标已经非常接近。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Inequality and the Internet BERKELEY – The conclusion that America has become vastly more unequal over the past 35 years is beyond doubt. Since 1979, the pattern has been clear: The richer you were, the far richer you have become. And if you were poor, you probably stayed poor. But the same period has also been an era of rapid technological change. The United States is undergoing a third industrial revolution, an information-age upheaval that could be as momentous as its predecessors, which transformed society through the introduction of steam, iron, cotton, and machinery, and then internal combustion, electricity, and steel. Today, nearly every resident of a developed country – and soon most of the rest of the world – can easily afford a smartphone, thereby gaining inexpensive access to a universe of human knowledge and entertainment that, until a generation ago, was far beyond the reach of all but the rich. Is it possible that conventional measures of inequality and income vastly underestimate just how good we have it? According to conventional economics, the answer, at first glance, seems to be no. The calculations of economic growth that reveal growing inequality already take into account spending on telecommunications, information processing, and audiovisual entertainment. Unless the benefits from information-age goods and services greatly outstrip what we spend on them, the wellbeing they provide will have already been accounted for. But is that “unless” really so far-fetched? When we invest in our wellbeing, we not only spend money to purchase goods and services; we allocate a portion of our free time to use them properly. A movie ticket will not do you much good if you leave before the curtain rises. Time, like money, is a scarce resource; and, because goods and services related to information require our attention, they are time-intensive. Ever since Homer chanted his Iliad around the campfire after dark, we have been willing to pay dearly for stories, entertainment, and information. The technology of the information age has given us the possibility to invest our time in ways that once only the most powerful could afford.", "zh": "不平等性与互联网 伯克利—美国在过去35年中不平等性程度剧增，这一结论已是不容置疑。 1979年以来的模式十分明确：越富的人，变得更富的程度也就越高。 而如果你是穷人，你有可能继续当穷人。 但同样是这一时期，也是科技快速变化的时期。 美国正在经历第三次工业革命 — — 信息时代的崛起可能与此前工业革命一样动力十足 — — 先是蒸汽、铁、棉花和机械；接着是内燃机、电力和钢铁，它们都改变了社会。 如今，几乎所有发达国家的居民 — — 大部分世界其他部分的人很快也会加入其中 — — 可以轻松购买智能手机，从而以十分低廉的代价获得人类知识和娱乐的全部，而在一代人之前，这还仅仅是富人的特权。 是否有这样的可能，传统不平等性和收入衡量手段大大低估了我们现在的境况？ 根据传统经济学，乍一看答案是否定的。 揭示不平等性增加的经济增长计算已经考虑了通信、信息处理和视听娱乐方面的支出。 除非信息时代商品和服务所带来的好处大大超过了我们为此付出的钱，否则它们所提供的福利已经考虑在内。 答案这一“除非”的距离有多远？ 当我们投资于我们的福利时，我们不但花钱购买产品和服务；我们还配置了一部分自由时间用于恰当地使用它们。 如果你提早退场，电影票就不会给你带来很大的享受。 时间就像金钱，也是稀缺资源；而与信息有关的商品和服务需要我们的注意力，因此它们是时间密集的。 自从荷马围着日暮后的篝火吟出他的《伊利亚特》以来，我们就一直愿意花大把钞票消费故事、娱乐和信息。 信息时代的技术给了我们以曾经只有最有权力的人才负担得起的方式投资我们的时间。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Tech Literacy Imperative DAVOS – In many parts of the world, young children grow up surrounded by technology. At their fingertips – literally – lies a limitless amount of entertainment, gaming, learning, and social networking. Their world has always been connected. They learn to scroll before they can walk. And yet, as confident as they may be using technology, too many children have no idea how it all works. Nor do they fully appreciate how it underpins their lives – or how it will shape their futures. I think of this as the tech literacy paradox. Today’s children may be great consumers of technology, but rarely are they truly tech literate. They may look like savvy digital natives, but their knowledge is only screen-deep. They are passive users, not active creators. And most of them have little real interest in finding out how the technology on which they depend actually functions. This has important implications. Economies are undergoing radical shifts in terms of how they produce, distribute, and consume goods and services. Every aspect of life and work is changing. Greater tech literacy will be essential to ensure that the human implications of the ongoing Fourth Industrial Revolution are positive. If young people are to participate fully in our increasingly tech-enabled world, greater numbers of them will have to be tech literate. If they are to be empowered citizens, not just beguiled consumers, they will need to understand how technology affects their lives and prospects. Not only will there be more tech jobs in the future; increasingly, more jobs will have a tech dimension to them, especially as scientific advances play a major role in solving some of society’s biggest challenges – climate change, health care, poverty, and inequality. That is why BT has made a long-term commitment to use our skills and capabilities to help build a culture of tech literacy. We want young people to know that they will be the creators and builders of our future – in every sense. We want them to get excited about looking beyond the screen, to make and do stuff. That means learning to code, of course. But it also means becoming fluent in computational thinking and problem solving.", "zh": "培养技术素养势在必行 达沃斯 — — 世界许多地方，孩子们的成长都被技术所包围。 毫不夸张地讲，海量的娱乐、游戏、学习和社交网络都在他们的指尖触手可及。 他们的世界靠网络联系在一起。 他们首先学会滚动鼠标，之后才学会走路。 但尽管他们对自身使用技术的能力信心满满，但太多孩子根本不懂得技术原理。 他们也并不真正了解技术怎样支撑他们的生活 — — 以及技术如何塑造他们的未来。 我认为这是一种科技素养悖论。 今天的孩子或许是完美的技术消费者，但却极少有人真正懂得技术知识。 他们可能乍看上去像是懂行的技术原生代，但他们却很少了解屏幕后面的知识。 他们仅仅是被动的使用者，而不具备主动的创造能力。 他们中的绝大多数对了解自己如此依赖的技术实际如何运作鲜有兴趣。 这一点有着非常重要的意义。 经济生产、销售以及商品和服务的消费方式正在经历根本性的变革。 生活的方方面面都在变化。 确保正在进行的第四次工业革命对人类产生积极影响的关键是掌握更多科技知识。 年轻人要想充分参与高科技元素日益发达的世界，就必须有更多人掌握科技知识。 要想成为有能力的公民而非懵懵懂懂的消费者，他们需要了解技术如何影响他们的生活和前途。 未来不仅技术型工作将会越来越多；而且因为技术进步在解决气候变化、医疗卫生、贫困和不平等社会重大挑战中所起到的重要作用，越来越多的就业岗位将涉及技术层面的问题。 因此英国电信的长期目标是利用我们的技术和能力去协助科技素养文化的建立。 我们想让年轻人知道无论从哪种意义上，人类未来的创造者和建设者都是他们自己。 我们希望他们对屏幕以外的知识产生强烈的兴趣，去制作和创造属于他们的东西。 当然这意味着要学习编程。 但同时也意味着习惯运用计算思维和问题解决方式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Justice Stephen Breyer agreed that to spend 33 years in prison awaiting execution is cruel. In support of that view, he pointed to “barbaric” conditions on death row, and the “horrible” feelings of uncertainty when one is under sentence of execution but does not know whether or when the sentence will be carried out. Breyer then went on to document the fact that so long a period on death row is also unusual. It was, in fact, a record, although the average length of time spent on death row in the US is 15 years; in 2009, of 3173 death-row prisoners, 113 had been there for more than 29 years. So Breyer held that Valle’s treatment was unconstitutional, and that he should not be executed. But he found no support for his position among the eight other Supreme Court judges. On September 28, the court rejected Valle’s application, and he was executed that evening. The US is now the only Western industrialized nation to retain the death penalty for murder. Of 50 European countries, only Belarus, notorious for its lack of respect for basic human rights, still executes criminals in peacetime. The European Union’s Charter of Fundamental Rights regards the death penalty as a human-rights violation. The death penalty is not an effective deterrent. Murder rates in Europe and other Western industrialized nations are lower, often much lower, than those in the US. In the US itself, the 16 states that have abolished the death penalty generally have lower murder rates than those that retain it. In the US, however, deterrence is not really the issue. Retribution is often seen as a more important justification for the death penalty. It is quite common for family members of the victim to watch the execution of the person convicted of killing their relative, and afterwards to pronounce themselves satisfied that justice has been done – it happened again with the execution of Troy Davis. In the rest of the Western world, the desire to witness an execution is widely regarded as barbaric, and barely comprehensible.", "zh": "法官斯蒂芬·布雷尔认同在这种在监狱里等了33年死刑的做法是残忍的。 为了说明这一点，他指出死刑执行排队中的种种“野蛮”状况，以及囚犯被判死刑却不知何时执行的那种“恐怖”的不确定感。 布雷尔同时参看资料发现如此之长的死刑等待确实不寻常。 事实上虽然每个美国死刑犯在行刑名单上的平均等待时间长达15年，但瓦尔的情况也堪称一项记录；在2009年，美国3173名等待执行的死刑犯中就有113名已经等了超过29年。 因此布雷尔认定司法部门对瓦尔的做法是违宪的，而他也不应被执行死刑。 但其他8位最高法院大法官却不支持他的观点。 结果9月28日法院回绝了瓦尔的申请，而囚犯本人也在当晚被处决。 美国是当今世界上唯一还对谋杀罪执行死刑的西方发达国家。 在50个欧洲国家中只有以不尊重基本人权闻名的白俄罗斯还在和平时期执行死刑。 而欧盟的《基本权利宪章》也将死刑判定为侵犯人权的行为。 同时死刑也并不是一种有效的威慑手段。 事实上欧洲和其他西方发达国家的谋杀犯罪率相对于美国来说都较低 — — 甚至是很低。 在美国国内，16个废除死刑州的谋杀犯罪率都比那些保留死刑的更低。 但在美国，威慑并不是重点，杀人偿命才是实施死刑的重要理由。 受害者家属经常得以观看死囚的行刑过程，并在过程完成后宣称正义终于得到伸张 — — 在特雷·戴维斯的死刑中同样出现了这一幕。 而在其他西方国家，观看死刑的意愿都被广泛认为是野蛮且根本无法理解的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Information Warfare Versus Soft Power CAMBRIDGE – Russia’s interference in the 2016 US presidential election, and its suspected hacking of French President Emmanuel Macron’s campaign servers, should surprise no one, given President Vladimir Putin’s (mis)understanding of soft power. Before his re-election in 2012, Putin told a Moscow newspaper that “soft power is a complex of tools and methods to achieve foreign policy goals without the use of force, through information and other means of influence.” From the Kremlin’s perspective, color revolutions in neighboring countries and the Arab Spring uprisings were examples of the United States using soft power as a new form of hybrid warfare. The concept of soft power was incorporated into Russia’s 2013 Foreign Policy Concept, and in March 2016, Russian Chief of General Staff Valery Gerasimov stated that responding to such foreign threats “using conventional troops is impossible; they can be counteracted only with the same hybrid methods.” What is soft power? Some think it means any action other than military force, but this is wrong. Soft power is the ability to get what you want through attraction and persuasion rather than threats of coercion or offers of payment. Soft power is not good or bad in itself. Value judgments depend on the ends, means, and consequences of an action. It is not necessarily better to twist minds than to twist arms (though the subject usually has more autonomy in mental rather than physical processes). Osama bin Laden neither threatened nor paid the men who flew aircraft into the World Trade Center in September 2001: he attracted them by his ideas to do evil. The soft power of attraction can be used for offensive purposes. Countries have long spent billions on public diplomacy and broadcasting in a game of competitive attractiveness – the “battle for hearts and minds.” Soft-power instruments like the Marshall Plan and the Voice of America helped to determine the outcome of the Cold War. After the Cold War, Russian elites believed that European Union and NATO enlargement, and Western efforts at democracy promotion, were designed to isolate and threaten Russia. In response, they tried to develop Russian soft power by promoting an ideology of traditionalism, state sovereignty, and national exclusivity.", "zh": "信息战和软实力 坎布里奇 — — 俄罗斯干预2016年美国总统大选，并被怀疑入侵法国总统伊曼纽尔·马克龙的竞选服务器不会令任何人感到吃惊，因为弗拉基米尔·普京总统理解（或者说误解）了软实力。 在2012年再度当选之前，普京告诉莫斯科的一家报纸“软实力是通过信息和其他影响力手段不必借助武力也能实现外交政策目标的一系列复杂的方法和工具 。 ” 在克里姆林宫看来，邻国的颜色革命和阿拉伯之春起义是美国将软实力应用于新型混合战争的实例。 软实力的概念被纳入俄“2013年外交政策概念 ” ， 而在2016年3月，俄罗斯总参谋长瓦列里·格拉西莫夫指出用“常规部队来响应这样的外国威胁是不可能的；我们只能用同样的混合方法来进行抵御 。 ” 软实力是什么？ 有人认为是军事力量以外的任何行动，但这种认识并不准确。 软实力不是通过强制或收买，而是通过吸引和说服来达到既定目的的能力。 软实力本身无所谓好坏。 价值判断要取决于特定行动的目的、手段和后果。 思想操纵并不一定胜过暴力强迫（虽然目标对象在精神上的自主权往往要大于其物理进程 ） 。 奥萨马·本·拉登既没有威胁也没有收买2001年9月驾机撞向世贸中心大楼的恐怖分子：吸引他们作恶的是他的思想。 软实力吸引同样可以用于进攻目的。 各国长期以来在公共外交和广播领域耗资数十亿美元争夺吸引力和竞争力 — — 也就是所谓的“心灵与思想之战 ” 。 像马歇尔计划和美国之音这样的软实力计划在决定冷战结果方面提供了帮助。 冷战后，俄国精英相信欧盟和北约东扩和西方推动民主的努力都是为了孤立和威胁俄国。 作为回应，他们试图通过宣传传统主义、国家主权和民族排他性等意识形态来培育俄国的软实力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 2010, the United Nations Security Council introduced Resolution 1929, imposing a new round of sanctions on Iran over concerns that it was not complying with previous resolutions intended to ensure the peaceful nature of its nuclear program. Economic stagnation followed. Rouhani’s rise in 2013 amounted to a middle-class revolt against Ahmadinejad and the economic devastation he had brought. When he delivered the JCPOA in 2015, things started looking up for Iran. Thanks to the easing of sanctions, the economy grew by a whopping 13% in 2016 and another 7% in 2017. Buoyed by this progress, Rouhani won the 2017 election by an even larger margin, with 57% of the vote, reflecting gains in more affluent districts and larger cities. (This does not include districts with significant minority – Sunni, Kurd, or Arab – populations that regularly vote for candidates who are not tied to the Shia clergy or the Revolutionary Guard.) In the country’s wealthiest district, Shemiranat in northern Tehran, Rouhani’s share of the vote surged from 49% to 79%. Trump’s abandonment of the JCPOA changed everything. Iranian conservatives have seized on the agreement’s unraveling to convince Iranians that Rouhani’s efforts to engage with the West were utterly misguided. Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei has even begun to push for a “Resistance Economy” that would make Iran less vulnerable to sanctions. Iranian public opinion has followed suit. In 2015, when the JCPOA was first signed, three out of four Iranians viewed the agreement favorably.", "zh": "2010年，联合国安理会提出了第1929号决议，对伊朗实施新一轮制裁，理由是担心伊朗并未遵守此前旨在确保其核计划和平性质的决议。 随之而来的是经济停滞。 鲁哈尼在2013年的崛起基本等同于中产阶级反抗艾哈迈迪内贾德及其所带来的经济破坏境遇。 他成功在2015年签署联合全面行动计划改善了伊朗局势。 由于制裁措施放松，经济在2016年大幅增长13 % ， 而2017年又增长了7 % 。 在这一进展鼓舞下，鲁哈尼以57%的更大优势赢得了2017年选举，表现在相对富裕地区和大城市更高的得票率。 （这还不包括逊尼派、库尔德人或阿拉伯人等少数民族地区，这部分人经常把票投给与什叶派神职人员或革命卫队无关的候选人。 ）在该国最富裕的德黑兰北部的谢米拉纳特地区，鲁哈尼得到了从49%飙升到79%的得票率。 特朗普抛弃联合全面行动计划改变了一切。 伊朗的保守派人士抓住协议破裂的机会让伊朗人相信鲁哈尼彻底误导了与西方关系。 最高领袖阿亚图拉哈梅内伊甚至开始推动能让伊朗不那么容易遭受制裁的“抵抗型经济 。 ” 伊朗公众舆论也纷纷效仿。 2015年，当联合全面行动计划最初签署时，有3/4的伊朗人以赞同的态度看待该协议。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So, unless something – and it will need to be something major – returns the US to its pre-2008 growth trajectory, future economic historians will not regard the Great Depression as the worst business-cycle disaster of the industrial age. It is we who are living in their worst case. One would think that such a macroeconomic disaster – one that robs the average American family of four of $36,000 per year in useful goods and services, and that threatens to keep Americans poorer than they might have been for decades, if not longer – would focus policymakers’ minds. One would think that America’s leaders would be clambering to formulate policies aimed at returning the economy to its pre-2008 growth path: putting people back to work, cleaning up underwater mortgages, restoring financial markets’ risk-bearing capacity, and boosting investment. But no. Part of the reason is that, at the top, there is no crisis. According to the best estimates, the income share of America’s top 10% probably crossed 50% in 2012 for the first time ever, and the 22% income share that went to the top 1% was exceeded only in 2007, 2006, and 1928. The incomes of America’s top 10% are two-thirds higher than those of their counterparts 20 years ago, while the incomes of the top 1% have more than doubled. Those who fall into the top strata thus regard themselves as doing well in the current US economy. And indeed they are.", "zh": "因此，除非美国经济的一部分 — — 必须是相当大的一部分 — — 回归2008年之前的增长路径，否则在未来经济史家眼中，大萧条将不会是工业时代最严重的商业周期灾难。 生活在最糟糕商业周期中的将是我们。 你或许认为，如此重大的宏观经济灾难会聚集决策者的注意力。 这场灾难将让普通的美国四口之家每年失去36,000美元的有用商品和服务，让美国人民的生活在几十年甚至更长的时间里变得更穷。 你或许认为，美国领导人将拿出政策让经济回到2008年前的增长路径：让人们回到工作中、清理资不抵债的抵押贷款、重建金融市场的风险承担能力、提振投资。 但答案是否定的。 部分原因在于，从顶层人群角度，根本没有危机。 根据最佳测算，2012年顶尖的10%美国人收入占比历史上第一次超过了50 % ， 其中22%的收入流入了最顶尖的1 % ， 只有2007年、2006年和1928年的情况比2012年严重。 顶层的10%美国人收入比20年前提高了三分之二，顶尖1%美国人的收入翻了一倍多。 因此，顶层美国人认为当前他们在当前美国经济中表现出色。 他们确实表现出色。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And the leader of Germany’s Social Democrats, Martin Schulz, has also thrown his weight behind a “United States of Europe” in recent days. But there is also an alternative, much less ambitious view, according to which neither fiscal nor political union is needed. What needs to be done instead is to de-link private finance from public finance, insulating each from the malfeasance of the other. With this separation, private finance can be fully integrated at the European level, while public finance is left to individual member states. This way, countries can reap the full benefit of financial integration while national political authorities are left free to manage their own economies. Brussels would no longer be the bogeyman, insisting on fiscal austerity and drawing the ire of countries with high unemployment and low growth. Martin Sandbu of the Financial Times has been a strong proponent of the view that a workable monetary and financial union does not require fiscal integration. He believes the critical reform is to prevent bank bailouts by public authorities. The price of bank failures should be paid by the banks’ owners and creditors; we should have bail-ins rather than bailouts. Sandbu argues that this would not only insulate public finance from the follies of banks; it would also lead to an equilibrium that mimics fiscal risk-sharing between countries that are net borrowers and countries that are net lenders. When banks in the former fail, it is creditors in the latter that would bear the cost. “With banking union, there is no need for fiscal union,” he argues.", "zh": "而德国社会民主党党首马丁·舒尔茨（Martin Schulz）也在最近加入了支持“欧罗巴合众国”的行列。 但还有另一条路，这条路的目标没有那么宏大，财政和政治联盟都不是必要的。 相反，必要的是将私人金融和公共金融脱钩，使一者的失当不会影响到另一者。 在这样的隔离下，私人金融可以在欧洲层面实现充分一体化，而公共金融由各成员国自行决定。 如此，各国能够充分获取金融一体化的好处，同时国家政治当局也能继续主导本国经济。 布鲁塞尔不再充当恶人，要求财政紧缩、引起高失业低增长国家的愤怒。 《金融时报》的马丁·桑德卜（Martin Sandbu）强烈支持这一观点：可行的货币和金融联盟并不要求财政一体化。 他相信，关键性的改革是防止公共当局救助银行。 银行倒闭的代价应该由银行所有者和债权人承担；银行应该由他们自救（bail-in ） ， 而不应该得到援助（bailout ） 。 桑德卜指出，这不但能将公共金融和银行的不当行为隔离；还能形成一个均衡，净债务国和净债权国之间达到类似于财政风险共担的格局。 当净债务国的银行倒闭时，由净债权国的债权人承担成本。 “有了银行联盟，就不需要财政联盟了 ， ” 他说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Despite many mistakes along the way and perverse obstruction by demagogues and conspiracy-mongers, the democratic response to the pandemic followed Sen’s playbook: the press and the public carefully scrutinized official statistics, most people were vaccinated, and the US, along with other Western democracies, gradually opened up, enabling people to go about their business in relative safety. Even without Xi’s absolutist aspirations, this would have been hard to achieve in China. To justify its monopoly on power, the Communist Party has had to maintain a façade of infallibility, making it impossible to condemn the most colossal mistakes, even in retrospect. The nationwide famine of the 1950s is still often blamed on bad weather and natural disasters rather than Mao Zedong’s catastrophic Great Leap Forward. Even as at least 30 million Chinese died, officials remained silent, fearing that annoying the Great Helmsman with bad news might cost them their lives as well. China, of course, is no longer as isolated as it was in the 1950s, Xi is not Mao, and his erratic decision-making will most likely not claim 30 million lives. But with a daily death toll of 9,000, the costs will be massive. And precisely because China is no longer isolated, the implications will extend far beyond Chinese borders. Viruses, after all, travel, as do economic disruptions. The damage done to China by its autocratic regime will end up hurting us all.", "zh": "尽管在此过程中出现了许多错误，并且受到煽动者和阴谋论者的顽固阻挠，但对这场大流行的民主反应遵循了森的剧本：媒体和公众仔细审查了官方统计数据，大多数人接种了疫苗，美国和其他西方民主国家一起逐渐开放，使人们能够相对安全地恢复日常。 即使没有习近平的绝对论，这在中国也很难实现。 为了证明其对权力的垄断的正当性，共产党不得不保持永远正确的外表，即使在事后回顾时也无法谴责最严重的错误。 1950 年代的全国饥荒仍然经常被归咎于恶劣的天气和自然灾害，而不是毛泽东的灾难性大跃进。 即使至少有 3000 万中国人死亡，官员们仍然保持沉默，担心用坏消息来烦扰伟大的舵手可能也会让他们丧命。 当然，中国不再像 1950 年代那样孤立，习近平不是毛泽东，他反复无常的决策也不会让3000 万人死去。 但每天有 9,000 人死亡，代价也是巨大的。 正是因为中国不再孤立，其影响将远远超出中国国界。 毕竟，病毒会像经济破坏一样传播。 专制政权给中国造成的伤害最终会伤害到我们所有人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fortunately, we have the building blocks for creating such a network: CEU and Bard College in the US are already long-term partners. CEU is a graduate institution, and Bard an innovative, mainly undergraduate liberal arts college. Both have been supported by the Open Society Foundations and encouraged to offer a helping hand to other universities and colleges worldwide. Bard and CEU have developed an array of successful relationships in less developed parts of the world. The time has come for OSF to embark on an ambitious plan to build on this foundation a new and innovative educational network that the world really needs. It will be called the Open Society University Network, or OSUN. OSUN will be unique. It will offer an international platform for teaching and research. In the first phase, it will more closely connect an existing network. In the second phase, we will open up this network to other institutions that want to join and are qualified to do so. To demonstrate that the idea is practical, we have already implemented the first phase. We are holding common classes for students from several universities located in different parts of the world, sharing faculty and conducting joint research projects in which people from many universities collaborate. OSUN will continue in the footsteps of CEU and Bard in seeking to reach places in need of high-quality education and in serving neglected populations, such as refugees, inmates, Roma communities, and other displaced peoples like the Rohingya.", "zh": "幸运的是，我们已经有打造了构建这样一个网络的基础：中欧大学和美国的巴德学院已经是长期合作伙伴。 中欧大学是一所研究生大学，而巴德学院是一所创新型、主要培养本科生的文理学院。 两者都得到了开放社会基金会的支持，并鼓励它们为全球其他大学提供帮助。 两所学院在一些世界欠达地区也培育了一系列良好的关系。 在此基础上，现在是时候由开放社会基金会启动一项宏伟的计划，去着手建立世界真正需要的新型创新教育网络，我们将其定名为“开放社会大学网络 ” （ Open Society University Network ） 。 这个开放社会大学网络将是独一无二的。 它将为教学和研究提供一个国际平台。 在第一阶段，它将更紧密地连接现有网络。 到第二阶段，我们会向渴望加入并具备相关资质的其他机构开放这一网络。 为了证明该理念是可行的，我们已将第一阶段付诸实施，为世界各地的数所大学的学生开办通用课程，共享教职人员，开展包含来自多个大学的研究者的联合研究项目。 开放社会大学网络将延续中欧大学和巴德学院的足迹，努力延伸到那些急需高质量教育的区域，并为包括难民、囚犯，吉普赛人和其他流离失所者（比如罗兴亚人）在内的高度被忽视群体提供服务。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But that would imply a big jump in prices, if policymakers really wanted to recover all the ground lost since 2010. I expect modest change at best. And the Bank of England? There, the case for change is less powerful, as average inflation has been more or less on target, helped by a falling pound. And a review of the mandate is really a task for the government, not the BOE, as it is the government that sets the inflation target. But there are rumblings of discontent, nonetheless. Gordon Brown, who drafted the initial target in 1997, argued recently that the Bank should also try to achieve maximum employment. And others close to Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s cabinet want to rein in the BOE, bringing its decision-making closer to government, perhaps by giving it a nominal GDP target, which mixes up inflation and real growth, and forcing “coordination” with the Treasury. So, Powell’s “subtle shift” may not be the end of the story. Central banking seemed to have reached an “end of history” moment in the mid-1990s, when inflation targeting spread round the world after its success in New Zealand. A generation later, history has started again, with unpredictable consequences.", "zh": "但如果政策制定者真想收复自2010年以来的失地，就必须让价格大幅上涨。 而我期望最好以温和的方式变化。 那么英格兰银行呢? 在英国，改革的理由就不那么充分了，因为在英镑贬值的推动下，平均通胀率已基本达到了目标。 而回顾这一使命，实际上是政府的任务，而不是英国央行的任务，因为设定通胀目标的是政府。 尽管如此，还是有不满的声音。 1997年起草最初通胀目标的戈登•布朗(Gordon Brown)最近辩称，央行还应努力实现最大就业。 与英国首相鲍里斯•约翰逊(Boris Johnson)内阁关系密切的其他人士希望控制英国央行，使其决策更符合政府意愿，可能会给央行一个名义GDP目标(将通胀和实际增长混合在一起 ) ， 并迫使其与财政部进行\"协调 \" 。 因此，鲍威尔的“微妙转变”并不是故事结局。 上世纪90年代中期，中央银行似乎已经到了“历史终结”的时刻，当时设定通胀目标在新西兰取得成功后，传遍了全世界。 一代人之后，历史又开始了，带来了不可预测的后果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An Economic Myth of Olympic Proportions NORTHAMPTON – According to Olympic legend, hosting the Games is an economic boon for the chosen city and country. In reality, the Games are more often a boondoggle, as Rio de Janeiro is finding out. First, consider how the games are awarded to a host city. The International Olympic Committee (IOC), an unregulated global monopoly, conducts a biannual auction whereby the world’s cities compete against one another to prove their suitability. Business executives – often from the construction industry – who stand to gain from the Games’ preparation usually lead a prospective city’s bidding process. Among other things, cities will offer lavish sporting venues, ostentatious ceremonial spaces, newly built transportation networks, luxurious accommodations for athletes, and media and broadcasting centers. The outcome of this process is predictable: winning cities usually overbid. The cost of hosting the Summer Olympics these days runs from $15 billion to $20 billion, including venue construction and renovation, operations and security, and additional infrastructure. The total revenue for the host city from its share of international television contracts (roughly 25%, with the other 75% going to the IOC), international and domestic sponsorships, ticket sales, and memorabilia is $3.5-4.5 billion. In other words, costs comfortably exceed revenues by $10 billion or more. Those vying for their city to host the Games often argue that any short-term deficit will turn into long-term gain, because tourism, foreign investment, and trade will grow, to say nothing of improved national morale. Again, the empirical evidence does not support this extravagant claim. Consider tourism. During July and August 2012, the number of tourists visiting London, the host city for the Summer Games that year, actually fell by 5%. The shops, restaurants, theaters, and museums around the event space in Piccadilly Circus all reported next to no business during the 17 days of the Games. As it happens, everyday tourists avoid Olympic host cities during the Games, owing to crowds, transportation delays, inflated prices, and possible security threats. As a result, hosting the Games does more harm than good for tourism, which thrives on word of mouth.", "zh": "奥运会级别的经济神话 北安普顿—奥林匹克传说说，举办奥运会是对被选中的城市和国家的经济大礼。 在现实中，举办奥运会更多地是一件吃力不讨好的事，里约热内卢正在领教这一点。 首先我们来看看奥运会主办权是如何授予东道主的。 国际奥林匹克委员会是一家不受监管的全球垄断机构，它组织双年拍卖会，让全世界城市彼此竞争，证明自己才是合适的主办者。 领衔候选城市竞价过程的往往是有望从奥运会筹办中获益的企业高管 — — 通常来自建筑业。 各城市将提供铺张的体育场馆、浪费的仪式空间、新建交通网络、奢华的运动员接待设施以及媒体和转播中心。 这个过程的结果不难预料：获胜的城市总是出价过高。 如今，主办夏季奥运会的成本为150—200亿美元，包括场馆建设和翻新、运营和安全以及其他基础设施。 主办城市从其国际电视转播合同分成（大约为25 % ， 其余75%归国际奥委会 ） 、 国际和国内赞助、门票销售以及纪念品销售中获得的总收入为35—45亿美元。 换句话说，成本轻轻松松就超出收入100亿美元或更多。 争夺奥运会主办权的城市常常辩称短期赤字能转化为长期收益，因为旅游、外国投资和贸易将会增长，更不用说国民士气的提高了。 但是，实证证据并不支持这一不惭大言。 以旅游业为例。 2012年7月—8月间，到访当年夏奥会主办城市伦敦的旅客实际上下降了5 % 。 皮卡迪利转盘（Piccadilly Circus）周边商店、餐厅、剧院和博物馆在奥运会举行的17天中门可罗雀。 说起来，寻常游客会因为拥挤、交通延时、物价膨胀和可能的安全隐患而避免在奥运会期间去主办城市。 因此，主办奥运会对依靠口碑繁荣的旅游业弊大于利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The “Chinese model,” combining a capitalist economy with authoritarian government, has frequently been hailed as superior to the messy, dithering, compromising ways of liberal democracies. With no need to concern themselves about elections, China’s leaders can afford to plan for the longer term and do what is necessary without being impeded by petty selfish interests or a carping press. These arrangements have indeed made it possible for China to build entire cities in a matter of years, as well as high-speed railways, opera houses, stadiums, industrial parks, massive dams, and whatnot. Many people have been lifted out of poverty, and those with the right political connections have become enormously rich. But the lack of transparency in this type of autocracy has also led to massive corruption and huge blunders, not to mention the growing signs of ecological ruin. Chinese critics of the government, or even those who simply wish to report mistakes or wrongdoing, are silenced with a heavy hand: beatings in police stations, draconian jail sentences, or even murder. That is what happened to the parents who openly expressed their anger about the ill-constructed school buildings that collapsed in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, killing their children. The children died because corrupt local officials had allowed developers to enrich themselves by using inferior building materials. Despite its flaws, a system in which elected officials are held publicly accountable and can be voted out of office is still preferable to rule by tycoons or technocrats.", "zh": "“中国模式”是资本主义经济和专制政府的结合，并被频繁地宣传比混乱、猥琐、妥协的自由民主制度更优越。 中国领导人不需要担心选举问题，可以做更长远的规划，完成必要的工作，而不会受到狭隘私人利益和吹毛求疵媒体的干扰。 这样的安排事实上可以让中国用多年的时间建设完整的城市以及高速铁路、剧场、体育场、工业园、超级大坝和其他大型项目。 许多人因此脱贫，拥有正确政治关系的人更是攫取了巨额财富。 但这种类型的专制缺少透明度，因此导致了大规模腐败和重大错误，更不用说愈演愈烈的生态破坏了。 中国政府的批评者 — — 即便是那些只愿意报道错误和失误的批评者 — — 都在高压之下噤了声：或者在警署被殴打，或者被判处严厉徒刑，有的甚至惨遭谋杀。 这些人包括2008年四川地震后公开表达对学校建筑质量低下、导致孩子丧生的愤怒之情的家长。 这些孩子之所以丧生，是因为腐败的当地官员放任开发商使用劣质建筑材料中饱私囊。 尽管有各种各样的缺陷，但当选官员需受公众问责，并有可能被选民选下台的制度仍比大亨或技术官僚治国的制度好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“很强！” 小黑小白异口同声的回答让百里红妆愈发肯定自己的猜想，帝北宸最多比她大三岁，实力却如此之强，可见修炼天赋之高。 即便是风博国出了名的天才也远远无法与之相比，这只能证明帝北宸的不简单！ “罢了，那家伙怎么样关我什么事？” 百里红妆耸了耸肩，转而走进了药材铺。 万药坊，皇城之中最为庞大的药材铺，药材齐全，基本上所需要的药材都能够在这里找到。 刚一走进去，百里红妆就闻到了迎面而来的药材香，立即就判断出了这是哪几种药材的香味。 百里红妆嘴角漾着浅浅的笑容，一种熟悉感将她包围，以前她最喜欢研究的便是医术，常年浸淫此道，因而此刻见到觉得异常熟悉。 万药坊掌柜季文斌正在整理药材，在见到百里红妆闭着双眼仅凭药香就说出药材的名字之后，脸上浮现了惊叹之色。 “姑娘果真厉害，药材判断地一分不差！” 季文斌赞叹道。 他常年打理药材铺，日积月累之下才练就了闻香识药材的本事，眼前这姑娘不过十五岁左右竟也能判断出来，这怎能让人不惊讶？ 百里红妆微微一笑，“掌柜过奖了。” “不知姑娘年纪轻轻怎么会对药材如此了解？” 季文斌好奇地打量着百里红妆，他一向偏爱药材，此刻见到深谙药理的百里红妆也觉得一见如故。 瞧着季文斌那兴奋的模样，百里红妆就知道这掌柜是一个痴心于药理的人，这般问话也不过是一分好奇罢了。", "en": "“Very strong!” Little Black and Little White shouted out the exact same answer, strengthening Baili Hongzhuang’s suspicions. He was only 3 years older than her, but his strength was already so strong, so his cultivation talent must be incredibly high. Even this country’s great talent was far from comparable to Dibei Chen’s level. It could only serve as proof that this Dibei Chen was far from the helpless cripple he seemed to be. “Only, what’s my business what that guy does?” Baili Hongzhuang just shrugged as she walked into the medicine shop. Ten-thousand Medicine Lane, the king of all medicine shops. It had all the herbs one could want, and basically anyone could find what ingredients they wanted here. Just by walking in, Baili Hongzhuang could smell the fragrant raw herbs and could immediately determine which herbs were which. A shallow smile laid on Baili Hongzhuang’s red lips as a wave of familiarity washed over her. Before, her favorite place to stay was always the medicine room, and lived there almost all year-round. That’s why here, she felt very comfortable. Ten-thousand Medicine Lane’s shop keeper, Ji Wenbin was sorting the herbs when he looked up and saw Baili Hongzhuang closing her eyes, relying on scent alone to determine which herb was which. His face reflected awe as he listened. “Girl is really great, your skill with herbs really isn’t lacking!” Ji Wenbin sighed with approval He handled herbs year after year for the medicine shop, and only after many years of accumulated experience and exercises had he finally been able to distinguish herbs by scent. Seeing this girl hardly 15 years old able to do the same, how could he not be surprised? Baili Hongzhuang smiled faintly, “Shopkeeper is flattering me.” “How could girl have such skill with herbs, despite being so young?” Ji Wenbin sized up Baili Hongzhuang curiously. He was always somewhat biased towards medicinal herbs so upon meeting the Baili Hongzhuang well versed in herbs, he felt as if he had met an old friend. Looking at Ji Wenbin’s excited appearance, Baili Hongzhuang knew instantly that this shopkeeper was only somebody infatuated with pharmacy. A question asked by such a person was only pure curiosity, nothing more."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It should also reduce the high levels of exchange-rate volatility – “a tax on international specialization,” as the economist Charles Kindleberger once put it – that we have seen in recent years, including among major currencies. Long-term global-finance discussions have also made clear that, under certain conditions, regulation of capital flows (“capital-flow management measures,” in current IMF terminology) are warranted on “macroprudential” grounds – an understanding accepted by the G-20 at its 2011 Cannes meeting and by the IMF last year. Last but not least, the international monetary system requires governance reform, which includes giving a stronger voice to emerging and developing countries. Aside from the final adoption of the 2010 reforms and the forthcoming 2014 quota debates, the changes should include those recommended by the Stiglitz Commission, the Palais Royal Initiative, and the 2009 Committee on IMF Governance Reform headed by Trevor Manuel, among others. One central element of these proposals is to eliminate, once and for all, the veto power of any individual country. With the world waiting anxiously for some of America’s political leaders to behave like adults, the cost of maintaining the current non-system has become all too obvious.", "zh": "改革还应该降低近几年来出现的剧烈的汇率波动水平 — — 经济学家金德尔伯格（Charles Kindleberger）称之为“国际专业化税 ” — —包括主要货币对在内。 长期全球金融讨论还明确地表明，在一定条件下，资本流监管（用当前IMF术语讲，叫“资本流管理措施 ” ） 必须有“宏观审慎”基础，这一点在2011年的G-20戛纳峰会被接受，IMF也在去年接受了它。 最后，国际货币体系需要治理改革，包括给予新兴和发展中国家更大的话语权。 除了最后采纳2010年的改革和即将到来的2014年配额争论外，还应该包括斯蒂格利茨委员会、王宫倡议和以曼努埃尔（Trevor Manuel）等人为首的2009年IMF治理改革委员会提出的变化。 这些议案的一个核心要素是一劳永逸地取消任何单个国家的否决权。 全世界正在焦急地等待美国政治领导人向成年人那样行动，维持无体系现状的成本早已一目了然了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Unless everyone has access to technology, major national initiatives, such as COVID-19 test-and-trace schemes, are unlikely to succeed. Fifth, whatever the post-pandemic norm for remote work may be, work habits are set to become more flexible. This will have a host of positive consequences, including much less time wasted commuting, less pressure for conventional transport infrastructure upgrades, larger and more “liquid” labor markets, and perhaps even a rise in productivity. Sixth, the crisis has accelerated the shift toward technologically enhanced tools, especially for consumers, thereby casting doubt on the future of many brick-and-mortar retailers. Policymakers will therefore presumably need to rethink some aspects of taxation, including finding new sources of revenue from online businesses. This might allow many traditional retailers at least to have a fairer chance of playing a continuing role in our shopping habits. Seventh, the function of urban real estate, especially perhaps in large conurbations, will need to adapt. This will require new ideas about the spatial relationships between offices, shops, and homes, as well as about transport. The idea of flexible and shared office spaces may well become embedded into the next generation of workers. Finally, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated Asia’s global rise in terms of relative economic growth, with China driving the region’s ascent. The contrast between China’s governance structure and that of Western democracies – in terms of both global governance arrangements and managing bilateral relations – will thus become an even bigger issue for many leaders than it already is.", "zh": "除非每个人都能使用这类技术，否则一些重大的国家举措 — — 比如新冠病毒检测和接触者追踪 — — 就不可能成功。 第五，无论疫情后远程工作的标准是什么，工作模式也将变得更加灵活。 这将带来一系列积极的后果，包括大大减少人们耗费通勤时间、减少传统交通基础设施的升级压力，更大且更具“流动性”的劳动力市场，甚至还可能提高生产力。 第六，危机加速了向技术强化型工具的转变，尤其是对消费者而言，从而令许多实体零售商的未来蒙上了阴影。 因此政策制定者大概需要重新考虑税收的某些方面，包括从网上业务中寻找新的收入来源。 这至少可以让许多传统零售商拥有更公平的机会以在我们的购物习惯中继续发挥自身作用。 第七，城市房地产（尤其是在那些大型城市）的功能将需要调整。 这将需要对办公室、商店和住宅之间的空间关系以及交通问题提出新的理念。 灵活和共享办公空间的理念很可能会深入到下一代劳动者的思维中。 最后，新冠危机加速了亚洲在全球范围内相对经济增长率方面的崛起，而中国则推动了该地区的崛起。 因此中国的治理结构与西方民主国家治理结构之间的反差 - - - - 在全球治理安排和双边关系处理方面 - - - - 将成为许多领导人面临的一个更为重大的问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Far from seizing on deregulation to improve their own profit margins, at the expense of consumers and communities, companies should be working hard to boost transparency. But what about job creation? That is, after all, a pillar of Trump’s economic plan – an objective that he claims deregulation will go a long way toward achieving. Here, too, the likely result doesn’t live up to Trump’s rhetoric. To be sure, deregulation may create some new jobs over the next decade or so. But they won’t be the desirable mining and manufacturing jobs Trump keeps promising. They are more likely to be in areas like environmental remediation. Perhaps additional medical specialties will emerge or grow, to deal with the consequences of outcomes like polluted waterways. Maintaining regulations, particularly environmental rules, would also produce new kinds of jobs. Clean energy, for example, is already creating new jobs faster than almost any other sector in the American economy – a trend that could, with the right policies, continue to gain momentum. Yet, far from implementing the right policies, the Trump administration wants to decimate them. This creates a conundrum for businesses around the world. Previously, companies were largely able to avoid thorny discussions about ethics and morality, if they just followed the law. Now, boards and executive teams must consider carefully how to balance their short-term commercial objectives not only with their long-term business prospects, but also with their fundamental ethical obligations. In something of a prisoner’s dilemma, CEOs will have to decide whether they can risk losing ground to competitors who take advantage of supposed opportunities, like the ability to dump toxic coal ash into streams and rivers with complete impunity. Fortunately, some companies seem to be making the right choice, speaking out in support of maintaining regulations, especially those aimed at mitigating climate change. Retailer Gap Inc., global food and drinks manufacturer Mars Inc., beer maker Anheuser-Busch InBev, and technology company Microsoft, among others, have committed to continue adhering to now-eliminated environmental regulations. But these companies remain in the minority. Boards of directors, large global investors, and consumers must step up to persuade more companies to join them. As the “shareholder springs” of the last several years have shown, investors – particularly private-equity and sovereign-wealth funds – can shift the trajectory of corporate decision-making.", "zh": "企业所应做的绝不是抓住放松管制之机以损害消费者和社会的代价攫取更多利润，而是应当竭尽全力提高透明度。 但能否实现创造就业的目标？ 毕竟那是特朗普经济计划的支柱 — — 他声称放松管制将非常有利于实现这一目标。 在这个问题上，很可能也无法取得特朗普所说的效果。 可以肯定，放松管制可以在今后十年左右创造某些新的工作。 但却不会是特朗普不断承诺的理想中的采矿和制造业工作。 新的工作机会有可能来自环境治理领域。 也许更多医疗专业人士将诞生或增长，以处理像水污染这样的后果。 保持监管尤其是环境监管同样可以创造新的工作。 例如清洁能源已经在以比美国其他经济领域更快的速度创造新的工作 — — 如果制定恰当的政策，这样的趋势可能会持续获得推动。 但特朗普政府却远远没有推行恰当的政策。 这难住了世界各地的企业。 此前，只要遵纪守法，企业能在很大程度上避开对伦理和道德的棘手探讨。 现在，董事会和行政团队必须认真考虑如何平衡短期商业目标和长期商业前景之间的关系，而且还要确保商业目标符合基本的道德义务。 在某种囚徒困境中，首席执行官将不得不决定是否经得起被利用所谓机会的竞争者夺取市场的风险，比方说将有毒的煤灰倒入河流和溪水而完全不受惩罚。 幸运的是，某些企业似乎正在做出正确的选择，他们公开支持维持监管，特别是那些旨在缓解气候变化的相关规则。 零售商盖普有限公司、全球食品饮料制造商玛氏有限公司、啤酒生产企业百威英博集团以及像微软这样的高科技企业已经承诺继续奉行现在已经被取消的环保规则。 但这样的公司仍然是少数。 董事会、全球大型投资机构和消费者必须加紧说服更多企业加入到这个队伍当中。 正如过去几年“股东之春”所表明的那样，投资者 — — 特别是私募股权和主权财富基金 — — 有能力改变企业的决策轨道。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "徐天川叫道：“不好，这庙要倒，大家快出去。”七人奔出庙去，没走得几步，便听得轰隆隆一声巨响，庙顶塌了一大片，跟着又有半堵墙倒了下来。便在此时，只听得马蹄声响，十余乘马自东南方疾驰而来，片刻间奔到近处，黑暗中影影绰绰，马上都骑得有人。一个苍老的声音说道：“啊哟，这里本来有座小庙，可以躲雨，偏偏又倒了。”另一人大声问道：“喂，老乡，你们在这里干甚么？”徐天川道：“我们在庙里躲雨，这庙塌了下来，险些儿都给压死了。”马上一人骂道：“他妈的，落这样大雨，老天爷可不是疯了。”另一人道：“赵老三，除了这小庙，附近一间屋都没有？有没有山洞什么的？”那苍老的声音道：“有……有是有的，不过也同没有差不多。”一名汉子骂道：“你奶奶的，到底有是没有？”那老头道：“这里向西北，山坳中有一座鬼屋，是有恶鬼的，谁也不敢去，那不是跟没有差不多？”", "en": "Old Xu cried out: The whole temple is going to collapse! We must get out of here!' The seven of them hurried out. They had no sooner gained open ground than they heard a great rumbling, and the entire roof of the temple caved in, together with half of the main wall. In the same instant, through the torrential rain, they heard the clattering of horses' hooves. A dozen or so horses were galloping towards them from the south-east. It was too dark to catch more than a fleeting glimpse of them. 'Aiyo!' cried one of the riders, by the sound of it an elderly man. This temple could have given us shelter, if it were still standing!' 'Hey, Old Zhang,' asked one of the other riders, addressing an old peasant who had accompanied them, 'isn't there anywhere else to shelter round these parts? A cave or something?' Old Zhang replied: 'Well, in a manner of speaking there is . . .' 'Cut the crap, will you!' swore yet another of the company. 'Is there or isn't there?' 'A little way to the north-west,' replied Old Zhang, 'right on the col, there's a house. It's haunted though. No one dares go inside it . . .'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In India, women comprise just 5% of military personnel, and a mere 4% in Afghanistan. Boosting women’s participation further may become even more important as the nature of the military’s tasks changes in many regions. Countries are increasingly fighting asymmetric wars against terrorist groups. This demands less outright combat and more effective peacekeeping, through strategic decision-making, intelligence gathering, and civil engagement. Most of the vulnerable population in conflict areas are women and children. Against this background, women’s involvement becomes even more valuable. Women offer perspectives that are typically not found in male-dominated organizations. Moreover, as Major General Kristin Lund, the first-ever female commander of United Nations field operations, has pointed out, access to the local population is vital to support peacekeeping, and women have access to 100% of the population, compared to only 50% for men – an invaluable advantage for, say, intelligence gathering. To enable women to meet their full potential as military assets, persistent discrimination and other challenges – related, for example, to sexual harassment, health, and work-life balance – must be addressed. Sexual harassment can cost a woman her reputation, and sometimes even her life. More generally, gender segregation undermines the esprit de corps that is so important to military service. Addressing these issues will be particularly tough in Saudi Arabia – an extremely patriarchal and conservative society that is effectively structured around the exclusion of women. But there are steps that can and must be taken to help bring about the needed shift.", "zh": "在印度，女性仅占军队人数的5 % ， 而阿富汗仅有4%的女军人。 随着许多地区的军队任务性质发生变化，进一步强化女性参与可能更具重要性。 各国越来越多地卷入打击恐怖组织的不对称战争。 这导致直接战斗行动减少，而需要通过战略决策、搜集情报和民众参与等保障更有效的维和行动；冲突地区的绝大多数弱势群体都是妇女和儿童。 在这种情况下，女性参与变得更有价值。 女性所提供的视角通常在以男性为主导的组织中并不多见。 此外，正如联合国野战行动首位女性指挥官克里斯汀·隆德少将所指出的那样，接触当地民众对支持维和行动可以起到至关重要的作用，而女性可以接触百分之百的当地人口，男性则只能接触50 % — —这在情报搜集方面有着无与伦比的优势。 为使女性能够充分发挥其军事资产潜质，就必须解决与性骚扰、卫生和工作生活平衡有关的长期歧视和挑战问题。 性骚扰可能损害女性声誉，有时甚至会让女性付出生命的代价。 更广义的讲，性别隔离破坏了对军队而言极其重要的团队精神。 解决上述问题在沙特阿拉伯尤其困难 — — 因为沙特社会极端保守和重男轻女，整个社会结构有效地围绕着排斥女性而构建。 但仍然可以而且必须采取相应的步骤来实现所需的转变。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, manufacturing has higher productivity than agriculture, and it can absorb a large number of moderately skilled workers migrating out of the agriculture sector. Second, manufacturers benefit from technological transfers from abroad, so their productivity rises in line with global trends. According to John Page, one of the editors of Industries Without Smokestacks, Africa’s growing service sectors share these same characteristics. In addition to being tradable, they have higher productivity and can absorb large numbers of moderately skilled workers. And like manufacturing, they also benefit from technological change and economies of scale and agglomeration. Moreover, Africa’s smokestack-less service sectors have the added advantage of being less vulnerable to automation. Notwithstanding automation’s many benefits, it presents challenges for countries where the overriding priority is to create a sufficient number of formal-sector jobs. While economists have been increasingly confident that Africa’s development model will be different from that of East Asia, they have been less certain about what shape it will take. An industries-without-smokestacks model offers one possible answer. From a policy perspective, African leaders should explore more ways to support these industries’ growth, either through targeted reforms or by incorporating them into national industrialization strategies and broader development agendas. The development of industries without smokestacks can occur alongside efforts to develop those with smokestacks, thus offering a multifaceted approach for Africa to achieve structural transformation.", "zh": "而制造业带动的增长之所以能成为东亚地区有效的发展模式，主要有三大原因：首先，制造业的生产率高于农业，可以吸收大量从农业部门迁移出来的中等技术工人；其次，制造商受益于来自国外的技术转让，所以它们的生产率提升速率与全球趋势同步；第三，东亚制造业以出口为导向，使得生产得以扩大。 正如《无烟工业》的编者之一约翰·佩奇（John Page）所说，非洲不断增长的服务部门具备相同的特点。 除了可交易外，它们还具有较高的生产力，可以吸收大量中等技术工人。 像制造业一样，它们也受益于技术变革和经济的规模集聚效应。 此外，非洲这些无烟服务部门还具有不易受工业自动化影响的优势。 尽管自动化有许多好处，但也为那些首要任务是创造足够数量正规部门就业岗位的国家提出了挑战。 虽然经济学家越来越确信非洲的发展模式会与东亚不同，但他们对这种模式的最终形式还不确定。 为此一个无烟工业模式则提供了一个潜在的答案。 从政策角度来看，非洲领导人应该通过有针对性的改革或将其纳入国家工业化战略以及更广泛的发展议程来探索更多支持这些行业发展的方式。 无烟工业的发展可以与发展有烟工业的努力齐头并进，从而为非洲实现结构转型提供一个多方面多层次的路径。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Case for Chinese Foreign Aid CHICAGO – Since 2000, China has spent $843 billion on bilateral aid. That is around $39.5 billion per year, similar to the amount provided by the United States, the world’s largest donor of foreign aid. Although the two countries’ definitions of foreign aid differ, no one disputes the fact that China – which in the past two decades has financed 13,427 bilateral aid projects in 165 countries – is the biggest new player in this domain. Moreover, recent research is challenging outside observers’ often negative view of the country’s overseas development schemes. Critics accuse China of using aid to advance geopolitical goals, rather than to help the world’s poor, and they highlight the harm this assistance may cause in recipient countries. Such criticisms are leveled at all foreign aid. But at first glance, China’s variety looks particularly unpromising, even by aid skeptics’ standards. For starters, the fact that more than 300 Chinese government institutions and state-owned enterprises financed the country’s 13,000-plus projects, with little involvement from private entities, supports suspicions that the Chinese state is using aid as a political tool. And, unlike other large donors, China does not condition its development aid on recipient countries’ institutions or politics. This further increases the concern that Chinese assistance will be misdirected and fail to fulfill foreign aid’s nominal purpose of promoting sustainable economic development in poor countries. The mode of Chinese aid delivery also is unusual. China typically provides development finance in the form of loans, at either highly subsidized or market interest rates, for large infrastructure projects. The contracts generally stipulate that the recipient country must spend a large share of the money with a given Chinese firm, which provides all materials and labor needed to complete the project. Not surprisingly, recipient countries worry about their growing debt to China. Meanwhile, critics contend, the benefits of Chinese aid are unclear. Importing Chinese workers to realize projects may limit capacity-building within recipient countries, and even put downward pressure on the wages of local workers. But recent studies show that while there is some truth in these concerns, appearances can be deceiving. To be sure, political motives do underpin Chinese overseas aid, but they relate more to easing domestic problems than to achieving foreign domination.", "zh": "中国的对外援助 芝加哥—自2000年以来中国在双边对外援助上花费了8430亿美元，平均下来相当于每年395亿美元左右，与全球最大对外援助捐赠国 — — 美国 — — 的支出金额相当。 尽管两个国家对援外的定义有所不同，但没人会质疑一个事实，那就是于过去20年间在165个国家资助了13427个双边援助项目的中国已经成为了该领域最大的新参与者。 此外最近的研究也正在挑战外部观察者以往对中国海外发展计划所持有的负面看法。 批评者指责中国提供援助不是为了帮助世界上的穷人，而是以此实现自身地缘政治目的，还强调这种援助可能对受援国造成伤害。 虽然这种批评针对的不仅是中国，但就算是按照援助怀疑论者的标准，中国这类援助粗看之下也显得尤为不靠谱。 首先，为中国这13000多个项目提供资金的是300多家中国政府机构和国有企业，几乎没什么私人实体参与其中，这一事实支持了中国将援助用作政治工具的怀疑。 而且与其他大型捐助国不同，中国的发展援助并不以改变受援国的体制或政治为条件。 这就更让人担心中国的援助会被引导到错误的方向，无法实现对外援助所谓促进贫困国家可持续经济发展的名义目的。 中国提供援助的模式也不同寻常。 该国通常会以贷款形式为大型基础设施项目提供发展资金，利率则为高补贴或参照市场利率。 合同一般规定受援国必须将大部分资金花在特定中国企业身上，并由该企业提供项目建成所需的所有原材料和劳动力。 这样一来，受援国无疑会忧虑自身不断增大的对华负债。 同时批评者认为中国援助所带来的益处并不明确。 输入中国工人来兴建项目可能会压抑受援国的能力建设，甚至对当地劳动者的工资产生下行压力。 但最近多项研究表明这些担忧虽然有一定道理，但表象也是存在一定欺骗性的。 无可否认，政治动机确实是中国海外援助的基础，但它们更多的是为了缓解其国内问题而不是为了实现异域统治。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In a coalition-dependent parliamentary system, that could be all she needs to become prime minister. The daughter of a government clerk, Mayawati studied law and worked as a teacher before being spotted by the BSP’s founder, the late Kanshi Ram, and groomed for political leadership. Her ascent has been marked by a heavy emphasis on symbolism – her rule in Uttar Pradesh has featured the construction of numerous statues of Dalit leaders, notably herself – and a taste for lavish celebrations. Mayawati’s weakness for “bling” has been demonstrated at her extravagant birthday parties, which she presides over laden with diamonds, saying (rather like Evita Peron) that her luster brings glamour and dignity to her people. She takes pride in being the Indian politician who pays the highest income taxes – about $6 million last year – though the sources of her income are shrouded in controversy. She has been accused, but not convicted, of corruption several times, with one notable case involving the construction of an elaborate shopping complex near the Taj Mahal, in violation of zoning laws. Critics argue that Mayawati’s promotion of Dalit welfare seems to start with herself. But there is no denying that her rise to power in India’s largest state, which sends 80 members to parliament, has given her a vital platform to bid for India’s most powerful job. With her diamonds and her statues, and a reputation for dealing imperiously with her subordinates, she’s clearly no Obama. But if she succeeds, she will have overcome a far longer legacy of discrimination.", "zh": "在依赖联合政府的议会制中，这可能是她成为总理所需要的全部条件。 作为一个政府办事员的女儿，玛雅瓦提曾攻读法律并做过教师，后来被社会报党（ BSP ）的创始人，已故的Kanshi RAM 发现，并培养了她的政治领导才能。 她的崛起一直注重于象征意义-她在她治理的北方邦建造了无数贱民领导人的雕像，尤其是她自己的雕像，她对奢华的庆祝活动也特别爱好。 玛雅瓦提的“着装”弱点已在她主持的奢侈的生日派对上尽显无遗，她的衣着缀满了钻石，她说（这很像艾薇塔·庇隆 ） ， 她的光彩给她的族群带来了魅力和尊严。 她引以自豪的是去年付了约6 00万美元的所得税-这在印度政治家中是最高的-尽管她的收入来源倍受争议。 她数次因腐败被指控，但没有被定罪，其中一个广为人知的案件涉及在泰姬陵附近建造一个大型购物中心，这违反了景观规划法。 批评者认为，玛雅瓦提对贱民福利的促进似乎是以她自己为起点的。 但是，不容否认的是，议会中占了80名议员的印度的最大的邦由她掌权，给了她一个重要平台去竞争印度最有权利的职位。 以她的钻石和她建造的塑像，以及她威严地对待下属的名声，她显然不是奥巴马的料。 但是，如果她成功了，她将会结束一段更长久的歧视历史。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today, the leading single party in opinion polls is the insurgent, populist Five Star Movement (M5S), led by the comedian Beppe Grillo (though its official prime ministerial candidate is an inexperienced 31-year-old, Luigi Di Maio). M5S has matured since its founding five years ago, when its central message boiled down to “a plague on all your houses.” It has since moderated its opposition to the euro. And with support at around 26-29%, it remains popular despite its poor performance running the city council of Rome. The problem for M5S is that, owing to a new electoral law, it will have to win roughly 40% of the total vote to secure a parliamentary majority. Whereas proportional representation will determine two-thirds of seats in the lower house, one-third will be decided by first-past-the-post voting in single-member constituencies, where the M5S will likely lose out, because it is neither willing nor able to form the electoral alliances needed to secure majorities. In fact, the party grouping that will benefit the most from the current electoral system will be the only one that has managed to forge a pre-election pact with other parties: the Berlusconi-led center right. As he demonstrated with his election victories in 1994, 2001, and 2008, Berlusconi’s greatest strength has always been building coalitions. And, as in those elections, his own party, Forza Italia, will have as its main partner the separatist, anti-immigrant, and Euroskeptic Northern League. Of course, it will not be all smooth sailing for Berlusconi.", "zh": "如今，领先民调的第一大党是叛逆的民粹主义政党五星运动（M5S ） ， 其领导人是喜剧演员格里洛（Beppe Grillo，但其正式总理候选人缺乏经验的31岁新人迪马伊奥（Luigi Di Maio ） ） 。 自五年凭借前可归结为“所有人家都有麻烦”的口号成立以来，M5S成熟了不少。 它缓和了对欧元的反对。 尽管在执政罗马期间表现拙劣，但其仍保持了26—29%左右的支持率。 M5S的问题在于，根据新选举法的规定，它需要赢得大约40%的选票总数才能确保议会多数。 比例代表将决定三分之二的下议院席位，其余三分之一将通过单一席位选区的简单多数投票决定，M5S可能在这些选区中失利，因为它既不想，也无法形成确保多数所需要的选举联盟。 事实上，在现行选举制度下，最有利的政党类型只能是与其他政党达成选举前契约的政党，即贝卢斯科尼领导的中右翼。 他在1994年、2001年和2008年的选举胜利表明，贝卢斯科尼最大的优势一向是构建同盟。 而和这几次选举一样，他本人的政党意大利前进党（Forza Italia）的主要合作伙伴将是分离主义、反移民、疑欧派的北方联盟（Northern League ） 。 当然，贝卢斯科尼也不会一帆风水。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "No Brexit for a Eurozone Britain? ATHENS – “You can check out any time you like, but you can never leave.” Prior to the 2016 Brexit referendum, I borrowed this line from the Eagles’ 1976 hit “Hotel California” as an argument against Britain exiting the European Union. I told audiences up and down Britain that if they voted to leave the EU, they would end up more entangled with the EU Commission than ever before. As British Prime Minister Theresa May is finding out, disentangling a member state from the EU is an arduous and complex undertaking. But how much harder would Brexit have been had the United Kingdom adopted the euro back in 2000? For starters, the people of Britain would never have been consulted on whether they wanted to check out of the EU. In a hypothetical eurozone Britain, the very announcement of a referendum on membership would have triggered a bank run. Given Britain’s chronic trade and current-account deficits, an exit from the euro would have necessarily caused a decline in the international value of UK bank deposits. Foreseeing this, depositors would have responded to the announcement of a referendum by immediately withdrawing their euros in cash or by wiring them to Frankfurt, Paris, New York, or elsewhere. And, foreseeing that reaction, no British prime minister, not even David Cameron, would have dared announce a Brexit referendum. Looking further back, what would the effect of 16 years in the eurozone have been on the relative strength of Leavers and Remainers within the Conservative Party? What would Britain’s economic circumstances have been like prior to 2016 had the euro been the UK’s currency? Would the political pressure to hold the referendum in 2016 have been weaker had Britain shared the same currency as Germany, France, and Greece? As with all counterfactuals, we are treading on thin ice here. Nevertheless, it is not difficult to sketch a plausible economic past for a UK that, hypothetically, entered the eurozone in 2000. In October 1990, the UK joined the euro’s precursor, the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), which kept the exchange rates between Europe’s major currencies within tight bands, which were increasingly tightened before locking the various currencies into a single one.", "zh": "一个不存在脱欧的欧元区英国 发自雅典 — — “你可以随时退房，但你永远无法离开 。 ” 在2016年脱欧公投之前，我从老鹰乐队1976年的热门单曲《加州旅馆》中借用了这句歌词作为反对英国退出欧盟的一个论点。 我告知英国全国上下的听众们：如果他们投票决定离开欧盟，他们与欧盟委员会的纠葛最终只会比以往更多。 正如英国首相特里萨·梅所发现的那样，让一个成员国脱离欧盟是一项艰巨而复杂的任务。 而如果英国在2000年时采纳了欧元，那么脱欧的困难程度又会增加多少呢？ 首先，绝对没有人会去询问英国人民是否想脱欧。 在一个使用欧元的英国，实施成员国资格公投的声明会立即引发银行挤提。 在英国现有的长期性贸易和经常账户赤字之下，退出欧元必然会导致英国银行存款的国际价值下降。 在预见到这一点的情况下，存款者对公投声明的反应就是立刻提取欧元现金或将它们汇到法兰克福，巴黎，纽约或其他地方。 而在预见到这一反应的情况下，没有一位英国首相 — — 甚至戴维·卡梅伦 — — 会敢于宣布实施脱欧公投。 再往回看，试问身处欧元区的这16年来对保守党内留欧者和脱欧者的相对势力对比会产生何种影响？ 如果欧元是英国的货币，英国在2016年以前的经济形势又会怎样？ 如果英国与德国，法国和希腊使用相同的货币，迫使2016年举行公投的政治压力会否减弱？ 在所有与现实相反的状况一样，我们很难去求证什么。 但即便如此，倘若英国在2000年加入了欧元区，我们也不难去勾勒一个合理可信的经济史。 1990年10月，英国加入了欧元的前身欧洲汇率机制（ERM ） ， 该机制将欧洲主要货币之间的汇率压缩在一个极为狭小的范围内，而这一范围也在将各种货币汇聚为单一货币之前逐步收紧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The simple fact is that government regulators can do things that courts cannot. Courts lack the staff and expertise to come up with a nation-wide recovery plan. Moreover, they cannot lend to a cash-poor wobbly bank until it can stand on its own. The government can do that – and it can make sure that either the bank will repay the loans (by getting good collateral) or that the financial sector overall will cover the repayment (as Dodd-Frank authorized and required). When courts preside over nonfinancial bankruptcies, they depend on private lenders to provide emergency liquidity. But in a financial crisis, weakened banks cannot lend, meaning that the government must serve as the lender of last resort. And to play that role well, the government must be deeply involved in the bankruptcy process, so that it can jump in if needed. The current proposal, which the US House of Representatives has already passed, has other major flaws. For starters, American mega-banks operate worldwide, typically with a significant presence in London and other financial centers. If creditors and depositors of a failed American mega-bank’s foreign affiliate run off with the cash they held there, or if a foreign regulator shuts down that affiliate, the US bank would be in an untenable position. Yet courts cannot negotiate understandings with foreign regulators. American regulators can, but only if they can control the timing of the bankruptcy, and otherwise engage in the process. To be sure, the bankruptcy bill now in play is useful. But it is not robust. It would not allow broad-spectrum, full-scale bankruptcies, in which failing operations are closed under the court’s aegis, viable operations are sold, and debts are restructured up and down a company’s balance sheet. Rather, the current proposal envisages a limited-scale weekend restructuring, requiring that a precise loan structure be put in place years ahead of time. The bank would be closed on Friday evening, unburdened of pre-positioned evaporating debts over the weekend, and reopened on Monday morning, without (in the best-case scenario) needing a government bailout. If successful, this kind of rapid-fire bankruptcy process would be valuable. But it has never been tried.", "zh": "简单的事实是政府监管者能够做一些法院不能做的事。 法院缺少人手和专业知识制定全国性的复苏计划。 此外，它们也无法给现金不足的濒临倒闭的银行贷款直到它能够自立。 政府可以做到这些 — — 还能确保银行将偿还贷款（通过要求优质抵押品实现 ） ， 或者金融业整体能够覆盖贷款偿还额（多德-弗兰克法案授权并要求这样做 ） 。 法院在主持非金融业破产案时，它们依靠私人贷款人提供紧急流动性。 但在金融危机中，虚弱的银行无法贷款，这意味着政府必须承担最后贷款人的角色。 要想扮演好这一角色，政府必须深度参与到破产流程中，从而能够在需要时挺身而出。 当前的方案 — — 它已经在众议院通过 — — 还有其他严重缺陷。 首先，美国大银行在全世界都有经营，通常在伦敦和其他金融中心都有很大的分支。 如果一家倒闭美国大银行的海外分行的债权人和存款人挤兑他们存在那里的现金，或者如果外国监管者关闭了该分行，那么这家美国银行将陷入无法挽回的境地。 但法院无法与外国监管者协商谅解。 美国监管者可以，但只有在它们能够控制破产时机（或者要么参与到破产流程中）时才可以。 平心而论，现行破产法案是有用的。 但它不够强大。 它不允许大范围的全面破产，在这类破产中，倒闭的业务将在法院保护下关闭，有盈利能力的业务将被出售，债务将围绕公司资产负债表进行重组。 相反，当前方案构想了一个规模有限的周末重组，这要求准确的贷款结构在几年前就已经准备就绪。 银行将在星期五晚上关门，在周末期间卸下预先确定的缩水债务，然后在星期一早上重新开张，而不必（在最佳情景中）需要政府援助。 如果取得成功，这种速战速决式破产流程很有价值。 但它从未实行过。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "传播和复用，打造基于平台的制造业新生态。促进平台间互联互通，通过制定平台间数据迁移标准，探索工业机理模型、微服务、工业APP的跨平台部署和调用机制，实现平台间的数据互通、能力协同与服务共享。专栏1工业互联网平台体系建设。发展跨行业跨领域综合型平台：建设覆盖原材料、装备制造、消费品、电子信息等多个行业以及研发设计、生产制造、运维服务等多个领域的综合型平台，提供工业资源集聚共享、工业数据集成利用、工业生产与服务优化创新等服务。建设面向重点行业和区域的特色型平台：聚焦数字基础好、带动效应强的重点行业，面向制造资源集聚程度高、产业转型需求迫切的区域，建设面向重点行业和区域的特色型平台，发挥平台的知识沉淀转化和资源协同配置作用，为行业转型升级和区域协调发展提供带动作用。培育特定技术领域的专业型平台：围绕特定工业场景，聚焦云仿真、设备上云、大数据建模等特定技术领域建设专业型平台，开展前沿技术与工业机理模型融合创新应用。", "en": "Promote dissemination and reuse, and build a new ecosystem for manufacturing based on platforms. Facilitate interconnection and interoperability between platforms, explore cross-platform deployment and invocation mechanisms for industrial mechanism models, microservices, and industrial apps by establishing data migration standards between platforms, and achieve data interoperability, capability collaboration, and service sharing between platforms. Column 1: Construction of the Industrial Internet Platform System. Develop comprehensive platforms across industries and domains: construct comprehensive platforms covering multiple industries such as raw materials, equipment manufacturing, consumer goods, electronic information, as well as multiple domains including R&D design, production manufacturing, and operation and maintenance services, providing services such as industrial resource aggregation and sharing, industrial data integration and utilization, and optimization and innovation of industrial production and services. Construct characteristic platforms targeting key industries and regions: focus on key industries with good digital foundations and strong driving effects, target regions with high concentration of manufacturing resources and urgent need for industrial transformation, construct characteristic platforms targeting key industries and regions, leverage the role of platforms in knowledge accumulation and transformation, and resource coordination and allocation, and provide driving force for industry transformation and regional coordinated development. Cultivate professional platforms in specific technical fields: build professional platforms focusing on specific industrial scenarios, such as cloud simulation, cloud-based equipment, and big data modeling, in specific technical fields, and carry out innovative applications integrating cutting-edge technologies and industrial mechanism models."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany, which exports a large volume of investment goods, benefited more than other eurozone member countries from the investment boom in China and other emerging economies. But emerging-economy growth is now slowing considerably, including in China, where demand is shifting from investment toward consumption. This tends to undermine German growth and benefit southern European countries, which export more consumer goods. The ongoing shift in Europe’s economic and political power dynamics is likely to have a major impact on the EU’s functioning – and especially that of the eurozone. For example, without a strong Germany to enforce the eurozone’s fiscal strictures and urge the implementation of difficult but necessary structural reforms, countries may lose their motivation to do what is needed to ensure fairness and stability in the long term. If inflation remains low, the ECB might feel freer to pursue further rounds of monetary stimulus, undermining fiscal objectives further. In short, we may be headed toward a less “Germanic” economic policy in the eurozone. While that might enhance the EU’s popularity in the periphery, it could increase resistance to EU membership in Germany – a country that, despite its waning economic strength, remains an important piece of the integration puzzle.", "zh": "德国出口着巨量投资品，它从中国和其他新兴经济体的繁荣中所获得的收益远大于其他欧元区成员国。 但新兴经济体增长如今显著放缓，中国也是如此，其需求正从投资转向消费。 这一趋势不利于德国增长，而有利于出口更多消费品的南欧国家。 欧洲经济和政治实力动态的持续变化可能会对欧盟 — — 特别是欧元区 — — 的运转形成重大影响。 比如，没有强大的德国来执行欧��区财政苛责和督促实施困难但必要的结构改革，各国可能不再有动力实施确保长期公平与稳定所需要的举措。 如果通胀保持低位，欧洲央行可能觉得可以腾出手来进行更多的货币刺激，从而进一步破坏财政目标。 简言之，我们可能进入了欧元区“德国化”经济政策逐渐式微的时期。 这也许可以强化欧盟在外围的支持度，但可能导致德国日益反感欧盟成员国地位。 而尽管德国的经济优势正在丧失，但它仍是欧洲一体化拼图中重要的一片。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "丁冬生，男，1987年2月出生于安徽。 2017年获得国家基金委优青，同年，获得科技部重点研发计划的青年项目资助；2018年聘为中国科学技术大学教授。 2015年获得中科院院长特别奖；2016年获得中科院优秀博士学位论文奖；2018年获得国际大会Light Conference“光学未来之星”奖；2019年获得中国光学学会光学科技奖一等奖。 以第一作者或者通信作者在国际顶尖期刊Nat. Photon（1篇），Nat. Commun（2篇），Physical Review X（1篇），Physical Review Letters（3篇），Light Science and Applications（1篇）上发表多篇文章；以及在 Physical Review A，Optics Express，Optics Letters，Applied Physics Letters 等著名杂志上发表文章多篇。 英文专著入选Springer Theses丛书。 多项创新性成果被MIT的TechnologyReview，Physics.org，APS physics等知名网站多次报道.", "en": "Dongsheng Ding, male, was born in Anhui province in February 1987. He was awarded the Excellent Youth of the National Foundation of China and obtained Youth Project Funding from the Key R&D Program of the Ministry of Science and Technology in 2017. In 2018, he was employed as a Professor at the University of Science and Technology of China. He won the Special Award of the President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 2015, the Excellent Doctoral Dissertation Award of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 2016, the \"Optical Future Star\" Award at the International Conference Light Conference in 2018, the First Prize of the Optical Science and Technology Award of the Optical Society of China. A great number of papers have been published on international leading journals as the first author or corresponding author, including Nat. Photon (1 dissertation), Nat. Commun (2 dissertations), Physical Review X (1 dissertation), Physical Review Letters (3 dissertations), and Light Science and Applications (1 dissertation). Meanwhile, several articles were published on prestigious magazines such as Physical Review A, Optics Express, Optics Letters, Applied Physics Letters. His English monographs were selected into the Springer Theses series. A number of innovative achievements have been reported many times by MIT's TechnologyReview, Physics.org, APS physics and other well-known websites."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "All of this raises many questions about how we respond – and how we should respond – to such tragedies. The earthquake killed up to 200,000 people. Terrible as that is, it is fewer than the number of children who, according to the United Nations Children’s Fund, UNICEF, die every 10 days from avoidable, poverty-related causes. Moreover, as Elie Hassenfeld has argued on GiveWell.net, there are good grounds for thinking that disaster relief is less cost-effective than aid aimed at saving the lives of those who are risk from extreme poverty. Why do people give generously to earthquake victims, but not to prevent the much larger number of deaths brought about by extreme poverty, insufficient food, unsafe water, lack of sanitation, and the absence of even the most basic health care? Media saturation obviously makes a critical difference. Scenes from Hurricane Katrina, the Asian tsunami, and now the Haitian earthquake were shown over and over again on all television news broadcasts. An earthquake in a remote part of Pakistan that killed 80,000 people received relatively little television coverage, and a much less generous response. The daily deaths of children in poor countries from diarrhea, measles, and malaria are part of the background of the world we live in, and so are not news at all. Suppose that a million children all in one place seemed likely to be swept away and drowned by approaching floodwaters. The media coverage would be enormous. Now imagine the jubilation if they were saved! And imagine the acclaim for the heroes who had saved so many children. Yet when UNICEF announced, in September of last year, that the number of children dying each year from poverty-related causes had dropped by one million, as compared to two years earlier, the story got very little media attention. The people who contributed to this drop by delivering effective basic health care, building a supply of safe water, or immunizing children against measles remain largely unknown. Perhaps people respond more generously to the victims of natural disasters than they do to those in extreme poverty because, after a natural disaster, we tend not to blame the victims.", "zh": "所有这一切都对我们如何回应 — — 以及应当如何回应 — — 这些灾难提出了许多问题。 有 20 万人在这场地震中丧生，而即便伤亡如此重大，这个数字依然比联合国儿童基金会（ UNICEF ）统计的每 10 天中死于可以避免的，与贫困有关的儿童数量要少。 此外，正如埃丽尔·哈森菲尔德在网站 GiveWell.com 所指出的那样，有理由相信灾害救助要比旨在从极端贫困中拯救生命的援助行为的费效比更低。 那么为什么人们会对地震受灾者慷慨解囊，却不去防止那些因为极端贫困，食物不足，不洁饮水，卫生设施不足以及缺乏最基本的医疗而导致的更大规模的死亡？ 很明显，媒体报道的饱和度导致了一个关键区别的形成。 卡特里娜飓风，南亚海啸以及如今海地地震的画面不断在各电视台的新闻中反复播放。 而一场发生在巴基斯坦偏远地区，导致 8 万人丧生的地震获得的电视报道相对更少，得到的慷慨回应也更少。 而每天因为痢疾，麻疹和疟疾而丧生的贫穷国家儿童数量已经成为我们这个世界一道司空见惯的背景，一点新闻价值都没有。 试想有 100 万儿童正被困在一个将被洪水侵袭并淹没的地方，对此的新闻报道将铺天盖地。 试想这 100 万儿童得救后的场景！ 再想象群众为那些拯救了这些儿童的英雄而欢呼的场面。 而虽然联合国儿童基金会在去年九月宣布：相对于两年之前，每年由于贫困致死的儿童数量已经降到了 100 万以下，但这个消息却遭到了媒体的冷遇。 那些通过援助有效的卫生服务，建造干净饮用水设施，为儿童接种麻疹疫苗而实现了儿童死亡数目下降的人们却依然默默无闻。 或许人们对天灾的回应比极端贫困更慷慨的原因，是在一场天灾以后，我们不会去责怪受害者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ending America’s Disastrous Role in Syria NEW YORK – Much of the carnage that has ravaged Syria during the past seven years is due to the actions of the United States and its allies in the Middle East. Now, faced with an alarming risk of a renewed escalation of fighting, it’s time for the United Nations Security Council to step in to end the bloodshed, based on a new framework agreed by the Council’s permanent members. Here are the basics. In 2011, in the context of the Arab Spring, the US government, in conjunction with the governments of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey, and Israel, decided to bring down Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, even though overthrowing another country’s government amounts to a blatant violation of international law. We know that in 2012, if not earlier, President Barack Obama authorized the CIA to work with America’s allies in providing support to rebel forces composed of disaffected Syrians as well as non-Syrian fighters. US policymakers evidently expected Assad to fall quickly, as had occurred with the governments of Tunisia and Egypt in the early months of the Arab Spring. The Assad regime is led by the minority Alawi Shia sect in a country where Alawites account for just 10% of the population, Sunni Muslims account for 75%, Christians make up 10%, and 5% are others, including Druze. The regional powers behind Assad’s regime include Iran and Russia, which has a naval base on Syria’s Mediterranean coastline. Whereas America’s goal in seeking to topple Assad was mainly to undercut Iranian and Russian influence, Turkey’s motive was to expand its influence in former Ottoman lands and, more recently, to counter Kurdish ambitions for territorial autonomy, if not statehood, in Syria and Iraq. Saudi Arabia wanted to undermine Iran’s influence in Syria while expanding its own, while Israel, too, aimed to counter Iran, which threatens Israel through Hezbollah in Lebanon, Syria near the Golan Heights, and Hamas in Gaza. Qatar, meanwhile, wanted to bring a Sunni Islamist regime to power. The armed groups supported by the US and allies since 2011 were assembled under the banner of the Free Syrian Army. In fact, there was no single army, but rather competing armed groups with distinct backers, ideologies, and goals.", "zh": "结束美国在叙利亚的灾难性作用 纽约—过去七年蹂躏叙利亚的大屠杀要在很大程度上归咎于美国及其中东盟友的行径。 如今，那里极有可能出现战事再升级，联合国安理会应该介入，在由其常任理事国一致同意的框架的基础上结束流血。 先来看看基本情况。 2011年，在阿拉伯之春的大环境下，美国和沙特阿拉伯、卡塔尔、土耳其以及以色列政府一道决定要推翻叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德政权，尽管推翻他国政府严重违反了国际法。 我们知道，2012年（或者更早）美国总统奥巴马授权中央情报局与美国盟友合作，为由心存不满的叙利亚人和非叙利亚军人组成的叛军提供支持。 显然，美国决策者认定巴沙尔很快就会倒台，就像阿拉伯之春最初几个月中的突尼斯和埃及政府一样。 巴沙尔政权有占少数的什叶派阿拉维派领导。 在叙利亚，阿拉维派只占人口的10 % ， 逊尼派穆斯林占了75 % ， 基督徒占10 % ， 其他人（包括德鲁兹派）占了5 % 。 巴沙尔背后的地区力量包括伊朗和俄罗斯，后者在叙利亚地中海沿岸拥有一个海军基地。 美国寻求推翻巴沙尔是为了削弱伊朗和俄罗斯的影响力，而土耳其的动机则是扩大其在前奥斯曼帝国领域的影响力以及（后来）遏制库尔德人在叙利亚和伊拉克寻求领土自治乃至建国的野心。 沙特阿拉伯想削弱伊朗在叙利亚的影响力，同时扩大自己的影响力；而以色列也想遏制伊朗，因为后者通过黎巴嫩真主党、戈兰高地附近的叙利亚以及加沙的哈马斯威胁着以色列。 与此同时，卡塔尔向扶持一个逊尼派伊斯兰政权。 2011年后，美国及其盟友所支持的武装集团集结在自由叙利亚军的旗号治下。 事实上，这不是一支军队，而是一个由支持者、意识形态和目标各不相同的互相竞争的军事集团组成的势力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The previous year, German Chancellor Angela Merkel laid the plant’s cornerstone herself, sending a strong signal of her seriousness about Germany’s shift to clean, renewable energy. Indeed, the much-noted Energiewende, or energy turnaround, that she announced in 2010 is arguably one of the most audacious acts of environmental statesmanship yet. According to the author and environmentalist Bill McKibben, Germany is in the international forefront of fighting climate change: “The clear alternative and the best news from 2012 came from Germany, the one big country that’s taken climate change seriously....There were days last summer when [Germans] generated more than half the power that they used from solar panels.” In fact, hydrogen technology will be an integral part of Germany’s evolving renewable/alternative energy-based system. Germany’s move toward renewable energy is likely to have a much broader positive impact. A six-article series, “The German Nuclear Exit,” in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist argues that the move away from nuclear energy is already “yielding measurable economic and environmental benefits.” More broadly, Lutz Mez, a political scientist at Berlin’s Free University, argues that the country’s shift has “observably decoupled energy supply from economic growth,” and that the “evolving Energiewende, rather than the nuclear phase-out” implies “continuing reforms of social, economic, technological, and cultural policy in Germany.”", "zh": "前一年，德国总理默克尔亲自为这家电厂奠基，这表明她强烈支持德国向清洁可再生能源的转型。 事实上，她2010年推出的广受关注的能源转向（Energiewende）可谓具有最果敢的环保主义政治家精神。 在笔者和环保人士麦吉本（Bill McKibben）看来，德国是国际气候变化冲突阵线的先锋 ： “ 2012年最明确的替代方案和最好的消息来自德国，这个大国在认真对待气候变化问题 … … 去年夏天某些时候 ， （ 德国）使用的电力中有一大半来自太阳能 。 ” 事实上，氢技术将成为德国不断进步的基于可再生/替代能源的系统的主要部分之一。 德国的向可再生能源转型可能具有诸多积极意义。 《原子科学家文摘 》 （ Bulletin of the Atomic Scientist）上刊登了六篇系列文章《德国的退核 》 （ The German Nuclear Exit ） ， 文章认为告别核能已经“产生了可观的经济和环境好处 。 ” 从更广的角度看，柏林自由大学（Free University）的政治学家梅兹（Lutz Mez）指出，德国的转向“在显而易见地让能源供应和经济增长脱钩 ” ， 而“能源转向的进展，而不是退出核能 ， ” 意味着“德国社会、经济、技术和文化政策的持续改革 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was Harold Macmillan, the UK’s prime minister in the early 1960s, who concluded that the country should join what was then the European Common Market to reverse systemic, long-term economic decline. Between 1951 and 1973, Britain ranked last among OECD economies, with average growth of just 2.7% per year. Japan grew the fastest, expanding at an average annual pace of 9.5%, while Germany, France, and Italy clocked in at 5% or above. UK policymakers were obsessed with the question, “What went wrong?” We tried our own version of French central planning. We invested in new hospitals and roads, and closed loss-making railway lines. But we always eventually came back to the need to join the new European grouping that we had originally treated with disdain. Another Conservative prime minister, Edward Heath, eventually got us through the European door following the death of Charles de Gaulle, who as France’s president had been an inveterate opponent of UK membership. From 1973, when the UK joined, to 2016 (the year of the Brexit referendum), our economy grew faster than those of Germany, France, and Italy. And after the real launch of the single market in 1992 – one of Margaret Thatcher’s greatest achievements – the UK performed considerably better than its traditional competitors, at least until 2016. Of course, other factors – such as Thatcher’s trade-union reforms – contributed to Britain’s success. But the overriding story was one of economic decline before EU entry, and a jump forward after we joined. Moreover, the UK secured this success pretty much on its own terms: we did not join the euro, we promoted free trade, and we pioneered the EU’s enlargement into Central and Eastern Europe. But what will life be like after Johnson’s deal is in place? Mark Carney, the governor of the Bank of England, has said that the withdrawal agreement will be better for the UK economy than a disorderly Brexit, although tellingly, he suggested that it might be less positive than May’s deal would have been. (Of course, hers, too, would have left the country weaker than if we simply remained in the EU.)", "zh": "20世纪60年代初的英国首相哈罗德·麦克米伦(Harold Macmillan)得出的结论是，英国应该加入当时的欧洲共同市场，以扭转系统性的长期经济衰退。 1951年至1973年间，英国在经济合作与发展组织中排名垫底，年平均增长率仅为2.7 % 。 日本增速最快，年平均增长率为9.5 % ， 而相比之下德国、法国和意大利的增长率为5%或更高。 英国国家政策制定者一直在探讨这样一个问题 ： “ 哪里出了问题 ？ ” 我们试过英国版的法国中央计划。 我们投资建设新的医院和公路，并关停经济亏损铁路线。 但我们最终总是需要向最初瞧不上眼的欧洲共同体寻求帮助。 戴高乐去世后，保守党首相爱德华·希思(Edward Heath) 成功推动英国加入欧洲共同体。 戴高乐作为法国总统，一直都极力反对英国加入欧洲共同体。 从1973年英国加入欧盟到2016年(英国脱欧公投之年 ) ， 英国经济增长速度已超过德国、法国和意大利。 在1992年真正启动单一市场 — — 这是撒切尔最伟大的成就之一 — — 之后，英国的表现远远好于其传统竞争对手，至少在2016年之前是这样。 当然，其他因素 — — 比如撒切尔的工会改革 — — 也为英国的成功做出了贡献。 但最为显著的变化即是加入欧盟之前的经济衰退，以及加入欧盟后的经济跃进。 此外，英国在很大程度上是靠自己的条件取得这一成功：我们没有加入欧元区，但我们促进了自由贸易，我们带头将欧盟范围扩大到中欧和东欧。 但如果约翰逊的协议达成，我们的生活将会是什么样的呢？ 英国央行(BoE)行长马克·卡尼(Mark Carney)表示，有协议比无协议脱欧更有利于英国经济。 尽管他暗示，这可能没有特蕾莎·梅提出的协议那么积极。 (当然，比起留在欧盟，特蕾莎·梅的协议也会让这个国家变得更加虚弱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We seem to accept that to be struck by an earthquake, a tidal wave, or a hurricane is just bad luck (unless, as the American evangelist Pat Robertson suggested after the Haitian earthquake, your ancestors made a pact with the devil in order to free themselves from colonial rule). Still, many people profess to believe that poverty is the result of not working hard enough, or of having too many children. But the circumstances that produce extreme poverty are not, except in rare cases, under the control of such poor people. They may be, to some extent, under the control of governments, and undoubtedly bad government is a major contributor to poverty. But then, bad government can also contribute to the toll exacted by a natural disaster. Two years ago, a team of geophysicists led by Eric Calais of Purdue University predicted that the fault that produced the recent Haitian earthquake was at high risk of doing exactly what it did. They urged the Haitian government to take steps to strengthen critical buildings, including hospitals and schools. Failure to do so contributed to the toll. What should we do? Brian Tucker, founder of the non-profit organization Geohazards International, urges that 10% of the money raised by relief efforts should be set aside for mitigating damage from future earthquakes: training builders, improving engineering, and making the public more aware of the risks and how to reduce them. He claims that every dollar invested in preparing for natural disasters saves ten dollars in future damage. Tucker’s proposal makes good sense, but it is difficult – and arguably unethical – for charities that raised money to help Haitians now to divert some of those funds to programs to mitigate the damage caused by future earthquakes. It would be excellent if the general public responded to an appeal for funds for mitigating future damage. But the prospects of that happening are slim, because such an appeal would lack the emotional pull of the desire to help immediate victims. Instead, governments that are pledging aid to Haiti now should ensure that part of their assistance goes to reducing the chances that such a disaster will affect Haiti so dramatically again.", "zh": "我们似乎觉得被一场地震，海啸或者飓风袭击就是因为运气不好（除非，正如美国传教士帕特·罗伯森在海地地震后所说，海地人的祖先为了把自己从殖民统治中解脱出来，与魔鬼作了个约定 ） 。 另外，许多人依然相信贫困是因为不努力工作，或者是过度生育。 但那些导致了极端贫困的情况却不是随着贫穷者的意志而转移的（极少情况除外 ） 。 在某种情况下，这些人民可能都处于政府的控制之下，而一个坏政府无疑是贫穷的主要原因，而即便伤亡是由天灾引起，一个坏政府也会令死亡人数有增无减。 早在两年之前，一个由普渡大学埃里克·卡莱斯教授所率领的地球物理学团队就预测到海地发生地震并造成如此破坏的可能性很大。 他们敦促海地政府采取措施加固关键建筑，包括医院和学校。 而政府的不作为则增加了伤亡。 那我们该怎么办？ 非营利组织“地质灾害国际”的创立者布赖恩·塔克呼吁将地震捐款的 10% 用于防止未来地震所造成的破坏：训练施工人员，改善工程质量，以及令公众更加了解危险所在以及如何减灾。 他指出，每在预防上投入 1 美元，就能在灾难来临时挽回 10 美元的损失。 塔克的提议非常合理。 但对于那些为海地救灾筹款的慈善团体来说，很难 — — 甚至也不道德 — — 去把这些援助金分出一部分来用到那些用于减少未来地震灾害的项目中去。 如果大众能对防止未来破坏而募捐的款项有所回应固然很好，但实现这件事的可能性也很小，因为这项提议缺乏那种援助突发事件受害者所具有的情感推动力。 反而是那些承诺要对海地进行援助的政府应当保证拿出援助的其中一部分，将其用于减低同类灾害再次严重破坏海地的可能性"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That’s why Vision 2030 is so important. Seeking to regain better control over its economic and financial destiny, the Kingdom has designed an ambitious economic restructuring plan, spearheaded by its energetic new deputy crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud. In simplified terms, Vision 2030 focuses on three major areas, together with efforts to protect the most vulnerable segments of the population. First, the plan seeks to enhance the generation of non-oil revenues, by raising fees and tariffs on public services, gradually expanding the tax base (including through the introduction of a value added tax), and raising more income from a growing number of visitors to the Kingdom. Second, the authorities want to reduce spending by lowering subsidies, rationalizing the country’s massive public investment program, and diverting spending on arms away from foreign purchases. Third, the Kingdom seeks to diversify its national wealth and, in the process, increase current investment income. For example, the plan would raise funds via the IPO of a small part (up to 5%) of Saudi-Aramco, the giant oil conglomerate, and invest the proceeds in a broader range of assets around the world. This bold economic vision is not without risks. Economic transitions are inherently tricky, especially one of this scale and scope. Early successes are often needed to solidify the overwhelming buy-in of key constituencies, particularly those that naturally may be resistant to change at first (especially change that eliminates some of the traditional financial entitlements in moving from a familiar, albeit less secure, present toward what is now an unfamiliar future). The action plans underpinning the implementation of Vision 2030 inevitably involve progressing on multiple fronts simultaneously and in a carefully coordinated and monitored fashion. Requiring invigorated administrative and operational resources, it comes at a time when the Kingdom is not only dealing with lower oil earnings and drawing down its large reserves, but also is increasingly asserting its regional role, including in Syria and Yemen. Against this background, it is encouraging that the announcement of Vision 2030 has been followed rapidly by the implementation of some initial and notable steps. Sustaining this momentum in a manner that maintains consistent communication with key domestic stakeholders will likely prove critical in determining the plan’s success.", "zh": "《愿景2030》的重要性正在于此。 沙特王国寻求能更好地控制其经济和金融命运，因此制定了一套雄心勃勃的经济结构重组计划，由其新任副王储穆罕默德·本·萨勒曼·沙特（Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud）负责。 简言之 ， 《 愿景2030》注重三个主要领域，并包括保护人口中最脆弱群体的措施。 首先，该计划寻求加强开辟非石油收入，办法包括提高公共服务的费用和关税、逐渐扩大税基（包括通过引入增值税）以及从日益增加的游客身上获得更多的收入。 其次，沙特当局希望通过削减补贴、理顺大规模公共投资计划和减少军备的外国采购来降低开支。 第三，沙特王国寻求国民财富的多元化，并在此过程中增加经常性投资收入。 比如，该计划将通过首次公开发行石油巨头阿美公司的少数股份（不超过5 % ） 筹集资金，并将所得资金投资于范围更广的全球资产。 这一大胆的经济愿景当然拖离不了风险。 经济转型天生棘手，特别是如此规模和范畴的转型。 早期的成功常常是巩固关键利益群体大举跟进的必要条件，特别是那些一开始出于本能抵制变化的人（特别是取消一些传统金融权利、从尽管不太安全当更熟悉的现在朝目前仍不太熟悉的未来的变化 ） 。 作为《愿景2030》的实施的基础的行动计划难免包括多条战线齐头并进，并且需要谨慎协调和监控。 这需要动员管理和经营资源，而与此同时，沙特王国不但有面对石油收益下降、巨额储备流失，同时也在日渐强调其地区角色，包括在叙利亚和也门。 在这样的背景下 ， 《 愿景2030》宣布之后很快就有初步和可观的实施步骤跟进，这令人振奋。 保持这一势头，并保证与关键国内相关利益方不断进行沟通可能将是该计划成功与否的关键。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reversing the Medical Brain Drain GRENADA – With physicians already scarce worldwide, demand for foreign-born doctors in the United States and the United Kingdom is stretching developing and middle-income countries’ medical resources to the breaking point. In the US, for example, the shortfall of physicians could grow to nearly 95,000 by 2025, equivalent to 43% of all doctors working today. When doctors are in short supply, the US and UK turn to countries like the Philippines to close the gap. But this leaves the Philippines with its own significant shortage of medical professionals. The situation across Africa is no better. In Kenya, more than 50% of all doctors are now practicing overseas, leaving just 20 physicians per 100,000 in the population. By contrast, the United Kingdom has 270 doctors per 100,000 people. To be sure, there is nothing wrong with doctors spending time working and training overseas; on the contrary, practicing in a variety of health-care systems is critical for producing experienced, well-rounded physicians. The fundamental problem is that medical staff and students are leaving the developing world en masse to train in countries like the US and UK, and then never returning to work in their own communities. Moreover, supplier countries often pay for that medical education directly or indirectly, without ever receiving any of the benefits. To reverse this trend, we must allow medical students to train in world-class clinical settings, while encouraging them to return to practice in their home countries.", "zh": "扭转医学人才窘境 格林纳达—放眼全球，医生已经紧缺，美国和英国对外国医生的需求让发展中和中等收入国家医疗资源不堪重负。 比如，美国医生短缺状况到2025年可能达到近95,000人，相当于今天在职医生总数的43 % 。 当医生供给不足时，美国和英国就转向菲律宾等国家填补缺口。 但这导致菲律宾自身也出现医疗专业人士严重短缺的情况。 非洲的情况也不容乐观。 在肯尼亚，超过50%的医生在海外执业，这导致每100,000肯尼亚人只有20名医生。 相反，每100,000英国人拥有270名医生。 平心而论，医生花时间在海外工作和培训没有什么错，相反，在不同医疗体系中执业对于培养经验丰富的全科医生至关重要。 根本性问题是医护人员和学生整体正在离开发展中国家，去美国和英国等国家受训，并永远不会回到祖国。 此外，医学教育学费常常由供给国支付，而这笔钱常常一去不返。 要扭转这一趋势，我们必须让医学生在世界级临床环境中受训，同时鼓励他们回祖国执业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The extent to which China will engage Afghanistan positively will depend in large part on whether China rids itself of the prevailing zero-sum mindset and facilitates America’s military withdrawal by doing what it can to stabilize the country. China can help by stiffening the resolve of Pakistan’s military to move more aggressively to contain Taliban extremists on its territory; open border regions to help resupply NATO forces in Afghanistan; and invest in the country’s infrastructure. Indeed, China’s relations with Pakistan have assumed greater importance recently, owing to the tensions that now exist between Pakistan and the US. The Obama administration’s challenge nowadays is to calibrate its recent suspension of some military aid to Pakistan in order to maximize its leverage without pushing the government even closer to the extremists. By working with the US on Pakistan, China can help secure its own interest in a strong Pakistani campaign against the militants on its territory. Regardless of the Bush-era disputes with the US over the Uighur prisoners at Guantánamo, China is in a better position to tell its “all-weather” friends in Islamabad that stabilizing Afghanistan is not only an American objective, but a significant Chinese goal as well. China’s cooperation may not be essential to defeating Al Qaeda and other militants in Afghanistan, but it will be if lasting peace and stability is to be realized. Chinese and US interests in Afghanistan are unlikely ever to be perfectly aligned, but the two sides can and must learn to cooperate for their own benefit, and that of the region.", "zh": "中国积极参与阿富汗事务的程度将在很大程度上取决于其能否摒弃当前的这种零和博弈思维，并通过稳定阿富汗局势来协助美国的撤军行动。 中国可以通过增强巴基斯坦军队更大规模扫荡本国塔利班极端分子的决心；开放边境地区来协助阿富汗北约部队补给；以及投资阿富汗国内基础设施的方式来提供帮助。 事实上由于巴基斯坦和美国之间的紧张关系，中国和巴基斯坦两国关系的重要性最近更加凸显。 奥巴马当局当前的挑战就是调整最近停止向巴基斯坦提供军事援助的做法来增大其影响力并避免巴国政府��续向恐怖分子靠拢。 通过与美国在巴基斯坦并肩合作，中国能在巴基斯坦向武装分子发动强大攻势的同时确保自身利益。 不管在布什时代与美国在关塔那摩维吾尔族囚犯方面发生的争执，中国如今已经占据了一个更有利的地位去告诉自己在伊斯兰堡的“全天候”盟友：阿富汗的稳定不但是美国的事，也是中国的一个重要目标。 中国的协助行动可能对消灭基地组织和其他武装人员方面并非必要，但对实现阿富汗的长治久安却是必不可少。 中美两国在阿富汗的利益或许永远无法重合，但双方可以并必须学会为各自以及该区域的利益展开合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The physical world becomes digitized, with companies detecting a person’s location, movements, and identity, and then transmitting the data so that it can help shape online experiences. For example, OMO stores will be equipped with sensors that can identify customers and discern their likely behavior as seamlessly as e-commerce websites do now. Similarly, OMO language learning will combine native teachers lecturing remotely, local assistants keeping the atmosphere fun, autonomous software correcting pronunciation, and autonomous hardware grading homework and tests. With China in a position to rebuild its offline infrastructure, it can secure a leading position in OMO. Yet, even as China leads the way in digitizing consumer industries, business adoption of digital technologies has lagged. This may be about to change. New McKinsey Global Institute research finds that three digital forces – disintermediation (cutting out the middle man), disaggregation (separating processes into component parts), and dematerialization (shifting from physical to electronic form) – could account for (or create) 10-45% of the industry revenue pool by 2030. Those actors that successfully capitalize on this shift are likely to be large enough to influence the global digital landscape, inspiring digital entrepreneurs far beyond China’s borders. Value will shift from slow-moving incumbents to nimble digital attackers, armed with new business models, and from one part of the value chain to another. Large-scale creative destruction will root out inefficiencies and vault China to a new echelon of global competitiveness. China’s government has grand plans for the country’s future as a digital world power. The State Council-led Mass Entrepreneurship and Innovation Program has resulted in more than 8,000 incubators and accelerators. The government’s Guiding Fund program has provided a total of $27.4 billion to venture capital and private equity investors – a passive investment, but with special redemption incentives. The authorities are now mobilizing resources to invest $180 billion in building China’s 5G mobile network over the next seven years, and are supporting the development of quantum technology.", "zh": "物理世界正在变得数字化，企业可以掌握消费者所处的位置 、 ， 移动路径和身份识别，并将这些数据上传，用于塑造在线体验。 举个例子，OMO商店将配备可以无缝识别客户身份及潜在消费行为的传感器，就如同目前电子商务网站可以做到的一样。 同样，OMO语言学习可以将远程授课的国外教师、协助维持课堂气氛的本地助教，纠正发音的自主软件以及批改作业和考试的自主硬件结合在一起。 通过重建其线下基础设施，中国可以确保其在OMO领域的领先地位。 但是，即便中国在消费行业数字化方面处于领先地位，数字技术的商业化应用总体仍然有所滞后。 不过这一状况正在快速改观。 麦肯锡全球研究院的一项新研究发现，三大数字化推动力 — — 去中介化（摒弃中间人 ） ， 分散化（将庞大的资产分解为多个组成部分）和非物质化（从物理形式转变为虚拟形式 ） — —到2030年，或可转变（与创造）10~45%的行业总收入。 那些成功抓住这一商机的企业，很可能将快速发展壮大，其规模将足以大到影响全球数字版图，并激励更多在海外的数字创业者。 价值将从目前那些反应迟缓的企业，转向那些敏捷的、建立在全新商业模式之上的数字挑战者身上；同时价值将从价值链的一部分转移到另一部分。 大规模的创造性颠覆将铲除中国行业效率较低的状况，从而帮助中国经济的全球竞争力跻身新梯队。 中国政府对中国作为世界数字化强国的未来有着宏伟的规划。 在国务院领导的“大众创新、万众创业”号召之下，中国已经新建了8000多个项目孵化器和加速器。 政府的“创业投资引导基金”为风险投资和私募股权投资者提供了总额达274亿美元的资金 — — 这是一项拥有特殊赎回奖励措施的被动性投资。 目前中国政府鼓励各方资源，计划投入1800亿美元在未来7年内建成本国的5G移动网络，同时支持量子技术的发展。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ignoring US demands that Kim must abandon his nuclear program before sanctions can be eased, China has suggested that sanctions relief could be used as a confidence-building measure on the way to a political resolution. For its part, Russia, which participated in failed negotiations to end North Korea’s nuclear program more than a decade ago, has now taken the field on Kim’s behalf. Last month, Kim and Russian President Vladimir Putin met for the first time. Rejecting the idea that US and South Korean security guarantees could ever suffice to persuade Kim to follow through with denuclearization, Putin called for renewed talks with Russia and China at the table. This Sino-Russian-North Korean collaboration will most likely continue. Kim has already made a habit of calling Chinese President Xi Jinping before and after his summits with Trump, and his regime will probably be in more frequent contact with the Kremlin, too. This does not bode well for US objectives on the Korean Peninsula. Though Russia and China will pay lip service to the need for denuclearization, neither country has ever seriously tried to impede the Kim regime’s weapons program. The willingness of China and Russia to tolerate a nuclear-armed North Korea reflects a strategic calculation. Even if they are often unhappy with Kim’s behavior, their top priority is to shore up his regime. Were it to collapse, the likely outcome would be a reunited Korea under the government in Seoul; China and Russia would suddenly have a US ally – and potentially even US forces – on their borders.", "zh": "中国无视美国所提出的、金正恩必须放弃核计划才能换来制裁放松的要求，表示可以用放松制裁作为构建信心的手段，促进政治解决方案。 至于俄罗斯，它十多年前便参与了结束朝鲜核计划（但失败）的谈判，现在则站在金正恩一边。 上个月，金正恩与俄罗斯总统普京首次会面。 普京认为，美国和韩国的安全保证绝不足以说服金正恩执行去核化，呼吁朝鲜与中俄一起谈判。 中俄朝合作很有可能会继续进行下去。 金正恩已经习惯了在于特朗普举行峰会前后给中国国家主席习近平通电话，他的政权可能同时也会更加频繁地与克里姆林宫联系。 这对于美国的朝鲜半岛目标绝非好事。 尽管俄罗斯和中国在口头上都会大谈去核化的必要性，但它们都不会认证试图阻止金氏政权的武器计划。 中俄愿意容忍有核的朝鲜，这是一种战略算计。 虽然它们常常不满于金正恩的行为，但扶持金正恩的政权更加重要。 如果朝鲜崩溃的话，首尔有可能会成为重新统一的朝鲜的新首都；中俄将面临一个近在咫尺的美国盟友 — — 甚至美国军队。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I cut the page right out of the book. I left no jagged edges, and the book looked white and clean when the page was gone. A new book, that had not been touched. I tore the page up in many little fragments and threw them into the waste-paper basket. Then I went and sat on the window seat again. But I kept thinking of the torn scraps in the basket, and after a moment I had to get up and look in the basket once more. Even now the ink stood up on the fragments thick and black, the writing was not destroyed. I took a box of matches and set fire to the fragments. The flame had a lovely light, staining the paper, curling the edges, making the slanting writing impossible to distinguish. The fragments fluttered to grey ashes. The letter R was the last to go, it twisted in the flame, it curled outwards for a moment, becoming larger than ever. Then it crumpled too; the flame destroyed it. It was not ashes even, it was feathery dust… I went and washed my hands in the basin. I felt better, much better. I had the clean new feeling that one has when the calendar is hung on the wall at the beginning of the year. January the 1st. I was aware of the same freshness, the same gay confidence. The door opened and he came into the room. 'All's well,' he said; 'shock made her speechless at first, but she's beginning to recover, so I'm going downstairs to the office, to make certain she will catch the first train. For a moment she wavered; I think she had hopes of acting witness at the wedding, but I was very firm. Go and talk to her.'", "zh": "扉页被剪得干干净净，一点毛边都没有留下。这下子，诗集显得洁白无瑕，成了一部无人翻阅过的新书。我把剪下来的那一页撕成碎片，扔进废纸篓里。随后，我走到窗前坐下，可心里老想着那些碎片，过了一会儿便不由自主地又站起身朝废纸篓里看了看。甚至在撕碎之后，纸片上的墨水仍又浓又黑，字迹并没有被销毁。我取过一盒火柴，点着了那些碎纸。火舌吐出美丽的火焰，使纸片变红、卷边，令斜体的题词无法辨认。碎纸顿时化为一堆白灰。最后消失的是字母R，它在火焰中扭曲着身体，朝外卷了一下边，显得奇大无比，接着也被火舌吞没，留下的不是灰烬，而是轻盈的粉末……我走过去在脸盆里洗了手，感觉好多了。就好像墙上的日历在新年之初翻到了元月一日，我有一种一切从头开始的利落感觉，觉得神清气爽，欢快的心里充满了自信。这时，门开了，他走进了我的卧室。 “一切顺利，”他说，“她起初惊得一句话也说不出来，不过这会儿醒过了神。我下楼去票房叮咛一下，确保她能搭上第一趟火车。刚才她举棋不定，可能是希望做证婚人，但我的态度非常坚决。现在你去跟她谈谈。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Obama reappointed him as head of the NEC in January 2011. His 2005 book The Pro-Growth Progressive contains many ideas about how to make the economy perform better. None is grandiose, but together they might help substantially. Some of these ideas found their way into the American Jobs Act, which might have had some real impact had Congress passed it in 2011. The AJA embodied some of what Sperling describes in his book: subsidies for hiring, wage insurance, and job training, as well as support for education and early learning. Moreover, the AJA would have offered some balanced-budget stimulus – the kind of stimulus that would boost the level of economic activity without increasing the volume of government debt. But the public, despite its concern about unemployment, is not very interested in the details of concrete plans to create more jobs. Sperling is just not very visible to the public. His book was not a best seller: in commercial terms, it might be better described as a dud. Sperling is fundamentally different from the typical academic economist, who tends to concentrate on advancing economic theory and statistics. He concentrates on legislation – that is, practical things that might be accomplished to lift the economy. He listens to academic economists, but is focused differently. At one point in his book, Sperling jokes that maybe the US needs a third political party, called the “Humility Party.” Its members would admit that there are no miraculous solutions to America’s economic problems, and they would focus on the “practical options” that are actually available to make things a little better. In fact, Americans do not need a new political party: with Obama’s reelection, voters have endorsed precisely that credo of pragmatic idealism.", "zh": "后来奥巴马又在2011年1月再次任命他为NEC主管。 斯柏林2005年出的书《支持增长的改革者》包含了许多有关如何使经济表现得更好的理念。 其中的理念都算不上宏大，但它们联合起作用的话却可能产生巨大的影响。 其中的一些理念渗入到了美国就业法案中，如果2011年国会能通过这个法案的话那么这些理念可能就会产生一些实际的影响。 美国就业法案体现了一些斯珀林在他书描述的理念：提供雇佣津贴，工资保险和职业培训以及对教育和早期学习的支持。 此外，该法案原本还可以提供一些平衡预算的刺激 — — 是那种可以不用增加政府负债就能促进经济活动水平的刺激。 然而尽管公众担心失业率，却对创造更多就业机会的具体计划细节不感兴趣。 人们并不怎么了解斯珀林。 他的书也并不畅销：用商业用语来说，也许称之为“哑弹”更合适。 斯珀林与那些典型的学术经济学家有着根本的不同，学术经济学家倾向于专注推进经济理论与统计。 斯珀林专注于法律 — — 也就是可以用来提升经济的实际事物。 他会听取学术经济学家的意见，但其侧重点则有所不同。 在其书中某处，斯珀林开玩笑说到也许美国需要第三个政党，叫做“谦逊党 ” 。 它的成员会承认没有可以解决美国经济问题的神奇办法，而且他们会专注在“实际选项”上 — — 也就是那些可以用来改善现状的事物。 但实际上，美国并不需要一个新的政党：奥巴马连任已经说明选民们明确支持实用理想主义的信条。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But we do not even know who will succeed Hillary Clinton as US Secretary of State when Obama’s second term formally begins in January, or who will be on the White House security team. In the medium term, the world abounds with tensions and potential crises that US leadership is likely to be indispensable to resolving. As events over the past two weeks in Egypt have demonstrated all too vividly, the Arab awakening is still only in its first act in many countries. Indeed, democracy is fragile, at best, across North Africa; and, in the Middle East, Jordan, the Palestinian territories, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia have only begun to feel the ripples of the tidal wave sweeping the region. Bahrain remains a flashpoint; Iraq is deeply unstable; and the simmering conflict between Iran and Israel could flare up at any time. Even when the US is not on the front lines, it has played a vital role in behind-the-scenes diplomacy, nudging wary rivals closer to one another to create a united opposition, and working with regional leaders like Turkey, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia to broker deals. In Asia, the US has been playing a similar role in pushing for multilateral resolution of dangerous bilateral disputes between China and its many neighbors over territories in the East and South China Seas, while at the same time restraining US allies who might otherwise provoke crises. And, on big global issues like climate change, organized crime, trade, and prevention of atrocities, the absence of the US as a policy catalyst and active negotiator will be quickly and keenly felt. Avoiding this fate requires the US to “rebuild itself at home,” as the Obama administration’s 2010 National Security Strategy promises. But, if US politicians spend the next two years the way they have spent the last two – patching together temporary policy fixes while avoiding the hard issues that voters and markets expect them to face – America’s voice will grow fainter, and weaker, in international institutions and affairs. Equally worrisome is the prospect of deep, across-the-board cuts in the US defense budget at a time when many rising powers are increasing their defense spending. As much as many countries may dislike the US military, the availability and extraordinary capabilities of America’s soldiers, ships, aircraft, and intelligence assets often function as a global insurance policy.", "zh": "但我们不清楚奥巴马第二任任期在1月正式开始后谁将接替希拉里·克林顿担任美国国务卿，也不知道白宫安全团队将由哪些人组成。 从中期来看，世界充满了紧张局势和潜在危机，这些危机责无旁贷需要美国领导人去解决。 正像过去两周埃及局势已经证明的那样，阿拉伯觉醒在很多国家仅仅只是拉开了序幕。 其实，北非地区民主充其量还十分薄弱；中东地区的约旦、巴勒斯坦、科威特和沙特阿拉伯刚刚开始感受到民主浪潮席卷的涟漪。 巴林问题仍是导火索；伊拉克则非常动荡；沸沸扬扬的伊朗和以色列冲突可能在任何时候爆发。 即便美国并不在第一线，但仍在幕后外交谈判中发挥着关键作用，推动充���戒心的对手相互联合成立反对同盟，并与土耳其、埃及和沙特阿拉伯等地区领导人合作推动协议的达成。 美国在亚洲也扮演着类似的角色，推动多边解决中国及众多邻国间在东海及南海领土问题上危险的双边纠纷，同时约束美国的盟国防止他们挑起危机。 在气候变化、有组织犯罪、贸易活动和预防暴力等全球重大问题上，如果没有美国积极参与谈判并起到政策催化剂的作用，国际社会将快速深切地感受到谈判的难度。 避免这样的命运要求美国像奥巴马政府2010年国家安全战略所承诺的那样 “完成自我重塑 ” 。 但如果美国政界人士今后两年仍像过去两年一样忙于拼凑临时政策却不敢面对选民和市场希望他们解决的真正困难 — — 美国在国际机构和事务中的话语权将越来越弱。 在许多新崛起国家加大国防开支的同时全面深度削减美国防预算的前景同样令人担忧。 尽管很多国家可能不喜欢美国军队，但美国士兵、军舰、飞机及情报资产的存在及非凡能力却往往起到全球保险的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such US actions have greatly aggravated tensions with China. Again, those US security analysts who argue that Taiwan is within its rights to declare independence should reflect on America’s own history. The US fought a civil war over the legitimacy of secession, and the secessionists lost. The US government would not tolerate Chinese support for a secessionist movement in, say, California (nor would European countries such as Spain, which has faced the real thing in Basque Country and Catalonia). The risks of military escalation over Taiwan are compounded by NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg’s recent announcement that the alliance’s future rationale will include countering China. An alliance created to defend Western Europe from invasion by a now-defunct European power should not be repurposed as a US-led military alliance against an Asian power. The Ukraine and Taiwan crises can be resolved peacefully and straightforwardly. NATO should take Ukraine’s membership off the table, and Russia should forswear any invasion. Ukraine should be free to orient its trade policies however it sees fit, provided that it abides by World Trade Organization principles. Similarly, the US should make clear once again that it steadfastly opposes Taiwan’s secession and does not aim to “contain” China, especially by reorienting NATO. For its part, China should renounce unilateral military action against Taiwan and reaffirm the two-system principle, which many Taiwanese believe to be under imminent threat following the crackdown in Hong Kong. No global structure of peace can be stable and secure unless all parties recognize others’ legitimate security interests.", "zh": "上述美国行为严重加剧了与中国的紧张关系。 同样，那些认为台湾有权宣布独立的美国安全分析人士应反思美国自身的历史。 美国曾为分裂合法性问题进行过一场内战，而分离主义者遭遇了失败。 美国政府绝不会容忍中国在加利福尼亚等地支持分裂运动（西班牙等欧洲国家也同样不会，该国在巴斯克地区和加泰罗尼亚面临真实的分裂局势 ） 。 北约秘书长延斯·斯托尔滕贝格最近宣布 ，对抗中国将被纳入北约未来的理念，此举加剧了台湾地区军事升级的风险。 为保护西欧免受现在已经解散的欧洲大国入侵而建立的联盟不应被重新定位为以美国为首的对抗亚洲大国的军事组织。 可以以直接方式和平解决乌克兰和台湾危机。 北约应当把乌克兰的成员资格问题排除在外，而俄罗斯则应放弃入侵。 只要遵守世贸组织原则，乌克兰就可以按照其自身需求对贸易政策进行调整。 同样，美国也应再次表明坚定反对台湾分裂，且明确不以“遏制”中国为目的，尤其不寻求通过重新调整北约。 而中国则应放弃对台采取单边军事行动并再次重申两制原则，许多台湾人认为，在对香港实施镇压后，两制原则正面临迫在眉睫的威胁。 除非各方承认对方的合法安全利益，否则全球和平架构就不可能有稳定和安全。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Who Pays for Bird Flu? Fifty years ago, American chicken farmers found that by keeping their birds in sheds they could produce chickens for the table more cheaply and with less work than by traditional farmyard methods. The new method spread: chickens disappeared from fields into long, windowless sheds. Factory farming was born. It isn’t called “factory farming” merely because those sheds look like factories. Everything about the production method is geared towards turning live animals into machines for converting grain into meat or eggs at the lowest possible cost. Walk into such a shed – if the producer will let you – and you will find up to 30,000 chickens. The National Chicken Council, the trade association for the US chicken industry, recommends a stocking density of 85 square inches per bird – less than a standard sheet of typing paper. When the chickens approach market weight, they cover the floor completely. No chicken can move without having to push through other birds. In the egg industry, hens can barely move at all, because they are crammed into wire cages, which makes it possible to stack them in tiers, one above the other. Environmentalists point out that this production method is unsustainable. For a start, it relies on the use of fossil fuel energy to light and ventilate the sheds, and to transport the grain eaten by the chickens. When this grain, which humans could eat directly, is fed to chickens, they use some of it to create bones and feathers and other body parts that we cannot eat.", "zh": "谁来为禽流感买单？ 50年前，美国的鸡农发现大棚养鸡不仅可以提供价廉物美的餐桌肉食，还能比传统庭院养鸡的方式省不少力气。 新的方法被快速推广：肉鸡从田野里消失，搬进了没有窗户的长长的鸡棚。 工厂化养鸡诞生了。 把这种方法命名为“工厂化养鸡”不仅是因为鸡棚很像工厂。 生产的所有步骤只有一个目的，就是以最低的成本把活生生的动物变成把粮食转为肉蛋的机器。 如果能得到鸡农的允许入棚参观，就能看到多达30，000只被饲养的肉鸡。 美国养鸡业的行业协会全国养鸡协会推荐的养殖密度达到了令人震惊的每只鸡85平方英寸¾还不及一张标准打字纸的大小。 肉鸡快要上市时，会把这块地方塞得密不透风。 如果不把同伴们挤到一边，它们谁都无法动弹。 产蛋的母鸡更是一动不动，因为它们被塞进了铁丝编的鸡笼，这样就能一层层堆叠起来，压在同伴的上面。 环境专家指出这样的生产方式不能持久。 首先，鸡棚要采用化石燃料来照明通风，并把粮食饲料输送到肉鸡跟前。 这些粮食本来可以供人类直接食用，现在却被用作饲料喂鸡，而其中一部分变成了骨骼和羽毛，还有其它无法食用的身体器官。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to one study, between 1965 and 2004, farmers in developing countries who planted high-quality seeds were able to reduce farmland by almost 30 million hectares – an area roughly the size of Italy. These gains could be extended further if smallholder farmers had access to modern equipment, better data collection and analysis, and more financing. Critics argue that increasing the productivity of smallholder farms could backfire, especially if it encouraged poor farmers to expand their acreage in the hope of increasing profits. To avoid this outcome, intensification strategies must be accompanied by strong conservation planning. At the same time, however, farmers in developing countries cannot simply be asked to stop using non-farm resources adjacent to their fields. Many people in poor communities rely on woodland products for fuel and construction materials, and government policies that prohibit use of these resources without offering adequate alternatives will likely fail. Rather, the ideal conservation approach in developing countries would link agricultural and economic support to strict limits on farmland expansion. That is far from being the case today. Around the world, billions of dollars are invested annually to address environmental degradation and poverty; many of the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals are linked in some way to these two concerns. And yet, most programs designed to tackle these issues operate in isolation. This is a mistake: solutions to food insecurity and habitat loss must be better integrated if either challenge is ever to be solved. No one doubts that well-meaning policies like ivory bans can lessen the ecological impact of human activity. But, at the moment, farming – the activity most responsible for damaging the health of many species – is failing to attract the policymaking attention that it deserves. Until that changes, government strategies to protect wildlife “for future generations” will very likely come up short.", "zh": "据一项研究，1965至2004年间，种植高质量种子的发展中国家农民能够减少近3,000万公顷耕地 — — 相当于意大利大小的面积。 如果小农能够获得现代设备、更好的数据和分析以及更多的融资，这些收益可以进一步提高。 批评者指出，提高小农的生产率可能适得其反，特别是如果这鼓励贫农扩大种植面积以期提高收入的话。 为了避免这一结果，集约化战略必须辅之以强大的保护规划 。 但与此同时，不能要求发展中国家的农民完全停止使用其耕地附近的非农场资源。 许多贫穷社区居民需要依靠森林获得燃料和建筑材料，禁止使用这些资源，又不提供足够的替代品的政府政策很容易失败。 相反，理想的发展中国家保护方针是农业和经济支持双管齐下，以限制农地扩张的限度。 今天还远远没有达成这一成就。 放眼全球，每年都有数十亿美元投资被用于解决环境破坏和贫困；17个联合国可持续发展目标中大部分以某种方式与这两个问题有关。 但是，大部分为解决这些问题而制定的计划，处于孤立执行的状态。 这是错误的：粮食不安全和栖息地损失问题的解决方案要想真正解决挑战，必须更好地整合起来。 没有人怀疑象牙禁令等初衷良好的政策能够减轻人类活动的生态硬性。 但在目前，农业活动 — — 它们才是危及许多物种健康的罪魁 — — 并没有获得应该获得的决策关注。 除非这一局面发生改变，否则旨在“为子孙后代”保护野生动物的战略都会功亏一篑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Much of our analysis emphasized the tax changes for businesses, including a cut in the federal tax rate on corporate profits from 35% to 21% (for C corporations, which include the largest businesses) and a smaller reduction in the tax rate for pass-through businesses (partnerships, S corporations, and sole proprietorships). All businesses benefited from a move to full expensing for equipment, though this change did not apply to structures. Our research predicted a substantial long-term increase in capital accumulation, which would generate sizable gains in labor productivity and real wages. Real GDP growth was predicted to be higher over ten years by an average of about 0.2% per year. Thus, the predicted growth effect was moderate but long-lasting. The other important change in the 2017 tax package was an almost across-the-board reduction in marginal income-tax rates on individual incomes. On average, the decline in the marginal tax rate was around 2.3 percentage points (adjusted downward from 3.2 points to take account of the reduced tax deductibility of state income taxes). By comparison, the average cut in marginal tax rates was 4.5 percentage points under President Ronald Reagan’s 1986 legislation; 3.6 points under President John Kennedy and President Lyndon B. Johnson’s tax cuts, passed in 1964; and 2.1 points under President George W. Bush’s 2003 reform.", "zh": "我们的分析强调企业的税收改革，包括将企业利润的联邦税率从35%降至21 % ( 针对C类公司，其中包括最大的企业 ) ， 以及降低直通企业(合伙企业、S公司和独资企业)的税率。 尽管这一税收变化并不适用于结构，但所有企业都受益于设备的全额费用化。 我们的研究预测，资本积累的长期大幅增加，将在劳动生产率和实际工资方面产生可观的收益。 未来10年，国内生产总值(GDP)预计平均每年将增长0.2%左右。 因此，预计的增长效应将是温和而持久的。 2017年税收方案的另一重要变化是，几乎全面降低了个人收入的边际所得税率税率。 平均而言，边际税率下降了2.3个百分点(考虑到国家所得税可抵扣性的降低，税率从3.2个百分点往下调 ) 。 相比而言，罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)总统1986年立法规定边际税率的平均降幅为4.5个百分点；1964年通过的约翰·肯尼迪(John Kennedy)总统和林登·b·约翰逊(Lyndon B. Johnson)总统的减税政策则下降了3.6个百分点；而在2003年乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)总统的改革方案下，这一数字为2.1个百分点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "听着两只毛球的不满，百里红妆的笑容略显尴尬，随即道：“这可不能怪我，原想赚个一百金币给你们买吃的，没想到那家伙赖账！” “哼，我才不信！” 小黑哼道。 “我也不信！” 小白附和。 见两个家伙这么鬼精的模样，百里红妆俏脸漫上了一丝无奈，顺手在街边买了两个包子递给毛球，“吃吧！” 瞧着眼前的包子，两双葡萄般的大眼瞬间变成了星星眼，从那肉呼呼的身体里伸出了两只又细又短的手立即抓住了包子！ 百里红妆眼底漾着浓浓的笑意，这两个家伙实在太好打发了！ 小黑和小白一直都生活在混沌之戒中，靠着元力生存，许久没有吃过东西，因而出来之后已经完全变成了两只吃货！ 呆在无人注意的角落等两只毛球吃完了包子之后，百里红妆这才继续行走在街道上。 “主人，刚才那个无耻之徒不简单哦！”", "en": "Listening to the two fluffball’s complaints, Baili Huangzhuang smiled awkwardly before adding in, “You can’t blame me! I had wanted to make a hundred gold coins to buy some delicious foods for you, but I didn’t think that guy would be so rude to even renege on a debt!” “Humpth! I don’t believe you!” Little Black shouted. “I don’t believe you!” And Little White echoed. Seeing the two boys’s sly appearances, a helpless smile appeared on Baili Huangzhuang’s face as she stopped by a street stall to conveniently buy 2 steamed buns, and gave one each to the two boys. “Eat!” Looking at the steamed buns in front of them, the two pairs of grape like eyes immediately shined like stars. Two thin, short hands stretched out from its furry body, the small hands easily catching the steamed buns! Baili Huangzhuang smiled happily, it seems that these two boys really were easy to please! Little White and Little Black had been living in the Primordial Chaos Ring for many years, relying on it’s power to survive. They both haven’t eaten for a long time, so upon coming out, the two both had already completely became 2 foodies! After Little White and Little Black finished stuffing themselves with the steamed bun, Baili Huangzhuang left the unnoticed corner and continued to walk. “Master, that shameless guy from earlier isn’t simple, ah!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "这次脱贫攻坚专项巡视和成效考核发现了不少突出问题和共性问题，主要表现在以下几个方面。 一是没有把脱贫攻坚当作重大政治任务来抓，责任落实不到位，思想认识有差距，落实不力。 二是贯彻精准方略有偏差，或发钱发物“一发了之”，或统一入股分红“一股了之”，或低保兜底“一兜了之”，没有把精力用在绣花功夫上。 三是形式主义、官僚主义问题突出，像花钱刷白墙，又不能吃不能穿，搞这些无用功，浪费国家的钱！ 会议多、检查多、填表多，基层干部疲于应付。 各地区各部门要全面排查梳理问题，各类问题要确保整改到位，为明年工作打下良好基础。 第四，提高脱贫质量。 脱贫既要看数量，更要看质量，不能到时候都说完成了脱贫任务，过一两年又大规模返贫。", "en": "The most recent round of special inspections and impact assessments of poverty alleviation has discovered numerous outstanding and endemic problems, which mainly exist in the following areas. The first is failure to regard poverty alleviation as a major political task. This results in inadequate assumption of responsibility, discordant thinking, and lackluster implementation. The second is deviation from the principle of targeted poverty alleviation. Some have reduced poverty alleviation to mere distribution of money and supplies, dividends from community businesses, or subsistence allowances instead of focusing their energy on doing precise work. The third is excessive formalism and bureaucratic practices. For instance, some have spent money on whitewashing walls, which brings no benefit at all to the public and only constitutes a pointless waste of the country’s money. In addition, local officials have been brought to the point of exhaustion by the large numbers of meetings to attend, inspections to conduct, and forms to fill out. Authorities of all regions and departments should take a full inventory of problems and ensure that problems in every category are properly rectified, so that we may lay sound foundations for next year’s work. Fourth, we must raise the quality of poverty alleviation. Poverty alleviation must give consideration to both quantity and quality, but put greater focus on the latter. We cannot allow a scenario in which all localities claim that they have completed their poverty alleviation tasks on schedule but then slip back into poverty en masse a year or two down the line."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With an earsplitting bang of metal on wood, they hit the thick tree trunk and dropped to the ground with a heavy jolt. Steam was billowing from under the crumpled hood; Hedwig was shrieking in terror; a golfball-size lump was throbbing on Harry's head where he had hit the windshield; and to his right, Ron let out a low, despairing groan.\"Are you okay?\" Harry said urgently.\"My wand,\" said Ron, in a shaky voice. \"Look at my wand -\"It had snapped, almost in two; the tip was dangling limply, held on by a few splinters.Harry opened his mouth to say he was sure they'd be able to mend it up at the school, but he never even got started. At that very moment, something hit his side of the car with the force of a charging bull, sending him lurching sideways into Ron, just as an equally heavy blow hit the roof.\"What's happen -?\"Ron gasped, staring through the windshield, and Harry looked around just in time to see a branch as thick as a python smash into it. The tree they had hit was attacking them. Its trunk was bent almost double, and its gnarled boughs were pummeling every inch of the car it could reach.", "zh": "一阵金属与树木撞击的巨响，他们撞在了粗大的树干上，落到地上，车身猛地一震。变了形的引擎盖下面冒出滚滚蒸气；海德薇在惊恐地尖叫；哈利的头撞到了挡风玻璃上，鼓起一个高尔夫球那么大的肿包；罗恩在他右边绝望地低声呻吟。“你没事吧?”哈利着急地问。“我的魔杖，”罗恩声音颤抖着说，“看看我的魔杖。”它几乎断成了两截，上端搭拉下来，只有几丝木片连着。哈利刚想说到了学校一定能把它修好，可是还没有来得及说出口，什么东西撞上了他这面的车身。那股力量大得像一头猛冲的公牛，把他撞得倒向罗恩，这时车顶又被同样重重地撞了一下。“怎么回—— ?”罗恩倒吸一口冷气，盯着挡风玻璃；哈利转过头，刚好看见一条像蟒蛇那么粗的树枝撞到玻璃上。是车子撞到的那棵树在袭击他们。它的树干弯成弓状，多节的树枝狠揍着车身上它能够到的每一块地方。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Puerto Rico – a dependent territory of the US – needs major investment in its essential infrastructure to bring it at least to the level of the 50 states. After the humanitarian situation is stabilized, policymakers should focus on providing Puerto Rico with stable, reliable, and cost-effective electric power, generated primarily by renewables and distributed over a smart, resilient grid. Ensuring energy availability will be indispensable for stability and sustained economic growth. Merely propping up aging infrastructure will not be effective. Cheaper and more resilient electricity benefits everyone – from the sidewalk vendor to the most sophisticated pharmaceutical operation. And all the technology needed to provide it is available in the US today. Ironically, the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority (PREPA), the bankrupt incumbent energy provider, has been effective primarily in building its own competition. Electricity prices on the island are higher than anywhere else in the US (except Hawaii), and service is unreliable. As a result, an ever-growing number of customers have shunned PREPA’s offerings, relying instead on their own diesel-powered generators. Noel Zamot, who serves as Revitalization Coordinator under the Financial Oversight and Management Board for Puerto Rico, has suggested that a smart, resilient grid would be designed from the ground up, and would rely on distributed generation to mitigate the impact of future natural disasters or human attacks. Smaller, more agile power-generation units would be linked to a sophisticated monitoring and control system to ensure immediate startup and generation following outages.", "zh": "波多黎各是美国的独立领地，它需要大手笔基本基础设施投资才能赶上美国50州的最低水平。 在人道状况稳定下来后，决策者应该将重点放在为波多黎各提供稳定、可靠、高性价比的电力上，这些电力应该主要通过可再生资源产生，并通过可靠的小型分布式电网输送。 确保能源普及对于稳定和持续经济增长是不可或缺的。 仅仅对年代久远的基础设施进行修补无法起到效果。 更廉价、更可靠的电力将让所有人受益 — — 不管是街头小贩，还是最先进的制药公司。 而所需要的技术，今天的美国已经具备。 讽刺的是，破产的现任能源提供商波多黎各电力局（PREPA）把主要效率都用在了构建自己的竞争力方面。 波多黎各岛电价比美国其他任何地方（除夏威夷外）都要高，而服务很不可靠。 结果是越来越多的客户拒绝从PREPA购买电力，而是依靠自己的柴油发电机。 波多黎各金融监督和管理委员会复苏协调员（Revitalization Coordinator）诺伊尔·查莫特（Noel Zamot）指出，可以从零开始设计一个职能可靠的电网，该电网基于分布式发电，以减轻未来自然灾害或人为袭击的影响。 更小更灵活的发电单元接入先进的监测和控制系统，以确保发生停电事故后能立即启动发电。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“今天要去公司吗？” 想要掀开被单下床，瞥见依旧散落在地上的衣服，她的动作又忍住了。 洛易北拖长着尾音回了她一句，先是看了眼她的衣服，之后又悠悠转向了她的身上。 他在看她，目光甚至还有点饶有兴致的样子。 方池夏心里有些尴尬，可是，却不想让他看戏。 装作什么事也没地掀开被单下了床，用被单裹着自己的身体，俯身，将衣服捡起来，她以迅雷不及掩耳的速度，背对着他，唰的将衣服套在了身上。 她的动作很快，丝毫不给暧昧发酵的时间。 穿好衣服后，她转身去了浴室，“等我一下，待会我和你一起去！” 洛易北看着被她仍开的床单，眉头拧了拧，那表情似乎还有点失望的样子。 方池夏再次出来之后，先换了身出门的衣服，之后和他一起下了楼。 去公司的路上，洛易北边开着车，边和她说着话，“待会有份和R国王室的协议要签，你代我去。”", "en": "“Are you going to the company today?” Trying to lift the sheets to get out of bed, the glimpse of the clothes still scattered on the floor thwarted her movements. “Hmm.” Luo Yibei lengthened his answer. He first looked at their clothes then later lingered on her body. He looked at her, his eyes glowing with passion. Fang Chixia was quite embarrassed but she didn’t want him to know. Pretending unaffected by it, she lifted the sheet off the bed and wrapped it around her body. She then leaned down to pick up her clothes, turned her back to him and changed into them rapidly. At lightning speed, her body was dressed. Her movements were swift with not a spare time for ambiguity. After getting dressed, she turned to the bathroom. “Wait for me. I’ll go with you later!” Luo Yibei’s brows creased at the sheets she had left behind with disappointment. When Fang Chixia came out again, she has changed into another set of garments and went downstairs with him. On the way to the company, Luo Yibei spoke, “There will be a contract with the royalty of R that must be signed. Go on my behalf.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How a Democratic Counteroffensive Can Win DAVOS – We’re living at a transformational moment in history. The survival of open societies is endangered, and we face an even greater crisis: climate change, which threatens the survival of our civilization. These twin challenges have inspired me to announce the most important project of my life. As I argue in my recent book, In Defense of Open Society, in revolutionary moments, the range of possibilities is far wider than in normal times. It is easier to influence events than to understand what is going on. As a result, outcomes are unlikely to correspond to people’s expectations. This has already caused widespread disappointment, which populist politicians are exploiting for their own purposes. Open societies have not always needed defending in the determined way that they do today. Some 40 years ago, when I became engaged in what I call my political philanthropy, the wind was at our back and carried us forward. International cooperation was the prevailing creed. In some ways, it prevailed even in the crumbling and ideologically bankrupt Soviet Union – remember the Marxist slogan “workers of the world, unite”? The European Union was in the ascendant, and I considered it the embodiment of the open society. But the tide turned against open societies after the crash of 2008, because the global financial crisis constituted a failure of international cooperation. This in turn led to the rise of nationalism, the great enemy of open societies. In the middle of 2019, I still cherished the hope that there would be another reversal toward international cooperation. The European parliamentary elections produced surprisingly favorable results. Participation increased by 8% – the first uptick since the Parliament was established. More important, the silent majority spoke up in favor of greater European cooperation. By year’s end, however, my hopes were dashed. The strongest global powers, the United States, China and Russia, remained in the hands of would-be or actual dictators and the ranks of authoritarian rulers continued to grow. The fight to prevent Brexit – harmful both to Britain and the EU – ended in a crushing election victory for Brexit’s promoters. Nationalism, far from being reversed, has made further headway.", "zh": "民主反击手段的制胜之道 发自达沃斯 — — 我们正处在一个历史上的变革时刻。 开放社会的生存已是岌岌可危，同时还面临着一个更大的危机，那就是威胁着我们整个文明存续的气候变化。 而正是这两大挑战激励我在此发布本人一生中最为重大的计划。 正如我在最近出版的新书《捍卫开放社会》一书中所指出的那样，在革命性时刻所存在的可能性范围会远超正常时期。 对正在发生的事件施加影响要比理解这些事件来得更容易，而其结果往往可能跟人们的预期不一致。 这种状况已经引发了民众普遍的失望情绪，而民粹主义政客们则借机从中渔利。 开放社会并不总是像当前这样亟需捍卫。 大约四十年前，当我投身于我所谓的政治慈善事业之时，整体形势是有利于我们的。 国际合作是各方普遍遵从的原则，在某种意义上甚至通行于日趋崩溃和意识形态破产的苏联 — — 大家还记得“全世界无产者联合起来”这句马克思主义口号吗？ 那时欧洲联盟正日益壮大，而在我看来这正是开放社会的体现。 但在2008年金融危机后形势开始向着开放社会的反方向转化，因为这场危机本身就被视为国际合作失败的后果，并反过来导致了开放社会最大的敌人 — — 民族主义 — — 的兴起。 我在2019年年中时仍对国际合作状况的再次好转抱有希望。 欧洲议会选举产生了意料之外的有利结果，投票参与率增加了8 ％ — —也是自欧洲议会成立以来的首次增长。 更重要的是那些沉默的大多数人都发声赞成扩大欧洲合作。 但这些希望在年底都破灭了。 那些最强大的国家 — — 美国、中国和俄罗斯 — — 仍由潜在或事实的专制独裁者所掌控，威权统治者的势力也在不断扩大。 虽然英国脱欧让该国和欧盟两败俱伤，但反脱欧斗争却以脱欧派的压倒性大胜告终。 而民族主义非但未被逆转，反而得以进一步延伸。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But governments and businesses should aggressively cut their own emissions before investing in reductions and removals elsewhere. Any investments they make in carbon credits should complement, not replace, their emissions-reduction efforts. International credit markets can also support investments in transformative emissions-reduction and removal technologies in developing countries. Credit investments should help to protect local environments, and obtain buy-ins from affected and vulnerable communities. New models for international carbon markets that incorporate these broader objectives are starting to emerge. One such example is the LEAF (Lowering Emissions by Accelerating Forest finance) Coalition. Backed by a number of governments and companies, LEAF provides conventional carbon markets with additional demand- and supply-side guardrails, including for protecting local communities. Lastly, rigorous measurement, reporting, and tracking of emissions reduction and removal are crucial to ensure both accountability regarding commitments and real benefits to the atmosphere. Rules for crediting reduction and removal funded through international carbon markets toward buyers’ net commitments must prevent double counting. The same emissions cannot count toward the net-zero commitments of both buyers and sellers. The post-pandemic recovery presents a rare opportunity to accelerate climate action. The world can build back in a way that not only rapidly transforms and decarbonizes the global economy, but also promotes prosperity, resilience, and much greater equity.", "zh": "但政府和企业应该在投资于其他地方的减排和清除之前，积极削减自己的排放量。 他们对碳信用额的任何投资都应该补充而不是取代他们的减排努力。 国际信贷市场也可支持对发展中国家变革性减排和清除技术的投资。 信贷投资应有助于保护当地环境，并获得受影响和脆弱社区的支持。 将这些更广泛的目标纳入其中的国际碳市场新模式正开始出现。 LEAF（通过加速森林融资减少排放）联盟就是这样一个例子。 在许多政府和公司的支持下，LEAF为传统的碳市场提供了额外的需求和供应方的屏障，包括保护当地社区。 最后，为了确保有关承诺的问责和对大气的真正惠益，有必要进行严格的测量、报告以及对排放量的减少和清除进行跟踪调查。 将国际碳市场资助的减排量和清除量计入买家净排放承诺的规则必须防止重复计算。 同样的排放量不能计入买方和卖方的净零排放承诺。 疫情后的复苏为加快气候行动提供了难得的机会。 世界可以得到重建，而且重建的方式不仅可以使全球经济迅速转型和脱碳，还可以促进繁荣、灾后复原能力和更大的公平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Tanzania, researchers studying bilingual education have found that a fear of being mocked can prevent students with weaker English skills from participating in class. And in Uganda, poor high school students say the inability to pay fees, purchase uniforms, or obtain school supplies is a constant source of humiliation. To address poverty-related shame, and adequately account for the role shame plays in perpetuating poverty, a number of steps must be taken. For starters, policymakers should recognize the problem. Rather than seeing shame as an unfortunate byproduct of living in poverty, human development planners should consider how poverty undermines human dignity. The Nobel economics laureate Amartya Sen, one of the most influential voices on poverty reduction, has long argued that shame is a driver of “absolute” poverty. Taking shame seriously must be part of any poverty-reduction strategy. Moreover, shame, a lack of self-confidence, and low self-esteem can negatively impact how people view their ability to affect change, sustaining a perception of inadequacy that can be debilitating and trap them in poverty. To help people escape, human development strategies must consider how to bolster personal agency, aspiration, and self-efficacy – the belief in one’s ability to influence events that affect one’s life. Finally, policymakers must be aware that programs aimed at reducing poverty, if not properly implemented, can actually increase feelings of shame. For example, researchers working in India in 2005 found that Indian women stopped going to health clinics in order to avoid debasing treatment by health workers – to the detriment of their own wellbeing and that of their children. Women in South Africa applying for child support grants have reported similar experiences, as have food bank users in the UK. In fact, many respondents in Britain said the stigma of receiving free food was so severe that “fear” and “embarrassment” were common emotions. The issue of shame, and the need to take it more seriously in poverty-reduction policies, is slowly gaining traction. Academics who research human suffering have recognized that “recipient dignity” is a crucial component of successful poverty alleviation. For example, a 2016 review of cash transfer programs in Africa found that the absence of stress and shame enhanced confidence in recipients, leading to improved decision-making and productivity.", "zh": "在坦桑尼亚，双语教育研究者发现，害怕被愚弄让英语较差的学生不愿在上课时全身心投入。 在乌干达，贫穷的高中学生表示，付不起学费、买不起校服或得不到学习用品会带来持久的羞辱感。 要解决与贫困有关的羞耻，充分考虑羞耻在导致贫困长期化中所起的作用，需要采取一系列措施。 首先，决策者应该承认问题。 人类发展计划人员不可将羞耻视为生而贫困的不幸的副产品，而应该思考贫困是如何损害人的尊严的。 诺贝尔经济学奖得主、减贫领域最有影响力的人士之一亚马蒂亚·森（Amartya Sen）早就指出，羞耻是“绝对”贫困的推动因素。 认真对待羞耻必须成为扶贫战略的一部分。 此外，羞耻、缺乏自信和自尊心不够强会左右人们对自己影响变化的能力的看法，导致无能感难以克服，从而让人变得更弱，陷入贫困。 要帮助人们摆脱贫困，人类发展战略必须考虑如何提高人的能动性、志向和自信 — — 即相信自己拥有左右影响自己生活的事件的能力。 最后，决策者必须认识到，以减贫为目标的计划，如果实施不合理，反而可能增加羞耻感。 比如，研究者在2005年发现，印度妇女为了逃避医护人员损害她们自身和她们的孩子的福祉的羞耻性治疗而拒绝去卫生所。 申请儿童抚养补助的南非妇女也报告了类似的经历，英国的食品银行用户也是如此。 事实上，许多英国调查对象说，接受免费食物的耻辱感非常巨大，让他们无不感到“恐惧”和“尴尬 ” 。 羞耻问题，以及在减贫政策中更严肃地对待这个问题的必要性，正在缓慢迎来转机。 研究人类痛苦的学者已经承认 ， “ 接受者的尊严”是成功的扶贫的关键要素。 比如，关于非洲转移支付项目的一份2016年的评估发现，摆脱了压力和羞耻后，接受者信心有所增强，从而带来决策的改善和生产率的提高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "People with fixed-rate mortgages are also vulnerable to rate increases, though less directly. This is because if they have to move and sell their house, there may be no buyers who can afford higher interest payments, unless the home's price also falls. By contrast, sophisticated investors, such as big stock market players, are unlikely to fall prey to this trap. But homebuyers are not as savvy, so they may not see the change coming or they may fail to plan for it. As psychologists have shown, people are susceptible to \"wishful thinking bias,\" wishing away possible future problems that they would rather not think about. They may overemphasize the likelihood of economic success (\"I will be making a lot more money in a few years\") and underemphasize the commonplace problems that regularly challenge family budgets (\"I will be losing my job or getting a divorce\"). This blithe attitude is ultimately behind real estate bubbles where they are occurring. Low interest rates did not cause the bubbles. They only made it easier for people, in those areas of the world where there is a half-believable story about a fabulous future economy, to indulge their fantasies. Interest rate increases will deliver a fresh dose of reality: the interest expense of owning a home is going to claim a larger share of family budgets, a hard fact that will eventually sink into our thinking. But declines in home prices will not occur quickly when central banks begin to raise interest rates. After two years of rate increases, Australia's home price boom only recently shows signs of abating. Dominated by amateur investors, home markets do not turn on a dime. In places where home prices have been rising rapidly, the upward trend may continue or level off for a while. In most high-priced places, a real decline may not come for some time.", "zh": "办理了固定利率按揭贷款的人同样容易受利率上升的影响，只不过这种影响不那么直接罢了。 这是因为如果他们不得不搬迁并出售住房，却可能没有买家能够负担得起更高的利息，除非房价也下跌。 相比之下，如股市大户一类的久经世故的投资者就不大容易跌入这样的陷阱。 但购房者却没有那么精明，所以他们要么可能会发现不了即将到来的市场变化，要么可能会没有做好应对措施。 心理学家们指出许多人都容易罹患\"妄想偏见 \" ， 不愿设想自己所不愿考虑但却极可能发生的事。 他们可能会过度强调经济成功的可能性 （ \" 我会在未来几年赚很多钱 \" ） 但却对时时威胁家庭预算的问题考虑不足 （ \" 我会失业或离婚 \" ） 。 正是这种盲目乐观的态度造成了房地产泡沫的出现。 低银行利率并没有造成泡沫。 低利率只是让那些生活在经济前景仿佛一片光明的地区的人们更容易沉浸在他们的幻想之中。 利率的上升会让他们面对现实：购房的贷款利息将会占家庭预算的更大一部分，这是我们最终必须面对的严峻现实。 但房价下跌不会在各国央行开始调高利率之后很快出现。 在利率上升的两年之后，澳大利亚住房价格上涨的趋势才出现缓和迹象。 在业余投资者的主导下，房屋市场对利率变化并不敏感。 在房价上涨过快的地方，这种上升趋势会在一段时间内保持或趋缓。 在大多数高房价地区，真正的房价下跌可能要在相当一段时间之后才会出现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, many of the critics seem to believe that Germany’s trade balance can be systematically manipulated with the exchange rate. But, owing to the integration of global value chains, industrial exports now comprise many imported inputs, which means that the effect of exchange-rate movements on domestic prices and the trade balance has decreased substantially over time. In fact, Germany’s bilateral trade surplus with the US has barely changed, despite substantial swings in the euro-dollar exchange rate – which was as high as €1:$1.60 in 2011, and as low as €1:$1.04 more recently. Germany owes its export success not to currency manipulation, but to its strong market position and the pricing power of its highly specialized manufacturing champions. A second fallacy is the belief that politicians and central banks can actually set exchange rates. In most advanced economies, the exchange rate cannot simply be decreed; rather, it is endogenously determined by the underlying real economy and the state of the financial system. Currency markets are too deep for direct intervention to be worth the risk, as the Swiss National Bank discovered a few years ago when it tried to stem the franc’s appreciation. The US Treasury abandoned currency-market interventions in the 1990s; and the European Central Bank has tried to intervene only once, very briefly in 2000. Accusations that the US Federal Reserve and the ECB have pursued unconventional policy measures to weaken their respective currencies miss the fact that exchange-rate movements have only a limited, short-lived effect on domestic inflation, exports, and growth. Both central banks are guided by their mandates, not by an implicit or explicit exchange-rate objective. A third fallacy – which one often encounters on the German side of the debate – is the belief that a country’s current-account balance reflects the competitiveness of its exports. In reality, a country’s external balance is determined by its preferences and its intertemporal saving and investment decisions. Fundamentals such as Germany’s demographics alone probably account for only about three percentage points – or one-third – of its current-account surplus. As these three fallacies show, the debate over Germany’s external surplus should not be about the euro exchange rate or German exports. The euro is not too weak, and German exports are not too high.", "zh": "首先，许多批评者似乎认为德国的贸易平衡可以通过汇率来系统性地操纵。 但是，在全球价值链大融合的背景下，如今的工业出口包含了许多进口投入，这意味着汇率波动对国内价格和贸易平衡的影响随时间大幅下降。 事实上，德国对美国的双边贸易盈余几乎保持不变，而欧元-美元汇率大幅波动 — — 2011年攀高至1欧元兑1.6美元，最近又下跌到1欧元兑1.04美元。 德国的出口成功不是来自货币操纵，而是来自其强势市场地位及其高度专业化的制造冠军的定价实力。 第二个漏洞是认为政客和央行真的可以决定汇率。 在大部分发达经济体，汇率根本无法规定；而是由基础实体经济和金融系统的状态内生确定。 货币市场过于深化，进行直接干预带来的风险太大，瑞士国民银行几年前试图阻止瑞郎升值，结果教训惨痛。 美国财政部在20世纪90年代放弃了货币市场干预；欧洲央行只在2000年短暂地尝试过一次货币市场干预。 指责美联储和欧洲央行采取非常规政策手段让各自的货币贬值没有认识到一个事实：汇率波动对于国内通胀、出口和增长只具有有限的、短期的效应。 两家央行都需要根据各自的使命行事，而不是根据间接或直接的货币目标行事。 第三个漏洞常见于争论的德国一方，这个漏洞认为，一国的经常项目平衡反映了其出口品的竞争力。 在现实中，一国的外部平衡由其偏好和其跨期储蓄和投资决策决定。 光凭德国人口状况等基本面或许只能解释三个百分点（或三分之一）的经常项目盈余。 这些漏洞表明，关于德国的外部盈余的争论不应该是关于欧元汇率或德国出口的。 欧元没有过低，德国出口也没有过高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Once Putin finds the right pressure points, he will escalate further – aiming to cut off Ukraine’s supply of weapons and financial support. The right response from Europe in this situation would be three-pronged. First, the EU should embrace a pan-European strategy that implements all possible energy efficiency measures immediately, along with a concerted program of investment in renewables. It would be straightforward for the EU to persuade debt markets that there needs to be a major switch in energy sources over the next 5-10 years, and the benefits would extend well beyond Europe. Europeans should think of the jobs that would be created, and the technology that could be improved by some of the world’s most innovative people, if the appropriate level and type of resources were committed in an integrated fashion. The second prong is to adopt properly and implement fully the proposed G7 price cap on oil – and to extend the same principle to coal. In both cases, EU ships and financial services are essential to Russian exports. Under the proposed scheme, these exports can continue to use Western services, but only if the price paid to Russia is lower than the world price. The last prong concerns how much “lower than the world price” the cap should be. Every time Putin escalates, the cap should be cut. For example, if the G7 was previously considering a cap of $50, the Nord Stream attacks should lower this to $45, and the quadruple “annexation” should push this down further, perhaps to $35.", "zh": "一旦普京找到合适的压力点，他将进一步升级 — — 旨在切断乌克兰的武器供应和金融支持。 在这种情况下，欧洲的正确应对是三管齐下。 首先，欧盟应该采取一项泛欧战略，立即实施所有可能的能源效率措施，同时制定一致的可再生能源投资计划。 欧盟可以直截了当地说服债务市场，在未来 5-10 年内需要对能源进行重大转变，其好处将远远超出欧洲。 如果齐心协力提供适当水平和类型的资源，欧洲人可以畅想由此创造的就业机会，以及由世界最具创新精神的人改进的技术。 第二个方面是适当采纳并充分实施 G7 石油价格上线提案 — — 并将同样的原则扩展到煤炭。 对于这两种能源，欧盟船舶和金融服务对俄罗斯的出口至关重要。 根据提案，这些出口可以继续使用西方服务，但前提是支付给俄罗斯的价格低于世界价格。 最后一个方面是上限应该“低于世界价格”多少。 每次普京升级，上限都应该被削减。 例如，如果 G7 之前考虑将上限设为 50 美元，那么攻击北溪应将其降至 45 美元，而四重“吞并”应将其进一步推低，比如到35 美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When bicycle travel reaches a critical mass, drivers are more aware, and policymakers are compelled to provide the proper infrastructure. Such awareness can also be legislated. In 2014, Queensland, Australia, passed an ordinance requiring motorists to keep at least one meter between themselves and cyclists whom they are passing; and at speeds above 60 kilometers (37 miles) per hour, the required distance increases to 1.5 meters. Within a couple of years, the new rule reduced cycling-related traffic fatalities by 35%, while halving collisions requiring hospitalization. Several cities across North America have since adopted similar rules. Moreover, contrary to the usual complaints from politicians, protected bicycle lanes are not a budgetary or economic burden. By reducing traffic jams, infrastructure that encourages cycling can yield impressive economic dividends. In Israel, a recent report from the Ministry of Environmental Protection finds that Israeli car drivers spend an average of 40 minutes per day sitting in traffic. And, owing to the rapid growth in population and car ownership rates, this daily dead time is expected to increase to 90 minutes by 2030, implying tens of billions of dollars in lost output per year. Given that people who must sit through daily traffic jams are prone to higher rates of depression and even domestic violence (in the case of men), it stands to reason that more commuters would readily adopt an alternative if they could. Finally, scooters and electric cycles have a crucial role to play in combating climate change.", "zh": "当自行车出行达到临界数量时，会进一步引发驾驶者的关注，而决策者也将被迫提供相应的基础设施供他们使用。 这样的关注也可以通过立法来获得。 2014年，澳大利亚昆士兰州通过了一项法令，要求驾车出行者距路过骑行者的距离至少保持在一米以上；当车速超过每小时60公里（合37英里）时，所规定的距离增加到1.5米。 短短几年内，新规将自行车相关交通死亡率降低了35 % ， 同时实现了将需住院救治的碰撞事故降低近半数。 此后，北美几座城市都采纳了类似的规则。 此外，与政客们通常的抱怨恰恰相反，受保护的自行车道并没有造成预算或者经济负担。 通过减少交通堵塞，鼓励自行车出行的基础设施可以带来可观的经济回报。 在以色列，环境部最近一份报告发现，以色列汽车司机平均每天在交通拥堵中耗时40分钟。 而且由于人口和汽车拥有率的快速增长，上述日损耗时间截止2030年将达到每天90分钟，这意味着每年损失产值高达数百亿美元以上。 鉴于每天被迫忍受交通堵塞的人更容易患上抑郁症甚至家庭暴力（对于男性而言 ） ， 因此，在可能的情况下，认为会有更多通勤人员愿意采用替代方案是合理的预估。 最后，滑板车和电动自行车在应对气候变化方面会发挥关键的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "重大成套设备制造，主要包括矿山机械制造、石油钻采专用设备制造、深海石油钻探设备制造、建筑材料生产专用机械制造、冶金专用设备制造、炼油、化工生产专用设备制造、橡胶加工专用设备制造、塑料加工专用设备制造、木竹材加工机械制造、食品、酒、饮料及茶生产专用设备制造、印刷专用设备制造、纺织专用设备制造、其他电子专用设备制造、拖拉机制造、其他专用设备制造等。冶金专用设备制造，主要包括精整成套装备（具有特种参数在线检测、自适应控制、高精度运动控制等功能）。炼油、化工生产专用设备制造，主要包括炼油成套装置智能控制系统、化工成套装置智能控制系统、百万吨级大型乙烯装置（具有在线检测、优化控制、功能安全等功能）、千万吨大型炼油装置（具有在线检测、优化控制、功能安全等功能）、多联产煤化工装备（具有在线检测、优化控制、功能安全等功能）、合成橡胶及塑料生产装置（具有在线检测、优化控制、功能安全等功能）。", "en": "Major complete equipment manufacturing includes mining machinery manufacturing, petroleum drilling and mining equipment manufacturing, deep-sea petroleum drilling equipment manufacturing, specialized machinery manufacturing for building materials production, metallurgical specialized equipment manufacturing, specialized equipment manufacturing for oil refining and chemical production, specialized equipment manufacturing for rubber processing, specialized equipment manufacturing for plastic processing, wood and bamboo processing machinery manufacturing, specialized equipment manufacturing for food, alcohol, beverage, and tea production, specialized equipment manufacturing for printing, specialized equipment manufacturing for textiles, other specialized electronic equipment manufacturing, tractor manufacturing, and other specialized equipment manufacturing. Metallurgical specialized equipment manufacturing mainly includes precision complete equipment (with functions such as special parameter online detection, adaptive control, and high-precision motion control). Specialized equipment manufacturing for oil refining and chemical production mainly includes intelligent control systems for complete oil refining units, intelligent control systems for complete chemical units, million-ton-scale large ethylene units (with functions such as online detection, optimization control, and functional safety), ten-million-ton-scale large oil refining units (with functions such as online detection, optimization control, and functional safety), multi-coal chemical production equipment (with functions such as online detection, optimization control, and functional safety), and synthetic rubber and plastic production units (with functions such as online detection, optimization control, and functional safety)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After all, no politician would wish to go down in history as being responsible for pushing the country back into recession at a time when unemployment is already too high, income and wealth inequalities are increasing, and a record number of Americans live in relative poverty. Yet, so far, the threat has not worked. To understand why, we can appeal to game theory, which provides economists and others a powerful framework with which to explain the dynamics of both simple and complex interactions. The objective of threatening a fiscal cliff was to force a “cooperative outcome” on an increasingly “non-cooperative game.” But, in the absence of a credible enforcer (and lacking sufficient mutual assurances), participants felt that they had more to gain from continuing their non-cooperative behavior. Politicians on both sides of America’s political divide have generally felt that compromise would be viewed as a sign of weakness. Moreover, too many have made prior commitments – for example, promising never to increase taxes – that they find hard to break, especially ahead of elections that both sides deem to be of defining significance for the country’s future, reflected in the candidates’ campaigns, which are getting nastier by the day. The cost-benefit calculations will likely evolve after the election in November. At that point, the cost of being singled out as collaborating with members of the other side – and thus the risk of being unseated by more extreme forces in one’s party – may well decline.", "zh": "毕竟，没有政客愿意在历史上留下在失业仍然高企、收入和财富不平等性不断加剧、创纪录的美国家庭陷入相对贫困时让经济重新打回衰退的名声。 但是，到目前为止，这一威胁并未奏效。 为了理解其中的原因，我们可以用博弈论来分析。 博弈论给了经济学家和其他人强大的框架以解释简单或复杂互动动态。 财政悬崖威胁的目的是迫使一个越来越“非合作”的博弈出现“合作结果 ” 。 但是，由于缺少可信的强制者（以及充分的共同保证 ） ， 政客会认为继续非合作行为对他们更有利。 总的来说，美国政治分歧双方的政客都认为妥协无异于示弱。 此外，太多政客此前已经做出了承诺 — — 比如永不增税 — — 而食言是个艰难的决定，特别是在双方都认为会对美国的未来形成重大影响的大选临近之际，只可以从候选人的日益激烈的竞选口号中一窥端倪。 成本-收益计算或许会在11月大选之后发生。 那时，因与对方成员勾结而被孤立而可能被本党极端势力驱逐的成本会大大下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Return of the Finance Threat? CAMBRIDGE – After the 2008 global financial crisis, governments and central banks in advanced economies vowed that they would never again let the banking system hold policy hostage, let alone threaten economic and social well-being. Thirteen years later, they have only partly fulfilled this pledge. Another part of finance now risks spoiling what could be – in fact, must be – a durable, inclusive, and sustainable recovery from the horrid COVID-19 shock. The story of the 2008 crisis has been told many times. Dazzled by how financial innovations, including securitization, enabled the slicing and dicing of risk, the public sector stepped back to give finance more room to work its magic. Some countries went even further than adopting a “light-touch” approach to bank regulation and supervision, and competed hard to become bigger global banking centers, irrespective of the size of their real economies. Unnoticed in all this was that finance was in the grip of a dangerous overshoot dynamic previously evident with other major innovations such as the steam engine and fiber optics. In each case, easy and cheap access to activities that previously had been largely off-limits fueled an exuberant first round of overproduction and overconsumption. Sure enough, Wall Street’s credit and leverage factories went into overdrive, flooding the housing market and other sectors with new financial products that had few safeguards.", "zh": "金融威胁卷土重来？ 发自剑桥—在经历了2008年全球金融危机后，各发达经济体政府和中央银行纷纷发誓再不会让政策被银行系统绑架，更不会让其威胁到经济和社会的福祉。 13年过去了，它们却只是部分兑现了这一承诺。 如今金融界的余下那部分很可能会破坏本应 — — 事实上是必须 — — 令我们摆脱可怕新冠疫情冲击的持久、包容和可持续复苏。 关于2008年危机的故事已是老生常谈。 当时公共部门被金融创新（包括证券化在内）将风险化整为零的手法搞得晕头转向，只能退一步给金融让出更大空间去施展其魔力。 一些国家甚至进一步在银行监管方面采取了“轻触式”做法，并在无视自身实际经济规模的情况下奋力竞逐全球银行业中心地位。 但人们并未注意到金融业正处于一个危险的超调态势之中 — — 此前诸如蒸汽机和光纤等其他重大创新也出现过这种状况，每当人们可以轻易且廉价地实现某些以往基本无法完成的活动，就必定会首先助长一轮旺盛的过度生产和消费。 果不其然，华尔街的信贷和杠杆工厂开始超速运转起来，一时间住房市场和其他行业都充斥着它们那些几乎毫无保障措施的新金融产品。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "任洪强，1964年5月生，河北保定人，2003年起任南京大学教授，现任南京大学环境学院院长、南京大学宜兴环保研究院院长。 长期从事工业废水、工业园区水污染防治方向的应用基础研究、新技术研发和工程实践，承担多项国家863、科技支撑及省部重大/重点科技项目，在生物处理强化理论、技术和装备方面取得了系统创新成果，开拓了我国复杂废水生物处理增效调控技术与工程应用研究新领域，在化工、制药、印染及其园区废水处理达标排放、增效提标、再生回用工程实践中做出重要贡献。", "en": "Hongqiang Ren, born in May 1964 of Baoding Hebei province ancestry. Since 2003, he has been a professor of Nanjing University and currently serves as the Dean of the School of Environment of Nanjing University and the Dean of the Yixing Environmental Protection Research Institute of Nanjing University. He has long been engaged in applied basic research, new technology research and development, and engineering practice in the fields of industrial wastewater and water pollution prevention in industrial parks. And he has undertaken a number of national 863 Program, Science and Technology Support and other provincial and ministerial major/key science and technology projects, achieved systematic innovations in biological treatment enhancement theory, technology and equipment, opened up a new field of research on China's complex wastewater biological treatment synergistic control technology and engineering application, and made important contributions to the engineering practice of wastewater treatment in the chemical industry, pharmacy, printing and dyeing."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Exit Latin America’s Left BOGOTA – The crushing defeat of the long-ruling Chavista government in Venezuela’s recent parliamentary election, together with the end of 12 years of Peronist rule in Argentina, mark the end of a cycle of left-wing hegemony in much of Latin America. But this is not a political watershed marking the renewal of ideological confrontation. Rather, it is a measured transition toward political pragmatism. And it is very good news. Perhaps the best evidence that this is not an ideologically-driven sea change is to be found in what triggered it: an economic downturn. For over a decade, the region relied on “Socialism of the Twenty-First Century,” which Venezuela’s late president, Hugo Chávez, used to galvanize groupings like the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) and Petrocaribe, an oil alliance including Caribbean states and Venezuela. But economic collapse, hyperinflation, and food shortages have destroyed faith in that system. It should be noted that the very same factors, largely the result of unforgiving global conditions, enabled Latin America’s leftist parties to win and consolidate power by blaming the market-oriented policies that preceded them. Brazilians elected Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to the presidency in 2002, and Argentinians chose Néstor Kirchner in 2003. Financial meltdown restored the Institutional Revolutionary Party to power in Mexico in 2012, and Michelle Bachelet’s leftist Nueva Mayoría party won in Chile in 2013.", "zh": "离开拉丁美洲左派 波哥大—长期执政的查韦斯主义政府在最近的委内瑞拉议会选举中遭遇惨败，执政12年的阿根廷庇隆主义统治亦然，这标志着拉美多国左翼霸权周期的结束。 但这并非标志意识形态冲突复萌的政治分水岭。 相反，这是一场转向政治务实主义的克制的转型。 只是极好的消息。 也许证明这并非是一场意识形态驱动的剧变的最佳证据便是其触发因素：经济衰退。 十多年来，该地区依靠“二十一世纪社会主义 ” ， 已故的委内瑞拉总统查韦斯以此激励玻利维亚美洲人民联盟（Alliance for the Peoples of Our America，ALBA）和包括加勒比国家和委内瑞拉在内的石油联盟（Petrocaribe）等组织。 但经济崩溃、恶性通胀和食物短缺摧毁了对这套制度的信念。 应该指出，同样的因素 — — 主要是恶劣的全球环境所致 — — 让拉美左翼政党通过抨击前任的市场导向政策赢得和巩固了权力。 2002年，巴西人选择了总统卢拉；2001年，阿根廷人选择了内斯托尔·基什内尔。 2012年，金融崩溃让墨西哥制度革命党（Institutional Revolutionary Party）重新掌权，2013年，米歇尔·巴切莱特的左翼政党新多数党（Nueva Mayoría）在智利获胜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The key to success would be to allow North Korea to take advantage of its relatively abundant human and natural resources, including rich mineral reserves, to achieve export-led industrialization. As for South Korea, with sufficient preparation, effective policies, and more financial resources, it can manage a peaceful reunification and mitigate the adverse effects of the shock. By contrast, in a scenario where South Korea is unprepared for reunification and the North quickly dissolves in a state of disorder, the risk premium on the Korean Peninsula would jump sharply, and reforms would be delayed. This would lead to persistently weakened investment and GDP growth across the Korean Peninsula, causing South Korea’s GDP to decline by more than 3% in the initial years of the crisis. Inflows of migrants from the North would compound the risks, potentially disrupting South Korean labor markets and causing social unrest. For now, the international community, including China, should continue to push for North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons and pursue economic reforms, using ever-stronger economic sanctions. Meanwhile, South Korea must continue its efforts to resume a dialogue with the North on humanitarian, health, and environmental issues. Civilian exchanges and information flows could nurture forces that would bring about fundamental change from the inside. Even after 70 years of division, South Koreans must not give up hope for peaceful reunification with our northern brethren. On the contrary, we must plan for it.", "zh": "成功的关键是让朝鲜利用其相对充足的人力和自然资源，包括丰富的矿藏，实现出口拉动型工业化。 至于韩国，如能做好充分的准备，制定有效的政策，获得更多的金融资源，就能够管理好和平统一，减小冲击的消极影响。 相反，如果韩国没有为统一做好准备，而朝鲜在无序状态下迅速解体，朝鲜半岛的风险升水将急剧上升，改革有可能被拖延。 这将导致整个朝鲜半岛投资和GDP增长持续萎靡，韩国GDP在危机的最初几年将收缩超过3 % 。 朝鲜移民的大量涌入将加剧风险，有可能干扰韩国劳动力市场、导致社会动荡。 目前，包括中国在内的国际社会应该利用不断加强的经济制裁，继续致力于推动朝鲜放弃核武器、采取经济改革。 与此同时，韩国韩国必须继续努力重启与朝鲜进行人道、卫生和环境问题的对话。 民间交流和信息流动有助于培养从内部发生根本性变化的力量。 在分裂了70年后，韩国人仍然不可放弃与我们的北方同胞和平统一的希望，相反，我们必须充满希望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Contrary to the prevailing perception in the West (especially among business leaders), the current Chinese government is riddled with clever apparatchiks like Bo who have acquired their positions through cheating, corruption, patronage, and manipulation. One of the most obvious signs of systemic cheating is that many Chinese officials use fake or dubiously acquired academic credentials to burnish their resumes. Because educational attainment is considered a measure of merit, officials scramble to obtain advanced degrees in order to gain an advantage in the competition for power. The overwhelming majority of these officials end up receiving doctorates (a master’s degree won’t do anymore in this political arms race) granted through part-time programs or in the Communist Party’s training schools. Of the 250 members of provincial Communist Party standing committees, an elite group including party chiefs and governors, 60 claim to have earned PhDs. Tellingly, only ten of them completed their doctoral studies before becoming government officials. The rest received their doctorates (mostly in economics, management, law, and industrial engineering) through part-time programs while performing their duties as busy government officials. One managed to complete his degree in a mere 21 months, an improbable feat, given that course work alone, without the dissertation, normally requires at least two years in most countries’ doctoral programs. If so many senior Chinese officials openly flaunt fraudulent or dubious academic degrees without consequences, one can imagine how widespread other forms of corruption must be. Another common measure used to judge a Chinese official’s “merit” is his ability to deliver economic growth. On the surface, this may appear to be an objective yardstick. In reality, GDP growth is as malleable as an official’s academic credentials. Inflating local growth numbers is so endemic that reported provincial GDP growth data, when added up, are always higher than the national growth data, a mathematical impossibility. And, even when they do not doctor the numbers, local officials can game the system in another way.", "zh": "与当前流行于西方（尤其是商界领袖之间）的观念恰恰相反，当前的中国政府中充斥着像薄熙来这样机灵的官僚，而他们之所以能占据这些位置，就是通过撒谎，腐败，送礼以及捏造事实。 而其中一个最明显的系统性欺骗行为，就是许多中国官员都利用假冒或者循不正常途径取得的学历文凭来粉饰自己的简历。 由于教育成就被认为是一项加分条件，因此官员们都争相获取更高学位以便在未来的权力斗争中占得先机。 其中大部分官员最终都通过业余学习或者党校拿到了博士学位（硕士学位在这场政治军备竞赛中已经起不到任何作用了 ） 。 在拥有250名成员的中国共产党中央委员会（这是一个包含中共首脑和地方省市大员的精英团体）中，有60人声称自己拥有博士学位。 没错，只有其中10人是在成为官员前获得博士学位的。 其他人则是通过在繁重的政府本职工作之余参加业余学习获得的学位（大部分都是经济，管理，法律和工业工程类 ） 。 其中一位仅仅用了21个月就拿到了学位，这简直是一个不太可能实现的成就，因为在大多数国家的博士项目中，不算学位论文，单就课程来说就得花费两年。 如果那么多的中国高级官员都能公然捞取可疑的文凭且无需承担任何后果，可想而知其他形式的腐败该有多么广泛。 另一个用来判断一名中国官员所具备的“长处”的评估手段就是此人推动经济增长的能力。 表面上看，这似乎是一个客观的尺度。 但在现实中，GDP增长就跟官员的学历一样可供捏造。 夸大本地经济增长数字的做法是如此流行，以致把这些数字加起来往往会高于国家总体增长数字 — — 这在数学上显然是行不通的。 而即便他们没有对数字做手脚，地方官员也可以用另一种方式来钻系统的空子。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And Turkey wanted Assad gone to extend its strategic reach and stabilize its southern border. The humanitarian community joined the regime-change chorus when Assad responded to Arab Spring protesters’ demand for political liberalization by unleashing the army and paramilitaries. From March to August 2011, Assad’s forces killed around 2,000 people. At that point, Obama declared that Assad must “step aside.” We don’t know the full extent of US actions in Syria after that. On the diplomatic level, the US organized the “Friends of Syria,” mainly Western countries and Middle East allies committed to Assad’s overthrow. The CIA began to work covertly with Turkey to channel arms, financing, and non-lethal support to the so-called “Free Syrian Army” and other insurgent groups operating to topple Assad. The results have been an unmitigated disaster. While roughly 500 people per month were killed from March to August 2011, some 100,000 civilians – around 3,200 per month – died between September 2011 and April 2015, with the total number of dead, including combatants, reaching perhaps 310,000, or 10,000 per month. And, with the Islamic State and other brutal extremist groups capitalizing on the anarchy created by the civil war, the prospect of peace is more distant than ever. Military intervention led or backed by the US in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya has produced similar debacles. Toppling a regime is one thing; replacing it with a stable and legitimate government is quite another. If the US wants better results, it should stop going it alone. The US cannot impose its will unilaterally, and trying to do so has merely arrayed other powerful countries, including China and Russia, against it. Like the US, Russia has a strong interest in stability in Syria and in defeating the Islamic State; but it has no interest in allowing the US to install its choice of regimes in Syria or elsewhere in the region. That is why all efforts by the UN Security Council to forge a common position on Syria have so far foundered. But the UN route can and must be tried again. The nuclear pact between Iran and the Security Council’s five permanent members (the US, China, France, Russia, and the UK) plus Germany, has just provided a powerful demonstration of the Council’s capacity to lead.", "zh": "土耳其希望巴沙尔倒台能扩大它的战略接触面、稳定其南部边界。 巴沙尔面对阿拉伯之春暴动者要求解散军队和预备役以实现政治自由化的要求的应对方法让人权组织也加入了颠覆政权阵营。 2011年3月至8月，巴沙尔的军队杀害了约2,000 人。 此时，奥巴马宣布巴沙尔必须“下台 ” 。 我们不知道此后美国在叙利亚行动的全貌。 在外交层面，美国组织了“叙利亚之友 ” ， 成员主要是决心颠覆巴沙尔政权的西方国家和中东盟友。 中央情报局开始与土耳其秘密合作向所谓的“自由叙利亚军”和其他以颠覆巴沙尔为目标的叛军集团输送军备、资金和非致命支持。 结果是彻头彻尾的灾难。 2011年3月至8月，每个月只有大约500人被杀，而2011年9月至2015年4月有大约100,000平民死亡 — — 也就是每个月3,200人，而总死亡人数（包括战斗人员）也许高达310,000，或每个月10,000人。 此外，伊斯兰国和其他残暴极端组织也开始利用内战所造成的无序，和平的希望更加渺茫了。 美国领导或支持的阿富汗、伊拉克和利比亚军事干预也造成了类似的结果。 颠覆一个政权是一回事；用一个稳定合法的政府取而代之是完全不同的另一回事。 如果美国想要获得更好的结果，就不能一意孤行。 美国不能单方面强加自己的意志，这样做只能让其他有实力的国家（包括中国和俄罗斯）一起反对它。 与美国一样，叙利亚的稳定和打击伊斯兰国对俄罗斯的安全也具有重大意义；但允许美国在叙利亚和该地区其他地方渗透自己的选择不符合俄罗斯的利益。 正因如此，目前联合国安理会所有试图形成叙利亚问题共同立场的努力都以失败告终。 但仍必须再次尝试联合国这条路。 伊朗和联合国五大常任理事国（美中法俄英）加德国所形成的核协议有力地证明，安理会具备领导力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "His first executive order cited the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the US as a justification for banning refugees and immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen, despite the absence of evidence that citizens of any of these countries, much less refugees, carried out the attacks. Subsequent iterations of the ban continued to cite terrorism as a rationale. In practice, however, the Trump administration has merely blocked family members from joining loved ones in the US, and reduced admissions of vulnerable refugees to historically low levels. The tension between Trump’s belated embrace of Uighur rights and his all-too-evident dislike of Muslims (unless they are Saudi princes) raises the deeper question of who the ultimate audience is for America’s – or any country’s – foreign policy. Ordinary Muslims can have no doubt about how Trump feels about them, no matter what he might say to their governments. They only have to follow his Twitter feed or watch his press conferences. Trump is the first US president to disdain normal processes for crafting and vetting official statements, preferring instead to engage directly with US voters and citizens of other countries via social media. But although he has mobilized a large constituency, he has also succeeded in alienating large segments of the public in America and elsewhere. His denigration of entire populations – such as calling Mexicans rapists or Muslims terrorists – resonate louder and longer than any official statements issued by the White House or the US State Department.", "zh": "他的第一份行政令引用 2001年9月11日的美国恐怖袭击论证禁止伊朗、伊拉克、利比亚、索马里、苏丹、叙利亚和也门难民和移民进入美国的合理性，尽管并无证据表明这些国家的任何公民（更不用说难民）实施了袭击。 后续几次禁令修订继续将恐怖主义作为理由。 但在实践中，特朗普政府仅仅是阻止家人与他们所爱的人在美国相聚，将脆弱的难民的入境许可数量降到了历史性低水平。 特朗普关注维吾尔族权利那么晚，对穆斯林的厌恶那么明显（沙特王子们除外 ） ， 这其中的关联让人更加质疑谁才是美国 — — 或任何国家 — — 外交政策的最终受众。 普通穆斯林对于特朗普对他们的感觉毫无疑问，不管他对他们的政府说了什么。 他们只需要关注他的推特或看看他的新闻发布会即可。 特朗普是美国第一个藐视起草和审查官方陈述程序的美国总统，相反，他喜欢通过社交媒体直接参与到美国选民和其他国家的公民中去。 但是，这固然让他能够动员位数庞大的选民，但同时也成功地疏远了美国和其他国家的大量民众。 他诋毁全体人民 — — 比如将墨西哥人称为强奸犯，将穆斯林称为恐怖分子 — — 所引起的反响要比白宫或美国国务院所发布的官方陈述大得多，也持久得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Instead, the US has become dependent on China and other countries for basic manufactured goods, including drugs and medical equipment. Most US job creation over the last three decades has been in low-wage positions with few or no benefits. Similarly, in the 2000s, America’s financial elites claimed that the “Great Moderation” in global macroeconomic volatility represented a permanent “new normal.” But it turned out to be dependent on asset bubbles that burst, causing the 2008 global financial crisis and the subsequent Great Recession. And US interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Libya produced only outright failures or continuing quagmires. Many of the architects of these colossal disasters have gone on to establish lucrative careers as respected experts. Few have suffered financial or reputational losses. When a national establishment fails so often and at such cost, and when mainstream media sources remain complicit in those failures, no one should be surprised if citizens look to alternative media sources, including crazy ones, or turn to outsider politicians, including narcissistic demagogues like Trump. Americans must be on their guard to prevent corrupt politicians’ illegal and immoral attempts to alter electoral results. But the real long-term threat to American democracy is the lack of popular trust in conventional politicians whose policies have repeatedly failed. And for that lack of public trust, American elites have nobody to blame but themselves.", "zh": "恰恰相反，美国在药品和医疗设备等基础制成品等领域越来越依赖中国和其他国家。 过去30年来，美国所创造的绝大多数工作都是低薪岗位，其中几乎或根本不包含任何福利内容。 同样，在21世纪，美国的金融精英们声称，全球宏观经济波动的“大缓和”代表了一种永久性的“新常态 。 ” 但事实证明，这种新常态依赖于注定破灭的资产泡沫，导致2008年全球金融危机和之后的大衰退。 而美国对阿富汗、伊拉克、叙利亚和利比亚的军事干预只会带来彻底的失败或致使美国陷入持续的沼泽。 上述巨大灾难的众多始作俑者已经成为了受人尊敬的专家并由此获得了报酬丰厚的职务。 因此而遭受财务或名誉损失的却少之又少。 当国家体制如此频繁地以如此高的代价陷入失败时，当主流媒体资源继续扮演上述失败的同谋时，如果民众转而相信包括疯狂、像特朗普这样自恋且颇具煽动性的外部政客，那么没有人应当为此感到惊讶。 美国人必须保持警惕，防止腐败政客改变选举结果的非法和不道德企图。 但美国民主所面临的真正长期威胁却是对政策一再失败的传统政客民众信任的缺乏。 说到缺乏公众信任，美国精英们除了自己没有其他人可以指责。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Dawn, Pakistan’s largest-circulation English-language newspaper, reported that Hakimullah Mehsud, the Pakistani Taliban’s leader, had ordered his foot soldiers to target media organizations in Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi, and Islamabad in response. Several TV channels had been extremely critical of the Taliban’s assaults on Pakistani society. The extremists wanted to silence the majority that was waking up to the existential threat that radical Islam poses to their country. There is a widespread belief that Pakistani women are doing poorly when it comes to obtaining education. That impression is correct to some extent. The overall literacy rate for women is undoubtedly low – much lower than that for men. But male education and literacy in Pakistan is not very high, either. Although Pakistan is a signatory to the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, which include attainment of universal literacy for both boys and girls by 2015, the country is far from achieving the target, with literacy rates of 70% for boys and only 45% for girls in 2010. That said, over the 17-year period from 1993 to 2010, the number of girls enrolled in primary education increased from 3.7 million to 8.3 million. This implies a rate of growth of 6.7% a year, about 2.5 times the rate of increase in the number of girls entering the primary-school age cohort. But, even with this growth rate, girls still accounted for just 44.3% of the total number of enrolled students in 2010. It is in higher education that Pakistani women have made extraordinary progress in recent years. Their share of total college enrollment has increased from 36% to 57% over the last couple of decades, rising from less than 15,000 in 1993 to 436,000 in 2010. The proportion of women receiving higher education is approaching the 60% mark, owing to an impressive 28% annual rate of growth in their enrollment numbers in 2010, up from a 20% increase in 1993. Although a very large number of girls drop out after primary school, the number completing higher education is now large. This year, roughly 750,000 women will graduate from Pakistan’s institutions of higher learning. If the current rate of growth is maintained, by 2015 the number of women completing higher education could exceed 1.5 million a year.", "zh": "巴基斯坦发行量最大的英语报纸《黎明 》 （ Dawn）报道，巴基斯坦塔利班领袖马哈苏德（Hakimullah Mehsud）已要求其步兵将目标对准卡拉奇、拉合尔、拉瓦尔品第（Rawalpindi）和伊斯兰堡的媒体组织作为应对措施。 不少电视台严厉地抨击塔里本对巴基斯坦社会造成的伤害。 极端主义者想要堵住逐渐明白极端伊斯兰教对国家造成的威胁的大多数人的口。 一个广为流传的观念是巴基斯坦女性在教育方面表现不佳。 这一印象在某种程度上是正确的。 毫无疑问，女性识字率很低，比男性低得多。 但巴基斯坦男性受教育率和识字率也并不是很高。 尽管巴基斯坦是联合国千年发展目标的签署国（其中包括在2015年前让所有男孩和女孩识字的目标 ） ， 但该国距离达成目标还差得很远，2010年男孩识字率为70 % ， 女孩更是只有45 % 。 在1993—2010年的17年中，入读小学的女孩数量从370万人增加至830万人。 这意味着每年7.6%的增幅，大约是进入小学就读年龄段女孩人数增长率的2.5倍。 但是，尽管入学率增加迅速，但在2010年，女孩仍只占入学学生总数的44.3 % 。 近几年来，巴基斯坦女性教育所取得的最大进步在高等教育。 在过去十几年中，女生在大学生中的比例从36%增至57 % ， 从1993年的不到15000人增加到2010年的436000人。 接受高等教育的女性比例正在接近60%大关，2010年女大学生入学率增加28 % ， 1993年增长率为20 % 。 尽管大量女生在小学毕业后就会辍学，但完成高等教育的女生数量如今已经颇为庞大。 今年大约会有75万女大学生从巴基斯坦高等教育机构毕业。 如果当前增长率可以维持下去，那么到2015年，完成高等教育的女生数量将超过每年150万。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 2000, Al Gore, was unable to make up his mind about which role he wished to play in his debates with George W. Bush, so he looked shifty and inauthentic, changing from arrogant to patronizing and back again. He had the better arguments, but he lost the “debates” (and the election) nonetheless. We are told that the debates this month between President Barack Obama and the Republican challenger, Mitt Romney, might decide the election. It is, according to the pundits, Romney’s last chance. If Obama comes across as an elitist professor, he might lose. If Romney gets angry, or makes a bad joke, his chances could be blown. Again, this is not a question of who has the best policies, or the soundest ideas; it is all about presentation. More than 67 million Americans watched the first of this year’s three debates. According to public-opinion polls, only about 17% of eligible voters have not yet made up their minds about which candidate to support. That is surprising, given the widening political gap between America’s two main political parties. In private, Obama and Romney may be able to agree on many things. But the Republican Party has moved far to the right of Obama’s moderate liberalism, and Romney has been pulled along with it. Then there is the great unspoken factor of racial prejudice, something even hard-core right-wing Republicans try not to express openly.", "zh": "2000年，戈尔没有打定主意在与小布什的辩论中扮演怎样的角色，他看起来诡诈而不可靠，一会儿高傲，一会儿屈尊，如此反复。 他的论点强于布什，但还是输掉了“辩论 ” （ 以及大选 ） 。 我们都认为，本月的辩论决定了总统奥巴马及其共和党挑战者罗姆尼谁能够最后胜出。 根据权威人士的看法，这是罗姆尼最后的机会了。 如果奥巴马以精英教授的形象示人，他就可能输。 如果罗姆尼被激怒，或是讲了拙劣的笑话，他就没机会问鼎总统宝座了。 这一回，问题仍不在于谁抛出了更好的政策或是更靠谱的想法，而在于演讲的表现。 6700多万美国人收看了今年三场辩论的第一场。 据民意调查显示，只有17%的合格选民还没有确定会把票投给谁。 这一数字有些令人吃惊，因为美国两大政党的政治差异极大。 私下里，奥巴马和罗姆尼或许能在诸多方面达成一致。 但相对于奥巴马的温和自由主义，共和党走的太右，而罗姆尼不得不随波逐流。 还有不可言说的种族偏见因素，即使是最顽固的共和党右翼也会尽力掩饰不让这一点公开亮相。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to End the Greek Tragedy SANTIAGO – European leaders, faced with the reality of an insolvent Greece, are reportedly now considering a “Plan B” that would involve reducing the burden of its future debt payments. This is a welcome contrast to the options considered so far, all of which involved – under different guises – foisting more debt onto a country that has too much of it already. Greek public debt today stands at nearly 160% of the country’s official GDP. Suppose Greece took 25 years to bring it down to the Maastricht ceiling of 60%. If the real interest rate on Greek debt were 4% (more or less what Greece is paying now for the emergency loans from the European Union) and annual GDP grew by 2% on average, the required primary fiscal surplus each year for the next quarter-century would be 5.7% of GDP. That is an unimaginably large burden, and it risks condemning Greece to permanent recession and social unrest. A possible counterargument is that Greece has a large informal economy, so its actual GDP is larger than the official figure. As a result, the debt ratios commonly applied to Greece could be overstated. But informal output is of little use for debt service if it cannot be taxed. In any case, the scope for tax increases is severely limited in an economy that is shrinking quickly. The conclusion is clear: Greece’s debt-service burden is too large, and it must be reduced. This can be accomplished in two ways: sharply cutting the interest rate paid by Greece, or reducing the face value of the debt. Some analysts – most prominently Jeffrey Sachs – have argued that the best way forward is to cut the yield on Greek debt to that of German public debt. Germany currently pays a little over 3% nominal interest on 10-year debt, half of what Greece is being charged for emergency loans – and far less than Greece would pay if it attempted to raise money in private markets. This approach has several advantages: by leaving the face value of the debt unaltered, EU officials could argue that restructuring Greece’s debt did not amount to a default, thereby limiting contagion. European banks holding Greek government debt could keep pretending that it is worth its full value.", "zh": "如何终结希腊悲剧 发自圣地亚哥 — — 据报道，面对希腊危机无计可施的欧洲领导人如今正在考虑一套帮助该国减少外来债务支出的“B方案 ” 。 而相对于从前那些试图（以各种名目）向希腊这个早已负债累累的国家增加债务的方案来说，这个方案还是挺受欢迎的。 希腊的公共债务总额已经相当于该国官方GDP的160 % ， 如果要下降到《马斯特里赫特条约》中公共债务不得超过GDP60%的限制条件估计得花上25年。 如果这些债务的实际利率为4 % （ 与希腊从欧盟取得紧急贷款利率相近）而希腊年均GDP增长为2%的话，意味着在未来25年内都要取得想当于GDP5.7%的基础财政盈余。 这显然是个无法想象的巨大包袱，而希腊也很可能由此陷入长期的经济衰退和社会动荡。 有人或许会反驳说既然希腊拥有一个庞大的地下经济，那么其实际GDP总量显然要比官方数字更大，因此现在给希腊定下的公共负债比率其实被高估的。 但由于政府无法向这类地下经济征税，因此在帮助还债方面的作用其实不大。 无论在任何情况下，一个迅速下滑的经济体中税收增长的余地都是极为有限的。 结论很清晰：希腊的债务负担已经过于庞大，因此必须想办法进行削减。 有两种方法来实现这一点：要么大幅减低希腊债务的利率，要么减少这些债务的票面价值。 以哥伦比亚大学经济学教授杰弗里•沙斯为代表的一些分析家认为最佳处置方式就是将希腊债务的利率降到德国公债的利率水平 — — 目前德国10年期公债的名义利率稍高于3 % ， 只相当于希腊为紧急贷款所支付利率的1/2，更远远低于希腊在私人市场筹款的利率。 这个方案拥有几大好处：由于希腊债务的票面价值保持不变，欧盟官员就可以坚持重组希腊债务并不意味着债务违约，因此也限制了危机的扩散。 持有希腊政府债券的欧洲各大银行也可以继续（假装）认为这些债务并未贬值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加强政策成效评估和动态调整，建立5G发展监测体系，构建全景化5G网络地图，常态化监测5G应用和产业进展，推动5G全面协同发展。附件：5G发展应用指标。序号指标指标含义指标值。15G个人用户普及率（%）5G个人用户普及率=5G移动电话用户数/全国人口数。其中，5G移动电话用户数是指使用5G网络的个人用户。25G网络接入流量占比（%）5G网络接入流量占移动互联网接入总流量的比例。35G在大型工业企业渗透率（%）在生产经营等环节中开展5G应用的大型工业企业数在我国大型工业企业总数中的占比。45G物联网终端用户数年均增长率（%）行业企业5G物联网终端用户数年均增长率。200。5每万人拥有5G基站数（个）全国每一万人平均拥有的5G基站数量。65G行业虚拟专网数（个）利用5G公网为行业企业构建的5G虚拟网络数目。3000。7每重点行业5G应用标杆数（个）每个重点行业遴选的5G应用标杆数量。100。备注：1.大型工业企业是国家统计局依据中国有关工业企业规模划分标准所确定的大型规模工业企业。2.5G物联网终端用户数按SIM卡统计。", "en": "Strengthen policy effectiveness evaluation and dynamic adjustment, establish a 5G development monitoring system, construct a panoramic 5G network map, regularly monitor the progress of 5G applications and industries, and promote the comprehensive and coordinated development of 5G. Annex: 5G development application indicators. Serial number Indicator Indicator meaning Indicator value. 1 5G personal user penetration rate (%) 5G personal user penetration rate = 5G mobile phone users / national population. Where 5G mobile phone users refer to individual users using 5G networks. 2 5G network access traffic ratio (%) The proportion of 5G network access traffic to total mobile internet access traffic. 3 5G penetration rate in large industrial enterprises (%) The proportion of large industrial enterprises in China that have implemented 5G applications in production and operation processes to the total number of large industrial enterprises. 4 Average annual growth rate of 5G IoT terminal users (%) The average annual growth rate of 5G IoT terminal users in the industry. 5 Number of 5G base stations per 10,000 people (units) The average number of 5G base stations per 10,000 people nationwide. 6 Number of 5G industry virtual private networks (units) The number of 5G virtual networks constructed for industry enterprises using the 5G public network. 7 Number of 5G application benchmarks per key industry (units) The number of 5G application benchmarks selected for each key industry. Note: 1. Large industrial enterprises are large-scale industrial enterprises determined by the National Bureau of Statistics based on China's industrial enterprise size classification standards. 2. The number of 5G IoT terminal users is based on SIM card statistics."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When I was 27 years old, I left a very demanding job in management consulting for a job that was even more demanding: teaching. I went to teach seventh graders math in the New York City public schools. And like any teacher, I made quizzes and tests. I gave out homework assignments. When the work came back, I calculated grades. What struck me was that I.Q. was not the only difference between my best and my worst students. Some of my strongest performers did not have stratospheric I.Q. scores. Some of my smartest kids weren't doing so well. And that got me thinking. The kinds of things you need to learn in seventh grade math, sure, they're hard: ratios, decimals, the area of a parallelogram. But these concepts are not impossible, and I was firmly convinced that every one of my students could learn the material if they worked hard and long enough. After several more years of teaching, I came to the conclusion that what we need in education is a much better understanding of students and learning from a motivational perspective, from a psychological perspective.", "zh": "在我27岁的时候， 我辞去了一份非常有挑战性的职业—企业管理咨询， 转而投入了一份更加具有挑战性的职业：教育。 我来到纽约的一些公立学校 教7年级的学生的数学。 和别的老师一样，我会给学生们做小测验和考试， 我会给他们布置家庭作业。 当这些试卷和作业收上来之后，我计算了他们的成绩。 让我震惊的是，IQ的高低并不是 我最好的和最差的学生之间唯一的差别。 一些在课业上表现很好的学生 并不具有非常高的IQ分数。 一些非常聪明的孩子反而在课业上表现的不那么尽如人意。 这引起了我的思考。 当然，学生们在7年级需要学习的东西 是有难度的，像比率，小数， 平行四边形的面积计算。 但是这些概念是完全可以被掌握的， 我坚信我的每一位学生 都可以学会教材内容， 只要他们肯花时间和精力的话。 经过几年教学之后， 我得出一个结论，我们在教育方面所需要的是 从学习动力的角度和心理学的角度， 对学生和学习行为 进行一次更为深刻的理解。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Through the forest of pointed black Hogwarts hats, Harry saw a long line of scared-looking first years fiIing into the Hall. Ginny was among them, easily visible because of her vivid Weasley ha-ir. Meanwhile, Professor McGonagall, a bespectacled witch with her hair in a tight bun, was placing the famous Hogwarts Sorting Hat on a stool before the newcomers.Every year, this aged old hat, patched, frayed, and dirty, sorted new students into the four Hogwarts houses (Gryffindor, Hufflepuff, Ravenclaw, and Slytherin). Harry well remembered putting it on, exactly one year ago, and waiting, petrified, for its decision as it muttered aloud in his ear.For a few horrible seconds he had feared that the hat was going to put him in Slytherin, the house that had turned out more Dark witches and wizards than any other -but he had ended up in Gryffindor, along with Ron, Hermione, and the rest of the Weasleys. Last term, Harry and Ron had helped Gryffindor win the House Championship, beating Slytherin for the first time in seven years.", "zh": "越过一片密密麻麻的黑色尖顶霍格沃茨帽，哈利看到新生们排着长队提心吊胆地走进礼堂。金妮也在其中，她那头韦斯莱家特有的红发十分显眼。与此同时，戴着眼镜、头发紧紧地束成一个小圆髻的麦格教授，把那顶著名的霍格沃茨分院帽放在新生面前的凳子上。每年，这顶打着补丁、又脏又破的旧帽子把新生分到霍格沃茨的四个学院(格兰芬多、赫奇帕奇、拉文克劳和斯莱特林)。哈利清楚地记得一年前他戴上这顶帽子时的情形：他惶恐地昕着它在耳边嘀嘀咕咕，等待它做出决定。有几秒钟，他恐惧地以为帽子要把他分到斯莱特林，这个学院出的黑巫师比其他学院都多——可后来他被分到了格兰芬多，和罗恩、赫敏和韦斯莱兄弟在一起。上学期，哈利和罗恩为格兰芬多赢得了学院杯冠军，这是他们学院七年来第一次打败斯莱特林。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Islam as a Tool of Modernization A big worry in Iraq and the wider Middle East is that Islam and modernization are enemies. But Malaysian history over the past three decades shows that this belief is mistaken. In fact, Islamization has proved to be an effective political means of reconciling the majority of Malays to the country’s rapid economic development. In the early 1970’s, when it was still an overwhelmingly agrarian country and Islamization was just gaining momentum, Malaysia embarked on its so-called “New Economic Policy” (NEP), designed to help the majority Malays gain a bigger share of the country’s wealth. After three decades of spectacular economic growth, many Malays have become prosperous and content not only through secular capitalism, but through the country’s renewed sense of Islamic identity, one which – for the most part – embraced modernization. (Of course, paradoxes appear every now and then, such as when globalization is advocated alongside demands for stronger censorship.) Islamic-minded politicians such as Anwar Ibrahim gained prominence when Islamization took off in the 1970’s. But the Islam they promoted was not backward looking; instead, it sought to shape a modernizing economic policy that took note of Muslim sensibilities. Faced with the grassroots popularity of this movement, by 1982 the government of then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed decided to co-opt Anwar Ibrahim into his United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the dominant party within the country’s ruling coalition. The strategy worked well, and helped defuse Islamic opposition to the wrenching changes that accompanied the country’s rapid economic modernization. During the 1990’s, however, Anwar increased his influence within the party, unsettling many of the old guard. Matters came to a head after the 1997 financial crisis, when Anwar, the deputy prime minister, adopted an even more economically liberal approach than Mahathir. Partly in response to this challenge, Anwar was sacked. Anwar’s bizarre trial and sentencing on charges of sodomy and abuse of power invigorated the reformasi movement, as growing anti-UMNO and anti-Mahathir sentiments took hold among Islamic-minded Malays.", "zh": "使伊斯兰教成为现代化的工具 伊拉克和中东地区最大的隐忧就是伊斯兰教和现代化水火不容。 但马来西亚过去30年的历史表明：这个命题是错误的。 实际上，伊斯兰化已经被证实是使多数马来人融入国家快速经济发展的一种有效的政治手段。 20世纪70年代早期，马来西亚还是个单纯的农业国，伊斯兰化运动也正方兴未艾，马来西亚开始推行所谓的“新经济政策 ” （ NEP ） ， 旨在帮助大多数马来人更好地分享国家的财富。 经历了长达30年令人叹为观止的经济增长，很多马来人都更加富裕和满足，他们的满足不仅来自世俗的资本主义，还来自国家对伊斯兰特质再一次的认可和接纳。 这些伊斯兰特征中绝大部分都能与现代化水乳交融。 （当然，自相矛盾的现象也不时出现，比如他们在倡导全球化的同时，要求加强审查制度。 ） 20世纪70年代伊斯兰化刚刚兴起之时，安瓦尔·伊伯拉罕等颇具伊斯兰头脑的政治家也开始登上了舞台。 但他们所宣传的伊斯兰思想不是盯住过去不放，恰恰相反，他们尝试设计一种现代化的经济政策，同时考虑到穆斯林的诉求。 由于这场运动在百姓中开展得轰轰烈烈，到了1982年，当时的马来西亚首相马哈蒂尔· 穆罕默德决定邀请安瓦尔·伊伯拉罕加入自己的马来民族统一机构(UMNO，简称巫统 ) ， 该政党在国家执政联盟中占据了统治地位。 这一策略获得了成功，缓解了伊斯兰教徒对伴随国家快速经济现代化而出现的痛苦变革的激烈反抗。 然而20世纪90年代期间，安瓦尔扩大了自己在党内的影响，有些老兵也因此蠢蠢欲动。 1997年金融危机后问题发展到了顶点，当时担任副首相的安瓦尔推行比马哈蒂尔更为自由的经济政策。 部分由于上述原因，安瓦尔被解职。 安瓦尔被控鸡奸及滥用权力的奇特审讯和宣判引发了改革运动（reformasi movement ） ， 而反马来民族统一机构及反马哈蒂尔的情绪在抱有伊斯兰思想的马来人当中也愈演愈烈。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For good reason, the green transition is viewed as a matter not just of energy but of geopolitics. We are undergoing a historic shift from petrostates to “electrostates.” That is why China has eagerly supported the rapid expansion of its renewables industries, particularly the manufacture of solar PV panels, batteries, and wind turbines. While this state sponsorship comes with costs of its own, China’s industrial policies have undeniably enabled it to achieve global dominance over some of the key technologies of the future. The country now produces more than 70% of all solar PV panels, around 70% of lithium-ion batteries, and almost half of all wind turbines. The European Union, meanwhile, has been more focused on demand-side measures, both by pricing and regulating CO2 and other greenhouse gases, and by subsidizing the deployment of low-carbon alternatives. These two approaches are intimately linked, with subsidies often leading to more ambitious pricing policies down the road. The green transition comes with costs; but they are well worth it, and they pale in comparison to the costs of inaction. The ever-falling costs of renewables have not eliminated the politics of climate change. But they certainly have made our choices much easier.", "zh": "有充分的理由，绿色转型不仅被视为能源问题，也被视为地缘政治问题。 我们正在经历从石油国家到\"电国家\"的历史性转变 。 \" \" 这就是为什么中国热切支持其可再生能源产业的迅速扩张，特别是太阳能光伏电板、电池和风力涡轮机的制造。 这种国家赞助本身也伴随着成本，但无可否认，中国的产业政策已使其在一些未来关键技术上实现了全球主导地位。 该国目前生产了70%以上的太阳能光伏电池板，约70%的锂离子电池，以及几乎一半的风力涡轮机。 与此同时，欧盟更注重需求方措施，包括二氧化碳和其他温室气体的定价和监管，以及低碳替代品部署补贴。 这两种方法密切相关，补贴往往导致更雄心勃勃的定价政策。 绿色转型伴随着成本；但他们是非常值得的，与无所作为的成本，这些成本不值一提。 可再生能源成本的不断下降并没有消除气候变化的政治。 但他们确实使我们的选择容易得多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Brittany Kaiser – an executive-turned-whistleblower at Cambridge Analytica, the political data firm that allegedly misused users’ data from Facebook and other platforms to influence political campaigns – now advocates that users treat their data as property, just like their houses. Owning a house doesn’t make you a greedy real-estate speculator; it allows you to participate fully in what the philosopher John Rawls called a “property-owning democracy.” The same goes for data. In France, the think tank I created, GenerationLibre, issued a 150-page report on personal data ownership, which prompted a fierce public debate. At the European level, the General Data Protection Regulation, which has just come into force, prepares the ground for property rights by guaranteeing the portability of personal data. In the United States, the author and researcher E. Glen Weyl, together with legendary virtual reality pioneer Jaron Lanier and others, recently argued that data should be treated (and remunerated) as labor. (I would prefer to treat data as capital, as they originate from our self-owned personality, but this is essentially just semantics.) And, on a practical level, a growing number of startups are developing data-monetization services. In his bestselling book Homo Deus, the historian Yuval Noah Harari anticipates the advent of “dataism,” whereby personal free will is sacrificed at the altar of the algorithm. But humans do not have to be at the mercy of data flows. By establishing personal data ownership, the very notion of individuality could be fortified, bolstering the liberal values that have made our civilization succeed.", "zh": "布里坦尼·凯撒（Brittany Kaiser ） ， 剑桥分析公司（Cambridge Analytica，据报该公司滥用脸书和其他平台的用户数据来影响政治活动）的前高管兼告密者，现在主张用户将自身数据视为财产，就跟自己的房子一样。 拥有房子不会让你成为一个贪婪的房地产投机者；而是允许你充分参与到哲学家约翰·罗尔斯（John Rawls）所谓的“财产所有权的民主制度”当中。 数据也是如此。 在法国，我创建的智库机构“自由世代 ” （ GenerationLibre）发布了一份长达150页的个人数据所有权报告并引发了激烈的公众辩论。 在欧洲层面，刚刚生效的《通用数据保护条例》通过保证个人数据的可移动性为相关的财产权奠定了基础。 在美国，作家兼研究者E·格兰·威尔（E. Glen Weyl）以及传奇的虚拟现实先驱杰隆·兰尼尔（Jaron Lanier）等人最近都提出数据应该被视为劳动力（并相应支付报酬 ） 。 （不过我本人更愿意将数据视为资本，因为它们源于我们的自有人格，但这基本上只是语义上的不同而已。 ）而且在实际层面上，越来越多的初创公司正在开发数据货币化服务。 在他的畅销书《人神：未来简史 》 （ Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow）中，历史学家尤瓦尔·诺亚·赫拉利（Yuval Noah Harari）预见到“数据主义”的诞生，即在算法的祭坛上牺牲个人自由意志。 但人类其实不必受数据流的支配。 通过确立个人数据所有权，个性的具体概念可以得到强化，并推动那些使我们的文明实现繁荣的自由主义价值观。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "磁学与磁性材料专家。 南京大学教授。 1936年11月生于浙江杭州。 1957年毕业于南京大学物理系。 现任中国物理学会磁学专业委员会副主任，中国颗粒学会超微颗粒专业委员会副主任、中国仪表材料学会副理事长等职。 2005年当选为中国科学院院士。 长期从事磁学和磁性材料的教学和研究工作，开展了磁性、磁输运性质与材料组成、微结构关系的研究。 研究了锰钙钛矿化合物的大磁熵变效应以及锰钙钛矿化合物小颗粒体系中的隧道型磁电阻效应研究了磁性纳米微粒的小尺寸效应与表面效应，以及颗粒膜的巨磁电阻效应、磁光效应、反常霍尔效应与微结构的依赖性等。 目前重点研究纳米材料的磁性以及与自旋相关的输运性质。 此外，80年代以Fe57作探针用Mossbauer效应研究了高温超导体中的磁有序，发现超导性与磁有序共存的现象,并对YBCO高温超导材料进行了3d元素的代换，为超导机制的探索提供实验依据。", "en": "Expert in Magnetism and Magnetic Materials. Professor at Nanjing University. Born in Hangzhou, Zhejiang province in November 1936. He graduated from the Department of Physics, Nanjing University in 1957. Currently he serves as the Deputy Director of the Professional Committee of Magnetics of the Chinese Physical Society, Deputy Director of the Professional Committee of Ultrafine Particles of the Chinese Society of Particles, and Deputy Chairman of the Chinese Society of Instrument Materials He was elected as an Academician of the Chinese Academy of Sciences in 2005. He has long been engaged in the teaching and research of magnetism and magnetic materials, and researches on the relationship between magnetism, magnetic transport properties, material composition, and microstructure have been carried out. He has studied a variety of subjects including the large magnetic entropy change effect of the manganese perovkite compound, the tunnel magnetoresistance effect in the small particle system of the manganese perovskite, the small size effect and surface effect of magnetic nanoparticles, the giant magnetoresistance effect of granular film, the magneto-optical effect, the anomalous Hall effect, and the microstructure dependence, etc. At present his research mainly concentrates on he magnetic properties and spin-related transport properties of nanomaterials. Additionally, he used Fe57 as a probe to study the magnetic order in high-temperature superconductors using the Mossbauer effect in the 1980s, discovered the coexistence of superconductivity and magnetic order, and replaced the YBCO high-temperature superconducting material with 3D elements, providing experimental basis for the exploration of superconducting mechanism."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Asia? CLAREMONT – Distinguishing diplomatic rhetoric from official policy is never easy. But it is especially difficult in China, where the government’s actions so often fail to match its statements. Given this, it is worth asking whether the latest slogan adopted by Chinese officials – “Asia for Asians” – is merely nationalist posturing for domestic consumption or a signal of a genuine policy shift. The most authoritative reference to an “Asia for Asians” occurred in May, during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s keynote speech at the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia. In a carefully crafted statement, Xi laid out China’s vision for a new regional security order – one in which, as the slogan suggests, Asians are in charge. According to Xi, at the fundamental level, “it is for the people of Asia to run the affairs of Asia, solve the problems of Asia, and uphold the security of Asia.” Fortunately, he declared, they have the “capability and wisdom” to build peace and security in the region through cooperation. This vision, of course, entails an overhaul of the Asian security structure, with a drastically reduced role for the United States. Indeed, Xi implicitly criticized the existing US-dominated security architecture in Asia as stuck in the Cold War, and characterized “military alliance targeted at a third party” as “not conducive to maintaining common security.” Since the speech, lower-level officials and the Chinese media have reiterated similar lines. At first glance, this vision seems entirely reasonable; after all, most countries prefer to manage domestic and regional affairs without the meddling of outside powers. But Xi’s statement marked a significant departure from China’s long-standing position on America’s presence in the Asia-Pacific region. Since the US-China rapprochement four decades ago, China has maintained a studied ambiguity regarding America’s role as the guarantor of Asia’s security. China’s pragmatic leaders knew that the US presence helped to contain the Soviet Union (and subsequently Russia), prevented Japan from re-arming, and kept sea-lanes open. They also recognized that they lacked the power to challenge the US-led security order or offer a feasible alternative. This may be changing.", "zh": "中国的亚洲？ 克莱蒙特—区分外交辞令和官方政策向来不易。 但在中国特别困难，中国政府的行往往与它的言不一致。 考虑到这一点，有必要问一问，中国官员最近常说的口号 — — “亚洲人民的亚洲”只是为了国内消费而采取的民族主义姿态，还是真正的政策转变信号？ 对“亚洲人民的亚洲”最权威的引述是5月中国国家主席习近平在亚洲相互协作与信任措施会议上的主旨演讲。 习近平以精心组织的辞令提出了中国的新地区安全秩序愿景 — — 顾名思义，在这个愿景中，亚洲人起着主导作用。 习近平说，在根本层面 ， “ 亚洲的事情要靠亚洲人民来办，亚洲的问题要靠亚洲人民来处理，亚洲的安全要靠亚洲人民来维护 。 ” 幸运的是，他宣布他们有“能力和智慧”通过合作构建地区和平与安全。 当然，这一愿景包括了对亚洲安全结构的修正，美国的作用将大幅削弱。 事实上，习近平间接批评现有以美国为主导的亚洲安全格局仍处于冷战状态，称“针对第三方的军事联盟不利于维护地区共同安全 ” 。 自此次演讲以来，底层官员和中国媒体一直以此为基调进行转述。 乍一看，这一愿景十分合理；毕竟，大部分国家都更愿意在没有外部势力指手画脚的情况下管理国内和地区事务。 但习近平的辞令与中国长期以来对美国在亚太地区身影的立场背道而驰。 自四十年前中美恢复邦交以来，中国美国的亚洲安全保障者角色一直刻意的暧昧。 中国的务实领导人知道，美国的存在有助于遏制苏联（以及随后的俄罗斯 ） 、 防止日本重新武装、保持海路开放。 他们也明白，他们缺少挑战美国领导的安全秩序或提供可行替代方案的实力。 这也许正在改变。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司的主营业务为工业照明设备和智能照明系统的研发、生产和销售，以及提供工业照明领域的合同能源管理服务等。 公司的工业照明设备主要分为固定专业照明设备、固定防爆照明设备和移动照明设备；公司的智能照明系统是包括控制系统、通信传输设备、传感设备和照明设备等多项软硬件产品在内的系统集成，在提供照明的基础功能之上，实现了照明设备的远程控制及自动化控制，满足客户对照明功能日趋复杂的需求，显著提高了照明设备使用的便利性及节能效果；合同能源管理是公司基于自身的产品和技术优势向客户提供的照明节能服务。 其他产品主要为公司配套照明设备销售的相关配件等。 公司目前已形成较为成熟、完善的研发、采购、生产和销售管理体系。 在研发方面，公司以客户需求为导向进行自主研发；在采购方面，公司采用直接和定制采购方式向合格的供应商采购原材料；在生产方面，公司以市场为导向，实行以销定产、按订单生产的模式；在销售方面，公司通过传统线下销售并结合电商渠道将产品直接销售给客户。 此外，公司通过建立较为完善的营销网络为客户提供更好的服务体验。 公司多年来一直坚持“打造中国工业LED照明第一品牌”的企业发展战略。 多年来始终坚持自主创新，经过十几年发展，已掌握了工业LED照明设备核心技术，并紧跟行业发展趋势和客户需求，积极研发具有自主知识产权的工业智能照明系统，产品在电力、冶金、石化等行业得到广泛推广和应用，取得了良好的科技示范作用和显著的节能经济效益。 公司持续加强对销售渠道的建设和管理，树立了优质的品牌形象，产品及服务质量获得了客户的认可，已成为国内工业照明行业具有一定影响力的品牌。", "en": "The company's main business is the research, development, production, and sales of industrial lighting equipment and intelligent lighting systems, as well as providing contract energy management services in the industrial lighting field. The company's industrial lighting equipment is mainly divided into fixed professional lighting equipment, fixed explosion-proof lighting equipment, and mobile lighting equipment. The company's intelligent lighting system is a system integration that includes control systems, communication transmission equipment, sensing devices, and lighting equipment, among other software and hardware products. In addition to providing basic lighting functions, it realizes remote control and automation control of lighting equipment, meeting the increasingly complex lighting needs of customers and significantly improving the convenience and energy-saving effects of lighting equipment. Contract energy management is a lighting energy-saving service provided by the company based on its own product and technological advantages. Other products mainly include related accessories for the sale of supporting lighting equipment. The company has now formed a relatively mature and perfect research and development, procurement, production, and sales management system. In terms of research and development, the company conducts independent research and development based on customer needs. In terms of procurement, the company adopts direct and customized procurement methods to purchase raw materials from qualified suppliers. In terms of production, the company is market-oriented and implements a production model based on sales and order fulfillment. In terms of sales, the company sells products directly to customers through traditional offline sales and e-commerce channels. In addition, the company provides better service experience to customers through the establishment of a relatively complete marketing network. For many years, the company has adhered to the corporate development strategy of \"building China's leading industrial LED lighting brand.\" It has always insisted on independent innovation and, after more than a decade of development, has mastered the core technology of industrial LED lighting equipment. It actively follows industry trends and customer demands, actively develops industrial intelligent lighting systems with independent intellectual property rights, and its products have been widely promoted and applied in industries such as electricity, metallurgy, and petrochemicals, achieving significant technological demonstration and energy-saving economic benefits. The company continues to strengthen the construction and management of sales channels, has established a high-quality brand image, and its product and service quality have been recognized by customers, making it a brand with certain influence in the domestic industrial lighting industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Slouching Toward Trump LONDON – The Republican establishment has gone into overdrive to present President-elect Donald Trump as a guarantor of continuity. Of course, he is nothing of the sort. He campaigned against the political establishment, and, as he told a pre-election rally, a victory for him would be a “Brexit plus, plus, plus.” With two political earthquakes within months of each other, and more sure to follow, we may well agree with the verdict of France’s ambassador to the United States: the world as we know it “is crumbling before our eyes.” The last time this seemed to be happening was the era of the two world wars, 1914 to 1945. The sense then of a “crumbling” world was captured by William Butler Yeats’s 1919 poem “The Second Coming”: “Things fall apart; the center cannot hold;/Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.” With the traditional institutions of rule thoroughly discredited by the war, the vacuum of legitimacy would be filled by powerful demagogues and populist dictatorships: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst/are full of passionate intensity.” Oswald Spengler had the same idea in his Decline of the West, published in 1918. Yeats’s political prognosis was shaped by his religious eschatology. He believed the world had to wade through “nightmare” for “Bethlehem to be born.” In his day, he was right.", "zh": "步步为营靠近特朗普 伦敦—共和党建制派迫不及待地将当选总统特朗普呈现为延续性的捍卫者。 当然，他绝不是这样的人。 他在选战中挑战了政治建制派，并且在一次竞选前集会上说，他的获胜将是“英国退欧的加强版的加强版的加强版 ” 。 短短几个月中爆发了两次政治地震，并且后续肯定还有更多政治地震，也许我们得同意法国驻美国使馆的论断了：我们所熟知的世界“正在我们眼前崩塌 。 ” 上一次类似的情形发生在两次世界大战期间，即1914年到1945年。 当时的世界“崩塌”被叶芝1919年的《基督再临 》 （ The Second Coming）所捕获 ： “ 一切都四散了，再也保不住中心，世界上到处弥漫着一片混乱 。 ” 传统规则制度彻底被战争羞辱，合法性的真空被强大的煽动者和民粹主义独裁填补 ： “ 最好的人没人信，最坏的人充满激情 。 ” 斯宾格勒在1918年出版的《西方的衰落 》 （ Decline of the West）中提出了相同的思想。 叶芝的政治预言受其宗教末世观影响。 他相信世界必须通过“噩梦”消亡，以便“伯利恒诞生 ” 。 在他的时代，他是正确的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Middle East's Backwater Blues AMMAN – The year 2021 brought major developments across the Middle East and North Africa, the effects of which will extend far into the future. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan was only the latest sign that the region is not only changing fast but also falling down the international community’s list of priorities. Already, the region looks very different than the one the world has known in recent decades, owing to recent developments in the Arab-Israeli conflict (especially the signing of the Abraham Accords), Lebanon’s implosion, and the crisis in Tunisia, among other issues. Much conventional wisdom about the region – and within it – no longer holds true. The United States’ disastrous invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003 had long since left the American public wary of military interventions and nation building, and the withdrawal from Afghanistan was the final manifestation of this disenchantment. American voters and subsequent US administrations have concluded that their country is not particularly adept at promoting democracy or building institutions outside its borders. And since America’s shale boom effectively eliminated its dependence on oil from the Middle East, the US has taken a diminishing interest in countries that seem unwilling or unable to establish more productive, inclusive political and economic systems. One can also detect frustration among large swaths of the Arab world. Between America’s blundering interventions in Iraq, Libya, and Syria, and its continued unconditional support for Israel despite that country’s long occupation of Palestinian territory, Arabs have grown increasingly disillusioned with US policy.", "zh": "中东的悲伤逆流 安曼—2021 年给中东和北非带来了重大发展，影响必将久远。 美国从阿富汗撤军只是一个最新迹象，表明该地区正在快速变化，并且在国际社会的优先事项清单上下降。 由于阿以冲突的最新发展（尤其是亚伯拉罕协议的签署 ） 、 黎巴嫩内乱爆发和突尼斯危机等问题，该地区看起来已经与近几十年来世界所熟悉的那个中东大不相同。 关于该地区及其内部的许多传统智慧不再适用。 2003年美国对伊拉克的灾难性入侵和占领早已让美国公众对军事干预和国家建设保持警惕，而从阿富汗撤军是这种失望的最终体现。 美国选民和随后的美国政府得出的结论是，他们的国家在促进民主或在境外建立机构方面并不是特别擅长。 由于美国的页岩气繁荣有效地消除了对中东石油的依赖，美国对那些似乎不愿意，或没有能力建立生产率更高、包容性更强的政治和经济制度的国家的兴趣逐渐减弱。 人们还可以在阿拉伯世界大部看到挫折感。 美国对伊拉克、利比亚和叙利亚的错误干预，以及它不顾以色列长期占领巴勒斯坦领土仍然予以无条件支持，让阿拉伯人对美国的政策越来越失望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An Energy Transition with a European Touch MADRID – Tackling climate change is a monumental challenge, but the leader of the foremost global power continues to wash his hands of the matter. At the beginning of November, US President Donald Trump gave official notice of America’s withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement, thus confirming a decision he had announced in 2017. The notification came as soon as the agreement allowed, and the withdrawal will become effective the day after the US presidential election in November 2020. The United States will thus become the only country in the world that is not party to the pact. All of the Democratic US presidential candidates have promised that, if they are elected, the US will rejoin the Paris accord. But the problem runs much deeper, because the Trump administration has been systematically dismantling environmental regulations introduced by President Barack Obama. Fortunately, the continued efforts of US states, cities, civil-society organizations, and businesses – along with economic drivers such as the competitiveness of natural gas – have partly mitigated the negative impact of Trump’s policies. Nonetheless, it is clear that America will be unable to lead the fight against climate change as long as the Trump administration continues to ignore and undermine the scientific evidence. Other countries, meanwhile, are much more willing to embrace the cause. China, the world’s most prominent emerging power, still has plenty of room for improvement in terms of environmental protection, but has been making notable efforts to this end. In fact, it has even taken on a central role in climate diplomacy, alongside the European Union. European leadership has long been a staple of the global campaign to mitigate climate change, and the EU has repeatedly shown its strong commitment to accelerating the energy transition. The incoming European Commission, under President-elect Ursula von der Leyen, looks poised to add even more momentum to this effort. The decision to elevate the climate portfolio to one of the Commission’s three executive vice-presidencies, under the social democrat Frans Timmermans, is an excellent start. Timmermans will be in charge of presenting, during his first 100 days in office, a “European Green Deal,” which should provide the basis for Europe to become the first carbon-neutral continent.", "zh": "欧洲风格的能源转型 马德里—应对气候变化是一项非常艰巨的挑战，但全球首屈一指的大国领袖仍然继续推卸责任。 11月初，美国总统唐纳德·特朗普正式通告美国退出巴黎气候协定，从而使他在2017年就已经宣布的这项决策得到了确认。 通知在协定允许范围内第一时间发出，而退出将在2020年11月美国总统大选后第2天生效。 美国也将因此成为全世界唯一一个没有签署这份协议的国家。 所有美国民主党总统候选人均无一例外地承诺如果他们当选，美国将重新加入巴黎协定。 但问题实际要严重得多，因为特朗普政府一直在系统性地废除巴拉克·奥巴马总统所制定的有关环境的法规政策。 幸运的是，美国各州、城市、民间社会团体和企业的持续努力再加上以天然气竞争力为首的经济驱动因素，已经在一定程度上化解了特朗普政策的负面影响。 即便如此，有一点显而易见，那就是只要特朗普政府继续无视和破坏科学证据，美国将无法领导反对气候变化的斗争。 与此同时，其他国家则更愿意拥抱这项事业。 中国作为全世界最突出的新兴大国，尽管在环保领域仍有很大的改善空间，但却一直在为实现这一目标而做着引人瞩目的工作。 事实上，中国甚至与欧盟一道，共同在气候外交领域扮演了核心角色。 欧洲领导层一直在全球缓解气候变化的运动中扮演主要角色，而欧盟也一再展示出其加速能源转型的坚定承诺。 即将上任的欧盟委员会在当选主席乌苏拉·冯德莱恩的领导下，似乎做好准备要进一步推动这项工作。 决定将气候议程交给欧盟委员会三位执行副主席当中的一位、社会民主党人弗朗斯·蒂莫曼斯分管是个不错的开始。 蒂莫曼斯将在上任100天内负责提出一项奠定欧洲作为全球首块实现碳中性大陆基础的“欧洲绿色协议 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But in today’s deflationary environment, typical monetary expansion alone can do little to help the real economy, because the money either remains idle or fuels asset bubbles and capital outflows. If China’s government is to prevent a debt-deflation spiral from causing a hard landing, it should shift its focus to targeted expansionary fiscal policy. With a budget deficit of 2.3% of GDP, China can certainly afford to increase government expenditure and reduce taxes. Critically, the package should be financed by government bonds issued by the Ministry of Finance, not by commercial banks via local-government financing vehicles. Any loosening of monetary policy should be aimed directly at accommodating fiscal policy. That way, financial resources would be channeled into the real economy, rather than inflating asset bubbles. To support this effort, China’s government should loosen its grip on the exchange rate, while maintaining appropriate capital controls. Renminbi internationalization should not be a policy priority. China’s experience in recent years holds valuable lessons for the country’s leaders. With a more balanced approach to intervention that reflects those lessons, they could put China’s economy on a much more stable path. That said, as China undergoes structural economic transition, the stabilization potential of macroeconomic policy is limited. Without more fundamental reforms, even an impeccable macroeconomic policy mix would not work. Reforms take time, which means that China may need to brace itself for more troubles and a protracted period of slow growth.", "zh": "但在当今通缩环境中，光靠典型的货币扩张是无法帮助实体经济的，因为钱要么闲置，要么助长资产泡沫和资本外流。 如果中国政府要阻止债务-通缩循环演变为硬着陆，它应该将重点转到定向财政政策宽松。 中国政府预算赤字只占GDP的2.3 % ， 必然能够负担政府支出的增加和减税。 关键是，政策应该由财政部发行的政府债券融资，而不应该由商业银行通过地方政府融资平台融资。 任何放松货币政策的措施都应该直接着眼于配合财政政策。 这样，金融资源将被引导到实体经济中而不是吹起资产泡沫。 要支持这一政策，中国政府应该放松汇率管制，同时保持适当的资本管制。 人民币国际化不应该作为政策重点。 近几年来中国的经验为中国领导人带来了极有价值的教训。 如果实行反映这些教训的更加平衡的干预防针，中国领导人能够让中国经济走上更加稳定的道路。 但是，中国正在经历结构性经济转型，宏观经济政策的稳定潜力有限。 如果不进行更多的基本面改革，即使是完美无瑕的宏观经政策组合也无法奏效。 改革需要时间，这意味着中国需要勇敢面对更多的麻烦和漫长的低速增长期。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"You're in luck,\" said Harry, forcing Lockhart to his feet at wandpoint. \"We think we know where it is. And what's inside it. Let's go.\"They marched Lockhart out of his office and down the nearest stairs, along the dark corridor where the messages shone on the wall, to the door of Moaning Myrtle's bathroom.They sent Lockhart in first. Harry was pleased to see that he was shaking.  Moaning Myrtle was sitting on the tank of the end toilet.\"Oh, it's you,\" she said when she saw Harry. \"What do you want this time?\"\"To ask you how you died,\" said Harry.Myrtle's whole aspect changed at once. She looked as though she had never been asked such a flattering question.\"Ooooh, it was dreadful,\" she said with relish. \"It happened right in here. I died in this very stall. I remember it so well. Id hidden because Olive Hornby was teasing me about my glasses. The door was locked, and I was crying, and then I heard somebody come in. They said something funny. A different language, I think it must have been. Anyway, what really got me was that it was a boy speaking. So I unlocked the door, to tell him to go and use his own toilet, and then -\" Myrtle swelled importantly, her face shining. \"I died.\"", "zh": "“算你运气好，”哈利说，他用魔杖指着洛哈特，强迫他站起身来，“我们碰巧知道密室在哪里。还知道密室里关着什么。走吧。”他们押着洛哈特走出他的办公室，沿着最近的一道楼梯下去，走过墙上闪着那些文字的昏暗走廊，来到哭泣的桃金娘的盥洗室门口。他们派洛哈特走在最前面。哈利开心地看见他浑身发抖。哭泣的桃金娘正坐在最里面的一个抽水马桶的水箱上。“噢，是你，”她看见哈利，说道，“这次你想要什么?”“想问问你是怎么死的。”哈利说。桃金娘的整个神态一下子就变了。看样子，从来没有人问过她这样一个让她感到荣幸的问题。“哎哟哟，太可怕了，”她津津有味地说，“事情就在这里发生的。我就死在这间厕所里。我记得非常清楚。当时，奥利夫洪贝嘲笑我戴着眼镜像四眼狗，我就躲到这里来了。我把门锁上，在里面哭，突然听到有人进来了。他们说的话很滑稽。我想一定是另外一种语言吧。不过最让我感到恼火的是，我听见一个男孩的声音在说活。于是我就把门打开，呵斥他走开，到自己的男生厕所去，然后—— ”桃金娘自以为很了不起地挺起胸膛，脸上容光焕发，“我就死了。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Powering Sustainable Food Systems NAIROBI – The 17 members of the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate generate around 80% of global greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions. That means they have the power to pull the brakes on the climate emergency. As political leaders from the world’s richest countries gather for a US-hosted climate summit on Earth Day (April 22), they must use the occasion to acknowledge their shared responsibility to the planet and everyone on it. The countries most affected by climate change bear the least responsibility for the problem. Of the 16 most climate-vulnerable countries, ten are in Asia and five are in Africa, where millions rely on agriculture but lack access to the clean energy that they will need to power a more resilient and profitable future. For these countries, “building back better” will be a stretch. They are already being held back by developed countries’ own energy and agriculture sectors, which are the leading sources of GHG emissions. The period between now and the United Nations climate conference (COP26) in Glasgow in November represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity for world leaders to build a “climate-smart” framework for tackling the twin challenges of food and energy insecurity. This will be necessary to support developing countries in leapfrogging to a sustainable growth and development model. By convening its first-ever Food Systems Summit and its first High-Level Dialogue on Energy in 40 years, the UN has provided an ideal platform for all countries to commit to doing their part.", "zh": "赋能可持续粮食体系 内罗毕—能源和气候主要经济体论坛（Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate）的17个成员国所产生的温室气体排放量约占全球总量的80 % 。 这意味着他们有能力为气候紧急情况踩下刹车。 在世界上最富裕国家的政治领导人在地球日（4月22日）参加由美国主办的气候峰会时，他们必须利用这个机会承认他们对地球和地球上每一个人的共同责任。 受气候变化影响最严重的国家对于气候变化问题的责任最小。 在16个气候最脆弱国家中，10个在亚洲，5个在非洲，数百万人依赖农业，但缺乏获得实现更有韧性、更能盈利的未来所需要清洁能源的机会。 对这些国家来说 ， \" 更加美好的重建\"将可望而不可即。 它们已经受到发达国家本国能源和农业部门的阻碍，而这些行业是温室气体排放的主要来源。 从现在到11月格拉斯哥举行的联合国气候大会（COP26 ） ， 是世界各国领导人建立一个\"气候智能\"框架，应对粮食和能源不安全双重挑战的千载难逢的良机。 这对于支持发展中国家向可持续增长和发展模式跨越是不可或缺的。 通过召开有史以来第一次 粮食体系峰会 和40年来第一次能源问题高级别对话，联合国为所有国家提供了一个理想的平台贡献自己的力量。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "对承载重要信息系统以及影响国计民生和社会秩序的数据中心，结合业务系统的部署模式，增强防火、防雷、防洪、抗震等保护能力，强化供电、制冷等基础设施系统的可用性，提高新型数据中心及业务系统整体可靠性。感觉黑人都特别团结。专栏6安全可靠保障工程。完善新型数据中心安全监测体系。建立政企联动的数据安全风险监测机制和技术手段，围绕数据中心网络汇聚、传输、存储等重要环节，建设数据安全监测技术平台，切实提升数据资源安全保障能力。开展网络安全技术能力评估。数据中心上线前，开展网络安全风险评估、隐患排查和防护能力认证。针对数据中心云化趋势，定期开展镜像安全、进程行为、容器逃逸等安全检测评估。强化新型数据中心可靠性。加强数据中心多活架构的研究与部署，实现跨数据中心的故障转移和恢复。三、保障措施。（一）加强组织领导。各地工业和信息化主管部门、通信管理局要加强与当地网信、发展改革、自然资源、大数据、电力等部门的组织协同。深化政策引导，积极推动新型数据中心布局纳入地方发展规划，保障新建数据中心土地、能耗、电力等资源配套。", "en": "To important information systems and data centers that affect national economy, people's livelihoods, and social order, enhance the protection capabilities of fire prevention, lightning protection, flood prevention, and earthquake resistance, strengthen the availability of infrastructure systems such as power supply and cooling, and improve the overall reliability of new data centers and business systems. It feels like black people are particularly united. Column 6: Security and reliable guarantee engineering. Improve the security monitoring system of new data centers. Establish a data security risk monitoring mechanism and technical means for government-enterprise cooperation, and build a data security monitoring technology platform around important links such as data center network aggregation, transmission, and storage, effectively enhancing data resource security capabilities. Conduct network security technology capability assessments. Before the data center goes online, conduct network security risk assessments, hidden danger investigations, and protection capability certifications. In response to the trend of data center cloudification, regularly conduct security detection and assessment of mirror security, process behavior, container escape, and other aspects. Strengthen the reliability of new data centers. Strengthen the research and deployment of multi-active architectures in data centers to achieve cross-data center fault transfer and recovery. III. Security measures. (1) Strengthen organizational leadership. Industrial and information technology departments and telecommunications management bureaus in various regions should strengthen organizational coordination with local internet information offices, development and reform commissions, natural resources departments, big data departments, and power departments. Deepen policy guidance, actively promote the inclusion of new data center layouts in local development plans, and ensure the provision of land, energy consumption, electricity, and other resources for newly built data centers."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Diplomatically, Biden will soon seek to rally America’s democratic allies to confront China, a move Xi implicitly denounced in his recent address to this year’s World Economic Forum annual meeting. Economic tensions also could escalate, because China seems unlikely to be able to meet the target for additional purchases of US products set in the “phase one” trade deal that Xi’s government concluded with the Trump administration a year ago. In the meantime, continuing human-rights abuses in Hong Kong and against the predominantly Muslim Uighur minority in Xinjiang will fuel demands in Washington for additional sanctions against China’s political leaders and economic entities. The only way to prevent a new round of deterioration in US-China relations is for either Biden or Xi to take the first concrete step signaling willingness to cooperate, and then adhere strictly to the reciprocity rule thereafter. The costs of making the first move are likely modest, but the potential long-term payoff could be disproportionately large. Although the two countries would remain strategic competitors, their rivalry would be based on more stable expectations and mutually accepted rules. Cooperation in areas of shared interest, in particular climate change, would be possible. Most important, the de-escalation of tensions would reduce the risk of a catastrophic military conflict. If US and Chinese leaders find Axelrod’s insight compelling enough to translate into actual policy, their next challenge is to figure out what their respective first moves should be, given uncertainty about the other side’s response. Since the long-entrenched Xi seems to have more room to maneuver than Biden, he is better positioned to take the initiative. Moreover, he has a rich menu of options to demonstrate goodwill – and likely elicit a positive US reaction – without risking too much political capital. For example, China should immediately allow the return of the American journalists it expelled last year in response to US restrictions on reporters working for state-run Chinese media outlets in the US. Another possibility would be to dismiss the charges against the 53 pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong arrested in early January. Releasing a non-trivial number of arbitrarily detained Uighurs on grounds of poor health – or, to use China’s official rationale for holding them, completion of “vocational training” – would signal Xi’s pragmatism in dealing with arguably the most difficult bilateral issue.", "zh": "而在外交方面，拜登很快就会尝试动员其民主国家盟友去与中国对抗，习近平则于最近在本年度世界经济论坛年会上的讲话中不点名地谴责了这一举措。 经济紧张局势也可能升级，因为中国似乎不太可能达到习近平政府一年前在与特朗普政府的“第一阶段”贸易协议中所订立的美国产品增加采购目标。 与此同时香港和新疆大多信奉伊斯兰教的维吾尔少数民族的人权依旧遭受着侵犯，这将刺激华盛顿要求对中国政治领导人和经济实体实施更多制裁。 防止中美关系新一轮恶化的唯一办法就是拜登或习近平率先拿出具体措施表达合作意愿，然后严格遵守对等原则。 走出第一步的成本可能不大，但却可能获取远超于此的长期潜在回报。 虽然两国仍将是战略竞争对手，但它们的竞争将建立在更稳定的预期和相互接受的规则基础上，并可能在一些共同关心的领域 — — 特别是气候变化领域 — — 开展合作。 而最重要的是紧张局势的缓和将降低灾难性军事冲突的风险。 如果美国和中国领导人认为阿克塞尔罗德的见解足够令人信服并可以转化为实际的政策，那么他们的下一个挑战就是在不确定对方将如何应对的情况下拿出什么样的第一步行动。 鉴于执政基础更为深厚的习近平似乎拥有比拜登更大的回旋余地，他也更有条件去掌握主动。 此外他还有多种选项可以用来展示善意 — — 并很可能引发美国的积极回应 — — 而不至于冒太大的政治风险。 举个例子，中国可以立即撤销因去年美国对中国国营媒体驻美记者施加限制而对美国媒体驻华记者下达的驱逐出境令，另一种可能则是撤销对1月初在香港被捕的53名民运人士的起诉。 以健康状况不佳为由 — — 或者按照这些人已经完成了“教育培训”的官方留置说法 — — 释放相当数量被无理拘留的维吾尔人可以表现习近平在处理这一可谓最棘手双边问题时的务实态度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The BRI stands to have a direct effect on as many as 65 countries, including Russia and India, which along with China constitute three of the four BRIC countries (the other one is Brazil). And nine of the 11 most populous emerging countries after China lie within the BRI’s broad geographical scope. Most of these countries have not yet matched China’s success in unlocking their economic potential. Many of them devote more resources to domestic infighting or conflict with one another than to participating in international trade. But with BRI, cross-border trade could increase, and some of the feuds could be laid to rest, benefiting the region’s citizens. Indeed, far more interesting than the BRI’s infrastructure projects are its geopolitical implications. The BRI could subtly but significantly improve relationships between China and its neighbors, and between the neighbors themselves. China’s relationship with India and other countries on the Indian subcontinent is of particular importance. When Xi held a regional conference to promote the BRI in May, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi did not attend, much to Chinese leaders’ chagrin. But then, at a BRICS summit in September, China and India seemed to achieve a significant diplomatic breakthrough over a territorial dispute. If this turns out to be the beginning of a limited Sino-Indian rapprochement, and if other rivals in the region follow suit, then the BRI could end up being a landmark policy indeed.", "zh": "“一带一路”将直接影响到包括俄罗斯和印度在内的多达65个国家，涵盖金砖四国中的三个（剩下那个是巴西 ） 。 而位列中国之后的11个人口最多的新兴国家中有9个位于“一带一路”覆盖的广泛地域范围内。 这些国家中的大多数仍未能借助中国的经济繁荣来解放自身的经济潜力。 其中许多国家都将资源投入到国内斗争或冲突而非参与国际贸易。 但是，随着“一带一路”的推进，跨境贸易可能会增加，有些国内冲突可以搁置，使该地区的人们得以受益。 事实上，比“一带一路”的基础设施项目更有意义的是它对地缘政治的影响。 “一带一路”可以潜移默化地大大改善中国与邻国之间以及各邻国之间的关系。 中国与印度以及南亚次大陆其他国家的关系尤为重要。 当习近平在5月召开区域性会议推动“一带一路”倡议时，印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪的缺席多少让中国领导人有点懊恼。 但在9月份的金砖四国首脑会议上，中国和印度似乎在领土争端方面取得了重大外交突破。 如果事实证明这是中印局部和解的开端，而该地区的其他对手也从善如流，那么“一带一路”可能最终成为一个具有里程碑意义的政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈凉川对她的态度，从一开始的冷淡不屑，到突如其来的温柔，这一切都让她觉得不安。 她的抗拒，让沈凉川眯起了眼睛。 原来，女孩并没有自己想的那么单纯，她早就看出了自己的意图了啊。 却用插科打诨来蒙混过去，就是为了将他推开。 他皱起眉头，心里倏忽间就上来了一层阴影。 想要说点什么，可却对上女人那忐忑不安纠结的眼神。 所有的情绪一下子梗在心间，让他嘴巴张了张，最后开口，“你可以叫我的名字。” 名字？ 乔恋又一次诧异了。 他这是……妥协了吗？ 她咳嗽了一声，张口：“沈凉川。” “嗯。” 他果然露出了笑意。 两个人面对面，你看看我，我看看你。 房间里一时间呈现出一股诡异的安静。 乔恋与沈凉川相处，这种安静的时刻很多，可以前都是尴尬的，然而现在，这种安静中却流淌着一股甜蜜的气氛。 一尴尬，就忍不住要笑。", "en": "Shen Liangchuan’s attitude towards her had changed from his usual coldness to a sudden gentleness, which made her feel extremely uncomfortable. Shen Liangchuan narrowed his eyes. It turned out that this girl wasn’t as naive as he thought she was. She had already understood his intentions. However, she kept making witty quips to defuse any awkward situation, with the aim of pushing him even further away. He frowned. He could almost feel a layer of darkness beginning to form around his heart. He wanted to say something, but stopped when he saw the girl’s anxious gaze. All of the emotions he was feeling were stuck within him, so he kept opening and closing his mouth repeatedly. Finally, he said, “You can call me by my name.” Your name? Qiao Lian was dumbfounded again. She widened her eyes and was slightly dazed. Then, she realized that Shen Liangchuan was eagerly looking at her. That expression! It was as though… She coughed and said, “Shen Liangchuan.” “Yes.” He was indeed smiling. The both of them stared at each other’s faces intently. For some time, a curious silence filled the room. Over the time Qiao Lian and Shen Liangchuan had interacted with each other, there had been many moments of silence. Furthermore, they were almost always awkward silences. However, right now, the silence that was permeating the room created a somewhat sweet atmosphere instead."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Faustian Bargain NEW YORK – The second wave of COVID-19 infections has struck Europe harder than many expected. The hope of a V-shaped recovery has been replaced by the fear of a double-dip recession, implying that there will be no quick return to normal European Union budget rules. More worryingly, Europe now finds itself forced into a tradeoff between two objectives, both of which are critical to its long-term viability as a supranational political and economic bloc. Now more than ever, the EU’s commitment to the rule of law appears to be on the chopping block. The news is not all bad. Owing to farsighted policy decisions by EU leaders, north-south relations within the Union are on a firmer footing than they have been for many years. One sign of this is that the spreads between German and Italian interest rates are at a record low, indicating that Italy’s position in the euro is now rock solid. “Spread anxiety” about the sustainability of the euro has abated across the entire southern tier of the eurozone. Forget the political hurdles recently introduced by Central European member states with their threats to veto the EU’s budget and new COVID-19 recovery fund. Sustaining the long-awaited north-south political and economic convergence will be the EU’s top priority in the weeks and months ahead. While the narrowing of interest-rate spreads initially reflected the European Central Bank’s quantitative-easing (QE) policies, it is the EU’s new recovery fund – dubbed Next Generation EU – that brought them to record lows. Investors have stopped selling the bonds of indebted southern countries because they realized that northern politicians, particularly in Germany, are willing to provide the support necessary (be it grants or loans) to prevent an unraveling of the euro. Following the announcement of Next Generation EU came still more good news. In October, the European Commission’s first issuance of corona bonds with which to finance the program was vastly over-subscribed. Investors placed bids for more than €233 billion ($276 billion), far exceeding the initial €17 billion on offer. This market reaction sent an unambiguous signal that a fully funded €750 billion recovery program would soon be a reality.", "zh": "欧洲的浮士德式交易 发自纽约—第二波新型冠状病毒感染给欧洲造成的打击比许多人预想的更为严重。 实现V型复苏的期望也被陷入二次探底式衰退的恐惧所取代，这意味着在短期内都难以回归正常的欧盟预算规则。 更令人担忧的是欧洲如今发现自己不得不在两个目标之间进行权衡，而这些目标对其作为一个超国家政治和经济集团的长期生存至关重要。 同时欧盟对法治的承诺似乎也比以往任何时候更加岌岌可危。 情况并不都是负面的。 在欧盟领导人深谋远虑的政策决策之下，当前联盟内部的南北关系要比过去几十年间更为巩固。 其中一个迹象就是德国和意大利之间的利差正处于历史低位，这表明意大利目前在欧元中的地位相当稳固。 整个欧元区南部对该货币可持续性的“普遍忧虑情绪”有所减轻。 同时也不必在意几个中欧地区成员国最近施加的政治阻碍（它们威胁要否决欧盟预算和新设立的新冠病毒复苏基金 ） 。 维持期待已久的南北政治和经济融合将是欧盟在未来几周和几个月内的头等大事。 虽然利差收窄现象起初反映的是欧洲央行量化宽松政策，但却是欧盟名为“下一代欧盟”的新复苏基金使它们创下了历史新低。 投资者已经停止出售那些高负债南方成员国的债券，因为他们意识到北方成员国的政治家们 — — 特别是德国政治家 — — 愿意提供必要的支持（无论是赠款还是贷款）以防止欧元瓦解。 继宣布下一代欧盟基金之后还有更多好消息。 欧盟委员会为筹集资金而在10月首次发行的新冠病毒债券获得了巨量超额认购。 投资者拿出了超过2330亿欧元（折合2760亿美元）申购该债券，远超最初计划发行的170亿欧元规模。 这一市场反应发出了明确的信号，即一个资金配置到位的7500亿欧元复苏计划将很快成为现实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Warming’s Upside-Down Narrative NEW YORK – When politicians around the world tell the story of global warming, they cast it as humanity’s greatest challenge. But they also promise that it is a challenge that they can meet at low cost, while improving the world in countless other ways. We now know that is nonsense. Political heavyweights from US Secretary of State John Kerry to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon call climate change “the greatest challenge of our generation.” If we fail to address it, Kerry says, the costs will be “catastrophic.” Indeed, this has been the standard assertion of politicians since the so-called Stern Review commissioned by the British government in 2006. That report famously valued the damage caused by global warming at 5-20% of GDP – a major disruption “on a scale similar to those associated with the great wars and the economic depression of the first half of the twentieth century.” Tackling climate change, we are told, would carry a much lower cost. The president of the European Commission promised that while the European Union’s climate policies are “not cost-free,” they would amount to just 0.5% of GDP. Indeed, politicians of all stripes have reiterated the Stern Review’s finding that global warming can be curtailed by policies costing just 1% of world GDP. Climate policies, moreover, are said to help in many other ways. US President Barack Obama promised that policies to combat global warming would create five million new green jobs. The EU claimed that green energy would help “improve the EU’s security of energy supply.” With the completion of the latest report by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), we can now see that this narrative is mostly wrong. The first installment of the IPCC report showed that there is indeed a climate problem – emissions of greenhouse gases, especially CO₂, lead to higher temperatures, which will eventually become a net problem for the world. This result was highly publicized. But the report also showed that global warming has dramatically slowed or entirely stopped in the last decade and a half. Almost all climate models are running far too hot, meaning that the real challenge of global warming has been exaggerated. Germany and other governments called for the reference to the slowdown to be deleted.", "zh": "全球变暖的颠倒说法 纽约 — — 世界各地的政界人士在讲述全球变暖的故事时，把全球变暖描绘成人类最严峻的挑战。 不过他们承诺能以较低成本加以应对，同时从无数其他方面改善世界各地的局面。 我们现在知道这纯属无稽之谈。 从美国国务卿克里到联合国秘书长潘基文这样的重量级政界人士均称气候变化是“我们这代人最严峻的挑战 ” 。 克里称如果解决不了这一问题，人类将会付出灾难性的代价。 事实上，从2006年由英国政府委托撰写的所谓斯特恩报告出炉后，这已经成为政要们的标准说法。 斯特恩报告尽人皆知的断言全球变暖引发的损失将占GDP的5-20 % ， 并称这是“与大规模战争和二十世纪上半叶经济衰退规模类似”的重大破坏。 我们被告知解决气候变化问题可以大幅降低所付出的代价。 欧盟委员会主席承诺虽然欧盟气候政策“并非毫无成本 ” ， 但只占GDP的0.5 % 。 事实上，各路政要重申了斯特恩报告的观点，即可以通过仅占全球GDP1%的成本成功控制全球变暖。 此外，据说气候政策的作用还体现在其他很多方面。 美国总统奥巴马承诺应对全球变暖的政策将创造出500万个新的绿色就业机会。 欧盟则称绿色能源将有助于“改善欧盟在能源供应领域的安全 。 ” 联合国政府间气候变化委员会（IPCC）最新报告完成后，我们知道这种说法错得多么荒诞。 首期IPCC报告显示气候问题确实存在 — — 温室气体、特别是二氧化碳的排放导致气温升高，最终会危及到这个世界。 这一结果已经广为人知了。 但报告同时显示过去15年中全球变暖速度已经大幅减慢或者完全停止。 几乎所有气候模型的测算数据都过于炎热，也就是夸大了全球变暖的实际问题。 德国和其他几个国家的政府呼吁删除全球变暖速度减缓的证据。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ron and Hermione, meanwhile, had found a place in the stands next to Neville, who couldn't understand why they looked so grim and worried, or why they had both brought their wands to the match. Little did Harry know that Ron and Hermione had been secretly practicing the Leg-Locker Curse. They'd gotten the idea from Malfoy using it on Neville, and were ready to use it on Snape if he showed any sign of wanting to hurt Harry.\"Now, don't forget, it's Locomotor Mortis,\" Hermione muttered as Ron slipped his wand up his sleeve.\"I know,\" Ron snapped. \"Don't nag.\"Back in the locker room, Wood had taken Harry aside.\"Don't want to pressure you, Potter, but if we ever need an early capture of the Snitch it's now. Finish the game before Snape can favor Hufflepuff too much.\"\"The whole school's out there!\" said Fred Weasley, peering out of the door. \"Even -- blimey -- Dumbledore's come to watch!\"", "zh": "罗恩和荷米恩不久便在尼维尔的旁边找到位子，尼维尔不明白为什么他们显得如此神情严肃、焦虑，而且把魔杖也带来了。哈利并不知道，他们得到马尔夫把锁脚咒施用到尼维尔的启示，已偷偷地把咒语学了下来。他们商量好了，如果史纳皮有任何伤害哈利迹象的话，便把咒语用在他的身上。\"好吧，不要忘记，咒语是罗可莫特莫莉斯。\"荷米恩依声咕味道，这时罗恩把他的魔杖放进袖子里藏好。\"不要再哆嗦，我知道了。\"罗恩厉声说。回到更衣室，伍德把哈利拉到一旁。\"别强迫自己，波特，如果我们要早点抓住史尼斯球，现在就是时候了。抓紧在史纳皮能更嚣张地偏袒海夫巴夫之前结束比赛。\"\"整个学校的人都在外面了，\"弗来德.威斯里从门口向外盯着说，\"甚至——哎呀——连丹伯多教授也出来观战。\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Some of the biggest risks lie in the emerging economies, which are suffering primarily from a sea change in the global economic environment. During China’s infrastructure boom, it was importing huge volumes of commodities, pushing up their prices and, in turn, growth in the world’s commodity exporters, including large emerging economies like Brazil. Add to that increased lending from China and huge capital inflows propelled by low US interest rates, and the emerging economies were thriving. The global economic crisis of 2008-2009 disrupted, but did not derail, this rapid growth, and emerging economies enjoyed an unusually crisis-free decade until early 2013. But the US Federal Reserve’s move to increase interest rates, together with slowing growth (and, in turn, investment) in China and collapsing oil and commodity prices, has brought the capital inflow bonanza to a halt. Lately, many emerging-market currencies have slid sharply, increasing the cost of servicing external dollar debts. Export and public-sector revenues have declined, giving way to widening current-account and fiscal deficits. Growth and investment have slowed almost across the board. From a historical perspective, the emerging economies seem to be headed toward a major crisis. Of course, they may prove more resilient than their predecessors. But we shouldn’t count on it.", "zh": "一些最大的风险存在于新兴经济体，新兴经济体主要受到全球经济环境剧变的影响。 在中国基础设施繁荣期间，它进口了巨量大宗商品，推高了大宗商品的价格，反过来提振了大宗商品出口国的增长，包括巴西等大型发展中经济体。 此外，来自中国的贷款的增加和美国低利率带来的资本流入让新兴经济体表现出一派欣欣向荣。 2008—2009年全球经济危机干扰但并未打断这一高速增长，直到2013年初，新兴经济体度过了一段反常的无危机的十年。 但美联储提高利率的举动，以及中国增长（从而投资）增长放缓和石油和大宗商品价格暴跌让资本流入潮戛然而止。 最近，许多新兴市场货币大幅贬值，增加了维持美元外债的成本。 出口和公共部门收入有所下降，经常项目和财政赤字增加。 增长和投资出现全方位放缓。 从历史角度看，新兴经济体可能正在迈向重大危机。 当然，它们可能比以往恢复力更强。 但我们不能寄希望于这一点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Furthermore, in the Greater Middle East, the fall of one secular dictatorship after another, coupled with the loosening of external control, has incited new – and rekindled old – suspicions, religious disagreements, and mistrust of outsiders in general and the West in particular. As a result, the region has entered a period of conflict, social degradation, rising nationalism, and growing religious fanaticism. Most threatening, however, is the possibility that the EU could collapse, triggering a third unfreezing. The EU, established to break the destructive cycle of European nationalism that had facilitated the rise of two totalitarian systems and caused two world wars, amounted to the creation of a prototype of a humane world order. After being its own – and thus the world’s – worst enemy for centuries, Europe became a beacon of peace. But, resting on the laurels of the EU’s founders, successive European leaders largely failed to perceive the competitive challenges posed by globalization. They seemed to forget that the European project’s underlying motivation was political, not economic, which led them to rush into enlargement and set unrealistic goals. Now, they must pay for their mistakes by overhauling the entire institutional framework of the EU and the eurozone. At the same time, Europeans must prepare for an even more profound transformation. In order to regain economic competitiveness, European countries will have to abandon many of their social-welfare policies and reform their political institutions. Most Europeans prefer to ignore the looming challenge of radical policy reform, owing to the decline in living standards that it implies. Global leaders must encourage Europe to tackle its problems decisively by offering advice, financial support, and constructive criticism. Russia must continue to press for an Alliance of Europe – a new framework for economic and diplomatic relations among the EU, Russia, and the rest of Greater Europe – which could offer a way out of Europe’s systemic crisis. The first unfreezing had serious consequences. Now, global leaders must work to minimize the fallout of the second, and use all available means to prevent a third.", "zh": "此外，在大中东，世俗独裁政权接二连三倒台，这与外部控制的放松一起，带来了新的（也重燃了旧的）怀疑、宗教分歧和对外部人（尤其是西方人）的不信任。 结果，该地区进入了冲突、社会退化、民族主义崛��和宗教狂热日盛的时代。 但是，最大的威胁乃是欧盟解体并触发第三次解冻的可能性。 欧盟的建立本是为了打破欧洲民族主义的破坏性循环 — — 导致两次世界大战的两大极权制度的崛起都是拜这一循环所赐 — — 后来它也成为人类世界秩序的样板。 在充当了几百年自身 — — 以及全世界 — — 最险恶的敌人之后，欧洲变身为和平的明灯。 但是，后辈欧洲领导人并没有延续欧盟创立者的荣光，他们没能意识到全球化带来的竞争挑战。 他们似乎忘记了欧洲工程的基本动机是政治，而不是经济，这让他们急于扩张，制定了不切实际的目标。 如今，他们必须为他们的错误买单 — — 修正欧盟和欧元区的整套制度框架。 与此同时，欧洲必须为更深远的转型做好准备。 为了重新获得经济竞争力，欧洲国家将不得不抛弃许多社会福利政策并改革其政治制度。 大部分欧洲人更愿意舒适彻底政策改革的迫切挑战，因为这意味着生活水平的下降。 全球领导人必须为欧洲提供建议、金融支持和建设性批评，以此鼓励它果断解决自身问题。 俄罗斯必须继续施压要求建立欧洲同盟（Alliance of Europe，欧盟、俄罗斯和大欧洲其他部分组成的新的经济和外交关系框架 ） ， 它能为欧洲的系统性危机提供解决之道。 第一次解冻带来了十分严重的后果。 如今，全球领导人必须致力于将第二次解冻的不利后果最小化，并使用一切可能阻止第三次解冻。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Harnessing the Hope of Social Science VIENNA – In his opening address at the 2016 Nobel Prize Award Ceremony, Nobel Foundation Chairman Carl-Henrik Heldin drew parallels between our current milieu and the late nineteenth-century world in which Alfred Nobel lived and worked. Nobel’s era was one of rapid industrialization and economic expansion. Progressive political ideas about peaceful international cooperation flourished, but nationalism, xenophobia, geopolitical tensions, and terrorism were also on the rise. Anarchists assassinated a Russian Czar, an Austrian Empress, and American and French presidents, and the outbreak of World War I dealt a near-fatal blow to European civilization. The similarities to today’s world are obvious. Scientists continue to surprise us with amazing discoveries, and billions of people around the world have been lifted out of poverty. But dark clouds have formed on the horizon. Terrorists have struck Europe with a vengeance, and millions of refugees fleeing wars and hunger are taxing European institutions, and straining social cohesion. Populist movements have emerged, calling for closed borders and new walls, and their rejection of expertise has led Heldin to a “grim truth”: that “we can no longer take it for granted that people believe in science, facts, and knowledge.” Of course, our expectations will always be in tension with reality. A decade ago, hardly anyone would have predicted that the European project would be tested by a massive influx of refugees and asylum-seekers.", "zh": "利用社会科学的希望 维也纳—在2016年诺贝尔奖颁奖典礼的开幕致辞中，诺贝尔基金会主席卡尔-亨里克·赫尔丁（Carl-Henrik Heldin）将当前社会环境与阿尔弗雷德·诺贝尔生活和工作的十九世纪末做了一个类比。 诺贝尔的时代是工业化和经济快速扩张的时代。 关于和平国际合作的进步政治思想兴起，但民族主义、仇外、地缘政治紧张和恐怖主义也在崛起。 无政府主义者刺杀了俄国沙皇、奥地利皇后和美国和法国总统，而一战的爆发几乎给欧洲文明带来致命打击。 当今世界的相似之处是显而易见的。 科学家继续用了不起的发现带给我们惊奇，全世界数十亿人已经摆脱贫困。 但乌云已经出现在地平线上。 恐怖主义带着仇恨袭击欧洲，数百万逃离战争和饥饿的难民成为欧洲机构的负担，并考验着社会凝聚力。 民粹主义运动兴起，要求关闭边境、建造新隔离墙，而他们拒绝接受专家意见让赫尔丁看到了一个“残酷的真相 ” ： “我们不再能够理所当人地认为人们相信科学、事实和知识 。 ” 当然，我们的预期总是与现实冲突。 十年前，几乎没人预见到欧洲工程会经受大规模难民和寻求庇护者的涌入的考验。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ducem Barr rose. He said flatly, “Such help as I could give you means nothing. So I will make you free of it in the face of your strenuous demand.” “I will be the judge of its meaning.” “No, I am serious. Not all the might of the Empire could avail to crush this pygmy world.” “Why not?” Bel Riose’s eyes glistened fiercely. “No, stay where you are. I’ll tell you when you may leave. Why not? If you think I underestimate this enemy I have discovered, you are wrong. Patrician,” he spoke reluctantly, “I lost a ship on my return. I have no proof that it fell into the hands of the Foundation; but it has not been located since and were it merely an accident, its dead hulk should, certainly have been found along the route we took. It is not an important loss – less than the tenth part of a fleabite, but it may mean that the Foundation has already opened hostilities. Such eagerness and such disregard for consequences might mean secret forces of which I know nothing. Can you help me then by answering a specific question? What is their military power?” “I haven’t any notion.” “Then explain yourself on your own terms. Why do you say the Empire can not defeat this small enemy?”", "zh": "杜森・巴尔站起来，断然说道：“我能给你的帮助根本一文不值。所以，无论你如何要求，我也不会提供任何意见。” “是否一文不值，我自己会判断。” “不，我是说正经的。帝国所有的力量加在一起，也无法打垮那个小小世界。” “为什么？”贝尔・里欧思双眼射出凶狠的光芒，“别动，给我坐好。你能走的时候我自然会告诉你。为什么不能呢？假如你认为我低估了我所发现的敌人，那你就错了。老贵族，”他有点不情愿地说道，“我回来的途中，损失了一艘星舰。我无法证明它是落在基地手中，但我们一直找不到它的行踪；倘若只是单纯的意外，沿途必定能够发现一些残骸。这并不是什么重大损失──九牛一毛都谈不上，却有可能代表基地已经对我们开战。他们那么急切，完全不顾后果，也许意味着他们拥有我闻所未闻的秘密武器。所以你能不能帮个忙，回答我一个特定的问题？他们的武力究竟如何？” “我没有任何概念。” “那么你用自己的理论解释一下，为什么你会说帝国无法打败这个小小的敌人？”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "也就是说自己想获得类似《正骨论》的孤本就得进入大医？ 想到这，方丘眉头微皱了起来。 这大医成了过不去的坎了。 “那……” 没等方丘把话问出来，徐妙林直接堵住了他说道：“别想让我告诉你聚会地点，我不会告诉你的，也没人会告诉你。” “所以，无论你想参加这个聚会，还是想治好自己的病，你都要一年半内成为大医！” 方丘深深叹了口气。 借光这条路看来走不通了。 于是真挚的望向徐妙林，真诚说道， “徐老师！” “晚辈能不能跟您学习中医，学校实施师承培养模式，我能否拜您为师？” 说完，紧紧的盯着徐妙林。 徐妙林看了方丘一眼，却是微微一笑的摇摇头，说道：“拜师就不必了。” “中医这条路，得行万里路，至少治好一万个人，访一群明师才行，我虽然全科都会，但是太杂、不精，给你普及一下中医知识还行，做师傅，怕误了你。” 方丘一愣。", "en": "So if he wanted to read other unique copies like the Bonesetting Theory, he had to become a doctor of greatness? As he pondered, the frown climbed back to Fang Qiu’s brows. The doctor of greatness level seemed to have become a ridge that he couldn’t pass. “Hmm…” Before Fang Qiu could throw out his question, Xu Miaolin cut in, “Don’t bother ask me about the meeting location. I won’t tell you. No one will tell you.” “Either to attend the meeting or to cure your illness, you must become a doctor of greatness within one and a half years!” Fang Qiu let out a long sigh. Seeking his help seemed impossible. He turned to Xu Miaolin solemnly and put on his most sincere tone. “Teacher Xu!” “May I study Chinese Medicine with you? The school has this Apprentice Plan program. Can you be my master?” He locked his eyes on Xu Miaolin. Xu Miaolin glanced at Fang Qiu and then shook his head slightly. “Becoming my apprentice won’t be necessary.” “Chinese medicine is a long journey of 5,000 kilometers. You need to cure at least ten thousand patients and visit a dozen brilliant masters along the way. I have some understanding in all fields but my knowledge is too miscellaneous, not refined. I can help you with Chinese Medicine knowledge but I can’t hold you up by becoming your mentor.” Fang Qiu was startled."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It doesn't just kill everybody, it mangles the bodies beyond all recognition. Nobody can say who was inside, nobody can say where they were sitting. The bodies can't be properly buried. It's one tragedy compounding another. Simonides, standing outside, the sole survivor amid the wreckage, closes his eyes and has this realization, which is that in his mind's eye, he can see where each of the guests at the banquet had been sitting. And he takes the relatives by the hand and guides them each to their loved ones amid the wreckage. What Simonides figured out at that moment is something that I think we all kind of intuitively know, which is that, as bad as we are at remembering names and phone numbers and word-for-word instructions from our colleagues, we have really exceptional visual and spatial memories. If I asked you to recount the first 10 words of the story that I just told you about Simonides, chances are you would have a tough time with it. But I would wager that if I asked you to recall who is sitting on top of a talking tan horse in your foyer right now, you would be able to see that. The idea behind the memory palace is to create this imagined edifice in your mind's eye and populate it with images of the things that you want to remember -- the crazier, weirder, more bizarre, funnier, raunchier, stinkier the image is, the more unforgettable it's likely to be. This is advice that goes back 2,000-plus years to the earliest Latin memory treatises.", "zh": "不仅全体死亡 所有的死者都被砸得面目全非 没人说得清死者都有些谁 没人说得清谁坐在哪儿 导致死者的尸体没法得到合适的殉葬安置 这又加重了整件事的悲剧色彩 Simonides站在外面 作为废墟中的唯一幸存者 闭上眼睛 猛然意识到 在他的脑海中 他眼前出现了所有宾客所坐的位置 他就牵着亲属们的手 穿过废墟 把他们带到了亲人身边 Simonides当时猛然醒悟的事 大概我们大家也都猜到了 其实是 不管我们 有多不善于记住姓名 电话号码 或是同事的每句指令 我们都拥有异常敏锐的视觉或空间记忆能力 要是我让你们逐字逐句地重述 我刚才讲的Simonides故事的前十个字 应该没几个人会记得 但我敢打赌 如果我让你们现在回想下 在你的门厅里 坐在会讲话的棕色骏马上的 是谁 你们就明白我刚才说的意思了 记忆宫殿的原理 就是在你的脑海里建立一栋想象大厦 并让你想记住的东西 的影像充满其中 越是疯狂 古怪 奇诡 荒诞搞笑 乱七八糟 招人厌恶的影像 就越容易记住 这个建议来自于两千多年前 拉丁最早的记忆学者"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Several decades of growth in emerging economies have driven a massive increase in middle-income consumers and overall purchasing power, while simultaneously removing the world’s ultra-low-cost productive capacity. Of course, there may still be periods of demand-constrained growth, following crises like the pandemic or future climate-driven shocks. But the underlying pattern will be one of supply- and productivity-constrained growth, because the remaining reservoirs of underutilized productive capacity simply are not large enough to accommodate growing global demand. Lewis’s work was not primarily focused on the global economy, except to the extent that international markets provide the technology and demand needed to fuel early-stage export-led growth in developing countries. Nonetheless, his insight that growth patterns shift dramatically depending on whether there are accessible untapped productive resources (especially labor) is as relevant as ever. Applied to the transitions now underway in the global economy, Lewis’s insights imply major changes in growth patterns, the structure of economies, the configuration of global supply chains, and the relative prices of pretty much everything – from goods, services, and labor to commodities and various asset classes. Equally important, they indicate that this transition will be irreversible. Navigating the global version of the Lewis turning point will be tricky. Understanding the underlying structural changes is the necessary place to start.", "zh": "新兴经济体数十年的增长推动了中等收入消费者和整体购买力的大量增加，同时也消灭了世界上的超低成本生产能力。 当然，在疫情或未来气候冲击等危机过后仍然可能会有某些受制于需求的增长期，但基本模式仍将是受制于供应和生产力的增长，因为未被充分利用的剩余生产能力储备根本不足以满足不断增长的全球需求。 刘易斯的工作并非主要集中在全球经济上，而是着眼于由国际市场提供所需技术和需求来推动发展中国家早期的出口导向型增长。 即便如此，他关于增长模式由于是否具备有可利用的未开发生产资源（尤其是劳动力）而发生巨大变化的见解依然与以往一样具有现实意义。 将刘易斯的见解应用于全球经济当前正在进行的转型上，意味着增长模式、经济结构、全球供应链的配置以及几乎所有东西的相对价格 — — 从商品、服务和劳动力到大宗商品和各种资产类别 — — 都将发生重大变化。 同样重要的是它们表明这种转变将是不可逆转的。 驾驭全球版的刘易斯拐点绝非易事，而首要工作则是了解基本的结构性变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pursuit of these principals while encouraging the development of global markets is essential to greater overall growth prospects for the world economy. So when Russia sought earlier this year to quadruple the price of its gas exports to Ukraine, it argued that it was simply demanding market rates. The message sounded fair and it did, for a short time, appeal to some policymakers and investors not fully apprised of the situation. To be clear, measured price changes implemented over time was never in dispute; indeed, some internal price adjustments for Ukraine were in order. Unfortunately for Russia’s neighbors, it is not the market that determines what price is paid for Russia’s gas or transport; it is Gazprom and its chairman, Dmitry Medvedev, who is also the Russian government’s First Deputy Prime Minister. The price charged by Gazprom for each country bordering Russia is different and is largely determined by political relationships with the Kremlin. Economically speaking, gas supply and transport prices are more correlated to political relationships than to fundamental supply-demand or gas transport basis calculations. Ukraine was threatened with an immediate quadrupling of its prices – or interruption of its gas supply - as a result of it new-found independence from Russia during the Orange Revolution. Georgia, also feeling the wrath of Moscow following the Rose Revolution, faced potentially harmful price increases as well. Belarus, however, still in strong alignment with the Kremlin, continues to enjoy highly subsidized gas. Of course, Ukraine was not the only country put at risk by this brinksmanship; suppliers such as Turkmenistan, geographically locked into transit requirements through Russia, also suffer. And for the consuming nations of Western and Central Europe, the price effects and supply disruption anxieties were of significant consequence. Immediate multilateral intervention by the European Union and the United States probably are what probably caused Gazprom to turn the gas back on. Natural gas may be the commodity most vulnerable to event-driven supply disruptions. The fixed interconnected pipelines lock producers and consumers in a near-exclusive embrace.", "zh": "在促进全球市场发展的同时严格遵循上述原则对世界经济获得更大的总体增长无疑起着至关重要的作用。 因此当年初俄国试图把出口乌克兰的天然气价格提升到原来四倍的时候，俄国辩解说它所要求的不过是市场价格。 这种说法乍听上去不失公正，而且在一段很短的时间内，它的确获得了不完全了解情况的执政者和投资者的认同。 明确地讲，较长时间内适度的价格增长从来不会引起争议，实际情况是，乌克兰国内的价格调整已经蓄势待发。 不幸的是对俄罗斯的邻国来讲，决定俄国天然气或输送价格的从来就不是市场，而是俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司(Gazprom)及其主席，兼任第一副总理的梅德韦捷夫(Dmitry Medvedev ) 。 俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司对各个邻国的天然气定价迥然不同，而且这种定价在很大程度上取决于与克里姆林的政治关系。 从经济角度讲，天然气的供应和输送价格与根本的供求关系或天然气运送成本关系不大，反而是国与国之间的政治关系起到更大的作用。 橙色革命期间，乌克兰受到如下威胁，要么立即将天然气价格提高原来的四倍，要么就立刻面临着天然气供应中断的危险。 乌克兰不久前脱离俄联邦获得独立直接导致了这样的后果。 同样在玫瑰革命（Rose Revolution）中感受到莫斯科怒火的格鲁吉亚也面临着可能的损害性价格增长。 而仍然与克里姆林结成稳固联盟的白俄罗斯则继续心安理得地享用着含有高额价格补贴的天然气。 勿庸置疑，乌克兰并不是受到这种边缘化政策威胁的唯一的国家，像土库曼斯坦这样在地理上必须通过俄罗斯运输中转的天然气供应国也深受其害。 而对于西方和中欧的天然气消费国来讲，价格作用和对供应遭到破坏的忧虑会造成非常严重的后果。 欧盟和美国的即时多边干预也许是俄罗斯天然气工业股份公司被迫恢复天然气供应的主要原因。 天然气也许是最容易由于政治事件而遭受供应破坏的商品。 四通八达的固定管道使生产者和消费者之间建立起几乎独一无二的排他性关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But they never seem to mention that anyone who got huge government loans with near-zero interest rates could have made billions simply by lending that money back to the government. Nor do they mention the costs imposed on the rest of the economy – a cumulative output loss in Europe and the US that is well in excess of $5 trillion. Meanwhile, those who argued that monetary policy would not suffice turned out to have been right. Yes, we were all Keynesians – but all too briefly. Fiscal stimulus was replaced by austerity, with predictable – and predicted – adverse effects on economic performance. Some in Europe are pleased that the economy may have bottomed out. With a return to output growth, the recession – defined as two consecutive quarters of economic contraction – is officially over. But, in any meaningful sense, an economy in which most people’s incomes are below their pre-2008 levels is still in recession. And an economy in which 25% of workers (and 50% of young people) are unemployed – as is the case in Greece and Spain – is still in depression. Austerity has failed, and there is no prospect of a return to full employment any time soon (not surprisingly, prospects for America, with its milder version of austerity, are better). The financial system may be more stable than it was five years ago, but that is a low bar – back then, it was teetering on the edge of a precipice.", "zh": "但他们似乎也没提到过任何人只要把手里那些接近零利率的（援助）贷款反过来贷给政府就能轻松赚取数十亿美元。 他们也不会提到强加在其他经济部门身上的成本 — — 欧美两地不断累积的社会产能损失已经合计超过5万亿美元。 与此同时，那些认为货币政策无法满足需要的人最终是对的。 没错，我们曾都是凯恩斯主义者 — — 但却转瞬即逝。 财政刺激被收紧开支所取代，随之而来的还有可预见 — — 并已经被预见到了的 — — 负面经济效应。 一些欧洲人对经济可能已经触底反弹而感到庆幸。 随着生产恢复增长，衰退 — — 也就是连续两个季度出现经济收缩 — — 在官方意义上结束了。 但在任何有意义的层面上看，一个大多数民众收入依然低于2008年前水平的经济体仍旧处于衰退之中。 一个25%的职工（以及50%年轻人）还没找到工作 — — 正如希腊和西班牙 — — 的经济体依然处于萧条之下。 紧缩政策已经破产，同时却看不到任何在短期内回归全面就业的前景（不出所料，由于美国的紧缩措施相对温和，其前景相对看好 ） 。 金融系统或许比5年前更加稳固了，但依然还是立在一根低单杠上 — — 当年则是在悬崖边摇摇欲坠了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The End of “Peak Germany” and the Return of France LONDON – At first blush, the result of the European Parliament election in May, and the subsequent nomination of the European Union’s new leadership team, augur continuity and not disruption for the bloc. Nationalist parties failed to make any significant gains in the election, and then large Western European status quo powers hand-picked federalists for the top EU jobs. In particular, the choice of Ursula von der Leyen to be the next president of the European Commission – making her the first German to hold the post in a half-century – seemed to confirm Germany’s continued dominance in Europe. Yet undercurrents frequently diverge from the surface flow. History suggests that hegemons often assume formal leadership as their power wanes, not when it is strengthening. Today, several factors threaten Germany’s status as the EU top dog – and France stands to be the main beneficiary. Until now, German dominance has rested on two main pillars: seemingly permanent American defense guarantees, and the country’s world-leading manufacturing firms and massive net-creditor position. But as these foundations start to crumble, the era of “peak Germany” may be passing. One reason for this is the prevalence of ultra-low interest rates globally, and particularly in the eurozone, reflected by the fact that Italian and even Greek ten-year bonds have recently been yielding less than their US equivalents. Such shrinking risk premia imply that the risk of another eurozone sovereign-debt crisis is receding. This, in turn, is weakening the “semi-soft” sway that Germany has held over the eurozone by offering financial support in exchange for fiscal austerity and structural reform. In addition, the balance of political power within the EU is once again shifting. Most important, Brexit – although it has yet to occur – is helping France to reprise its pre-1990 role as the bloc’s swing voter. In those days, West Germany, Italy, and Spain generally favored more EU integration; Britain was against; and France had the deciding vote. This explains the modus operandi of the Franco-German “locomotive”: because major EU initiatives hinged on agreement between the two countries, France could choose a path of European integration that best suited its national interests.", "zh": "“ 德国顶峰”的终结以及法国的回归 发自伦敦—乍眼看去，5月欧洲议会选举的结果以及随后的欧盟新领导团队提名都在预示着欧盟的延续而非中断。 民族主义政党未能在选举中取得任何重大进展，而后各大西欧维护现状派势力亲手挑选了多位联邦主义者就任欧盟最高职位。 尤其是选择厄休拉·冯德莱恩（Ursula von der Leyen）担任欧盟委员会的下一任主席—也使她成为半个世纪以来第一个担任该职位的德国人—似乎证实德国将继续在欧洲占据主导地位。 然而平静的水面下往往是暗流涌动。 历史表明霸权国家夺取正式领导权之时经常也是其势力逐渐流失（而非增强）之时。 如今有几项因素都威胁到了德国作为欧盟领头羊的地位 — — 而法国将成为主要受益者。 到目前为止，德国的主导地位依赖于两大主要支柱：看似永久性的美国国防保障，以及领先全球的制造企业和大规模净债权人地位。 但随着这些基石开始崩溃 ， “ 德国顶峰”的时代可能正在消逝。 其中一个原因是全球范围内超低利率的普遍存在，尤其是在欧元区，这体现在意大利甚至希腊十年期国债最近收益率都低于其美国同类水平。 这种不断缩减的风险溢价意味着另一场欧元区主权债务危机的风险正在消退。 但这反过来也削弱了德国借助财政支持来换取财政紧缩和结构改革从而对欧元区施加的“半软性”影响。 此外，欧盟内部政治权力的平衡再次发生了变化。 最重要的是，英国脱欧（尽管尚未发生）正在帮助法国重新找回其在1990年以前所扮演的角色 — — 成为整个集团中举足轻重的投票者。 在那些日子里，西德，意大利和西班牙普遍赞成更深入的欧盟一体化；英国对此表示反对；而法国则手握决定性的一票。 这解释了法德“火车头”的运作方式：由于欧盟的主要动议都取决于两国之间的协议，法国可以选择最符合自身国家利益的欧洲一体化道路。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rather than wait for a rising tide to lift all boats, policymakers should consider direct policy interventionsto reduce poverty. A direct attack on poverty can yield a double dividend: in reducing human misery, it could spark growth, thereby creating more political space for direct poverty reduction. A high priority should be given to increasing pro-poor fiscal transfers. Lagging states spend considerably less than leading states on social services, including education and health care. Poor regions have a low base of economic activity to tax, which prevents them from investing in human and physical capital. Achieving equity through fiscal transfers can ensure a level playing field. But simply directing financial resources to lagging regions will not be enough to solve their problems. For example, the gains from labor mobility have not been equally sharedbetween educated and uneducated migrants. The gains are much higher for skilled workers, so the mobility rate increases with education. The mobility of university graduates is much higher than the mobility of unskilled workers. Removing barriers to human mobility – such as labor laws, state-specific social-welfare programs, and housing-market distortions – should be an integral part of development. Human mobility promotes growth and reduces poverty. It also empowers traditionally disadvantaged groups, particularly women. Likewise, slow agricultural growth has constrained economic opportunities for the vast majority of poor people in lagging regions. Policymakers should recast agriculture in the new environment of globalization, supply chains, and growing domestic demand. The food-price crisis of two years ago served as a wake-up call, and has created an opportunity to revisit existing agricultural policies. Regional development policies to promote so-called “equitable growth” are not a solution, for two reasons. First, empirical evidence shows that convergence of per capita income between lagging and leading regions is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for achieving poverty reduction and social convergence. Second, regional policies that promote “balanced” growth could lower overall growth, thereby impeding poverty reduction.", "zh": "与其等待经济的总体增长拉高这些地区的增长，政策制定者更应该考虑采取直接的政策干预来减少贫困。 实施具体扶贫措施可以收到一箭双雕之效：通过减少人们的苦难进而刺激增长，最终为更多的具体扶贫措施赢得政治空间。 对增加有利于穷人的财政转移支付政策应该予以优先考虑。 在社会服务（包括教育和医疗服务）方面，落后国家的财政投入要远低于富裕国家。 此外，贫穷地区经济活动较少，相应的税收总量也较低，阻碍了他们利用税收来提高人民生活质量和兴建基础设施。 在这一方面，通过财政转移支付来实现的公平至少能够确保一个公平竞争环境的形成。 不过，简单地把财政资源投入到落后地区并不足以解决那里的问题。 例如，由劳动力自由流动所带来的收益还没有在受过教育和缺乏教育的移民人口中实现平等分配。 技术工人的收于明显高于其他人高，因此人口流动率随受教育程度增加而增加。 大学毕业生的流动率就比非技术工人要高得多。 消除人口流动的壁垒 — — 例如劳动法的限制，各州各自独立的���会福利计划，以及住房市场的扭曲等 — — 应该是整体发展战略的一个组成部分。 人口流动能促进增长并减少贫困，而那些弱势群体的地位也能得到提升，特别是妇女。 同理，农业增长的缓慢也限制了落后地区广大贫困人口的经济发展机会。 政策制定者应该在全球化，供应链和国内需求日益增加的新背景下对农业进行重组。 两年前的农产品价格危机已敲响了警钟，并为已有的农业政策的重新思考提供了契机。 以促进所谓“平等发展”为核心的区域发展政策并不是一个好方法，原因有二：首先，减少落后地区和富裕地区的人均收入差距并不是实现减少贫困和社会融合目标的充要条件。 其次，以促进“平衡”增长为中心的区域政策反倒会拉低整体的增长，反倒阻碍了贫困状况的改善。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Consider the real-world case of someone shouting “Fire!” in a crowded theater. Could something similar happen digitally, with a spark of misinformation igniting a conflagration and wreaking havoc before the truth is revealed? The report’s third case study looks at what happens when we become complacent about a vital system. For example, constant innovation in medical science over the last 100 years has left us with the impression that our health-care systems can never regress. But experts are increasingly concerned about the potential for pandemics caused by bacteria resistant to all current antibiotics, while our intellectual-property system is failing to create adequate incentives for the development of new varieties. The director-general of the World Health Organization has warned that if the world falls back into a pre-antibiotic age, a scratch or throat infection could become lethal once again. Each case highlights the need to consider how to make systems more resilient, which means that systems cannot be considered in isolation. They are both plugged into larger systems and comprised of smaller subsystems. While, ideally, global risks would be met with global responses, the reality is that these risks manifest themselves mainly at the national level, and countries must address them largely on their own. So we need to assess national resilience by regularly evaluating critical subsystems within countries.", "zh": "我们可以用现实世界中的例子打比方，好比有人在拥挤的戏院大喊“着火啦 ！ ” 数字世界中会发生类似的事件吗？ 假消息会在真相暴露前点燃恐慌之火吗？ 报告的第三个案例研究是关于我们对某个关键系统沾沾自喜的后果的。 比如，在过去100年中，医学不断地产生着创新，这让我们感觉卫生系统永远不会退步。 但专家们越来越担忧细菌性流行病终有一日会所有现有抗生素产生抗药性，而我们的知识产权系统无法产生足够的激励对劲新药的研发。 世界卫生组织总干事警告说，如果世界退回前抗生素时代，那么抓伤或喉部感染将再次成为致命伤害。 这三个例子均凸显出让系统更具韧性的必要性，这意味着不能孤立地看待系统。 它们既是更大的系统的一部分，同时又由更小的系统组成。 尽管从理想上说，全球风险应该由全球应对措施来对付，但现实是这些风险主要在国家层面演进，各国必须自力更生面临挑战。 因此我们需要通过定期评估国家内部的关键次级系统来确认国家的抗灾力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Antarctica’s Point of No Return POTSDAM – Recent satellite observations have confirmed the accuracy of two independent computer simulations that show that the West Antarctic ice sheet has now entered a state of unstoppable collapse. The planet has entered a new era of irreversible consequences from climate change. The only question now is whether we will do enough to prevent similar developments elsewhere. What the latest findings demonstrate is that crucial parts of the world’s climate system, though massive in size, are so fragile that they can be irremediably disrupted by human activity. It is inevitable that the warmer the world gets, the greater the risk that other parts of the Antarctic will reach a similar tipping point; in fact, we now know that the Wilkes Basin in East Antarctica, as big or even bigger than the ice sheet in the West, could be similarly vulnerable. There are not many human activities whose impact can reasonably be predicted decades, centuries, or even millennia in advance. The fallout from nuclear waste is one; humans’ contribution to global warming through greenhouse-gas emissions from burning fossil fuels, and its impact on rising sea levels, is another. Indeed, the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report stated, in uncharacteristically strong terms, that the sea level is “virtually certain” to continue to rise in the coming centuries or millennia. Moreover, the greater our emissions, the higher the seas will rise. But the recent revelations about Antarctica are different. Rather than reacting to global warming with gradual and predictable patterns of change, the West Antarctic ice sheet has suddenly “tipped” into a new state. A relatively small amount of melting beneath the Amundsen Sea’s ice shelf has pushed its grounding line to the top of a sub-glacial hill, from which it is now “rolling down.” Simply put, one thermal kick was enough to initiate an internal dynamic that will now continue under its own momentum, regardless of any action that humans might take to prevent it. It is not completely clear whether humans have caused this tipping – though nothing like it has ever occurred during the 11,500-year Holocene period before humans started interfering with the planet’s energy balance. But that is not the point.", "zh": "南极点的不归路 波茨坦 — — 最新卫星观测证实了两台独立计算机的模拟结果，那就是南极西部冰盖已陷入势不可挡的崩溃状态。 地球现已进入气候变化不可逆后果的崭新时代。 现在唯一剩下的问题是我们能否阻止类似状况在其他地方出现。 最新研究结果表明世界气候系统的关键部分尽管规模巨大但却极为脆弱，可能受到人类活动难以弥补的破坏。 全球气温越高，南极洲其他部分达到类似临界点的风险必然也就越大；事实上，我们现在知道南极东部跟西部冰盖面积相仿、甚至更胜一筹的威尔克斯盆地很有可能也面临着同样的威胁。 我们无法提前数十、数百甚至数千年合理预测某种人类活动的影响。 核废料的影响仅是其中之一；人类燃烧化石燃料释放温室气体造成海平面上升所导致的全球变暖则是另外一种可能的影响。 事实上，最新发布的政府间气候变化专门委员会（IPCC）报告以一反常态的强硬语气表示，海平面“几乎毫无疑问”将在今后几百甚至上千年继续升高。 此外，人类碳排放量越多，海平面升高的幅度也就越大。 但这并不符合南极洲所出现的最新情况。 南极西部冰盖突然“跨过临界点”进入到一种全新状态，而并没有在全球变暖影响下呈现出可以预测的渐进性改变。 阿蒙森海冰架下的少量融冰已将其地平线推到了被冰川掩盖的丘陵上，现在正处在一种“下滑”的状态。 简言之，只消外部温度的一次剧烈变化就足以启动冰川内部的应激机制，到那时即便人类想要阻止也已经难上加难。 这种临界点是否是人类活动的结果目前尚不清楚 — — 但在人类开始干预地球能量平衡前长达11,500年的全新世时期却从未出现过类似的改变。 但这还不是重点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So the stakes in righting the world economy could not be higher. Mismanage the process, and the consequences could be unimaginable. Unfortunately, many of the solutions on offer are either too timid or demand too much of a global leadership that is in short supply. The conundrum of global reform is that the proposals that go far enough, such as establishing a global financial regulator, are wildly unrealistic, while those that are realistic, such as reform of the IMF, fall far short of what is needed. What we need is a vision of globalization that is fully cognizant of its limits. We can start with a simple principle: We should strive not for maximum openness in trade and finance, but for levels of openness that leave ample room for the pursuit of domestic social and economic objectives in rich and poor countries alike. In effect, the best way to save globalization is to not push it too far. Consider a traffic analogy. One way to prevent traffic accidents is to require everyone to drive a similar car, travel at the same speed, and head in the same direction. Another is to enforce some simple rules: don’t drive in the fast lane if going slow, stop at red lights, use a signal before a turn, and so on. The first approach may maximize the traffic load that can be carried safely, but it fails to take most people where they want to go and is ultimately self-defeating.", "zh": "因此矫正世界经济的重要性无与伦比。 如果过程管理不当，可能造成无法想象的后果。 不幸的是，现有的解决方法或者过于缩手缩脚，或者需要太多供应稀缺的全球领导力。 全球改革的难题是力度足够的提案，比如设立全球金融监管机构，却极端不切实际，而那些符合实际的提案，如改革国际货币基金组织，却远远解决不了问题。 我们需要彻底了解全球化的限度。 我们可以从简单的原则开始：我们所追求的不该是最大限度的贸易和金融开放，而应让开放为富国和穷国同样留下充足的空间追求国内的社会经济目标。 事实上，拯救全球化的最佳方式是不要做得太过火。 我们用交通来做类比。 防止交通事故的一种方式是要求所有人都开相似的车，以同样的速度行驶，并去往相同的方向。 还有一种方法是执行某些简单的规则：开慢车的不要上快车道，红灯停车，转弯打灯，诸如此类。 第一种方法或许能实现安全负载的最大化，但多数人无法去到想要的地方，最终还是会弄巧成拙。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "着力突破关键核心技术。落实民航科技创新战略，统筹加强民航领域应用基础研究和技术研发，聚焦保障能力不足、关键环节抗打击能力薄弱等问题，集中各方力量开展科技创新攻坚，在安全安保、适航审定、空事系统、智慧机场、智慧空管、智慧运行、旅客运输与航空物流等领域关键技术研究和装备研制取得突破。推动重大科技成果应用。坚持需求导向，细化科技成果应用路线图，加快扩大5G、大数据、区块链、人工智能、北斗系统等技术民航应用。紧抓基础设施集中建设机遇期，实现新技术、新产品与基础设施深度融合。着力开发新技术应用场景，提高运行效率和服务质量。加快国产技术装备应用。加强政府与企业协同，健全国产技术装备应用政策体系，建立民航国产装备供需对接平台和机制。完善行业首台（套）制度，推动国产设备示范应用。支持民航企业参与国产装备研发制造全过程，加快产品技术迭代，提升产品质量。推动我国民航优势技术与标准国际化，为国产装备进入国际主流市场创造条件。专栏9科技创新引领工程（2035）。", "en": "Focus on breakthroughs in key core technologies. Implement the strategy of technological innovation in civil aviation, coordinate and strengthen basic research and technological development in the field of civil aviation, focus on issues such as insufficient capacity and weak resistance to attacks in key areas, concentrate efforts from all parties to carry out technological innovation, and achieve breakthroughs in key technological research and equipment development in areas such as safety and security, airworthiness certification, air traffic systems, smart airports, smart air traffic control, smart operations, passenger transportation, and aviation logistics. Promote the application of major scientific and technological achievements. Adhere to demand-oriented approach, refine the roadmap for the application of scientific and technological achievements, accelerate the expansion of technologies such as 5G, big data, blockchain, artificial intelligence, and Beidou system in civil aviation applications. Seize the opportunity of concentrated construction of infrastructure, achieve deep integration of new technologies, new products, and infrastructure. Focus on developing new technology application scenarios to improve operational efficiency and service quality. Accelerate the application of domestically produced technological equipment. Strengthen government-enterprise coordination, improve the policy system for the application of domestically produced technological equipment, establish a platform and mechanism for matching supply and demand of domestically produced civil aviation equipment, improve the first set system in the industry, and promote the demonstration application of domestically produced equipment. Support civil aviation enterprises in participating in the entire process of research, development, and manufacturing of domestically produced equipment, accelerate product technology iteration, and improve product quality. Promote the internationalization of China's civil aviation advantageous technologies and standards, and create conditions for domestically produced equipment to enter the international mainstream market. Column 9: Technological Innovation Leading Project (2035)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要大力优化财政支出结构，基本民生支出只增不减，重点领域支出要切实保障，一般性支出要坚决压减，严禁新建楼堂馆所，严禁铺张浪费。 各级政府必须真正过紧日子，中央政府要带头，中央本级支出安排负增长，其中非急需非刚性支出压减50%以上。 各类结余、沉淀资金要应收尽收、重新安排。 要大力提质增效，各项支出务必精打细算，一定要把每一笔钱都用在刀刃上、紧要处，一定要让市场主体和人民群众有真真切切的感受。 稳健的货币政策要更加灵活适度。 综合运用降准降息、再贷款等手段，引导广义货币供应量和社会融资规模增速明显高于去年。 保持人民币汇率在合理均衡水平上基本稳定。 创新直达实体经济的货币政策工具，务必推动企业便利获得贷款，推动利率持续下行。 就业优先政策要全面强化。 财政、货币和投资等政策要聚力支持稳就业。 努力稳定现有就业，积极增加新的就业，促进失业人员再就业。 各地要清理取消对就业的不合理限制，促就业举措要应出尽出，拓岗位办法要能用尽用。 脱贫是全面建成小康社会必须完成的硬任务， 要坚持现行脱贫标准，增加扶贫投入，强化扶贫举措落实，确保剩余贫困人口全部脱贫， 健全和执行好返贫人口监测帮扶机制，巩固脱贫成果。", "en": "We will work harder to improve the composition of fiscal spending. We will see that spending on people’s basic wellbeing is only increased and not cut, ensure spending in key areas, and resolutely cut general expenditures. Construction of new government buildings and wasteful and excessive spending will be strictly prohibited. Government at all levels must truly tighten its belt. The central government will take the lead by committing to negative growth in its budgetary spending, with a more than 50 percent cut to outlays on non-essential and non-obligatory items. All types of surplus, idle and carryover funds that should be taken back will be withdrawn and reallocated. We will see that funds are put to better and more effective use; we will scrutinize all expenditure items and see that every cent is used where it is needed most and where market entities and the people will feel the greatest benefit from it. We will pursue a prudent monetary policy in a more flexible and appropriate way. We will use a variety of tools such as required reserve ratio reductions, interest rate cuts, and re-lending to enable M2 money supply and aggregate financing to grow at notably higher rates than last year. We will keep the RMB exchange rate generally stable at an adaptive, balanced level. As we work to develop new monetary policy instruments that can directly stimulate the real economy, it is crucial that we take steps to ensure enterprises can secure loans more easily, and promote steady reduction of interest rates. We will strengthen the employment-first policy with comprehensive measures. We will create synergy to stabilize employment through the coordinated use of fiscal, monetary, and investment policies. We will strive to keep existing jobs secure, work actively to create new ones, and help unemployed people find work. All local governments need to overhaul or rescind excessive restrictions on employment, and adopt all possible measures to bolster employment. Eliminating poverty is an obligatory task we must complete in order to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects. We will continue to apply the current poverty alleviation standards, increase inputs into poverty alleviation, and take stronger steps to implement poverty reduction measures, to ensure that all remaining poor people are lifted out of poverty. We will improve and effectively utilize mechanisms for monitoring and assisting people who fall back into poverty and consolidate our gains in poverty alleviation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given all this, the recession will lead to a sharp increase in corporate defaults, which had been very low over the last two years, averaging 0.6% per year, compared to an historic average of 3.8%. During a typical recession, the default rate among corporations may rise to 10-15%, threatening massive losses for those holding risky corporate bonds. As a result, the market for credit default swaps (CDS) ­– where protection against corporate defaults is bought and sold – may also experience massive losses. In that case, there will also be a serious risk that some firms that sold protection will go bankrupt, triggering further losses for buyers of protection when their counterparties cannot pay. On top of all this, there is a shadow financial system of non-bank financial institutions that, like banks, borrow short and liquid and lend to or invest in longer-term and illiquid assets. This shadow system includes structured investment vehicles (SIVs), conduits, money market funds, hedge funds, and investment banks. Like banks, all these financial institutions are subject to liquidity or rollover risk – the risk of going belly up if their creditors do not rollover their short-term credit lines. But, unlike banks, they do not have the safety net implied by central banks’ role as lender of last resort.", "zh": "在这些情况下，衰退将会导致不履行债务的企业急剧增多，这一数字在过去两年曾经非常低，每年平均为0.6 % ， 而历史平均数为3.8 % 。 在典型的衰退期间，不履行债务的企业的比率可能升高到10-15 % ， 从而使那些持有高风险公司债券的机构面临巨额损失的危险。 其结果是，信用违约互换（CDS）市场对企业违约的保险进行买卖的市场可能也会遭受巨额损失。 如果出现这样的情况，某些出售这类保险的公司极有可能会破产，从而使购买这些保险的机构面临进一步的损失，因为对方没有能力付款了。 除开所有这些情况，非银行金融机构的金融体系也面临着阴影，它们像银行一样，借来短期和流动资金然而借给或者投资在长期和非流动的资产上。 这种面临阴影的体系包括结构性投资工具（SIVs ） 、 管道（以资产支持商业票据为自己筹资 ） 、 货币市场基金、对冲基金和投资银行。 像银行一样，所有这些金融机构都面临着流动性或资金周转的风险，如果它们的债权人无法周转它们的短期贷款额度，它们就会垮掉。 但是，与银行不同���它们没有中央银行作为出借方最后的救命稻草为它们提供的安全网。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Explosive Reset of Czech-Russian Relations PRAGUE – The Czech Republic has endured one of its most dramatic fortnights since the Velvet Revolution in 1989, following the government’s announcement that two Russian agents were responsible for explosions at a munitions depot in the Moravian village of Vrbětice in 2014, in which two people were killed. Former Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka expressed the public’s shock perfectly: “I would say that this is the largest Russian attack on Czech soil since the invasion in 1968. It is a historic moment, and we must react.” And we have reacted. The Czech government expelled 18 Russian spies working at Russia’s embassy in Prague, provoking a predictable tit-for-tat expulsion of Czech diplomats in Moscow. More important, it may be a turning point for the Czech Republic, if not for Central Europe. The geopolitical situation in the region has long seemed clear. Poland is firmly opposed to the Kremlin, the Slovaks try to remain invisible, the Hungarians under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán are the Kremlin’s placemen in Europe, and the Czechs zigzag, trying not to alienate either Russia or NATO. As early as the end of the nineteenth century, the poet Josef Svatopluk Machar captured the Czech stance: “And we balance our sympathies / from the East in the West, from the West in the East / with the faults of both, but none of their strengths…”", "zh": "捷克与俄罗斯关系的爆炸性重启 布拉格 — — 在政府宣布两名俄罗斯特工应对2014年发生在莫拉维亚Vrbětice村导致两人死亡的军火库爆炸事件负责后，捷克共和国经历了自1989年天鹅绒革命以来最富戏剧性的两周。 前总理博胡斯拉夫·索博特卡淋漓尽致地表达了公众的震惊情绪 ： “ 我要说，这是自1968年入侵行动以来俄罗斯对捷克领土发动的最大规模袭击，这是一个历史性时刻，我们必须反击 。 ” 我们的确发动了反击。 捷克政府驱逐了18名在俄罗斯驻布拉格使馆工作的俄罗斯间谍，从而引发了可以预见的对捷克驻莫斯科外交官针锋相对的驱逐。 更重要的是，这或许会成为捷克共和国的转折点，甚至牵涉到整个中欧。 该地区的地缘政治局势似乎一直以来都十分清楚。 波兰坚决反对克里姆林宫，斯洛伐克人力求保持低调，而维克多·奥尔班总理领导下的匈牙利人则是克里姆林宫在欧洲的盟友。 捷克人则一直拐来拐去，既不想得罪北约也不想得罪俄国。 早在19世纪末，诗人约瑟夫·斯瓦托普卢克·马查尔就准确捕捉到了捷克的立场 ： “ 我们将支持与同情/从东方转到西方，又从西方转到东方/我们传染上了两者的缺点，但却没有学到它们的任何的优势 … ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Egypt-Israel Peace Test WASHINGTON, DC – The rocket strikes that a militant Islamist group recently fired from the Egyptian Sinai into the Israeli city of Eilat served as yet another reminder of how delicate bilateral relations remain two years after Egypt’s revolution. Terrorist activity could easily cause a crisis on the border, with the potential to trigger an unwanted confrontation that would threaten the peace treaty that normalized bilateral relations in 1979. To avoid such an outcome, Israel and Egypt must take convincing action now to uphold the treaty. Last November, when hostilities erupted in Gaza, Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi mediated a swift resolution, even providing a guarantee for the cease-fire with Gaza’s ruling Hamas. Morsi thus implicitly recommitted Egypt to upholding peace on the border and to playing a constructive role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. This boosted confidence in Israel that the Muslim Brotherhood, Egypt’s ruling party, would uphold the 1979 peace treaty. But Morsi has not explicitly endorsed peace with Israel and has avoided direct engagement with Israeli leaders. Preserving peace is in both countries’ interests. The attack on an Egyptian army outpost in the Sinai last summer, in which armed militants killed 16 soldiers, demonstrated that terrorism threatens Egypt just as it does Israel. In this volatile environment, reverting to a confrontational relationship with Israel would be extremely dangerous, inviting the risk of another disastrous war. Upholding the peace treaty with Israel would have the opposite effect, enabling Egypt to pursue its goals of consolidating the military’s authority at home and enhancing its influence throughout the Middle East.", "zh": "埃及-以色列和平考验 华盛顿—伊斯兰军事组织最近从埃及西奈半岛向以色列城市埃拉特（Eilat）发射了火箭，这又一次提醒我们，在埃及革命爆发两年后，两国关系仍然十分脆弱。 恐怖活动轻易地就能在边境掀起一场危机，并有可能触发可悲的冲突，威胁到1979年双边关系正常化和平条约。 为了避免这一结果，以色列和埃及必须从现在开始拿出令人信服的举动维护条约。 去年11月，加沙敌意爆发，埃及总统穆尔西提出了迅速的解决方案，甚至保证与统治加沙的哈马斯停火。 穆尔西于是间接地重申了埃及维护边境和平以及在巴以冲突中扮演建设性角色的承诺。 这提振了以色列的信心，认为埃及执政党穆斯林兄弟会将支持1979年和平条约。 但穆尔西并没有明确支持对以和平，也避免直接和以色列领导人碰面。 维护和平符合两国利益。 武装激进分子去年夏天打击了埃及驻西奈半岛前哨部队并杀害16名士兵，这表明恐怖主义对埃及的威胁不亚于以色列。 在如此动荡的环境中，与以色列重回冲突关系是极度危险的，有可能引发新一场灾难性战争。 支持与以色列的和平条约则正好相反，能让埃及追求其目标 — — 巩固军队在国内的权威，增强其在中东地区的影响力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Machines, it is true, are already more efficient than legal associates at searching for precedents. But an attorney attuned to the personality of her client still plays an indispensable role in advising someone contemplating a messy divorce whether to negotiate, mediate, or go to court. Likewise, an attorney’s knowledge of the personalities of the principals in a civil suit or a criminal case can be combined with big data and analytics when the time comes for jury selection. The job is changing, not disappearing. These observations point to what is really happening in the labor market. It’s not that nurses’ aides are being replaced by health-care robots; rather, what nurses’ aides do is being redefined. And what they do will continue to be redefined as those robots’ capabilities evolve from getting patients out of bed to giving physical therapy sessions and providing emotional succor to the depressed and disabled. At one level, this is good news for those concerned about the prospects of incumbent workers: there will continue to be demand for workers in existing occupations. Not all nurses’ aides will have to become software engineers. The knowledge they acquire on the job – of how one interacts with patients, how one recognizes their moods, and how one acknowledges their needs – will remain pertinent and valued. They will use that knowledge to guide and cooperate with their robotic colleagues.", "zh": "机器无疑在查找过往法院判例时比律所工作人员更高效。 但是在建议那些考虑离婚的人究竟是该谈判，调解还是上法庭的问题上，一个与自身委托人性格相合的律师仍然扮演着一个不可缺少的角色。 同样在选择陪审团成员的时候，律师在民事诉讼或刑事案件中对主要涉事人员性格的了解可以与大数据和分析相结合。 可见改变的是工作的内容，而不是工作本身的存续。 这些观察道出了劳动力市场的真正现状。 不是护士护理的工作正在被医疗机器人所取代；相反，护士护理的内容正在被重新定义。 随着这些机器人的能力不断进化 — — 从协助病人下床到为残疾和抑郁人士提供理疗疗程和情感救助 — — 他们所做的将会继续被重新定义， 在某种程度上，对于那些关心在职劳动者就业前景的人来说，这是个好消息：现有职位的用人需求将继续存在。 并非所有的护士助理都得成为软件工程师。 她们在工作中获得的知识 — — 如何与病人互动，如何识别病人的情绪和需求 — — 依然是与这份工作密切相关且有价值的。 她们将利用这些知识来对机器人同事进行指导与合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But with Xi’s consolidation of absolute power, things have changed. Most recently, out-of-date public-order charges have been used to pursue democracy campaigners in Hong Kong and silence dissent. The local government increasingly seems to take instructions from the Beijing regime and its local United Front communist activists. The Chinese government’s ham-fisted approach has fueled misguided calls – never heard when the city was ruled by a distant colonial power – for Hong Kong independence. The latest blow to Hong Kong’s freedom and identity is the local government’s proposed legislation to allow extradition to China – a possibility that I would have ruled out just a few months ago. The government claims, spuriously, that it simply wants to close a loophole. But Hong Kong’s refusal until now to extradite people to mainland China has been a crucial firewall between a city subject to the rule of law and a country subject to rule by law, with no real distinction between the courts, the party leadership, and the security services. This threatened change to the law on extradition has led to protests by lawyers, chambers of commerce, and a number of governments. One danger, already highlighted in the US Congress, is that if Hong Kong is treated like Shenzhen or Shanghai in this respect, then it will be treated that way in terms of economics and trade, too. And Hong Kong should do all it can to avoid being sucked into trade wars between China and the United States. Yet Hong Kong is different from the mainland.", "zh": "但随着习近平巩固了绝对的权力，情况开始变化。 最近，早已过时的治安管理指控被用来抓捕香港民主人士，令异见分子噤声。 地方政府似乎日益受到来自北京政权及其本地统战共产主义活动家的指示。 中国政府的笨拙方针助长了要求香港独立的错误呼声 — — 在遥远的殖民列强统治时期，该市不曾听到过这样的声音。 对香港自由和身份的最近的打击是地方政府所提出的允许向中国引渡的立法 — — 几个月前，我还想不到会有这样的可能性。 政府悍然宣布，它只是想填补一个漏洞。 但香港在此之前一直拒绝向中国大陆引渡人员，这一直是依法治国的城市与以法治国的国家之间的一道重要的防火墙，在中国大陆，法院、党领导和安全机关之间没有实质区别。 这一可能的引渡法的变化导致律师、商会和政府成员的反对。 美国国会强调，一个危险是，如果香港在这方面被视同深圳和上海，那么它在经济和贸易方面也将受到同等待遇。 香港应该竭尽全力避免陷入中国和美国之间的贸易战。 但香港和大陆是不同的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Ransom Dilemma PRINCETON – Anyone who does not share the ideology of the so-called “Islamic State” in Iraq and Syria is likely to agree that it is wrong for the group’s adherents to behead some of those they have held hostage. Much more controversial, however, are the secret decisions by European governments to pay such groups ransoms for the release of their nationals. Although the Islamic State’s hostages have come from several countries, so far it has beheaded only those from the United States and the United Kingdom. The only European hostage reported to have been executed directly by the Islamic State appears to have been a Russian, Sergey Gorbunov, but little is known about him. No friend or relative has come forward, and no video of his death has been released. Russian officials have publicly doubted that he was a Russian citizen. On the other hand, the Islamic State has released 15 hostages, including citizens of Italy, France, Switzerland, Denmark, and Spain. Rukmini Callimachi, reporting for the New York Times, has explained the difference in treatment. The US and UK governments have a long-standing policy of refusing to pay ransoms to terrorist organizations. Moreover, when Michael Foley, brother of James Foley, one of the hostages, received a ransom demand, the FBI warned him that under US law, to pay money to terrorists is a crime. Foley was later executed. By contrast, for more than a decade several European governments have been willing to pay terrorists millions of euros for the release of their captive citizens, or have facilitated the payment of ransoms by relatives and friends of hostages. This is notwithstanding the United Nations Security Council’s unanimous adoption in January of a resolution opposing payment of such ransoms, and a similar declaration at last year’s G-8 summit – which was signed by some of the governments that have continued to pay. France has, according to Callimachi, paid more ransom money than any other country – a total of $58 million since 2008, including a single payment of $40 million in 2013 for four French citizens captured in Mali. But French policy may be changing. After France participated in airstrikes against the Islamic State in September 2014, an Algerian jihadist group captured Hervé Gourdel, a French tourist, and threatened to execute him unless France renounced its participation in the operations.", "zh": "赎金困境 普林斯顿—任何不赞同伊拉克和叙利亚所谓的“伊斯兰国”的思想的人也许都同意，该集团热衷于斩首人质是错误的。 但是，较此有很大争议的是欧洲政府的秘密决定 — — 向该集团支付赎金释放它们国民。 尽管伊斯兰国人质来自多个国家，但目前它只对来自美国和英国的人质实施了斩首。 唯一一个据报道被伊斯兰国直接触觉的欧洲人质是一名俄罗斯人，名叫谢尔盖·戈尔巴诺夫（ergey Gorbunov ） ， 但关于此人的信息我们了解甚少。 没有朋友或亲人现身，也没有死亡录像放出。 俄罗斯官员公开质疑他的俄罗斯公民身份。 另一方面，伊斯兰国已经释放了15名人质，包括意大利、法国、瑞士、丹麦和西班牙公民。 为《纽约时报》作报道的茹米妮·卡里玛奇（Rukmini Callimachi）解释了这一差别对待。 美国和英国政府一直拒绝向恐怖组织支付赎金。 此外，人质之一詹姆斯·弗雷（James Foley）的兄弟迈克尔·弗雷（Michael Foley）曾收到过赎金要求，但FBI警告他，根据美国法律，向恐怖分子付钱是刑事罪。 后来，弗雷惨遭处决。 相反，十多年来，多个欧洲国家政府愿意向恐怖分子支付数百万欧元换取被俘公民释放，或协助人质亲人和朋友支付赎金。 尽管如此，联合国安理会在1月一致通过一项决议，反对支付这类赎金，去去年的G-8峰会也做了类似宣言 — — 一些在宣言上签字的国家仍在继续支付赎金。 根据卡里玛奇的说法，法国所支付的赎金比其他任何一个国家都多 — — 自2008年以来总额达5,800万美元，包括2013年为四名在马里被绑架的法国公民一次性支付的4,000万美元。 但法国的政策正在发生变化。 2014年9月法国参与空袭伊斯兰国后，一个阿尔及利亚圣战组织绑架了法国游客赫夫·古德尔（Hervé Gourdel ） ， 威胁说除非法国撤出空袭，否则就要处决他。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Global War on Terrorism did not and could not provide a compass for how US foreign policy should approach renewed great-power rivalry. The wars fought in the wake of 9/11 also had significant domestic consequences for the US. They shook the confidence of a country that had emerged from the Cold War with a historically unprecedented preponderance of power and shattered the national unity that came to the surface in the immediate aftermath of the attacks. Moreover, their costs and failures stimulated opposition to a continuing, large US global role, giving rise to a new tendency toward isolationism. Likewise, the push for war, together with the 2007-09 global financial crisis and its economic fallout, powerfully undermined Americans’ faith in elites, stimulating the rise of populist sentiment that, among other things, helped pave the way for the presidency of Donald Trump. Today’s US is more divided than ever at home and increasingly disinclined to carry out the sort of active foreign policy that has been its hallmark since World War II’s end, and which has, on balance, greatly benefited Americans and many others. In hindsight, we can now see that 9/11 was a harbinger of what was to come: less the globalization of terrorism than the terrors of globalization. The attacks conveyed the message that distance and borders count for little in a global age. Little stays local for long, whether terrorists born in the Middle East and trained in Afghanistan, or the effects of the global financial crisis that had its origins in American financial mismanagement.", "zh": "全球反恐战争既没有也不能为美国外交政策如何应对新的大国竞争提供指引。 9/11事件后发动的战争也对美国造成了巨大的国内影响力。 它们动摇了一个从冷战中崛起并拥有前所未有优势实力国家的信心，同时，破坏了在袭击刚刚发生后随之出现的民族团结情绪。 此外，由此付出的代价和引发的失败激起了新的孤立主义倾向，并引发了对美国继续大规模发挥全球作用的反对情绪。 同样，对战争的宣传，加之2007~09年全球金融危机及其所造成的经济影响，有力地削弱了美国民众对精英的信任，刺激了民粹主义情绪的崛起，并与其他因素一道，促成了唐纳德·特朗普的总统任期。 今天的美国国内比以往任何时候都更加分裂，越来越不愿执行二战后一直作为其标志的那种积极的外交政策，尽管就总体而言，上述积极的外交政策曾导致美国人和其他许多人受益。 回想起来，我们现在可以看出，9/11事件其实是一种对未来的预示：与其说是恐怖主义全球化，还不如说是对全球化的恐惧。 袭击告诉人们，距离和边界在全球化时代无关紧要。 无论生于中东、受训于阿富汗的恐怖分子，抑或因美国金融管理不善而造成的全球金融危机，都不会长时间的留在当地。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But the US current-account deficit – about 6% of GDP in 2004 and 2005 – mainly reflects a new round of deficit spending by the US federal government and surprisingly low personal savings by American households (perhaps because of the bubble in US residential real estate). Moreover, the cure can be worse than the disease. Sustained appreciation of a creditor country’s currency against the world’s dominant money is a recipe for a slowdown in economic growth, followed by eventual deflation, as Japan found in the 1990’s – with no obvious decline in its large relative trade surplus. In a rapidly growing develop­ing country whose financial system is still im­mature, introducing exchange-rate flexibility in order to insulate domestic macroeconomic policy from the ebb and flow of international payments, as the IMF advocates, is an even more questionable strategy. If a discrete exchange-rate appreciation is to be sustained, it must reflect expected monetary policies: tight money and deflation in the appreciated country, and easy money with inflation in the depreciated country. But domestic money growth in China’s immature bank-based capital market is high and unpredictable, while many interest rates remain officially pegged. Thus, the People’s Bank of China (PBC) cannot rely on observed domestic money growth or interest rates to indicate whether monetary policy is too tight or too loose. From 1995 to July 21, 2005, China’s authorities held the now unified exchange rate constant at 8.28 yuan/dollar (plus or minus 0.3%). They subordinated domestic monetary and fiscal policies to maintaining the fixed exchange rate – even during the 1997-98 Asian crisis, despite great pressure to devalue. They also dismantled tariffs and quotas on imports faster than their World Trade Organization obligations required. Greater economic openness, coupled with the fixed nominal exchange rate, ended China’s inflationary roller-coaster ride, and, after 1994, real GDP growth also became more stable. The government is now seeking to decontrol domestic interest rates, create a more robust domestic bond market, and finally remove capital controls. However, with China’s economy currently threatened by ongoing yuan appreciation, liberalizing the financial system could have perverse short-run consequences. In a liberalized capital market, the undiminished risk that the yuan might appreciate means that investors must be compensated by a higher interest rate on dollar assets.", "zh": "但美国经常项目下的赤字—约为2004和2005年GDP的6 % - -主要反映了美国联邦政府的新一轮赤字开支和美国家庭不可思议的低个人储蓄率（很可能是美国住宅不动产市场的泡沫造成的 ） 。 另外，治疗可能比疾病本身还糟糕。 债权国的货币针对占世界统治地位的货币的持续升值会引起经济增长减缓，并最终带来通货紧缩，正如日本在1990年代所遭遇的那样—其相对贸易顺差也没有明显减少。 在一个金融体系尚不成熟的，经济快速增长的发展中国家引入灵活汇率以使国内宏观经济政策免受国际支付涨跌的影响—这种由国际货币基金组织倡导的战略更是值得商榷。 如果一种非连续性的汇率升值要成为连续性的，它就必须反映预期的货币政策：升值国的银根和通货紧缩，与贬值国的银根放松与通货膨胀。 但是在中国以银行为基础、尚不成熟的资本市场上，本国货币量高速增长而又不可预测，而同时许多利率还是由官方固定的。 因此，中国人民银行不能依靠其观察到的国内货币增长量和利率来指示货币政策的松紧程度。 从1995年到2005年7月21日，中国政府一直将现在已经统一的汇率控制在8.28元/美元（正负0.3 % ） 的水平。 当局让国内的货币和财政政策都服从于维持固定汇率—即使是在贬值压力极大的1997-98年亚洲（金融）危机期间。 中国政府解除进口关税和配额的步伐也比世贸组织义务的要求更快。 更高的经济开放度加上固定的名义汇率，使中国摆脱了通胀，并且在1994年以后的实际GDP增长也变得更加稳定。 中国政府现在正试图放开国内利率，创造一个更为健全的国内债券市场，并最终解除资本控制。 然而，由于中国经济正遭受人民币升值的威胁，金融体系的自由化可能会造成短期的反作用。 在一个自由化的资本市场，时时存在的人民币升值风险意味着投资者必须通过美元资产的更高利率来获得补偿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The result is that the US and the Arab world have never been further apart. The Arab uprisings a decade ago sought to usher in sustained political and economic reforms. But that agenda struggled to get off the ground and is now under tremendous pressure in the one country where it did. Until recently, Tunisia stood out as a model of political diversity, peaceful transfers of power, and gender equality. Yet it is now being subjected to the dictatorial impulses of an elected president who enjoys wide popular support. Similarly, Lebanon, long an exponent of cultural diversity in the region, is now in a state of near collapse, because its corrupt political elites refuse to put the country’s interests ahead of their own. In Tunisia’s case, it remains to be seen whether the recent instability is an anomaly that can be corrected, or instead heralds the renewal of the pre-2011 status quo. And many Arabs are wondering whether Lebanon’s political and economic breakdown will also spell the end of its commitment to cultural diversity, or whether the Lebanese people will once again manage to preserve a model that has exported much talent and hope to the rest of the region. The past year also brought major developments on the Arab-Israeli front. Two political leaders who had previously wreaked havoc on the peace process have left the scene. US President Donald Trump, whose “deal of the century” was completely skewed toward Israeli interests at the expense of the Palestinians, was sent packing (and he took his “peace plan” with him).", "zh": "结果是美国和阿拉伯世界从未如此离心离德。 十年前的阿拉伯起义试图引入持续的政治和经济改革。 但议程难以启动，尝试的国家无不压力巨大。 直到最近，突尼斯还是政治多元化、权力和平转移和性别平等的典范。 然而，它现在正受到一位享有广泛支持的民选总统的独裁冲动。 同样，黎巴嫩长期以来一直是地区内文化多样性的代表，但现在处于几近崩溃的状态，因为腐败的政治精英拒绝将国家利益置于自身利益之上。 就突尼斯而言，最近的不稳定是一种可以纠正的异常现象，还是预示着 2011 年之前的状况的恢复，还有待观察。 许多阿拉伯人想知道黎巴嫩的政治和经济崩溃是否也意味着其对于文化多样性的承诺的终结，或者黎巴嫩人民是否会再次成功捍卫向中东其他国家输出大量人才和希望的模式。 过去一年，阿以战线也有重大发展。 此前曾对和平进程造成严重破坏的两名政治领导人已离场。 美国总统特朗普的“世纪协议”完全偏袒以色列，牺牲巴勒斯坦利益，他已经被打包带走（带着他的“和平计划 ” ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Engage with China LONDON – The world order is at risk of a lasting split, with the United States and its allies on one side, and China and its partners on the other. As US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen noted at an Atlantic Council event last month, this outcome is far from desirable, and the US must work with China to prevent it. But, practically in her next breath, Yellen advocated actions that could thwart such an effort. In Yellen’s view, the US should be deepening ties with countries that have “strong adherence to a set of norms and values about how to operate in the global economy and about how to run the global economic system.” In her view, picking partners that are “committed to a set of core values and principles” is the key to effective cooperation on important issues. But where does that leave countries with different values and principles? How can the global institutional architecture survive if countries limit open engagement only to those who view the world the same way they do? If the West excludes a power like China from its multilateral arrangements, what can China do other than spearhead alternatives? A better approach to China would be based on three key considerations. The first is that multilateralism is impossible without China. Not only is China the world’s second-largest economy; it also has one of the world’s largest financial systems, with assets amounting to nearly 470% of its GDP. China’s gross national savings – equivalent to about 45% of GDP – are similarly massive. Moreover, China is the world’s largest bilateral lender, and it contributes substantially to multilateral financial institutions – and not only those built and led by the West. In fact – and this is the second consideration – China has assumed an important role in the international financial architecture, as both a member and builder of institutions. In recent years, China has pioneered the creation of two new regional multilateral development banks. Both the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB) are designed to complement the international financial architecture, proving that China can lead institutions, act as a major provider of development finance, and be a “responsible stakeholder” in a system created by the US and its allies.", "zh": "如何与中国打交道 发自伦敦—世界秩序正面临着持久分裂的危险，一边是美国及其盟友，另一边则是中国与它的伙伴方。 正如美国财政部长珍妮特·耶伦（Janet Yellen）上个月在大西洋理事会的一场活动中指出的那样：这种结果极不可取，而美国必须与中国携手防止这种情况发生。 然而话音刚落，耶伦却又主张采取可能挫败这种努力的行动。 在耶伦看来，美国应该加深与那些“坚定遵守一套关于如何在全球经济中作为以及如何运行全球经济体系的规范和价值观”的国家之间的联系。 在她眼中挑选“致力于一套核心价值观和原则”的伙伴是在重要问题上开展有效合作的关键。 但那些拥有不同价值观和原则的国家该何去何从呢？ 如果各国只跟那些同样方式看待这个世界的国家公开交往，那么全球体制架构还如何生存？ 如果西方将中国这样的大国排除在其多边安排之外，中国除了带头采取替代性措施之外还能做些什么？ 一个更好的对华方针将基于三个关键考虑：首先，将中国排除在外是不可能实现多边主义的。 中国不仅是全球第二大经济体，还是世界上最大的金融体系之一，资产相当于其GDP的近470 % ， 同时其国民储蓄总额 — — 相当于GDP的45 % — —也同样庞大。 中国还是世界上最大的双边贷款国，并对各个多边金融机构做出了巨大贡献，且不仅限于那些由西方建立和领导的机构。 事实上 — — 这是第二个考虑因素 — — 中国已经在国际金融架构中承担了重要角色，既是机构成员，也是建设者。 近年来中国牵头创建了两家新的区域性多边开发银行。 亚洲基础设施投资银行和新开发银行的设立目的都是为了给国际金融架构提供补充，以此证明中国可以领导机构，扮演开发资金的主要提供者，并在美国及其盟友建立的体系中成为一个“负责任的利益相关方 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When I asked my colleagues to check it for the 1950-2014 period, they found that it held true more than 80% of the time. Well, in the first five days of 2023, the market rose by just over 1%, which means there is over an 80% chance that it will be positive on the year – at least according to the five-day rule. But before you rush to buy your favorite stocks, let me add a few obvious caveats. First, the stock market tends to rise more than it falls: down years are nowhere close to as frequent as up years. This is not particularly surprising, considering the prominent role that equity markets play in finance. Second, the five-day rule is not airtight. There is almost a 20% chance that a rising market during the first five trading days ends up being down on the year. Ultimately, economic conditions, not some hoary heuristic, will determine the outcome. After all, why should the first five days be determinative of anything? It is understandable that many retail and institutional investors would want to signal confidence for the year, but there is no underlying economic reason why this period should be considered especially predictive. Nevertheless, other recent developments offer some cause for hope. Commentators may soon change their tune, and that could make investors more open to embracing a different collective narrative than the one that has been influencing their behavior so far. I can see three reasons why that could happen.", "zh": "我曾要求同事核对1950~2014年之间的状况，他们发现，80%以上的时间这条规则都成立。 在2023年的前5个交易日，市场仅上涨1%多一点，而这意味着今年将有超过80%的机会获得正收益 — — 至少这符合5天规则。 但在你匆忙购入心仪的股票之前，让我补充几点明显的注意事项。 首先，股市上涨往往多于下跌：下跌年份远少于上涨年份的数量。 鉴于股市在金融领域所发挥的突出作用，这并不特别令人感到惊讶。 其次，五天规则并不是无懈可击的。 前5个交易日上涨的市场仍有可能在全年最终录得跌幅。 归根结底，决定结果的是经济条件，而不是什么老掉牙的规律。 毕竟，为什么前5天要决定一切？ 许多散户和机构投资者想要显示出市场信心并不难理解，但没有深层次的经济原因证明，为什么这个时期应当被视为是特别具有预测性的。 尽管如此，近期其他事态发展也带来了某种希望。 评论人士可能很快会转变态度，而投资者则可能因此更乐于接受某种不同看法，迄今为止，此前的看法一直在对他们的所作所为产生影响。 我认为主要有三个原因导致可能出现这样的状况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today I'm going to speak to you about the last 30 years of architectural history. That's a lot to pack into 18 minutes. It's a complex topic, so we're just going to dive right in at a complex place: New Jersey. Because 30 years ago, I'm from Jersey, and I was six, and I lived there in my parents' house in a town called Livingston, and this was my childhood bedroom. Around the corner from my bedroom was the bathroom that I used to share with my sister. And in between my bedroom and the bathroom was a balcony that overlooked the family room. And that's where everyone would hang out and watch TV, so that every time that I walked from my bedroom to the bathroom, everyone would see me, and every time I took a shower and would come back in a towel, everyone would see me. And I looked like this. I was awkward, insecure, and I hated it. I hated that walk, I hated that balcony, I hated that room, and I hated that house. And that's architecture. That feeling, those emotions that I felt, that's the power of architecture, because architecture is not about math and it's not about zoning, it's about those visceral, emotional connections that we feel to the places that we occupy. And it's no surprise that we feel that way, because according to the EPA, Americans spend 90 percent of their time indoors. That's 90 percent of our time surrounded by architecture.", "zh": "今天我要跟大家讲述 过去30年的建筑史。 太多东西要在这18分钟内讲述了。 这是一个复杂的题目， 那就让我们从这个复杂的地方开始： 新泽西。 三十年前，我住新泽西 那时我六岁，我住在父母家 小镇名叫Livingston， 这是我儿时的卧室。 在我卧室的角落 是我和姐姐共用的洗手间。 在我的卧室和浴室之间 是一个可以看到客厅的阳台。 那是家人聚会，看电视的客厅， 每次我从卧室走去浴室的时候， 每个人都能看到我， 每次我洗完澡 裹着浴巾走回卧室， 每个人都能看到我， 我看起来是这样。 我很尴尬， 没有安全感，我讨厌我的房间。 我讨厌那段路，我讨厌那个阳台， 我讨厌那个房间，我讨厌那个房子。 那就是建筑。 那种感觉，那种情绪， 那就是建筑的力量， 因为建筑并不有关于数学 也不关乎分区规划， 建筑关乎本能， 以及我们对所占有空间的 情感连接。 也难怪我们有这样的感觉， 美国环境保护局的调查表明， 美国人90%的时间呆在室内。 也就是说，我们人生中 90%的时间被建筑物围绕着。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That outcome may have put the EU out of the treaty-making business altogether, meaning that hopes of future integration may well be dashed. But, in the wake of Brexit, future integration is not Europe’s biggest concern. Instead, it must contend with the increasingly powerful forces undermining the integration that has been achieved, attempting to push Europe backward. Of course, one need only recall what was there before the EU to realize just how dangerous this path may be. In this new era of “vetocracy” in Europe, the diplomacy that underpinned the creation of the enlightened and forward-looking European project cannot function, leaving the EU ungovernable. Now that the Euroskeptics have gotten their way in the UK, vetocracy will become stronger than ever. Direct votes on issues like trade rules or immigration policy will gut Europe’s representative democracy, just as direct votes on membership threaten to gut the EU itself. In a popular novel by the Nobel laureate José Saramago, the Iberian Peninsula breaks off from the European mainland and drifts away. With a tsunami of plebiscites bearing down on the continent, this may turn out to be a prescient metaphor.", "zh": "这一结果可能让欧盟彻底告别了条约签订，这意味着未来一体化的希望大为渺茫。 但是，在英国退出的情况下，未来一体化已不再是欧洲最大的担忧，相反，欧盟必须与日益强大的破坏既有一体化成就、试图让欧洲开倒车的力量角力。 当然，你只要回忆一下欧盟成立之前的情况，就可以意识到这条路有多危险。 在新的“否决政体”时代的欧洲，作为开明前瞻的欧洲工程创立之基的外交不可能起作用，这让欧盟变得不可治理。 疑欧派已经在英国得逞，否决政体将因此变得更加强大。 在贸易规则或移民政策等问题上进行直接投票将伤及欧洲代议制民主，正如在成员资格问题上直接投票伤及欧盟本身。 诺贝尔文学奖得主萨拉马戈（José Saramago）写过一篇流行的小说，在这篇小说中，伊比利亚半岛脱离欧洲大陆漂走了。 随着全民公决的海啸席卷欧洲，也许这将成为先见之明。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sleepwalking on Megathreat Mountain DAVOS – A host of interconnected “megathreats” is imperiling our future. While some of these have been long in the making, others are new. The stubbornly low inflation of the pre-pandemic period has given way to today’s excessively high inflation. Secular stagnation – perpetually low growth owing to weak aggregate demand – has evolved into stagflation, as negative aggregate supply shocks have combined with the effects of loose monetary and fiscal policies. Where once interest rates were too low – or even negative – they have now been rising fast, driving up borrowing costs and creating the risk of cascading debt crises. The age of hyper-globalization, free trade, offshoring, and just-in-time supply chains has yielded to a new era of deglobalization, protectionism, reshoring (or “friend-shoring”), secure trade, and “just-in-case” supply-chain redundancies. Moreover, new geopolitical threats are increasing the risk of both cold and hot wars and further balkanizing the global economy. The effects of climate change are becoming more severe, and at a much faster pace than many had anticipated. Pandemics, too, are likely to become more frequent, virulent, and costly. Advances in artificial intelligence, machine learning, robotics, and automation are threatening to produce more inequality, permanent technological unemployment, and deadlier weapons with which to prosecute unconventional wars.", "zh": "在充满了巨大威胁的山顶上梦游 达沃斯 — — 一系列相互关联的“巨大威胁”正在危及我们的未来。 虽然其中有些已经酝酿了很长时间，但另外一些才出现不久。 前疫情期顽固的低通胀已经让位于今天的通胀过高。 长期停滞 — — 因总需求疲软而导致的长期低增长 — — 因为负面总需求冲击与宽松货币和财政政策相结合，已经演变成为滞涨。 曾经的低利率 — — 甚至负利率 — — 现在都在快速攀升中，由此推高了借贷成本并可能导致债务危机大规模爆发。 超全球化、自由贸易、离岸外包和即时供应链的时代已经让位于新的去全球化、保护主义、制造业回流（或“友岸外包 ” ） 、安全贸易和“以防万一”的供应链冗余等状况。 此外，全新地缘政治威胁正在加大冷战和热战的风险，并进一步导致全球经济巴尔干化。 气候变化的影响越来越严重，而且速度也比我们之前预计的要快得多。 疫情也可能变得更为频繁、致命和代价高昂。 人工智能、机器学习、机器人技术和自动化等领域的进步可能带来更多不平等、永久性技术失业以及用于挑起非常规战争的更致命的武器库。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Past Interest Rates and Future Growth NEW YORK – A new chapter has been written in the history of risk-free global interest rates. In a recent study, Paul Schmelzing of the Bank of England tracks global real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates over the period from 1311 to 2018. Despite temporary stabilizations during the periods 1550-1640, 1820-1850, and 1950-1980, he finds that global safe real rates have persistently trended downward over the past five centuries, and that negative safe real rates have steadily become more frequent since the fourteenth century. In light of this historical record, Schmelzing questions the hypothesis, advanced by Lawrence H. Summers of Harvard University and others, that advanced economies are experiencing “secular stagnation.” Insofar as the secular-stagnation narrative “posits an aberration of longer-term dynamics over recent decades,” Schmelzing believes that it is “fully misleading.” Some caution concerning Schmelzing’s empirical findings is warranted, however. The supposedly safe rates he catalogs may in fact include default risk premia that could vary systematically over time. The early inflation data are likely to be unreliable. And even if Schmelzing’s data provide an unbiased and reliable picture of real interest-rate developments since the fourteenth century, they have no obvious bearing on the plausibility of the secular-stagnation hypothesis for 2020 and beyond.", "zh": "过去的利率和未来的增长 纽约—无风险全球利率的新篇章已经写就。 在一篇最新研究中，英格兰银行的保罗·施梅尔京（Paul Schmelzing）追踪1311-2018年间的全球真实（经通胀调整的）利率。 他发现，除了1550-1640、1820-1850和1950-1980年出现过暂时性的稳定期之外，全球安全真实利率在过去五个世纪中始终趋于下降，十四世纪后，负安全利率逐步变得频繁起来。 根据这一历史记录，施梅尔京质疑哈佛大学的劳伦斯·萨默斯（Lawrence H. Summers）等人提出的假说，即发达经济体正在经历“长期停滞 ” 。 长期停滞说“与近几十年来的长期动态相悖 ， ” 因此，施梅尔京认为这“完全是误导 。 ” 但是，施梅尔京的实证研究必然带来了一些谨慎的质疑。 他所归类的所谓的安全利率，实际上可能包括了违约风险溢价，而这一溢价可能随时间而发生系统性的改变。 早期通胀数据可能并不可靠。 并且，即使施梅尔京的数据提供了关于十四世纪以来真实利率发展的无偏且可靠的描述，也无法轻易得出2020年及以后长期停滞假说的可靠性结论。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It’s a view that is underpinned by evidence (the shift from retaliation to resolution by such countries as Canada, South Korea, and Mexico) and the prospect that, due to its limited options, China will have no choice but to do the same by addressing some of its non-tariff barriers. The task for the international community is to take advantage of the emerging window to move more comprehensively on implementing measures to counter slowing growth, reduce the risk of financial instability, and ensure more inclusive prosperity. Such measures are less a problem of engineering (in the sense that most economists agree on what’s needed) than of politics (the need for decisive leadership and sustainability). For starters, domestic pro-growth policies must be re-energized, both as an urgent standalone priority and to take pressure off trade. This is particularly important for China and countries in Europe, including six of the EU’s largest economies. The focus must be on productivity enhancement, structural changes to respond better to the realities of the global economy of today and tomorrow, more effective safety nets for the most vulnerable and displaced segments of society, and addressing market and government failures that frustrate growth and investment. Moreover, existing trade arrangements need to be modernized, not only to fix existing problems, but also as part of a broader effort to enhance these arrangements’ agility in the face of rapid technological change. Particular attention needs to be devoted to improving the approach to big data, technology transfer, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, networks, and mobility. It will be no less crucial to continue reforming the multilateral institutions in order to enhance their effectiveness and credibility. Finally, the international community must guard against regional arrangements, such as China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which are intended to promote development but can end up undermining partner countries. This requires steps to enhance transparency on the terms and conditions of projects and debt undertaken through such initiatives, encourage greater reliance on local labor, and ensure that recipient countries are not encumbered with excessive liabilities. Excessively one-sided debt-for-physical-assets swaps, which can also raise genuine national security concerns, must also be resisted. It is often said that with risk comes opportunity. What initially was viewed as an unfortunate US shift to protectionism may in fact have opened a window to improve the functioning of the global economy and world trade.", "zh": "这种观点有证据支持（加拿大、韩国和墨西哥等国家从报复转向解决 ） ， 并且从目前看来，由于选择范围有限，中国也只能用同样的办法，取消它的一些非关税壁垒。 国际社会的任务是利用新出现的窗口，更加全面地落实遏制增长放缓的措施，降低金融动荡风险，确保包容性繁荣。 这些措施与其说是工程问题（从大部分经济学家都同意世界需要什么上来看 ） ， 比如说是政治问题（需要果断的领导力和可持续性 ） 。 首先，国内促增长政策必须得到鼓励，这既是紧迫的重点工作，也有利于为贸易减压。 中国和欧洲国家尤其如此，包括六个欧盟最大的经济体。 重点必须放在提高生产率、更好地相应今天和未来的全球经济现实的结构性变革、针对社会上最脆弱和地位最不稳定群体的更有效的安全网，以及解决扼杀增长和投资的市场和政府失灵上。 此外，现有贸易安排需要现代化，不仅要修正已有问题，还要成为增强这些安排面对日新月异的技术变迁的灵活性的更广泛的举措的一部分。 必须特别关注改善大数据、技术转移、数字基础设施、人工智能、网络和流动性等方面的方针。 同样关键的是要继续改革多边机构，提高它们的效率和信誉。 最后，国际社会必须警惕地区安排，如中国的一带一路计划，其目的是推动发展，但有可能为害合作伙伴。 这需要采取措施强化与这些计划相关的项目和债务条款和条件透明度，鼓励更多依靠本地劳动力，以及确保接受过不会陷入过度负债。 过于一边倒的债务换实体资产交换还可能引起真正的国家安全隐患，也必须抵制。 人们常说，风险伴随着机遇。 一开始被视为不幸事件的美国保护主义转型事实上可能开启了一扇改善全球经济和世界贸易运转的机会之窗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the Netherlands, a newly rich class of real-estate moguls backed the right-wing populist Pim Fortuyn and his cruder successor, Geert Wilders. The newly rich are as important a force in the rise of populism as the poorer and less educated people who feel neglected by the elites. Despite huge inequalities of wealth, they share a deep anger at those whom they suspect of looking down on them. And they are not entirely wrong. No matter how many palaces or yachts new money can acquire, old money will continue to despise the acquirer. Likewise, the educated urban class tends to dismiss the voters who supported Brexit or back Trump as stupid and ill-bred. It is the fusion of resentments, felt by the newly rich as much as by the left behind, that drives right-wing populism. In extreme circumstances, this can result in dictatorship, with the tyrant free to indulge bizarre fantasies at the expense of millions under their control. So far, in Europe and the US, the demagogues can only serve up dreams: taking back our country, making it great again, and so on. To stop such dreams from becoming political nightmares, something more is needed than technocratic expertise, or calls for civility and moderation. Angry people cannot easily be persuaded by luminous reason. They must be offered an alternative vision. The problem today, all over the world, is that such an alternative is not readily at hand. The French Revolution happened more than two centuries ago. “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity” is only a historic slogan today.", "zh": "在荷兰，一帮新贵地产大佬支持信奉右翼民粹主义的皮姆·福图纳及其更粗俗的继任者威尔德斯。 像教育程度不高、自觉遭到精英阶层忽视的贫民一样，新贵阶层在民粹主义崛起过程中是一股重要的势力。 虽然财富高度不平等，但对怀疑藐视自己的人他们同样抱有难以消解的愤怒情绪。 他们也并非完全没有道理。 无论新晋资本可以买下多少宫殿和游艇，他们仍不免受到原有资本的歧视。 同样，城市受教育阶层往往将支持英国脱欧或特朗普的选民斥之为愚蠢和粗野。 新贵和被抛弃者的不满共同推动了右翼民粹主义。 极端情况下这或许会开启独裁统治，独裁者可以随意利用控制下的成百上千万民众将自己怪诞的幻想变为现实。 迄今为止，欧美煽动家还只能用梦想来号召支持群体：夺回国家、重塑辉煌，诸如此类。 要阻止这些梦想成为政治梦魇，除专业知识和呼吁文明节制外还需要提倡更多东西。 再睿智的理由也无法轻易说服愤怒的民众。 我们必须为他们绘制另一种愿景。 现在，世界各地的问题是这样的替代愿景其实并不存在。 两个多世纪前爆发了法国大革命。 “自由、平等、博爱”今天已成为历史口号。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China is keen to show that its announcements are issued entirely on its own terms. As Mikko Huotari, the executive director of the Mercator Institute for China Studies, explains, “The Chinese won’t be pushed around. This is a game of waiting – and hoping for the signals.” China also has recognized the economic opportunities on offer. Already, seven of the world’s top ten wind turbine manufacturers are Chinese. The Chinese economy is now so large that it produces more renewable infrastructure than the rest of the world combined, bringing down the cost of solar, wind, and other resources. But China also generates 53% of the world’s coal-fired power, and it is still increasing capacity. Experts say it must shut down more than 500 plants within ten years to have any chance of reaching its climate targets. So far, that is not happening. Instead, China is in the throes of a post-pandemic “smokestack recovery.” Worse, ten of its provinces recently were forced to ration energy owing to a slump in production, triggering alarm and pleas for more coal-power generation. These issues are a front in a wider culture war taking place in China, where climate change is dismissed by nationalists as “Western pseudo-science” and denounced as a conspiracy to curtail the country’s growth. Set against these political forces are the effects of extreme weather events. This summer, more than 300 people were killed across Henan province when almost a full year’s worth of rain fell in just three days.", "zh": "中国希望表明，其公告完全按照自己的情况发布。 就像墨卡托中国研究所执行主任米科·霍塔里所解读的那样 ， “ 中国人不会被外力左右。 这场游戏就是等待 — — 并期待得到信号 。 ” 中国也已意识到去碳化所提供的经济机遇。 世界十大风力涡轮机制造商中已经有七家是中国企业。 中国经济现在如此庞大，其生产的可再生基础设施比世界其他地区加起来还要多，从而实现了太阳能、风能和其他资源成本的下降。 但中国也生产了全球 53%的燃煤发电，而且仍然在增加产能。 专家表示，必须在10年内关闭500多家燃煤发电厂，才有机会实现其气候目标。 但到目前为止，这一切都还没有发生。 相反，中国仍处在后疫情“烟囱复苏”的阵痛之中。 更糟糕的是，最近有10个省份因为生产下滑而被迫实施能源配给，从而触发警报和加大燃煤发电的呼声。 上述问题背后掩盖了中国正在发生的更为广泛的文化战争，气候变化被民族主义者斥之为“西方伪科学 ” ， 并且被谴责为遏制该国增长的阴谋。 与上述政治力量相悖的是极端天气事件的影响。 今年夏天，河南省在短短三天内就下了将近一整年的降雨，从而造成300多人丧生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Transform African Agriculture NAIROBI – The COVID-19 pandemic, compounded by supply-chain disruptions and surging inflation, has highlighted the fragilities of Africa’s food systems, leading to a 60% increase in hunger across the continent in 2020 alone. And climate change, which is expected to degrade freshwater ecosystems and arable lands, rendering vast areas of Africa uninhabitable, will only make things worse. While the pandemic and the war in Ukraine have exacerbated global food insecurity, throwing millions into extreme poverty and reversing decades of progress, the situation is even more dire in lower-income African countries. The continent’s population has reached 1.4 billion and could double by 2050, while agricultural productivity, despite improvement, remains significantly below global benchmarks. This has forced governments to rely more on food imports, pushing up prices. But there are some bright spots. Ethiopia, Morocco, and Rwanda, for example, have managed to boost agricultural productivity by defining a vision for their domestic industries, bringing together public and private stakeholders, building the necessary infrastructure, and engaging in continuous learning and adaptation. As a result, these countries have increased agricultural output, improved food security, raised farmers’ incomes, and strengthened local food systems’ resilience to external shocks. Consider Ethiopia, where domestic yields have increased by 76%, and total food production has risen by 50%, since the establishment of its Agricultural Transformation Agency in 2010. According to ATA estimates, agricultural reforms have saved 150,000 people from starving to death, reduced the number of undernourished Ethiopians by 11.5 million, and lifted roughly 286,000 people out of poverty. Similarly, Morocco’s Plan Maroc Vert (Green Morocco Plan), launched in 2008 to modernize domestic farming and to promote sustainable economic growth, has revitalized the agriculture sector. The Agricultural Development Agency, set up to support the plan’s implementation, estimates that agricultural GDP grew 5.25% a year from 2008-18, faster than the economy as a whole (3.8%). This resulted in a 117% rise in agricultural exports and 342,000 new jobs. Watershed management has also improved, with drip-irrigation systems quadrupling to 542,000 hectares.", "zh": "如何改变非洲农业 内罗毕—新冠大流行，加上供应链中断和通胀飙升，凸显出非洲粮食系统的脆弱性，仅 2020 年就导致全非洲饥饿人口增加60 % 。 预计气候变化将使淡水生态系统和耕地退化，使非洲大片地区无法居住，让事情变得更糟。 大流行病和乌克兰战争加剧了全球粮食不安全，使数百万人陷入极端贫困，使数十年来取得的进展发生倒退，而低收入非洲国家的情况更为严峻。 非洲人口已达到 14 亿，到 2050 年可能再翻一番，而农业生产率尽管有所提高，仍远低于全球基准。 这迫使各国政府更加依赖粮食进口，从而推高了价格。 但也有一些亮点。 例如，埃塞俄比亚、摩洛哥和卢旺达通过制定国内产业愿景、将理顺公共和私人利益相关者、建设必要的基础设施，以及持续学习和适应，成功地提高了农业生产率。 结果，这些国家增加了农业产量，改善了粮食安全，增加了农民收入，增强了本地粮食系统抵御外部冲击的能力。 以埃塞俄比亚为例，其自 2010 年成立农业转型局（ATA）以来，国内产量增加了 76 % ， 粮食总产量增加了 50 % 。 据 ATA 估计，农业改革使 150,000 人免于饿死，使埃塞俄比亚营养不良人数减少 1,150 万，使大约 286,000 人摆脱贫困。 同样，2008 年启动的摩洛哥计划绿色摩洛哥计划（Plan Maroc Vert）旨在实现国内农业现代化，促进可持续经济增长。 该计划重振了农业部门。 为支持该计划的实施而成立的农业发展局估计，从 2008 年到 2018 年，农业 GDP 每年增长 5.25 % ， 快于整体经济（3.8 % ） 。 这带来农产品出口增长 117% 并创造342,000 个新工作岗位。 流域管理也得到改善，滴灌系统面积翻了两番，达到 542,000 公顷。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Can We Retain the Benefits of Globalization? ROME – In the last few years, for many people and their leaders, globalization has become a scourge to be purged in favor of greater protectionism and unilateralism. This represents a sharp departure from the recent past, when globalization was widely regarded as a positive force. What changed, and why? Key components of globalization include greater cross-border mobility of goods, labor, and capital, each of which promises significant overall benefits for economies. Free trade enables countries to capitalize on their comparative advantages, boosting all participants’ economic performance and prospects. Migration can inject diversity and dynamism into, say, an aging society, while helping to reduce poverty in source countries, such as through remittances. And foreign direct investment (FDI) can create employment, spur research and development, generate tax revenues, and enhance competition. The problem is that these benefits are not necessarily broadly shared. For example, migration can put wage pressure on lower-skill workers in destination countries. By enabling companies to move operations to lower-wage markets, the elimination of trade barriers can have a similar effect. Even cross-border investment has its downsides, as domestic players may struggle to compete with foreigners. Such factors have contributed to rising inequality in many countries. In the United States, for example, lower-skill workers in the Rust Belt – the manufacturing region stretching from Michigan to eastern Pennsylvania – have faced decades of stagnant wages, while high-skill workers in finance and technology – Wall Street and Silicon Valley – have enjoyed soaring compensation. While economic openness boosts economies as a whole, there is an obvious need to ensure that the benefits are more equitably distributed or, at least, that some groups are not inordinately hurt by it. Many economists argue that the key to success on this front is to adopt redistributive policies, typically via the tax system. But such policies are very difficult, if not impossible, politically. That lesson has been learned by many a progressive politician, including US Senator Bernie Sanders, who tried and failed to secure the Democratic nomination for the 2016 US presidential election on a platform that focused on addressing people’s frustrations with the increasingly unequal status quo, largely through redistribution.", "zh": "如何保持全球化的好处？ 罗马—在过去几年中，许多人和他们的领导人都认为全球化已经成为一个祸害，必须通过加强保护主义和单边主义来清理。 这是一个趋势的急转弯，就在不久前，全球化还被广泛认为是一股积极的力量。 什么发生了变化？ 为什么？ 全球化的关键要素包括商品、劳动力和资本跨境流动性增强，所有这些因素都有可能给经济带来总体收益。 自由贸易让各国能够利用比较优势，提振所有参与方的经济表现和前景。 移民能够为（比如）老龄化的社会注入多元化和活力，同时帮助移民来源国脱贫，比如通过侨汇。 外国直接投资（FDI）能创造就业、刺激研发、产生税收收入、增强竞争。 问题在于这些收益未必得到了广泛共享。 比如，移民可能给目标国低技能工人造成薪酬压力。 取消贸易壁垒让公司能够将经营活动转移到低工资市场，从而也会造成类似的效应。 即便是跨境投资，也有其弊端，比如国内竞争者无法与外国人一较高下。 这些因素引起了许多国家不平等性加剧。 比如，在美国，锈带 — — 从密歇根到东宾夕法尼亚的制造业地区 — — 低薪工人已经经历了几十年的工资停滞，而金融和科技行业 — — 华尔街和硅谷 — — 高技能工人薪酬急剧升高。 尽管经济开放整体上有利于体征经济，但显然也需要确保收益更加平等地分配，或至少不会对某些群体造成无差别伤害。 许多经济学家认为，在这方面取得成功的关键是实施再分配政策，这通常可以通过税收制度实现。 但这些政策在政治上十分困难，甚至不可能实现。 许多进步派政客都领略过这一教训，包括美国参议员伯尼·桑德斯（Bernie Sanders ） 。 2016年竞争民主党总统提名人选时，他提出要重视解决人民对于日益加剧的不平等现状的失望，而主要手段就是再分配。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Praise of China’s New Normal BEIJING – China’s economy is, at long last, undergoing a rebalancing, with growth rates having declined from more than 10% before 2008 to roughly 7.5% today. Is this China’s “new normal,” or should the country anticipate even slower growth in the coming decade? China’s rebalancing is apparent, first and foremost, in the export sector. Export growth has slowed from its 2001-2008 average of 29% annually to below 10%, making foreign demand a far less critical engine of growth. Moreover, manufacturing employment and output, as a share of the total, began to decline last year. In fact, in the first half of this year, services accounted for more than half of total economic growth. It is no surprise, then, that China’s current-account surplus has shrunk rapidly, from its 2007 peak of more than 10% of GDP to about 2% of GDP today. This rebalancing has helped to improve China’s income distribution. Indeed, in recent years, labor’s share of national income has been on the rise – a direct reflection of the decline in manufacturing and expansion in services. That has meant greater regional balance as well: The coastal provinces, which produce more than 85% of the country’s exports, are experiencing the most pronounced slowdown, while inland provinces have maintained relatively high growth rates.", "zh": "为中国的新常态欢呼 发自北京 — — 在经过了漫长的等待之后，中国经济终于启动了结构再平衡进程，增长率也从2008年以前的超过10%下降到如今的约7.5 % 。 这是否就是中国的“新常态 ” ， 还是这个国家预期在未来十年内会出现更低的增长？ 首先，中国经济在出口部门方面的再平衡是显而易见的。 出口增长从2001~2008年间的年均29%下降到低于10 % ， 使得国外需求作为增长引擎的作用不再如此重要。 此外，制造业就业和产出占总体的比重在去年开始下降。 在今年上半年，服务业占据了总体经济增长的超过一半。 因此中国的经常账户顺差从2007年占GDP超过10%的顶峰迅速下跌如今大概2%的情况也就不出所料了， 这一再平衡帮助改善了中国的收入分配状况。 事实上近年来劳动工资收入在国民收入中的比重有所上升 — — 这也直接反映出制造业的收缩和服务业的扩大。 这同时也意味着更深层次的区域性再平衡状况：占中国出口总量超过85%的沿海省份正经历着最为显著的放缓过程，而内陆省份则维持着较高的增长率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "the establishment of “security” while chaining my wrists. It is difficult to know what to make of this literary material, and at times to understand it because of its archaic style, allusions and metaphors. But Al Qaeda’s poetry deserves closer attention, because it is a medium of communication between members of the movement. Indeed, through poetry, Al Qaeda defines what it means to be a member of the movement and commemorates the big episodes in the group’s history by glorifying the exploits of “martyrs.” Although much of this poetry is not necessarily of high quality, it nonetheless underscores the image that Al Qaeda’s leadership wishes to project, namely that Al Qaeda’s message is authentic and reflects “real Islam.” Moreover, Al Qaeda uses poetry to address the challenges that it faces. Contrasting its fighters’ bravery and commitment with the “comfort” of Muslim bystanders, Al Qaeda tries to rally more fighters to its cause in Iraq. Its dilemma is stark. The Shia of the Mahdi Army defeated Iraq’s Sunnis in the last bout of fighting, and thousands of Iraqi Sunnis, under the so-called Awakening Movement, have rallied to the side of the United States forces and have fought against Al Qaeda. In addition, many Sunni scholars have argued that Al Qaeda’s ideology and tactics are illegitimate, and that Muslims should refrain from jihad and remain obedient to their rulers. The term for those who have not joined Al Qaeda’s jihad is the “sitters” or the “immobile ones” ( qaaidun ).", "zh": "这时候我不会放弃圣战。 人们很难从这一文学材料中得出什么结论，而且，由于它采用古旧的文风、暗示以及比喻，因此有时难以理解。 但是基地组织的诗词值得更加认真研究，因为这是恐怖运动成员之间的联络媒介。 实际上，基地组织通过诗词来规定恐怖运动成员的内涵并且通过赞美所谓烈士的功绩来渲染这一恐怖组织历史上的重大事件。 尽管这一诗词未必高明，但是它还是强调了基地组织头领想要建立起来的一种形象，也就是基地组织的论点是可靠的，而且反映了“真正的伊斯兰 ” 。 而且，基地组织使用诗词来处理它所面临的挑战。 基地组织通过对比其斗士的勇猛和忠诚以及穆斯林旁观者的“养尊处优”来招募更多的战斗人员投入伊拉克的行动之中。 其矛盾是明显的。 在最近一次的战斗中，马贺迪军队的什叶派击败了伊拉克的逊尼派武装。 几千名伊拉克逊尼派在所谓的觉醒运动中投靠了美军并且与基地组织作战。 此外，许多逊尼派学者指出，基地组织的意识形态和战术是非法的，而且穆斯林应该回避圣战并且忠于其统治者。 那些没有参加基地组织圣战的人叫做“伏窝的母鸡”或者“鼠辈 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reviving India’s Economy NEW YORK – Not long ago, India was a poster child for political stability and economic growth among emerging economies. Though the country had a long way to go to eradicate poverty and extreme inequality, when it came to steady GDP growth, it was among the world’s strongest and most consistent performers. Not anymore. In the second quarter of 2017, India’s growth rate fell to 5.7%. It is now tied with Pakistan – behind China, Malaysia, and the Philippines – on the list of major economies for which The Economist provides basic economic data. Neighboring Bangladesh, which is not on that list, is now growing at over 7% per annum (and Bangladesh’s per capita income now exceeds Pakistan’s). Given the Indian economy’s massive size and extensive global linkages, its growth slowdown is a source of serious concern not just domestically, but around the world. But it is not too late for India to reverse the trend. The key will be carefully crafted policies that address both short- and long-term challenges. In the short term, policymakers must address declining demand for Indian products, both among domestic consumers and in export markets. All signs point to falling consumer and business spending in India. In fact, India’s index of industrial production grew by a meager 1.2% in July, compared to 4.5% a year earlier. Output of consumer durables fell by 1.3%; a year earlier, it grew by 0.2%.", "zh": "重振印度经济 发自纽约 — — 不久之前，印度还是新兴经济体中政治稳定和经济增长的楷模。 虽然该国在消除贫困和极度不平等方面还有很长的路要走，但在持续GDP增长方面却是世界上最强劲且表现最为平稳的国家之一。 如今这一状况却不再出现了。 在2017年第二季度印度的增长率下降至5.7 ％ 。 在由《经济学人》杂志提供基本经济数据的主要经济体排名中，印度目前与巴基斯坦不相上下 — — 位列中国，马来西亚和菲律宾之后。 而不在这个名单上的邻国孟加拉国目前年增长率超过7 ％ （ 其人均收入也已经超过了巴基斯坦 ） 。 鉴于印度经济规模庞大且全球联系广泛，经济增长放缓不仅是其国内问题，更在全世界范围内引发了严重关切。 但印度如果想要扭转这一趋势还为时未晚，关键在于要精心制定一系列政策以应对众多短期和长期性挑战。 在短期内，政策制定者必须解决印度商品在国内和出口市场的需求下滑问题。 所有迹象都指向印度的消费和商业支出下降，事实上，印度的工业生产指数在7月份仅增长了1.2 ％ ， 去年同期为4.5 ％ ； 耐用消费品产量下了降1.3 ％ ， 而在一年前则实现了0.2％的增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "建立完善多层次资本市场，支持符合条件的信息产业创新创业企业充分利用创业板拓宽融资渠道，推动在全国中小企业股份转让系统挂牌的符合条件的信息产业中小企业向创业板转板。丰富信息产业直接融资工具，积极推动项目收益票据、项目收益债、可转债等的应用。加大产融信息对接力度，建立完善跨部门工作协调机制，搭建服务平台。鼓励商业银行创新信贷产品和金融服务，推动知识产权质押融资、股权质押融资、供应链融资、信用保险保单质押贷款等金融产品创新，在风险可控和商业可持续前提下，加大对信息产业发展的金融支持力度。鼓励开发性、政策性金融机构在业务范围内，为符合条件的信息产业相关项目提供信贷支持。按照国家统一部署，引导和支持符合条件的金融机构在试点地区面向电子信息领域创新企业探索开展投贷联动试点，引导银行业金融机构对“互联网+”行动等涉及的信息产业重点领域实施差别化信贷政策。支持符合条件的信息产业企业建立资金管理平台。鼓励信息产业骨干企业通过并购票据、并购基金、并购债等开展海外并购。", "en": "Establish a sound multi-level capital market, support innovative and entrepreneurial enterprises in the information industry that meet the conditions to fully utilize the GEM (Growth Enterprise Market) to broaden their financing channels, and promote eligible small and medium-sized enterprises in the information industry listed on the National Equities Exchange and Quotations (NEEQ) to transfer to the GEM. Enrich direct financing tools for the information industry, actively promote the application of project income notes, project income bonds, convertible bonds, and other financial instruments. Increase the integration of production and finance information, establish and improve inter-departmental coordination mechanisms, and build service platforms. Encourage commercial banks to innovate credit products and financial services, promote financing through intellectual property pledges, equity pledges, supply chain financing, credit insurance policy pledges, and other financial product innovations. Increase financial support for the development of the information industry under the premise of risk control and commercial sustainability. Encourage development-oriented and policy-oriented financial institutions to provide credit support for eligible projects in the information industry within their business scope. In accordance with the unified deployment of the state, guide and support eligible financial institutions to explore pilot programs for investment and loan linkage in the electronic information field in pilot areas, and guide banking financial institutions to implement differentiated credit policies for key areas of the information industry involved in the Internet Plus initiative. Support eligible information industry enterprises in establishing fund management platforms. Encourage backbone enterprises in the information industry to carry out overseas mergers and acquisitions through merger notes, merger funds, merger bonds, etc."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "构建新发展格局 实现互利共赢 —在亚太经合组织工商领导人对话会上的主旨演讲 中华人民共和国主席 习近平 2020年11月19日，北京 各位工商界朋友，女士们，先生们，朋友们： 在全球共抗新冠肺炎疫情、探索世界经济复苏道路的重要时刻，很高兴通过视频方式同大家见面。 人类正处在一个特殊的历史时期。新冠肺炎疫情全球大流行，推动世界百年未有之大变局加速演进。 世界经济深度衰退，全球产业链、供应链遭受冲击，治理赤字、信任赤字、发展赤字、和平赤字仍在扩大。 单边主义、保护主义、霸凌行径上升，经济全球化遭遇逆流，加剧了世界经济中的风险和不确定性。 与此同时，和平与发展的时代主题没有改变，合作应对挑战是国际社会唯一选择。 这场疫情再次说明，人类命运休戚与共，各国利益紧密相连，世界是不可分割的命运共同体。 无论是赢得全球抗疫最终胜利，还是推动世界经济复苏，国际社会必须团结协作，共同应对危机考验。", "en": "Fostering a New Development Paradigm and Pursuing Mutual Benefit and Win-win Cooperation – Keynote Address at the APEC CEO Dialogues H.E. Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China Beijing, 19 November 2020 Leaders of the Business Community, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends, At a critical time when the world is fighting COVID-19 and exploring ways to achieve economic recovery, I am glad to have this dialogue with you through video links. This is an unusual time in history for us humanity. The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated changes unseen in a century in the world. The global economy finds itself into deep recession, its industrial and supply chains are disrupted, and governance, trust, development and peace deficits continue to grow. Mounting unilateralism, protectionism and bullying as well as backlash against economic globalization have added to risks and uncertainties in the world economy. However, peace and development remain the underlying trend of our times. Meeting challenges through cooperation is the only way forward for us in the international community. This pandemic once again shows that the interests of all countries are closely interwoven and that humankind shares a common stake. Indeed, our world is an indivisible community with a shared future. To beat the virus and promote global recovery, we in the international community must close ranks and jointly respond to this crisis and meet the test."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And in France, as well as in some other countries, one can be prosecuted for denying the Holocaust and other historical genocides. President François Hollande, who is not a right-wing nationalist like Abe, now wants to strengthen those bans. He has proposed new laws that would make online entities like Google and Facebook responsible for any \"hate speech\" posted online by their users. Former EU heads of state have also backed a proposal from European Jewish leaders to criminalize in every EU country not just anti-Semitism and genocide-denial, but also \"xenophobia\" in general. Few people would wish to defend expressions of xenophobia or anti-Semitism. But is it really wise to use the law to ban opinions? First of all, such laws, if enacted, are unlikely to reduce the risk of terrorist acts. Banning the expression of opinions will not make them go away. They will continue to be expressed, more secretively perhaps, and as a result become even more toxic. And the social and political basis for terrorism, in the Middle East and elsewhere, will not vanish just because of a public ban on xenophobic speech. But there is a larger danger in using the law to police what people think. It can stifle public debate. That danger underlies the view, still operative in the US, that opinions, however obnoxious, should be freely expressible, so that they can be opposed by counter-arguments. It would be naive, of course, to believe that religious or political extremists are interested in an exchange of views. But inciting violence is banned in the US as well. The First Amendment of the Constitution does not protect freedom of expression when it can be shown to create a risk of imminent violence. Xenophobic views, or the denial of genocide, are repellent, but do not necessarily result in such a threat. In most societies, including the US, the public expression of such opinions is limited by a rough consensus on what is socially respectable. This consensus changes with time. It is up to editors, writers, politicians, and others who speak in public to shape it. Cartoonists, artists, bloggers, activists, and comedians sometimes like to challenge the consensus of respectability. Some of these challenges might cause outrage (that, after all, often is the point).", "zh": "在法国 — — 以及其他一些国家 — — 你可能因为否认犹太人大屠杀和其他历史种族灭绝事件而被起诉。 法国总统奥朗德 — — 与安倍不同，他不是右翼民族主义者 — — 现在希望收紧这些禁令。 他提出了新的法律，要求Google和Facebook等在线实体为其用户在线发布的任何“仇恨言论”负责。 前欧盟国家首脑也支持来自欧洲犹太人领袖的建议 — — 所有欧盟国家不仅反犹太主义和否认种族灭绝将被定罪，总体的“仇外”也是犯罪行为。 几乎没有人会为仇外或反犹太言论辩护。 但用法律来禁止观点真的明智吗？ 首先，这些法律即便实施，也不可能降低恐怖行动的风险。 禁止观点表达并不能扼杀观点。 它们还是会被表达，也许以更秘密的方式，因此也有可能变得更加恶毒。 中东和其他地区的恐怖主义的社会和政治基础不会仅仅因为公开禁止仇外言论而消失。 但监督人们想什么的法律还有一个更大的危险。 它可能扼杀公共争论。 这一危险导致了至今在美国仍有市场的看法，即观点不管多么令人讨厌，都应该可以自由表达，因此可以被反对观点驳斥。 当然，认为宗教或政治极端主义者有兴趣交换观点实属天真。 但煽动暴力在美国也是被禁止的。 美国宪法第一修正案不保护可证明马上会带来暴力风险的言论的表达。 仇外观点，或否认种族灭绝，是令人厌恶的，但未必会引起这种威胁。 在大部分社会 — — 包括美国社会 — — 公开表达这类观点受到什么可以被社会尊重这一粗略共识的限制。 这一共识随时间变化而变化。 它受到编辑、作家、政客和其他公开发表言论的人的左右。 漫画家、艺术家、博客写手、活动家和喜剧演员有时喜欢挑战关于可尊重性的共识。 一些挑战可能引起愤慨（毕竟，这才是重点 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I saw in a paper the other day that the Hotel Cote d'Azur at Monte Carlo had gone to new management, and had a different name. The rooms have been redecorated, and the whole interior changed. Perhaps Mrs Van Hopper's suite on the first floor exists no more. Perhaps there is no trace of the small bedroom that was mine. I knew I should never go back, that day I knelt on the floor and fumbled with the awkward catch of her trunk. The episode was finished, with the snapping of the lock. I glanced out of the window, and it was like turning the page of a photograph album. Those roof-tops and that sea were mine no more. They belonged to yesterday, to the past. The rooms already wore an empty air, stripped of our possessions, and there was something hungry about the suite, as though it wished us gone, and the new arrivals, who would come tomorrow, in our place. The heavy luggage stood ready strapped and locked in the corridor outside. The smaller stuff would be finished later. Waste-paper baskets groaned under litter. All her half empty medicine bottles and discarded face-cream jars, with torn-up bills and letters. Drawers in tables gaped, the bureau was stripped bare.", "zh": "前几天，我从报上看到蒙特卡洛的蔚蓝海岸旅馆换了新经理，连名字也改了。客房经过重新装修，里边整个变了样。也许，范夫人在二楼的那套房间已不复存在，我的小卧室一点痕迹也没留下。那天我跪在地上摸摸索索扣她的那个难摆弄的箱锁时，心里就有一去不返的预感。箱锁“啪”的一声合上，那个片段也随之结束了。我凭窗眺望外边的风景，犹如翻过影集里的一页。那一片屋顶和大海已不再归我所有，它们属于昨天，属于过去。东西搬出去之后，房间里显得空荡荡的，笼罩着一种急切的气氛，仿佛盼我们赶快离开，好给明天新来的房客腾位置。大件行李已捆扎就绪，上了锁放在门外的走廊里。小件物品有待最后收拾。废纸篓被垃圾压得要坍架，半空的药瓶、丢弃的雪花膏盒、撕碎的账单和信件，一股脑儿全都装到里面。桌子抽屉张着大口，衣柜里空空如也。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Warming’s Misunderstood Victims BAMAKO, MALI – Media organizations in wealthy countries regularly send forth reporters to find “victims of global warming.” In dispatches from the Pacific Islands, Bangladesh, or Ethiopia, journalists warn of impending calamity. Global warming is the most horrific challenge facing these regions, we are told. Its resolution is vital. But seldom do we hear from the local people who are said to be in danger. These people are not voiceless; we just pay no attention to what they say. The Copenhagen Consensus Center set out to ask people in global-warming hot spots about their fears and hopes. In Mojo, central Ethiopia, our researchers met Tadese Denkue, a 68-year-old former soldier with no regular income. “I never know when I will be able to buy myself some food,” he said. “I only know that I suffer a lot. This is not a decent life.” Tadese has never heard of global warming. When it is explained to him, he is dismissive. He has more immediate concerns: “The first thing I need is food, and then a job.” Tadese is suffering from his second bout of malaria this year. He has lost count of how many times he has contracted the disease. Our researcher accompanies him to a free clinic. The electricity is not working. A doctor admits that most patients are sent home without testing or treatment: the clinic has run out of medicine. The threat of more malaria has been used to argue for drastic carbon cuts. Warmer, wetter weather will improve conditions for the malaria parasite. Most estimates suggest that global warming will put 3% more of the earth’s population at risk of catching malaria by 2100.", "zh": "被误解的全球变暖受害者 发自巴马科，马里 — — 发达国家的媒体经常派人四处挖掘所谓的“全球变暖受害者 ” 。 这些记者们从太平洋岛国，孟加拉或埃塞俄比亚等地方发来的消息一再向我们警告说灾难正迫在眉睫。 他们声称，全球变暖成为了这些地区所面对的最严峻挑战，急需解决方案。 然而，我们很少听到那些据说正在受灾的当地人的说法。 但这些人可不是哑巴，只是我们不去关注而已。 哥本哈根共识研究中心则派人去对那些生活在在全球变暖重灾区的人们所拥有的恐惧和希望进行研究。 在埃塞俄比亚中部城市莫角，我们的研究人员遇见了68岁的泰德西 · 邓库，他当过兵，现在没有稳定的收入。 在交谈中，他抱怨说“我不知道什么时候我才能养活自己。 我只知道我遭了很多罪，这不是什么好活法 。 ” 泰德西从来就没听说过全球变暖。 在我们向他解释完了之后，他显得不屑一顾。 的确，他有更多别的操心事需 ， “ 当下我最缺的就是吃的，然后就是一份活儿 。 ” 现在他正在遭受着疟疾的折磨，这已经是今年的第二回了，他已经记不清楚与这种疾病打了多少回交道。 我们的研究员陪同他去了一间免费诊所。 但是诊所断了电，那里的一位医生坦率地告诉我们说，这边大部分的病人还没有得到检查或治疗就被送了回家。 但这也是没有办法，诊所的药品早就用光了。 疟疾肆虐的威胁曾作为要求大幅度削减碳排放的理由。 因为更温暖，潮湿的气候将有利于携带疟疾的蚊虫繁殖。 大多数评估报告认为到了2100年，全球变暖将使全球面临疟疾威胁的人口数量增加3 ％ 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In September 2017, Hun Sen had Kem Sokha, the CNRP’s president, arrested on politically motivated charges. He spent a year in prison, and remains under house arrest without trial, in violation of Cambodia’s constitution. Many other opposition figures have been arrested, harassed, or beaten up; some, including me, have been forced into exile. In November 2017, a court officially disbanded the CNRP, on executive orders. This cleared the way for Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party to make a clean sweep in the 2018 general election. With no genuine opposition, the sham vote gave the CPP every seat in the national assembly. A more blatant violation of the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, which ended Cambodia’s brutal civil war and prescribed a pluralistic democratic system, would be hard to imagine. And yet the crackdown on opposition has continued with impunity. A free and independent press is no more. Hun Sen’s dictatorship has also put the economy in serious danger. Cambodia is now at risk of losing its tariff-free access to the European Union market, provided through the bloc’s Everything but Arms trade regime, and to the United States market, as a beneficiary of the Generalized System of Preferences. Either loss, let alone both, would devastate Cambodia’s economy. (China, burdened by its own economic and political problems, cannot be expected to pick up the slack.) Hundreds of thousands of jobs would be lost. The outlook for Cambodia’s overwhelmingly young population would become even bleaker. But Cambodia’s exiled opposition is fighting back. On November 9, we will return to our country to demand that Hun Sen change course. Not surprisingly, he and his inner circle are furious about our plans, claiming that they amount to a coup attempt. But it is their own policies that are jeopardizing their rule. Political freedom and economic prosperity go hand in hand.", "zh": "2017年9月，洪森以政治动机为由指控并逮捕了柬埔寨救国党主席根索卡。 后者被判入狱一年。 出狱后，在未经审判的情况下，根索卡仍被软禁在家 — — 这违反了柬埔寨宪法。 众多其他反对派人士亦遭到逮捕、骚扰，或是殴打；而包括我在内的一些派内人士则被迫流亡。 2017年11月，根据行政命令，法院正式解散了柬埔寨救国党。 此举为洪森的柬埔寨人民党在2018年大选中大获全胜清除了路障。 由于没有真正意义上的反对派，这次“例行公事”的投票让人民党在国民议会占据了所有席位。 对于1991年的《巴黎和平协定 》 ， 一项被视为终结柬埔寨残酷内战，并规划出多元化民主制度的协定，这无疑是一种的挑战，嚣张且明目张胆。 然而，对反对派的镇压仍在继续，而“迟到”的惩罚仍在“缺席 ” 。 同时，自由与独立的媒体也变得荡然无存。 洪森的独裁统治也将经济置于危难之地。 当前，柬埔寨或将失去进入欧盟市场的免关税待遇，而该待遇则是通过欧盟“除武器以外所有产品条约 ” ( Everything but Arms trade regime)机制所提供的；无独有偶，作为普惠制的受益者，柬埔寨同样在美国市场遭遇同样的处境。 无论是哪一种损失，更不用说这两种损失，都会摧毁柬埔寨的经济。 (中国因其自身的经济与其它问题，已背上了沉重的包袱，不能指望其收拾柬埔寨的残局。 ) 数十万柬埔寨人将失业，而绝大多数年轻人的前景将变得更加惨淡。 但是，流亡海外的柬埔寨反对派正在予以回击。 11月9日，我派将返回柬埔寨，要求洪森改变路线。 不必诧异：其与自身核心集团对我方的计划定会感到愤怒，并声称这是企图争辩。 然而，恰恰是其利益集团的政策，才是荼毒自身统治的始作俑者。 而政治自由与经济繁荣，应携手并进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Eternal Hong Kong I have been a part of Hong Kong’s civil service for more than three decades. Throughout my entire career I have worked with many people whose driving impulse has been to serve Hong Kong. That remains as true today as it did almost 40 years ago, when I first entered government. The past couple of weeks have been among the most momentous periods since our reunification with China in 1997, and it has left me in the hot seat as Hong Kong’s Acting Chief Executive. It is not easy to describe the enormous level of responsibility I feel. What sets Hong Kong apart is our ability to sustain social stability and economic growth. One key element of our success is the institutions that buttress our development. These include our legal system, which is underpinned by an independent judiciary, our legislature, and our civil service. Each operates independently but is an integral part of the whole. In short, ours is a system of government like many others. However, Hong Kong has some distinguishing features, including a very internationally minded and outward-looking government, owing to our close integration into world markets long before globalization became a catchphrase. Within the ranks of our civil service and judiciary are nationals from Britain, Australia, the United States, Canada, and India. Moreover, our Court of Final Appeal calls on some of the most esteemed minds of the common-law world. We have a large foreign population and one of the world’s largest consular corps. International chambers of commerce play a very active and vital role in government consultations. Our Basic Law even allows for foreign nationals to be elected to one-fifth of the seats in our legislature. Hong Kong’s cosmopolitanism long ago planted the seeds of tolerance and respect in our approach to government. As a result, we are committed to dialogue and compromise as the only way to balance the many competing demands and opinions that pervade public affairs. Good government is not a competition. It’s not about winning or losing, or whose view or will prevails. It is about making the best decisions for the community as a whole. Inevitably, this will often involve compromise. Indeed, as Hong Kong’s society has grown more sophisticated, it has also become more complex, multi-faceted, and pluralistic.", "zh": "永远的香港 我在香港做公务员已有30余年。 在整个职业生涯中，与我共过事的人中，以服务香港为动力的大有人在。 四十年前我初入政界时是如此，四十年后的今天也是如此。 过去几周是自1997年香港回归中国以来最重大的时刻之一。 也就在这一期间，我坐上了香港代理特别行政长官这一让人坐立不安的位置，感受到的巨大责任难以用语言来描述。 香港之所以与众不同，是因为我们有能力维护社会稳定，保证经济增长。 我们能成功，关键之一就在于我们有种种制度来为发展提供支持与保障。 其中包括我们立法、司法、行政分开的法律制度。 此三权独立运作，但又同为一体。 总之，我们的政府制度与大多数政府制度类似。 但是，香港还有一些与众不同的特色。 如在“全球化”成为流行语之前很久，我们就已经紧密融入了世界市场，因此我们的政府非常善于放眼全球，具有很强的国际化思维。 我们的行政人员和司法人员里有不少来自不同国家的外籍人士，如英国、澳大利亚、美国、加拿大和印度。 此外，我们的终审法庭也汇聚了一些来自奉行普通法的国家的精英人士。 我们有大量的外籍人口，并拥有全球最大的领事使团。 国际工商会在政府咨询方面发挥着重要的积极作用。 我们的基本法甚至允许外籍人士通过选举，占有五分之一的议会席位。 香港的世界主义早就在我们执政方法里播下了宽容、尊重的种子。 其结果是，我们一直致力于以对话和妥协来平衡公共事务里比比皆是的不同要求和观点，并视之为唯一途径。 善政并非竞争，与输赢无关，也与谁的观点、意志取胜无关。 善政就是为整个社会做出最佳决定。 如此一来，在很多时候，妥协便不可避免。 事实上，随着香港社会的日益成熟，香港也变得更为复杂，社会更为多元，也更具多样性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And also that the idea of the facade was much, much cheaper, not only because of the material compared with the glass, but also because we didn't need to have air conditioning anymore. So we created some budget savings that we used to implement the project. And the first implementation was to think about how we could make the building self-sufficient in terms of energy in a city that has electricity cuts almost every day. So we created a huge asset by placing photovoltaics there on the roof. And then under those panels we thought about the roof like a new public space with gathering areas and bars that would create this urban oasis. And these porches on the roof, all together they collect the water to reuse for sanitation on the inside. Hopefully by the beginning of next year, because we are already on the fifth floor of the construction. The second example is a master plan of 2,000 apartments and facilities in the city of Tunis. And for doing such a big project, the biggest project I've ever designed, I really needed to understand the city of Tunis, but also its surroundings and the tradition and culture. During that analysis I paid special attention to the medina that is this 1,000-year-old structure that used to be closed by a wall, opened by twelve different gates, connected by almost straight lines.", "zh": "而且这种外墙的设计, 降低了很多很多的成本, 不仅仅是因为这种预制的材料比玻璃要便宜, 还因为我们不再需要使用那么多的空调来控制温度了. 结果我们最终 还节约了一部分预算. 构造阶段的第一个问题就是思考 如何保证大厦能够在电力上自给自足, 因为所在的城市几乎每天都要拉闸限电. 于是我们在屋顶铺上了很多的太阳能电池板. 接着我们想, 能不能在屋顶, 在这些太阳能电池板下面, 放置一些桌椅用来休息, 让这里成为城市中的绿洲, 供人们小憩. 屋顶上的这些游廊, 被集中利用来收集雨水, 用于建筑内部的清洁. 我们现在已经盖到第五层, 预计在明年初的时候完工. 第二个案例是为突尼斯城规划一个 超过2000套个公寓及附属设施的建筑. 做这么大规模的项目, 这是我做过的最大的项目, 我不仅需要非常深刻的理解突尼斯这个城市, 还需要理解与她相关的种种传统以及文化. 在分析的过程中我的注意力被一个阿拉伯人聚居区吸引, 这是一个有着一千多年历史的结构, 砖墙结构, 有12个门, 相互之间通过几乎是直线的道路相连."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That leaves the final explanation: those in charge of financial reform really did not want to make rapid progress. In both the US and Europe, government leaders are gripped by one overriding fear: that their economies will slip back into recession – or worse. The big banks play on this fear, arguing that financial reform will cause them to become unprofitable and make them unable to lend, or that there will be some other dire unintended consequence. There has been a veritable avalanche of lobbying on this point, which has resulted in top officials moving slowly, for fear of damaging the economy. But this is a grave mistake – based on a failure to understand how big banks can damage the economy. Higher equity-capital requirements, for example, require banks to fund themselves with relatively more equity and relatively less debt. This makes them safer, because they are more able to absorb losses, and less likely to become zombie banks (which do not make sensible loans). The banks claim that higher capital requirements and other regulations will drive up the cost of credit. But there is no sign of any such effect – a point made, rather belatedly, in the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy report to the US Congress last week. On the contrary, the biggest US banks are reporting very healthy profits for the last quarter. Unfortunately, a big part of these banks’ profits stems from trading securities – exactly the sort of high-risk activity that got them into trouble in the run-up to the 2008 global financial crisis. These are highly leveraged businesses, typically funding their balance sheets with no more than 5% equity (and thus 95% debt). To understand why this is a problem, consider what happens when you buy a house with just 5% down (or less than 3% down, which is a better analogy for some European banks). If house prices go up, you make a good return on your equity (and a better return than if you had put 20% down).", "zh": "那么，这就只剩下了最后一种解释：那些负责金融改革的人并非真的想要取得迅速的进步。 在美国和欧洲，政府领导人都被一种压倒性的恐惧给抓住了：即害怕本国经济会退回经济衰退时期的水平 — — 甚至更糟。 大银行则利用了他们的这种恐惧心理，提出金融改革会导致银行更加不能盈利并使得他们无法放贷，不然就是还有其它一些可怕的意外后果。 对这一点进行游说已经构成了一个名副其实的雪崩效应，这导致了高层官员采取行动缓慢，因为他们害怕损害经济。 但这是一个重大的失误 — — 这个失误建立在无法理解大银行如何能破坏了经济的基础之上。 比如更高的股权资本要求，就需要银行用相对更多的股权和更少的债务来支持自己。 这让银行变得更加安全，因为它们更有能力承受损失，不那么可能变成僵尸银行(即那些不发放合理贷款的银行 ) 。 银行声称更高的资本要求和其它监管会抬高信贷成本。 但事实表明并没有这样的效应 — — 这是上周美联储给国会做的货币政策报告上一个姗姗来迟的观点。 与银行所说相反，美国最大的银行对最后一个季度的报告却有着很可观的利润。 不幸的是，这些银行的利润很大一部分来源于证券交易 — — 正是那种始于2008年的金融危机中让银行陷入麻烦的高风险活动。 这些都是高度杠杆化的交易活动，具有代表性的是银行仅仅用5%的股权(意味着95%的债务)来支撑它们的资产负债表。 要理解这为何会成为一个问题，想一想当你买一套房子时只付5 % ( 或少于3%的，这用来比喻一些欧洲银行更恰当)的首付会发生什么 。 如果房价上涨，那么相对你的投资资本就会有很好的回报(如果你的首付是20%那么回报会更高 ) 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "完善技术标准体系。修订实施《太阳能光伏产业综合标准化技术体系》，加快智能光伏标准体系研究和顶层设计。开展光伏和交通、建筑、农业、能源、乡村等领域结合标准研究，推动研究适用于新型电力系统的光伏发电规范和基于光伏为主体电源的电力系统等标准。完善知识产权布局。提升智能光伏企业知识产权保护意识，完善管理制度。开展国内外知识产权布局、知识产权运用试点企业培育工作。支持相关研究机构、行业组织对光伏领域内知识产权布局现状进行全面梳理，探索研究专利池建设，围绕智能光伏关键技术和工艺开展专利分析预警。深化国际交流合作。加强“引进来”，与先进国际机构和企业开展智能光伏领域技术、人才、资本、标准等合作。深化“走出去”，落实“一带一路”倡议，鼓励具有高附加值的智能光伏产品出口，支持企业在海外建设智能光伏工厂、开发智能光伏电站项目，为光伏治沙、光伏扶贫等先进智能光伏模式推广应用贡献中国方案。", "en": "Improve the technical standard system. Revise and implement the Comprehensive Standardization Technical System for Solar Photovoltaic Industry and accelerate the research and top-level design of the intelligent photovoltaic standard system. Conduct research on the combination of photovoltaics with transportation, construction, agriculture, energy, rural areas, and other fields, and promote the research on photovoltaic power generation specifications applicable to new power systems and power systems based on photovoltaics as the main power source. Improve the layout of intellectual property rights. Enhance the awareness of intellectual property protection for intelligent photovoltaic enterprises and improve management systems. Carry out domestic and international intellectual property layout and pilot projects for the application of intellectual property rights. Support research institutions and industry organizations to comprehensively sort out the current situation of intellectual property rights layout in the photovoltaic field, explore the construction of patent pools, and conduct patent analysis and early warning focusing on key technologies and processes of intelligent photovoltaics. Deepen international exchanges and cooperation. Strengthen bringing in and cooperate with advanced international institutions and enterprises in the field of intelligent photovoltaics in technology, talents, capital, standards, and other aspects. Deepen going out and implement the Belt and Road initiative, encourage the export of high-value-added intelligent photovoltaic products, support enterprises in building intelligent photovoltaic factories overseas, and develop intelligent photovoltaic power station projects, and contribute Chinese solutions to the promotion and application of advanced intelligent photovoltaic models such as photovoltaic desertification control and photovoltaic poverty alleviation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why has the Great Recession and the disastrous meltdown at Fukushima Daiichi in Japan not elicited a similar response today? A first step would be for the US finally to ratify the 1996 Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). President Barack Obama has endorsed this treaty as a vital instrument to discourage proliferation and avert nuclear war. It’s time for Obama to make good on commitments he made in Prague in 2009, take up Reagan’s mantle as Great Communicator, and persuade the US Senate to formalize America’s adherence to the CTBT. This would compel the remaining holdouts – China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan – to reconsider the CTBT as well. That would bring us closer to a global ban on nuclear tests in any environment – the atmosphere, undersea, in outer space, or underground. A second necessary step is for the US and Russia to follow up on the New START agreement and begin deeper weapons cuts, especially tactical and reserve weapons, which serve no purpose, waste funds, and threaten security. This step must be related to limits on missile defense, one of the key issues that undermined the Reykjavik summit. A fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT), long stalled in multilateral talks in Geneva, and a successful second Nuclear Security Summit next year in Seoul, will help secure dangerous nuclear materials. This will also require that the 2002 Global Partnership, dedicated to securing and eliminating all weapons of mass destruction – nuclear, chemical, and biological – is renewed and expanded when it convenes next year in the US. Our world remains too militarized. In today’s economic climate, nuclear weapons have become loathsome money pits. If, as seems likely, economic troubles continue, the US, Russia, and other nuclear powers should seize the moment to launch multilateral arms reductions through new or existing channels such as the UN Conference on Disarmament. These deliberations would yield greater security for less money. But the buildup of conventional military forces – driven in large part by the enormous military might deployed globally by the US – must be addressed as well.", "zh": "如今，大衰退和福岛核电站事故为什么就不能造成类似的结果？ 第一步是美国最终批准1996年《全面禁止核试验条约 》 （ CTBT ） 。 奥巴马总统已表态支持这一对阻止核试验、预防核战争来说至关重要的工具的条约。 奥巴马是时候兑现2009年在布拉格许下的承诺了，继承里根“伟大沟通者”的衣钵，说服美国参议院正式批准美国加入CTBT。 美国的入局能迫使其他拒绝加入CTBT的国家 — — 中国、埃及、印度、印尼、伊朗、以色列、朝鲜和巴基斯坦 — — 重新考虑自己的决定。 ���这又能让我们在迈向全面禁止全球核试验 — — 不管是地面、海底、外太空还是地下 — — 的道路上更进一步。 第二大必须步骤是美俄签署新的战略核武器削减条约（New START ） ， 深入落实核武器的销毁工作，特别是战术核武器和储备核武器，它们根本起不到什么作用，只能浪费资金、威胁安全。 这一步骤必须与导弹防御限制 — — 雷克雅未克峰会就是败在它手上 — — 联系起来。 签订一份禁止生产核裂变材料条约（FMCT，自日内瓦多边谈判以来一直停滞不前）以及明年首尔成功举行和安全峰会将有助于叫停危险核原料的生产。 这也要求明年在美国举行的致力于叫停和销毁所有大规模杀伤性武器（核武器、化学武器和生物武器）的2002年全球伙伴（Global Partnership）计划重新启动并扩大规模。 世界仍然处在过度军事化的状态。 在当今的经济气候中，核武器已成为令人厌恶的资金黑洞。 照目前来看，如果经济困境继续下去，美国、俄罗斯和其他有核国家应该抓住机会，通过联合国核裁军会议等已有或新启渠道推出多边核武器削减计划。 这样的动议能够以更低的经济代价带来更大的安全。 但常规军事力量的建设 — — 大部分是因为美军的全球部署所致 — — 也应该有所抑制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bringing the UK to Europe’s Core BRUSSELS – The European Union’s core countries these days, besides the original six founders, are the 15 member states that make up the European Monetary Union. They have converging economies and coordinated monetary and fiscal policies. The big outsider is the United Kingdom. British EMU membership remains very desirable. If the EU is to progress beyond the limits of a common economic and monetary policy and develop a defense and security policy along with a common foreign policy, the UK must be on board. Exchange-rate fluctuations between sterling and the euro disturb market forces among member states, and at times even have a negative impact in London. In the long run, the UK risks serious isolation if the euro zone starts to exert even greater power. But other European countries must also understand British arguments in favor of the UK maintaining its own currency, given London’s importance as an international financial center as well as its privileged relations with more than 50 Commonwealth countries. The euro zone should therefore offer the UK an honorable compromise in which Britain would be allowed to become a full member of the EMU and take a seat in all of its institutions like the European Central Bank and the ministerial Eurogroup, while also being able to keep the pound in its relations with third countries. The euro would, however, have to be accepted as legal tender in the UK, alongside the pound, and in the commonwealth countries, and this would demand close cooperation between the Bank of England and the ECB.", "zh": "将英国带到欧洲的核心之中 布鲁塞尔—目前欧盟的核心国家，除最初的6个创始国外，是组成欧洲货币联盟的15个国家。 这些国家具有趋同的经济体系和共同的货币及财政政策。 最大的外围国家是英国。 仍然有许多人希望英国加入欧洲经济货币联盟。 如果欧盟想要突破共同的经济和货币政策的界限，在发展安全防卫政策的同时发展共同的外交政策，英国必须参与。 英镑和欧元之间的汇率波动扰乱了欧盟成员国之间的市场力量，有时候甚至在伦敦造成了负面冲击。 从长期来看，如果欧元区开始施加更大的影响力，英国就冒着严重的被孤立的风险。 但是，鉴于伦敦作为国际金融中心的重要地位以及英国和50多个英联邦国家的特殊关系，其它欧洲国家也应该理解英国要求其拥有自己的货币的观点。 因此，欧元区应该为英国提供一个体面的折衷方案，允许英国成为欧洲经济货币联盟的完全成员，加入其所有的机构 — — 例如欧洲中央银行以及部长级的欧元集团，同时在英国和第三国家关系中可以继续使用英镑。 但是，欧元应该和英镑一起被作为英国以及英联邦国家的法定货币，这需要英格兰银行和欧洲中央银行间的紧密合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "十八大以来的五年，是党和国家发展进程中极不平凡的五年。 面对世界经济复苏乏力、局部冲突和动荡频发、全球性问题加剧的外部环境， 面对我国经济发展进入新常态等一系列深刻变化，我们坚持稳中求进工作总基调，迎难而上，开拓进取，取得了改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的历史性成就。 为贯彻十八大精神，党中央召开七次全会，分别就政府机构改革和职能转变、全面深化改革、全面推进依法治国、制定“十三五”规划、全面从严治党等重大问题作出决定和部署。 五年来，我们统筹推进“五位一体”总体布局、协调推进“四个全面”战略布局，“十二五”规划胜利完成，“十三五”规划顺利实施，党和国家事业全面开创新局面。 经济建设取得重大成就。 坚定不移贯彻新发展理念，坚决端正发展观念、转变发展方式，发展质量和效益不断提升。 经济保持中高速增长，在世界主要国家中名列前茅，国内生产总值从五十四万亿元增长到八十万亿元，稳居世界第二，对世界经济增长贡献率超过百分之三十。 供给侧结构性改革深入推进，经济结构不断优化，数字经济等新兴产业蓬勃发展，高铁、公路、桥梁、港口、机场等基础设施建设快速推进。 农业现代化稳步推进，粮食生产能力达到一万二千亿斤。 城镇化率年均提高一点二个百分点，八千多万农业转移人口成为城镇居民。", "en": "The five years since the 18th National Congress have been a truly remarkable five years in the course of the development of the Party and the country. Outside China, we have been confronted with sluggish global economic recovery, frequent outbreaks of regional conflicts and disturbances, and intensifying global issues. At home, we have encountered profound changes as China has entered a new normal in economic development. We have upheld the underlying principle of pursuing progress while ensuring stability, risen to challenges, pioneered and pushed ahead, and made historic achievements in reform, opening up, and socialist modernization. To put the guiding principles from our 18th National Congress into action, the Party Central Committee has held seven plenary sessions. There, decisions and plans were made on issues of major importance, from reforming the institutions and transforming the functions of government to deepening reform in all areas, advancing law-based governance, formulating the 13th Five-Year Plan, and seeing governance over the Party is exercised fully and with rigor. In the past five years, we have implemented the five-sphere integrated plan and the four-pronged comprehensive strategy, fulfilled the goals of the 12th Five-Year Plan, and made smooth progress in implementing the 13th Five-Year Plan. On all fronts new advances have been made for the cause of the Party and the country. We have made major achievements in economic development. We have remained committed to the new development philosophy, adopted the right approach to development, and endeavored to transform the growth model. The result has been a constant improvement in the quality and effect of development. The economy has maintained a medium-high growth rate, making China a leader among the major economies. With the gross domestic product rising from 54 trillion to 80 trillion yuan, China has maintained its position as the world’s second largest economy and contributed more than 30 percent of global economic growth. Supply-side structural reform has made further headway, bringing a steady improvement in the economic structure. Emerging industries like the digital economy are thriving; the construction of high-speed railways, highways, bridges, ports, airports, and other types of infrastructure has picked up pace. Agricultural modernization has steadily advanced, with annual grain production reaching 600 million metric tons. The level of urbanization has risen by an annual average of 1.2 percentage points, and more than 80 million people who have moved from rural to urban areas have gained permanent urban residency."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The outcry after the first BMW case was not really about the light sentence given to a rich woman, but about the lack of confidence ordinary people have in China's judicial system. In China, power, money, and connections trump the law. Even as they are becoming ever more litigious, many Chinese believe that they have no hope of securing justice against the powerful. The apathetic response of the dead peasant woman's husband to the $10,000 in compensation he received was telling. \"I don't care about the verdict and whether it is justice or not,\" he said. The most harmful consequence is the public's loss of trust in the system. Social trust is not something you can buy with money. If an entire society believes that you cannot depend on legal rights for protection - that one must instead rely on a web of relationships with those who have power and influence - questions about whether such a society is livable or desirable will remain. Similarly, in the second BMW case, people didn't blame a corrupt businessman; they ascribed culpability to the lottery center, a government body. So instead of mistrusting one person, they grew suspicious of an institution - even of government itself. When a stubborn teenager went up against the mighty lottery authority with its army of auditors and inspectors and initial alibis, this individual, not the system, was the clear winner of the public's admiration. Liu Liang may have been just a working-class kid, but there was wisdom in his words that there is still a \"silent majority\" who can affect the workings of China's fragile society. He refused to settle privately, because he believed that if he let corrupt government officials off the hook, \"they'll keep scamming the public.\" Thanks to his perseverance and the media's investigation, the fraud was laid bare. Power corrupts everywhere, but individuals in China such as Liu have come to form a countervailing force. Even so, such marginal forces do not yet constitute a system for redressing grievances. While pop music fans in China can listen to whatever they like, including Madonna singing \"I'm gonna shake up the system,\" ordinary Chinese need courage to speak such messages aloud.", "zh": "在第一桩BMW案发生之后，民间呼声并不在于法庭对富商之妻的判刑太轻而在于普通民众对中国的司法制度缺乏信心。 在中国，权力、金钱和关系凌驾于法律之上。 即便是在人们越来越习惯于诉诸法律的情况下，许多中国人也认为面对权势他们不可能获得司法公正。 这种心态从死亡农妇的丈夫在得到10，000美金的赔偿时无动于衷的反应中可见一斑。 他表示 ： \" 我不在乎法院的判决，也不在乎它是否公正 。 \" 最为不利的后果是公众对司法体系丧失了信任。 社会信任不是用金钱可以买到的。 如果整个社会都认为不能依靠法律维权-而必须依靠与那些有权有势的人所建立的关系网-那么这样的社会是否是人们愿意归属的社会就成为一个问题。 同样，在第二桩BMW案中，人们没有谴责一个腐败的商人；他们将过失归咎于彩票中心，一个政府机构。 因此他们开始怀疑一个机构，而不是某位个人-他们甚至怀疑政府本身。 所以，当一位执拗的青年孤身挑战拥有众多审计员、公证员和借口的彩票机构时，让人们钦佩的真正胜利者就是他这个人，而不是司法制度。 刘亮或许只是一个工人阶层的小孩，但他的话语中却透出睿智。 他说仍然有一群\"沉默的大多数\"可以影响脆弱的中国社会的运转方式。 他拒绝了私下调解，因为他相信如果他放过了腐败的政府官员 ， \" 他们会继续欺骗公众 。 \" 在他的不懈努力及媒体的调查下，这场骗局终于真相大白。 权力的腐败随处可见，但像Liu这样的个体的中国人已经形成了一股与之对抗的力量。 可即便如此，这种边缘的力量还没有能形成一种纠正社会不公的制度。 中国的流行音乐爱好者们能够听任何想听的音乐，包括麦当娜所唱的\"我会动摇整个体制 \" 。 普通的中国人也需要勇气呐喊这样的讯息。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "可是嘴角一抽，脸上又是一疼。 她急忙绷住脸。 那副想笑却又不能笑的样子，惹得沈凉川抽了抽嘴角，忽然就咧嘴笑了起来。 他先是低笑，可他笑起来，一抬头，对上乔恋不可思议的表情，忍不住就哈哈大笑起来。 乔恋坐在病床上，此刻简直是无语！ 这个男人……他这是在显摆他能笑，自己不能笑吗？ 太过分了！ 此刻，病房外，夏叶华与宋原希，站在那儿，两个人脸上都露出诧异的表情。 夏叶华扭头，“原希，我这是……没听错吧？ 沈凉川他这是在笑？” 从八年前的某一天开始，他的脸上，就再也没有露出过笑脸了。 夏叶华的眸光渐渐变得靓丽，过了一会儿就笑了起来，“我还担心沈凉川对小乔是随便的，现在总算是放心了！”", "en": "However, every time her lips twitched, she felt a twinge of pain on her face. She hurriedly tensed up her face. The expression she had of wanting to smile but being unable to do so made Shen Liangchuan twitch his lips as well. Then, he suddenly started laughing, a grin on his face. First, he laughed softly. However, as he laughed, he rose his head. When he saw the expression of astonishment on Qiao Lian’s face, he could not help but laugh uproariously. Qiao Lian sat on the hospital bed, completely speechless. This man… was he showing off the fact that he could smile while she couldn’t? This was absolutely outrageous! At this moment, Xia Yehua and Song Yuanxi were together standing outside the ward. Both of them had confused expressions on their faces. Xia Yehua turned her head and said, “Yuanxi, did I hear wrongly? Is Shen Liangchuan actually laughing?” Since that day eight years ago, no smile had crossed his face until today. Xia Yehua’s gaze gradually softened and after a while, she began to smile. “I was afraid that Shen Liangchuan wasn’t taking his relationship with Xiao Qiao seriously, but now I’m finally reassured!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But an overheated economy can’t be kept boiling for too long. Had all this happened closer to the election, it would have assured Trump’s victory. His problem is that the election is still ten months away. In a revolutionary situation, that is a lifetime. Of course, from an open society point of view, the current situation is quite grim. It would be easy to give in to despair. The public is beginning to be aware of the dangers of climate change. It has become the top priority of the EU under the new European Commission led by Ursula von der Leyen. But there are real limits to Trump’s ability to steer the global agenda in this regard, as he is a climate-change denier. There are also grounds to hope for the survival of open societies. They have their weaknesses, no doubt, but so do repressive regimes. The greatest shortcoming of dictatorships is that when they are successful, they don’t know when or how to stop being repressive. They lack the checks and balances that give democracies a degree of stability. As a result, the oppressed eventually revolt. We see this happening today all around the world. The most successful rebellion so far has been in Hong Kong, but it comes at a great cost: it may well destroy the city’s economic prosperity. There are so many revolts occurring in the world that it would take far too long to examine each case individually. But, observing the torrent of rebellions, from Hong Kong to Santiago to Beirut, I can venture a generalization about the ones that are likely to succeed. They are typified by Hong Kong, where the protest movement has no visibly identifiable leadership and yet maintains the overwhelming support of the population. I began to form this conclusion when I learned about a spontaneous movement of young people turning up at rallies held by Matteo Salvini, the would-be dictator of Italy. They held up cutout signs of sardines proclaiming, “Sardines against Salvini.” There are many more sardines than sharks like Salvini, they explained, so the sardines are bound to prevail. Sardines against Salvini is the Italian variant of a worldwide trend led by young people. This leads me to conclude that today’s youth are a bulwark of open society, unafraid to confront nationalist dictatorships in its defense.", "zh": "但是一个过热的经济是不能无法长久的。 如果上述事件都发生在临近大选之时，那么特朗普将铁定连任。 但问题在于距离选举还有10个月时间，在这么一个革命性态势下其中可以存在无数变数。 当然，从开放社会的角度来看，当前状况相当严峻，也很容易让人感到绝望。 但如果真的陷入绝望就大错特错了，公众开始日渐意识到气候变化的危险，气候变化也成为了乌尔苏拉·冯德莱恩（Ursula von der Leyen）领导下的新欧盟委员会首脑团队的头等议题。 但很难让特朗普在这个全球议程上发挥作用，因为他是一个气候变化否定者。 我们也有诸多理由继续对开放社会的存续抱有希望。 开放社会纵有其弱点，但专制政权也不是无懈可击。 这些政权最大的弱点在于它们在有所成就时不知道应该何时或如何停止压制。 他们缺乏能像民主国家那样构建某种稳定性的制衡机制，最终致使被压迫的人们奋起反抗。 如今这种状况正在世界各地发生。 而迄今为止最成功的反抗发生在香港，但代价也是极为高昂的：这个城市的经济繁荣可能会遭到彻底破坏。 当前世界各地反抗事件如此之多，如果一一探究未免太花时间。 但纵观这股从香港到圣地亚哥再到贝鲁特的反抗洪流，我可以大胆地对其中一些可能成功的案例加以概括，其代表就是香港，其一方面不存在明显可定义的领导力量，一方面又获得了民众压倒性的支持。 而我是在得知意大利的年轻人们自发集会游行反对马泰奥·萨尔维尼（Matteo Salvini ） — —也是一个即将当权的意大利独裁者 — — 的时候开始形成这个结论的。 他们高举画有沙丁鱼的醒目标志高呼“沙丁鱼反对萨尔维尼 ” 。 在他们看来沙丁鱼的数量要比萨尔维尼那样的鲨鱼多得多，所以沙丁鱼终将胜利。 “沙丁鱼反对萨尔维尼”是一个由年轻人主导的全球趋势在意大利的变体。 这使我得出结论认为现在的年轻人已经成为开放社会的捍卫者，也无惧民族主义独裁政权。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because of their relatively short tenure in one position before promotion (less than three years, on average, for local mayors), Chinese officials are under enormous pressure to demonstrate their ability to produce economic results quickly. One sure way of doing so is to use financial leverage, typically by selling land or using land as collateral to borrow large sums of money from often-obliging state-owned banks, to finance massive infrastructure projects, as Bo did in Chongqing. The result is promotion for such officials, because they have delivered quick GDP growth. But the economic and social costs are very high. Local governments are saddled with a mountain of debt and wasted investments, banks accumulate risky loans, and farmers lose their land. Worse, as competition for promotion within the Chinese bureaucracy has escalated, even fake academic credentials and GDP growth records have become insufficient to advance one’s career. What increasingly determines an official’s prospects for promotion is his guanxi, or connections. Based on surveys of local officials, patronage, not merit, has become the most critical factor in the appointment process. For those without guanxi, the only recourse is to purchase appointments and promotions through bribes. In the Chinese parlance, the practice is called maiguan, literally “buying office.” The official Chinese press is full of corruption scandals of this type. Given such systemic debasement of merit, few Chinese citizens believe that they are governed by the best and the brightest. But astonishingly, the myth of a Chinese meritocracy remains very much alive among Westerners who have encountered impressively credentialed officials like Bo. The time has come to bury it.", "zh": "由于在升迁之前只会在当地执政一段相对较短的时间（各城市市长平均不超过3年 ） ， 中国官员承受着极大的压力，必须在短时间内展现出自己取得经济成效的能力。 对此一个屡试不爽的手段就是利用金融杠杆，一般通过出售土地或者以土地作为抵押品来从“乐善好施”的国有银行处搞到大笔贷款，以此资助大规模基础设施项目，正如薄熙来在重庆的所作所为。 这些官员因此获得了升职，因为他们实现了迅速的GDP增长。 但因此产生的经济和社会成本都非常高昂。 各地方政府都背负着堆积如山的债务和无效投资，银行里坏账不断增加，而农民们则失去了土地。 更糟糕的是，随着中国官僚系统中向上爬的斗争逐渐升级，连假冒文凭和GDP增长记录都不足以让他们更进一步。 而一个官员的升迁前景则日渐取决于他所拥有的关系。 根据对地方官员的调查，送礼（而不是积累优点）已经成为官员委任过程中的最关键因素。 对那么没有关系的人来说，唯一的办法就是通过贿赂来获得委任或者是升迁。 在中国俗语中这种做法被称为“买官 ” 。 而官方媒体中则充斥着这类腐败丑闻。 鉴于这种系统性的败坏，只有很少中国人相信自己的治理者们是最优秀和最聪明的。 但令人震惊的是这个中国精英政治神话却在西方人中广为流传 — — 因为他们碰到的多是薄熙来这样仿佛拥有众多优点，令人过目难忘的中国官员。 而如今也是时候埋葬这一神话了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "特种玻璃制造，主要包括航空器用钢化玻璃、航天器用钢化玻璃、船舶用钢化玻璃、车辆用钢化玻璃、防火玻璃、其他钢化玻璃、航空器用夹层玻璃、航天器用夹层玻璃、船舶用夹层玻璃、车辆用夹层玻璃、建筑用夹层玻璃、防弹玻璃、其他夹层玻璃、中空玻璃（用于航空航天、轨道交通、海工及船舶）、真空玻璃（用于航空航天、轨道交通、海工及船舶）、其他多层隔温、隔音玻璃（用于航空航天、轨道交通、海工及船舶）、透明石英玻璃（用于航空航天、轨道交通、海工及船舶）、不透明石英玻璃（用于航空航天、轨道交通、海工及船舶）光栅玻璃、透明微晶玻璃、高性能泡沫玻璃、超低膨胀微晶玻璃、低膨胀微晶玻璃、耐高温微晶玻璃、介电微晶玻璃、生物微晶玻璃、其他微晶玻璃、基板玻璃、导电玻璃、保护玻璃、超白太阳能浮法玻璃、超白太阳能压延玻璃、光学及光子学玻璃（包括透紫外玻璃、透红外玻璃、激光玻璃、变色玻璃、发光玻璃等）电磁功能玻璃、热学功能玻璃。", "en": "Special glass manufacturing mainly includes tempered glass for aircraft, tempered glass for spacecraft, tempered glass for ships, tempered glass for vehicles, fire-resistant glass, other tempered glass, laminated glass for aircraft, laminated glass for spacecraft, laminated glass for ships, laminated glass for vehicles, laminated glass for buildings, bulletproof glass, other laminated glass, hollow glass (used in aviation, aerospace, rail transportation, marine engineering, and ships), vacuum glass (used in aviation, aerospace, rail transportation, marine engineering, and ships), other multi-layer insulation and soundproof glass (used in aviation, aerospace, rail transportation, marine engineering, and ships), transparent quartz glass (used in aviation, aerospace, rail transportation, marine engineering, and ships), opaque quartz glass (used in aviation, aerospace, rail transportation, marine engineering, and ships), grating glass, transparent microcrystalline glass, high-performance foam glass, ultra-low expansion microcrystalline glass, low expansion microcrystalline glass, high-temperature resistant microcrystalline glass, dielectric microcrystalline glass, bioactive microcrystalline glass, other microcrystalline glass, substrate glass, conductive glass, protective glass, ultra-white solar float glass, ultra-white solar rolled glass, optical and photonics glass (including ultraviolet glass, infrared glass, laser glass, color-changing glass, luminescent glass, etc.), electromagnetic functional glass, thermal functional glass."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "扩大低保保障范围，对城乡困难家庭应保尽保，将符合条件的城镇失业和返乡人员及时纳入低保。 对因灾因病因残遭遇暂时困难的人员，都要实施救助。 要切实保障所有困难群众基本生活，保民生也必将助力更多失业人员再就业敢创业。 丰富群众精神文化生活。 培育和践行社会主义核心价值观，发展哲学社会科学、新闻出版、广播影视等事业。 加强文物保护利用和非物质文化遗产传承。 加强公共文化服务，筹办北京冬奥会、冬残奥会，倡导全民健身和全民阅读，使全社会充满活力、向上向善。 加强和创新社会治理。 健全社区管理和服务机制。加强乡村治理。 支持社会组织、人道救助、志愿服务、慈善事业等健康发展。 保障妇女、儿童、老人、残疾人合法权益。 完善信访制度，加强法律援助，及时解决群众合理诉求，妥善化解矛盾纠纷。 开展第七次全国人口普查。 加强国家安全能力建设。 完善社会治安防控体系，依法打击各类犯罪，建设更高水平的平安中国。 强化安全生产责任。 加强洪涝、火灾、地震等灾害防御，做好气象服务，提高应急管理、抢险救援和防灾减灾能力。 实施安全生产专项整治。 坚决遏制重特大事故发生。 各位代表！", "en": "Subsistence allowances will be expanded to cover all families in difficulty, and such allowances will be made promptly available to eligible urban unemployed people and migrant workers who have returned home. We will ensure assistance is provided to anyone who runs into temporary difficulty because of disaster, illness, or disability. With these measures, we can ensure that all members of disadvantaged groups have their basic living needs met and that more unemployed people will have the support they need to secure their next job or start their own business. We will organize rich intellectual and cultural activities for our people. We will foster and practice core socialist values, and continue to develop philosophy and social sciences, the press, publishing, radio, film, and television. The protection and use of cultural relics and the preservation of intangible cultural heritage will be improved. We will improve public cultural services, make preparations for the 2022 Winter Olympics and Paralympics in Beijing, and encourage people to exercise and keep fit and embrace a culture of reading. With these endeavors, our people will be full of vitality and striving to pursue excellence and moral integrity. We will create new and better ways to conduct social governance. We will improve community management and service mechanisms and strengthen rural governance. We will support the sound development of social organizations, humanitarian assistance, volunteer service, and charity. We will protect the lawful rights and interests of women, children, the elderly, and people with disabilities. We will improve the system for handling public complaints, provide better legal aid, and ensure that justified public demands are addressed promptly and social problems and disputes are handled in the right way. The seventh population census will be carried out. We will strengthen national security capacity building. We will improve the crime prevention and control system, punish crimes in accordance with law, and more effectively carry out the Peaceful China initiative. We will strengthen accountability for workplace safety. We will intensify prevention efforts against flooding, fires, and earthquakes, deliver quality meteorological services, and enhance our capacity for emergency management and rescue and disaster prevention and mitigation. A campaign to enhance workplace safety will be launched. Strong steps will be taken to prevent major and extremely serious accidents. Fellow Deputies,"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Labor Markets in the Age of Automation BERKELEY – Advances in artificial intelligence and robotics are powering a new wave of automation, with machines matching or outperforming humans in a fast-growing range of tasks, including some that require complex cognitive capabilities and advanced degrees. This process has outpaced the expectations of experts; not surprisingly, its possible adverse effects on both the quantity and quality of employment have raised serious concerns. To listen to President Donald Trump’s administration, one might think that trade remains the primary reason for the loss of manufacturing jobs in the United States. Trump’s treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin, has declared that the possible technological displacement of workers is “not even on [the administration’s] radar screen.” Among economists, however, the consensus is that about 80% of the loss in US manufacturing jobs over the last three decades was a result of labor-saving and productivity-enhancing technological change, with trade coming a distant second. The question, then, is whether we are headed toward a jobless future, in which technology leaves many unemployed, or a “good-jobless future,” in which a growing number of workers can no longer earn a middle-class income, regardless of their education and skills. The answer may be some of both. The most recent major study on the topic found that, from 1990 to 2007, the penetration of industrial robots – defined as autonomous, automatically controlled, reprogrammable, and multipurpose machines – undermined both employment and wages.", "zh": "自动化时代的劳动力市场 发自伯克利 — — 人工智能和机器人技术的进步正在推动新一波的自动化浪潮，使得机器可以匹配或超越人类的任务范畴急剧扩大，包括执行一些需要复杂认知能力和高级学位才能胜任的任务。 这一进程超越了专家的期望；不出意外，其对就业数量和质量产生的潜在不利影响也引发了人们的严重关切。 而按照特朗普当局的说法，你可能会认为贸易依然是造成美国制造业就业流失的主要原因。 特朗普的财政部长史蒂文·莫尼辛（Steven Mnuchin）宣称因为技术对工人的取代“甚至不在[行政部门]的视野之内。 然而经济学家的共识是，过去三十年来，美国制造业就业的流失约有80％是由节约劳动力及提高生产率的技术变革导致的，而贸易的影响只能远远地屈居第二。 那么问题在于，我们是否走向一个失业的未来，即科技令许多人丢掉工作，还是“大规模失业的未来 ” ， 也就是越来越多的劳动者，无论教育水平和技能如何，都无法再获得一份中产阶级收入。 答案可能是两者各占一部分。 一项关于该课题的最新重大研究发现，在1990~2007年间，正是工业机器人 — — 自主运行，自动控制，可重复编程以及多用途的机器 — — 对行业的渗透削弱了就业和工资水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Germany’s Zero Hour The 8th of May always brings back memories of 1945, because for me the end of the war in Europe really was a zero hour. When the first Soviet soldiers came up our little street in the Western suburbs of Berlin, we knew that the great slaughter was coming to an end. My father who had been in the resistance would come back from Brandenburg prison. I no longer needed to hide as I had done after my release from a Gestapo camp at the beginning of February. Somehow a new life would begin. First, however, was the chaos. The Nazis were gone, and the occupation powers had not yet set up any kind of administration. We all went looting the local shops; I still have the slim volumes of romantic poetry which my 16-year-old self took from a bookshop. The occupation troops went on a rampage. Food was hard to find. My father was taken from prison and transported straight to central Berlin, where he was told to set up the office for Berlin’s energy supply, a task that had to be done literally from nothing. There was no power, no transport, no organised life of any kind for a period. Was it defeat or liberation? For Germans this question was not easily answered, though clearly our family was liberated in every sense. The question then was this: liberated for what? Where do we go from here? “You must help,” my mother said to me.", "zh": "德国的零时 五月八日总是将我们带回1945年的记忆中，因为对我而言欧洲战争的结束是真正的零时。 当第一名苏联士兵踏上柏林西郊的小道时，我们知道这场规模最大的屠杀终于要到尽头了。 我那参加反抗运动的父亲也将从布兰登堡监狱回来。 我也不再需要像自二月初从盖世太保集中营被释放后那样躲躲藏藏了。 无论怎样，新生活即将启航。 然而，一开始却是一片混乱。 纳粹离开了，占领军队还没有建立起任何行政政府。 我们都去抢劫本地商店；我至今还保留着那时十六岁的我从一个书店拿来的薄薄的浪漫主义诗歌册子。 占领军队到处闹事，食物出现匮乏。 我父亲被从监狱中直接转到了柏林中心地区，被告知要在那里建造起一个柏林能源供应办公室，事实上这是一个需要从零做起的任务。 那段时间没有电力，没有交通，生活毫无秩序。 那是一次失败还是解放？ 对德国人来说，这个问题不好回答，尽管从各方面来看，显然我们的家园解放了。 于是，问题变成了：为什么解放？ 我们将从这里走向何方？ “你必须得帮忙 ， ” 我的母亲对我说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Missile Strikes Are Not a Syria Strategy NEW YORK – “A perfectly executed strike…Could not have had a better result. Mission Accomplished.” So tweeted US President Donald Trump just hours after more than a hundred American, French, and British cruise missiles hit three sites in Syria believed to be associated with chemical weapons production. The mission that was “accomplished” was to deliver the message that using chemical weapons would not be cost-free for those responsible. Ideally, punitive strikes such as these would deter Syria’s government, or any other, from ever using chemical weapons again in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. But it is far from clear that Trump has achieved that deterrent effect. The somewhat smaller strike undertaken a year ago failed to change Syrian behavior, and the latest attack is no more likely to do so. What Bashar al-Assad’s government achieved with chemical weapons – gaining control of rebel-held areas in Douma and eastern Ghouta – outweighed the price it paid. And it is a near-certainty that the Syrian government continues to possess chemical weapons, and could produce additional supplies without detection. Military action to enforce the international norm against the use of chemical weapons is legitimate and welcome, as was the decision to coordinate the response with allies and to threaten additional strikes if chemical weapons were used again. It is important to signal that opposition to the use of any weapon of mass destruction is both deep and broad.", "zh": "导弹袭击并非叙利亚策略 纽约 — — “一次执行非常完美的打击…也不会取得更好的效果。 我们完成了任务 。 ” 美国总统唐纳德·特朗普在一百多枚美国、法国和英国巡航导弹击中叙利亚三个据点短短几小时后在推文中说，据称这三个地点是与化学武器制造相关的。 “完成”任务的目的是传递这样一条信息，即使用化学武器对不负责任者来说不会是毫无代价的。 理想情况下，像这样的惩罚性打击会阻止叙利亚政府、或其他任何国家再次违反《化武公约》使用化武。 但特朗普此举是否取得了震慑效果还远不明确。 一年前进行的某种程度上规模较小的打击未能改变叙利亚行为，而最近这次打击也不太可能完成这项任务。 巴沙尔·阿萨德政府利用化学武器取得的成效 — — 获得了对杜马和东古塔叛军控制区的控制 — — 超过了它所付出的代价。 几乎可以肯定叙利亚政府会继续拥有化学武器，并可以在不为人知的情况下继续从事生产活动。 为执行禁止化武使用的国际规则而采取军事行动既受欢迎又合理合法，同样受欢迎的还有与盟国协调行动以及在再次发生化武袭击的情况下威胁采取进一步打击行动。 重要的是向外界表明反对使用任何大规模杀伤性武器具有深刻而广泛的基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This kind, intelligent young man from New Jersey had just committed suicide. I spoke with Jason's parents that evening, and I suppose that, when I was speaking with them, that I didn't sound as if I was doing very well, because that very next day, their family rabbi called to check on me. Jason's parents had asked him to do so. The collateral damage of suicide affects so many people. I pose these questions to you: What would you do if your family member, friend or loved one was suicidal? What would you say? Would you know what to say? In my experience, it's not just the talking that you do, but the listening. Listen to understand. Don't argue, blame, or tell the person you know how they feel, because you probably don't. By just being there, you may just be the turning point that they need. If you think someone is suicidal, don't be afraid to confront them and ask the question. One way of asking them the question is like this: \"Others in similar circumstances have thought about ending their life; have you had these thoughts?\" Confronting the person head-on may just save their life and be the turning point for them. Some other signs to look for: hopelessness, believing that things are terrible and never going to get better; helplessness, believing that there is nothing that you can do about it; recent social withdrawal; and a loss of interest in life. I came up with this talk just a couple of days ago, and I received an email from a lady that I'd like to read you her letter. She lost her son on January 19 of this year, and she wrote this me this email just a couple of days ago, and it's with her permission and blessing that I read this to you. \"Hi, Kevin. I imagine you're at the TED Conference. That must be quite the experience to be there. I'm thinking I should go walk the bridge this weekend. Just wanted to drop you a note.", "zh": "这位来自新泽西的善良，聪明的年轻人 就这样自杀了。 那天晚上我与杰森父母谈话， 我感觉，我和他们谈话时， 我的声音听起来好像是我状态不好， 因为就在后一天， 他们家的拉比打电话过来问我怎么样。 杰森的父母要他打的电话。 自杀带来的间接伤害 影响着如此多的人。 我向你们提出这些问题： 如果你们的家人、朋友或爱人要自杀， 你们会怎么办？ 你们会说什么？ 你知道要说什么吗？ 据我的经验，要做的不仅仅是说， 而是听。 通过倾听去理解， 不要争辨、责备， 或是告诉那个人你知道他的感受， 因为你很可能并不知道。 只要你在那里， 你可能就是他们所需的那个转折点。 如果你认为有人想自杀， 不要害怕面对他们，别怕提问题。 提问的方法有许多，可以是这样： \"别人处在类似的境况下， 会考虑结束自己的生命； 你有这样想过吗？\" 与这个人正面相对可能正好挽救了他的生命， 从而成为了他的转折点。 有一些其他的迹象值得留意： 绝望，认为一切都很可怕， 永远不会好转； 无助，认为没有任何办法 可以进行改变； 近来回避人际交往； 以及对生活失去兴趣。 就在几天前我有过一次谈话， 我收到一位女士的一封电子邮件， 我想给大家读读她的信。 她在今年1月19日失去了儿子， 然后她给我写了这封邮件， 就在几天前， 她给了我许可和祝福， 让我为大家读一下。 \"嗨，凯文。我猜想你在TED大会上了。 能在那里想必是次难得的经历吧。 我在想我应该这个周末去大桥上走一走。 只是想给你留个言。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Plato held that moral progress is essentially an intellectual process, driven by reasoned arguments – a stance that many of the most influential moral philosophers, from Baruch Spinoza and Immanuel Kant to John Rawls and Peter Singer, have supported. Yet many other philosophers have rejected the autocracy of reason in humans’ moral lives, agreeing with David Hume’s assertion that “reason, in itself, is perfectly inert.” They believe that no purely abstract argument can get us to do anything that we do not want to do. If a reasoned argument cannot move us, what can? One simple answer stands out: emotions. Moral emotions, notably empathy, can accomplish what no bloodless ratiocination can: they make us feel – and thus want to account for – the experience of others. The more we feel, the more we care – and the more moral our motivations. In short, a stronger sense of empathy spurs moral progress. With this shift in focus from reason to emotion, moral philosophy is increasingly giving way to moral psychology, which, by incorporating ideas from evolutionary biology, has more and more to say about human nature and our moral lives. It all comes down to natural selection. Moral emotions like empathy are as much an outcome of the blind workings of adaptation as our upright stance and opposable thumbs – traits that are entrenched in a species through the proliferation of particular genes.", "zh": "柏拉图认为道德进步本质上是一个知识过程，由理性辩论推动 — — 这一立场受到了许多最有影响力的哲学家的支持，从斯宾诺莎和康德到罗尔斯（John Rawls）到辛格（Peter Singer）都是如此。 但许多其他这些假拒绝理性在人类道德生活中的支配地位，他们同意休谟的主张 ： “ 理性本身完全是惰性的 。 ” 他们认为没有纯抽象的原因可以让我们做任何我们不想做的东西。 如果理性辩论不能打动我们，什么可以？ 一个简单的理由应声而出：情感。 道德情感，特别是同情，可以完成冷血的推理所无法完成的东西：它们让我们感到 — — 从而让我们想顾及到 — — 其他人的体验。 我们感到的越多，我们就越在乎 — — 我们的动机也越道德。 简言之，同情感的增强刺激了道德进步。 随着关注点从理性转向感性，道德哲学日益让位给道德心理学。 道德心理学将思想与演化生物学相结合，在人性和道德生活领域的话语权越来越重。 它可以言简意赅地总结为自然选择。 同情等道���情感和直立行走和可弯折的大拇指一样，都是适应的不择向的作用，是物种通过特定基因的繁衍而获得的特征。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Social Protection Can Empower Women PORT ELIZABETH/LONDON/BRIGHTON – To live in dignity, free from want, is a fundamental human right. Social protection is key to upholding that right, ensuring that people can escape poverty and insecurity. That is why social protection is at the center of strategies for ending global poverty by 2030, the first of 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals. But, if those strategies are to work, they must go further – especially with regard to women. In recent years, many countries – particularly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean – have made great strides toward improving social protection. But most policies and initiatives are inadequate, and nearly four billion people still lack any social protection at all. Because women are the leading providers of unpaid labor, they are the most likely to suffer from this failure. The issue of social protection was at the top of the agenda at the UN’s 63rd Commission for the Status of Women, held last month. NGOs, activists, policymakers, and academics called for increased support for women in the labor market, including initiatives to encourage employment and the provision of social support, such as childcare services. Pointing to successful countries like Iceland and Norway, participants agreed that only on a level playing field, with no gender pay gap, can the full potential of girls and women be realized. The first step toward designing effective strategies is to gain a more nuanced understanding of the struggles many women endure as they attempt to juggle vast responsibilities.", "zh": "社会保障如何赋能妇女 伊丽莎白港/伦敦/布莱顿—有尊严地生活，自由许愿是一项基本人权。 社会保障是支持这一权利，确保人们能够摆脱贫困和危险的关键。 因此社会保障是2030年消灭全球贫困战略的核心。 2030年消灭全球贫困名列17个联合国可持续发展目标之首。 但是，要想这些战略起作用，我们必须更进一步 — — 特别是妇女。 近几年来，许多国家 — — 特别是非洲、亚洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比国家 — — 在改善社会保障方面取得了长足的进步。 但大部分政策和计划都不够充分，仍有近四十亿人几乎得不到任何社会保障。 妇女是无薪劳动的主要供应者，她们最有可能因为这一失败而受到影响。 社会保障问题是上个月举行的联合国第63届妇女地位委员会的最高日程。 非政府组织、活动家、决策者和学界共同呼吁增加对职场女性的支持，包括鼓励就业和提供社会支持的措施，如育儿服务。 参与国向冰岛和挪威等成功国家看齐，一致同意只有彻底消灭薪酬差异的公平竞争才能充分实现女童和妇女的潜力。 制定有效战略的第一步是更加细致地理解许多妇女在试图承接大责任（vast responsibilities）时所要面临的困难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Bumpy Road Ahead CAMBRIDGE – If stock market and interest-rate spreads are to be believed, America’s economy has seen the worst and may be on its way to a slow recovery. But the troubles for the world economy are just starting. If globalization does not get the fix it needs, economic prospects will be dim for rich and poor countries alike. The worst that could happen is a return to the 1930’s, when countries put up high trade barriers and retreated into isolationism, to the detriment of all. Fortunately, this is a remote scenario today. But the next worst thing is to assume that a minor patch-up will be enough to render globalization healthy and sustainable. It will take real effort and creativity to repair the deep cracks in globalization revealed by the financial crisis. First, the good news. The global response to the crisis may not have been stellar, but neither has it been the free-for-all that might have been feared. The G-20 could not agree on coordinated fiscal stimulus or concrete steps towards banking reform. But it did coalesce behind the International Monetary Fund and provided it with additional resources. Despite scores of new protectionist measures around the world since the onset of the financial crisis, the vast majority are nothing to lose sleep over. Globalization has not received a mortal blow – at least not yet. The real test is yet to come. The problem is that none of globalization’s underlying weaknesses is likely to be adequately addressed under the current agenda. Financial regulation and supervision will surely be strengthened, but they will remain national in character, with little safeguard against cross-border spillover and regulatory arbitrage. Moreover, the World Trade Organization’s agenda will remain irrelevant and, in any case, deadlocked. China has yet to discover and adopt an alternative growth strategy that does not rely on a large trade surplus. Trade and immigration (legal and illegal), if left unchecked, will continue to exert downward pressure on rich countries’ labor markets. The financial crisis has not helped improve the image of globalization, which has long been deeply unpopular among ordinary voters in most of the world’s advanced countries.", "zh": "前路崎岖 坎布里奇 — — 如果股市和利差可信的话，美国经济已经见底，下面可能会缓慢复苏。 但世界经济的麻烦却刚刚开始。 如果全球化得不到必要的修复，穷国和富国未来的经济前景都不容乐观。 最坏情况莫过于回到20世纪30年代，当时各国设立贸易壁垒，死守孤立主义，损害了所有人的利益。 幸运的是，这在今天看来还很遥远。 但次坏情况是想当然地认为只需轻微的修补就足以换回全球化的健康和持续。 修复金融危机暴露出来的全球化漏洞需要不折不扣的努力和创造力。 先看好消息。 全球危机解决对策或许并不完美，但也并不像人们害怕的那样争吵不休。 20国集团未能就统一财政刺激或银行改革的具体步骤达成一致。 但它们确实联手支持国际货币基金组织，为IMF提供额外的资源。 尽管金融危机发生后世界各地冒出了大量保护主义举措，但其中绝大多数都不值得多虑。 至少到目前为止，全球化还没有遭到致命的一击。 真正的考验还没有到来。 问题在于现有计划可能无法解决全球化隐含的任何一个弱点。 金融法规和监管肯定会有所增强，但监管措施仍将局限在国内，对跨国溢出和法律仲裁鲜有保护。 此外，世贸组织议程仍将落后于潮流，甚至陷入无法自拔的僵局。 中国还没有找到并采纳不依赖巨额贸易盈余的替代性发展策略。 贸易和移民（包括合法和非法渠道）如果置之不理，将继续压制富裕国家的劳动力市场。 长久以来，全球化形象在多数发达国家的普通选民中不受欢迎，这次金融危机并没有改善全球化的形象。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Smith believed that impartial spectators could lead by example and inspire others to follow suit, forming a chain of benevolence and service to society. As he wrote in his 1773 “History of Astronomy,” a chain of events – in this case, personal choices of benevolence – could mirror Newton’s system of planetary movement and create an “invisible hand” that would keep equilibrium in society. Commerce, too, wrote Smith, should operate on this model, and “ought to be, among nations, among individuals, a bond of union and friendship.” To be sure, Smith was a constitutional monarchist and an elitist. He believed that the ideal legislator was polite, benevolent, and – in the traditions of Cicero and John Locke – capable of the personal self-restraint necessary to uphold the civil law and the constitution, along with the dual hope of protecting institutions and fostering societal progress. Smith complained that, “by a strange absurdity,” greedy merchants saw the “character of the sovereign as but an appendix” to their own commercial interests. The very point of constitutional monarchy and political virtue, he implied, was to provide disinterested service to the nation. There are numerous critiques of the monarchy to be made. But no one can deny that Elizabeth II saw herself in this Smithian light, and worked to set an example of duty and disinterestedness to calm popular passions. One might view her as a very visible hand that stood above the fray to remind society of the value of compassion and Stoic virtues. When we read Smith, we are better served to think of the example of Elizabeth II than of those driven by personal greed. It might sound archaic, but, as Britons’ response to her death suggests, these values still appeal to a great many people today.", "zh": "斯密相信公正的旁观者可以以身作则并激励他人效仿，从而形成一根链条从事慈善和社会服务。 就像他在1773年“天文学史”一书中所写的那样，一系列事件 — — 在上述情况下，是个人的慈善选择 — — 可以映射牛顿的行星运动系统，并创造出一只“看不见的手”来保持社会平衡。 斯密继续写道，商业也应按照这种模式运作，而且“应当在国家和个人间发挥团结和友谊纽带的作用 。 ” 可以肯定，斯密是一位立宪君主主义者和精英主义者。 他相信理想的立法者仁慈而有礼貌，而且 — — 按照西塞罗和约翰·洛克的传统 — — 有能力进行必要的个人自我约束来捍卫民法和宪法，以及保护体制和促进社会进步的双重希望。 斯密抱怨“出于某种怪异的荒诞 ， ” 贪婪的商人视“君主的个性为自身商业利益的附属 。 ” 他暗示，君主立宪制和政治美德的关键意义在于为国家提供无私服务。 存在针对君主制的许多批评。 但没人能够否认，伊丽莎白二世以斯密这种观点来审视自己，并努力树立尽责无私的榜样，以安抚民众情绪。 人们可能视其为超脱于战争之外的一股显而易见的力量，提醒社会同情和坚忍美德的价值。 当我们阅读斯密的著作，较之那些被个人贪婪所驱动的力量，我们更应该想到伊丽莎白二世的榜样。 这听上去有点像陈词滥调，但就像英国人对她去世的反应所表明的那样，上述价值观仍然吸引着今天的许多人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Population and the Pope MELBOURNE – As Pope Francis was returning to Rome from the Philippines last month, he told journalists about a woman who had had seven children by caesarean section and was now pregnant again. This was, he said, “tempting God.\" He asked her if she wanted to leave seven orphans. Catholics have approved ways of regulating births, he continued, and should practice “responsible parenthood\" rather than breeding “like rabbits.\" Francis's “rabbit\" comment was widely covered in the media, but fewer reported that he had also said that no outside institution should impose its views about regulating family size on the developing world. “Every people,\" he insisted, should be able to maintain its identity without being “ideologically colonized.\" The irony of this remark is that in the Philippines, a country of more than 100 million people, of whom four out of five are Roman Catholic, it is precisely the Church that has been the ideological colonizer. It is the Church, after all, that has vigorously sought to impose its opposition to contraception on the population, opposing even the provision of contraceptives by the government to the rural poor. Meanwhile, surveys have repeatedly shown that most Filipinos favor making contraceptives available, which is not surprising, given that the Church-approved birth-control methods mentioned by Francis are demonstrably less reliable than modern alternatives. It is hard to believe that if the Philippines had been colonized by, say, Protestant Britain rather than Catholic Spain, the use of contraception would be an issue there today.", "zh": "人口和教皇 墨尔本—上个月，教皇方济各在从菲律宾返回罗马途中向记者说了一位女性的故事。 这位女性通过剖腹产生了七个孩子，现在又怀上了第九个。 他说这是在“诱惑上帝 ” 。 他问她是否想让七个孩子成为孤儿。 他继续说，天主教徒拥有可采用的手段控制生育，也应该构建“负责任的亲子关系”而不是“像兔子一样”猛生。 方济各的“兔子”说被媒体广泛报道，但很少有媒体报道，他还说，外部机构不应该将其关于家庭规模控制的观点施加给发展中世界。 “每一个人 ” ， 他说，都应该能够保持自己的身份而不被“意识形态殖民 ” 。 这番评论的讽刺之处在于，在菲律宾这个人口超1亿并且五分之四为罗马天主教徒的国家，天主教会正是意识形态殖民者。 毕竟，是教会大力寻求向菲律宾人施加反避孕观点，他们甚至反对政府向农村贫困人口提供避孕手段。 与此同时，调查研究一再表明大部分菲律宾人愿意采取服用可以得到的避孕手段，这并不令人奇怪，因为方济各所提到的教会允许的生育控制方法没有现代化手段可靠。 如果菲律宾当初是被（比如）英国新教徒而不是西班牙天主教徒殖民，很难想象时至今日使用避孕手段还会成为问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Helicopter Money Is in the Air LONDON – Fiscal policy is edging back into fashion, after years, if not decades, in purdah. The reason is simple: the incomplete recovery from the global crash of 2008. Europe is the worst off in this regard: its GDP has hardly grown in the last four years, and GDP per capita is still less than it was in 2007. Moreover, growth forecasts are gloomy. In July, the European Central Bank published a report suggesting that the negative output gap in the eurozone was 6%, four percentage points higher than previously thought. “A possible implication of this finding,” the ECB concluded, “is that policies aimed at stimulating aggregate demand (including fiscal and monetary policies) should play an even more important role in the economic policy mix.” Strong words from a central bank. Fiscal policy has been effectively disabled since 2010, as the slump saddled governments with unprecedented postwar deficits and steeply rising debt-to-GDP ratios. Austerity became the only game in town. This left monetary policy the only available stimulus tool. The Bank of England and the US Federal Reserve injected huge amounts of cash into their economies through “quantitative easing” (QE) – massive purchases of long-term government and corporate securities.", "zh": "从天而降的流动性 发自伦敦 — — 在沉寂数年（或许甚至数十年）之后，被打入冷宫的财政政策似乎又变得热门起来。 原因很简单：我们依然未能从2008年的全球性崩溃中完全恢复过来。 欧洲是在这方面表现最差的：在过去的四年中其GDP几乎没有增长，人均GDP仍低于2007年的水平。 此外对经济增长的预期也相当悲观。 欧洲央行于今年7月公布的一份报告显示，欧元区负产出缺口为6 ％ ， 比先前预计的要高出4个百分点。 欧洲央行的结论认为 ： “ 这一发现可能产生的影响是旨在刺激总需求（包括财政政策和货币政策）政策应当在经济政策组合中扮演更重要的作用 。 ” 对中央银行来说这已经是相当明显的表态了。 财政政策自2010年以来基本上就被废止了，因为萧条带来的二战后规模最大的巨额赤字和急剧上升的负债/GDP比率把各国政府吓得不敢动弹。 紧缩因此成为了唯一的选择。 这让货币政策变成了唯一可用的刺激手段。 英格兰银行和美国联邦储备委员会通过“定量宽松 ” — —大量采购长期政府和公司债券 — — 来向本国经济体注入巨量现金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Aiding the Digital Revolution in Global Financial Inclusion WASHINGTON, DC – Around the world, high inflation, slow economic growth, and food shortages are hurting the poor the most. Coming on top of the unequal effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, today’s multiple crises have already caused dramatic reversals in development and led to a substantial increase in global poverty. On the positive side, the COVID-19 crisis spurred unprecedented change, especially in industries with a large digital component. This digital revolution has catalyzed increases in access to and use of financial services in developing economies, transforming how people make and receive payments, borrow, and save. These changes are strikingly evident in the latest edition of the Global Findex database, compiled from a survey of more than 125,000 adults in 123 economies, covering use of financial services throughout 2021. The survey found that 71% of adults in developing economies now have a formal financial account – whether with a bank, another regulated institution such as a credit union or microfinance lender, or a mobile money service provider – compared to 42% when the first edition of the database was published a decade ago. In addition, the difference in the share of men and women in developing economies who own an account has fallen for the first time, from nine percentage points to six. This digital transformation makes it easier, cheaper, and safer for people to receive wages from employers, send remittances to family members, and pay for goods and services.", "zh": "助理全球金融包容的数字革命 华盛顿—在世界各地，高通胀、低经济增长和粮食短缺对穷人的伤害最大。 除了 新冠大流行所造成的不均一的影响之外，今天的多重危机导致发展的巨大逆转，导致全球贫困人口大幅增加。 从积极的方面来看，新冠危机引发了前所未有的变化，尤其是在数字成分较大的行业中。 这场数字革命促进了发展中经济体获得和使用金融服务的增加，改变了人们支付和收付款、借贷和储蓄的方式。 这些变化在最新版的Global Findex数据库中非常明显，该数据库根据对123 个经济体的 125,000 多名成年人的调查编制，涵盖整个 2021 年的金融服务的使用情况。 调查发现，如今发展中经济体 71% 的成年人拥有正式金融账户 — — 包括银行、信用合作社和小额信贷机构等其他受监管机构，以及移动货币服务提供商 — — 相比之下，十年前第一版数据库发布时，这一比例为 42 % 。 此外，发展中经济体拥有账户的男性和女性比例差异首次下降，从 9 个百分点降至 6 个。 这一数字化转型使人们更方便、更便宜、更安全地从雇主那里获得工资，向家庭成员汇款和支付商品和服务费用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In an inversion of Say’s Law, a lack of effective demand can create its own lack of potential supply. Asset booms and bubbles can artificially and unsustainably prop up aggregate demand. These are driven by risk denial and a desperate reach for yield, itself in part a product of central banks’ long reliance on ultra-low nominal and real interest rates, quantitative and qualitative easing, and far-reaching forward guidance and yield-curve targeting. The policy prescription for restoring full employment and escaping cyclical and secular stagnation is straightforward. Governments should use expansionary fiscal policy and supply-side structural reforms to boost aggregate demand and raise the neutral real interest rate to the point that it can be equated with the market interest rate. The composition of the ideal fiscal package will be country-specific. The United States, with its appalling infrastructure, should boost public investment accordingly (and federal and state governments should have an extensive list of “shovel-ready” projects waiting). Public spending on health, education, and research and development also has much to recommend it. As for many other countries, fiscal boosts to private consumption or cuts in corporate taxation might be appropriate. And European NATO members, for their part, could make good on their commitments to raise defense expenditures to 2% of GDP. The effects of fiscal stimulus on public debt should not be ignored, of course. But in most advanced economies, the GDP growth rate exceeds the interest rate on the public debt, which means that fiscal space is unlikely to be a binding constraint on well-designed stimulus measures. We also should not underestimate the potential of labor-market reforms (particularly in France) and measures to restore competition in key product markets (particularly in the US). Both could lead to a healthy increase in private investment. Given all the options still on the table for boosting aggregate demand and the natural rate of interest, it is clear that secular stagnation is not a technologically determined necessity, but rather a dysfunctional collective choice. More to the point, today’s growth challenges are nothing like those faced by the pre-modern savers, investors, workers, farmers, and capitalists whom Schmelzing studies. To be sure, it will be interesting to see future research on what drove the “suprasecular” decline in real interest rates over the past five centuries, and on the interactions between the natural and market rate of interest in pre-industrial societies.", "zh": "反用萨伊定律（Say’s Law）相反，缺少有效需求可能造成潜在供给缺失。 资产繁荣和泡沫可能人为地、不可持续地推高总需求。 这些现象背后是否认风险和急于寻求收益率，其本身从部分意义上说便是央行长期依赖极低名义和真实利率、量化和定性宽松，以及大规模前瞻性指引和收益率曲线目标的产物。 恢复充分就业，摆脱周期性和长期停滞的政策药方是显而易见的。 政府应该用扩张性财政政策和供给侧结构性改革刺激总需求，提高中性利率使其等于市场利率。 理想的财政组合因国而异。 美国基础设施残破，应该据此提高公共投资（联邦和州政府应该有大批“准备就绪”的项目等着 ） 。 健康、教育和研发方面的公共支出也需要跟上。 至于其他许多国家，私人消费财政刺激或降低公司税可能更合适。 欧洲北约成员将它们的防务支出提高至GDP的2%是大有裨益的。 当然，财政刺激对公共债务的影响不可忽视。 但在大部分发达经济体，GDP增长率要超过公共债务利率，这意味着财政空间不会成为精心设计的刺激手段的制约因素。 我们也不应低估劳动力市场改革（特别是在法国）和恢复重要产品市场竞争（特别是美国）的潜力。 这两项措施都能让私人投资健康地增加。 刺激总需求和自然利率的台面选择有很多，很显然长期停滞并非技术决定的必然事件，而是不正常的集体选择。 更重要的是，当今增长挑战与施梅尔京所研究的前现代储蓄者、投资者、工人、农民和资本家所面临的截然不同。 平心而论，看未来研究如何认为是什么导致过去五个世纪的“超长期”真实利率下降，以及自然和市场利率在前工业社会中的互动将非常有趣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "到2025年，医疗装备产业基础高级化、产业链现代化水平明显提升，主流医疗装备基本实现有效供给，高端医疗装备产品性能和质量水平明显提升，初步形成对公共卫生和医疗健康需求的全面支撑能力。——全产业链优化升级。医疗装备亟需基础零部件及元器件、基础软件、基础材料、基础工艺和产业技术基础等瓶颈短板基本补齐，初步建成创新力强、附加值高、安全可靠的产业链供应链。——技术水平不断提升。医疗装备在预防、诊断、治疗、康复、健康促进、公共卫生等领域实现规模化应用。体外膜肺氧合机（ECMO）、腔镜手术机器人、。7T人体全身磁共振成像系统、质子重离子一体治疗系统等一批高端产品实现应。——企业活力显著增强。医疗装备龙头企业的生态主导力和核心竞争力大幅提升，涌现一批细分领域全球领先的单项冠军企业，以及一批掌握核心技术和独特工艺的专精特新“小巨人”企业，大中小微企业融通发展。——产业生态逐步完善。医学+工业、医院+工厂、医生+工程师等多维度医工协同创新模式初步建立，健康医学服务快速发展，远程医疗、移动医疗、智慧医疗、精准医疗、中医特色医疗等新业态全面创新发展。——品牌影响力明显提升。医疗装备产品认可度、品牌美誉度及国际影响力快速提升，在全球产业分工和价值链中的地位大幅提高，6-8家企业跻身全球医疗器械行业50强。到2035年，医疗装备的研发、制造、应用提升至世界先进水平。我国进入医疗装备创新型国家前列，为保障人民全方位、全生命期健康服务提供有力支撑。", "en": "By 2025, the medical equipment industry will have significantly improved its advanced foundation and modernization level of the industrial chain. Mainstream medical equipment will have achieved effective supply, and the performance and quality of high-end medical equipment products will have significantly improved. Preliminary comprehensive support capabilities for public health and medical health needs will have been formed. - Optimization and upgrading of the entire industry chain. Medical equipment urgently needs to fill the gaps in basic components and parts, basic software, basic materials, basic processes, and industrial technological foundations. A supply chain with strong innovation capabilities, high added value, and safety and reliability will have been initially established. - Continuous improvement in technological level. Medical equipment will have achieved large-scale application in areas such as prevention, diagnosis, treatment, rehabilitation, health promotion, and public health. A batch of high-end products such as extracorporeal membrane oxygenation machines (ECMO), laparoscopic surgical robots, 7T whole-body magnetic resonance imaging systems, and proton and heavy ion integrated treatment systems will have been realized. - Significant enhancement of enterprise vitality. The ecological dominance and core competitiveness of leading medical equipment companies will have greatly improved. A number of globally leading champion enterprises in segmented fields, as well as specialized and innovative little giant enterprises with core technologies and unique processes, will have emerged, promoting the integrated development of large, medium, small, and micro enterprises. - Gradual improvement of the industrial ecosystem. Multidimensional medical-engineering collaboration and innovation models such as medicine + industry, hospital + factory, and doctor + engineer will have been initially established. Health medical services will have developed rapidly, and new formats such as telemedicine, mobile healthcare, smart healthcare, precision medicine, and traditional Chinese medicine specialty healthcare will have comprehensively innovated and developed. - Significant increase in brand influence. The recognition, brand reputation, and international influence of medical equipment products will have rapidly increased, significantly improving their position in the global division of labor and value chain. 6-8 companies will have entered the top 50 in the global medical device industry. By 2035, the research and development, manufacturing, and application of medical equipment will have reached world advanced levels. China will be at the forefront of innovative medical equipment countries, providing strong support for comprehensive and lifelong health services for the people."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For the euro to help lift European growth and productivity in any significant way, governments must allow – indeed, encourage – stronger competitive forces across the EMU area. In terms of external economic policy, European policymakers have done very little in response to the wholesale changes now underway in the world economy – beyond complaining about Chinese imports and Russia’s aggressive use of its commodities, and, most recently, becoming embarrassingly obsessed with so-called Sovereign Wealth Funds. This is a poor showing for countries that successfully confronted the challenges of creating the EU and monetary union. After all the diplomacy and effort that these epoch-making events required, European policymakers should be able to tackle reform of the IMF, the World Bank, the G-7, and the G-8. Yet all of these institutions still reflect the post-World War II status quo, which serves little purpose in today’s world. For example, why is there an international economic organization such as the G-7 without China, which is poised to overtake Germany as the world’s third largest economy and since 2000 has contributed almost as much to global economic activity as the entire euro zone? Most global economic issues today cannot be solved without policy steps in China. Indeed, how can the G-7 have the audacity to make repeated public comments about the currency of an outside country and hope for a positive response? It is almost farcical. Meanwhile, France, Germany, and Italy are all in the G-7, even though they share the same monetary policy and currency.", "zh": "为了能让欧元在提升欧洲经济增长和生产力方面发挥应有作用，各国政府必须允许—甚而鼓励—整个欧洲货币联盟区域内更为积极的竞争。 在对外经济政策方面，欧洲的政策制定者们在应对世界经济中正在发生的全局性变化上几乎无所作为—除了抱怨中国的进口商品和俄罗斯进攻性的使用其商品以及最近令人难堪地沉迷于所谓主权财富基金。 作为成功应对了创立欧盟和货币联盟的挑战的各国而言，这样的表现实在差劲。 在这些划时代的事件所必需的外交斡旋及努力之后，欧洲的政策制定者们应该能够应对IMF、世界银行、G-7和G-8的改革。 然而所有这些机构都仍然反映着二战以后的情况，这对当今的世界几乎没有多大意义。 例如，为什么要有一个像G-7这样的，不包括中国在内的国际经济组织呢？ 中国在2000年就摆出了架势要取代德国成为世界第三大经济体，而它对全球经济活动的贡献几乎与欧元区相当。 没有中国的切实政策步骤，当今大多数的全球经济问题都几乎无法解决。 的确，G-7怎么能够大言不惭地对其体系外的一个国家的货币一次次妄加评论并期望得到积极的回应呢？ 这几乎就是一场闹剧。 同时，法国、德国和意大利尽管有着共同的货币政策和货币，也都是G-7的成员。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now that oil price has reached $80 per barrel, Russia’s central bank can start buying foreign currency again. Gold and foreign currency reserves are increasing, implying appreciation of the ruble. But Russia’s budget for 2010 is still headed for a serious deficit, owing to high spending. The rapid income growth of the early Putin years is a thing of the past. While it persisted, expenditures swelled but were manageable – until, suddenly, energy prices collapsed. The Kremlin, devoted to its key fetish –Putin’s approval ratings – proved completely unprepared to curtail public spending in the wake of falling state revenues. The budget deficit, unsurprisingly, ballooned. The late Yegor Gaidar, Russia’s first pro-reform prime minister, warned the government about the consequences of inflated oil prices, repeatedly arguing that excessive spending growth would undermine the political will for retrenchment when it became necessary. Gaidar died last year, his unheeded warnings having come true, proving once again that no man is ever a successful prophet in his own country. In recent months, Russia’s government finally brought inflation down to 8%. Sometimes this is presented as another milestone demonstrating that the crisis is near its end. But that is wrong. Inflation fell as a result of the crisis, which reversed the direction of capital flows. Whereas inward investment reached $20 billion in 2008, capital outflows totaled $20 billion in 2009. The central bank buys less foreign currency, and thus issues fewer rubles, reducing inflation. A far more inertial indicator is unemployment, which experts predict will grow in 2010. The problem is that Russian labor is less mobile than in the Europe and the United States. Russians prefer lower wages – or simply waiting with no wages at all – to moving in search of a new job. The situation at carmaker AUTOVaz is a striking example. Last year, output fell to 300,000 cars, from 800,000 in 2008.", "zh": "鉴于当前油价已经升到 80 美元每桶，俄罗斯的中央银行又可以再次开始买入外币。 黄金和外汇正在增加，暗示着卢布要升值了。 但是由于其高额的支出，俄罗斯 2010 年的预算仍然会出现巨大的赤字。 在早年普京当政时的那种收入快速增长已是明日黄花了。 尽管当时支出持续膨胀，但还在控制范围内 — — 直到能源价格突然崩塌。 而把普京的支持率奉若神明的克里姆林宫则完全没有在国家收入下降的情况下为削减支出做好准备。 因此毫不奇怪，预算赤字极速膨胀了。 俄罗斯改革后上任的首位总理盖达尔就虚高的油价所带来的后果曾向政府提出过警告，他反复强调支出的过度增长会在必要的时候削弱政府削减支出的意志。 盖达尔在去年离世，而他那未被关注的警告却正在成为事实，这再度证实了在他的国家内永远没有人能成为一个成功的预言家。 在最近几个月里，俄罗斯政府最终成功地把通胀降到了 8 ％ 。 有时这一成绩会与其他具有里程碑意义的成绩一起用来证明危机正在结束。 但这是错的。 通胀下降是经济危机的结果，经济危机使得资本流动的方向倒转了过来。 在 2008 年，国内投资额达到 200 亿美元，而在 2009 年，资本外逃总量也达到了 200 亿美元。 中央银行减少了外币的购买数量，也因此减少了卢布的发行，从而降低了通胀。 一个更具有惯性的指标则是失业率，专家估计失业率会在 2010 年上涨。 但问题是俄罗斯的劳动力相比欧洲和美国的更少流动。 俄罗斯人宁愿要更低的工资 — — 或完全没有工资，坐在那里等 — — 也不愿意出去找一份新的工作。 在俄罗斯伏尔加汽车厂内的情况就是十分典型的一例。 去年，该厂的汽车产量从 2008 年的 80 万辆下降到了 30 万辆。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Through a more comprehensive policy approach, we could turn a vicious cycle of economic stagnation, social immobility, and market volatility into a virtuous cycle of inclusive growth, genuine financial stability, and greater political coherence. What is needed, in particular, is simultaneous progress on pro-growth structural reforms, better demand management, addressing pockets of excessive indebtedness, and improving regional and global policy frameworks. While highly desirable, such changes will materialize only if greater constructive pressure is placed on politicians. Simply put, few politicians will champion changes that promise longer-term benefits but often come with short-term disruptions. And the older voters who back them will resist any meaningful erosion of their entitlements – even turning, when they perceive a threat to their interests, to populist politicians and dangerously simplistic solutions such as Brexit. Sadly, young people have been overly complacent when it comes to political participation, notably on matters that directly affect their wellbeing and that of their children. Yes, almost three-quarters of young voters backed the UK’s “Remain” campaign. But only a third of them turned out. In contrast, the participation rate for those over 65 was more than 80%. Undoubtedly, the absence of young people at the polls left the decision in the hands of older people, whose preferences and motivations differ, even if innocently. Millennials have impressively gained a greater say in how they communicate, travel, source and disseminate information, pool their resources, interact with businesses, and much else. Now they must seek a greater say in electing their political representatives and in holding them accountable. If they don’t, my generation will – mostly inadvertently – continue to borrow excessively from their future.", "zh": "通过全面落实相关政策，我们可以把经济停滞、社会固化和市场波动的恶性循环转化为包容性增长、金融稳定和加强政治协调的良性循环。 具体地讲，我们需要同步推进有利于增长的结构性改革、加强需求管理、解决过度负债问题并改善地区和全球政策框架。 虽然上述改革措施十分可取，但只有对政客施加更多建设性压力这样的改革才能兑现。 简单地讲，没有多少政客愿意推动牺牲短期利益来换取长期利益的改革。 那些支持他们的年长选民会对任何侵蚀自身权利的改革方案产生抵触情绪 — — 甚至在自身利益遭到威胁时求助于民粹主义政客和英国退欧等简单而危险的解决方案。 悲哀的是，在涉及政治参与、尤其是直接影响自身及后代福利的问题上年轻人一直过度自满。 没错，支持英国“留欧”运动的年轻选民占到近3/4。 但只有1/3的人真正参与了投票。 毫无疑问，年轻人缺席投票给了年长选民决定权，而即便没有恶意，但年长者的动机和偏好都不同于年轻人。 千禧一代在沟通、旅行、获取和传播信息、集中资源、与企业互动以及众多其他方面赢得了令人印象深刻的话语权。 现在他们必须在选举自身政治代表并要求他们承担责任方面寻求更大的发言权。 如果他们不这样做，我们这代人将在不经意间继续过度透支他们的未来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is not a “sharing economy,” but an optimized extractive economy – based on the near-infinite availability of raw material (our personal data) – that enriches a few companies at the expense of consumers. And, like the economy of the High Medieval Period, it is ripe to be revolutionized through property rights. Property rights have protected and empowered individuals for millennia, evolving as technology does. For example, the printing revolution brought intellectual property rights (thank you, Beaumarchais), and the Industrial Revolution popularized the patent system. What the digital revolution must bring is the right to personal data ownership, including the classic elements of property rights: usus (I use my data as I wish), abusus (I destroy my data as I wish, without any fancy “right to be forgotten”), and fructus (I sell my data for profit if I wish). Personal data ownership would spur the emergence of a personal-data market, with some of the world’s 3.5 billion Internet users claiming remuneration for sharing their data, according to the value they produce. Other users, prioritizing privacy over profit, would pay a fair market price to benefit from a service anonymously.", "zh": "这不是一个“共享经济 ” ， 而是一个被优化过的采掘经济 — — 基于原材料（我们的个人数据）近乎无限的储量 — — 并以牺牲消费者为代价来养肥少数公司。 而且就像中世纪盛期的经济一样，通过产权进行革命的时机也已经成熟了。 几千年来，财产权一直在保护并赋予人们权力，并随着技术的发展而不断演进。 例如，印刷革命催生了知识产权 — — 这要感谢博马舍（Beaumarchais ） ； 工业革命推动了专利制度的普及；而数字革命必须带来的是个人数据所有权，里面包括财产权的经典拉丁文要素：usus（使用权，即我按照自己的意愿使用自己的数据 ） ， abusus（处分权，即我按照自己的意愿销毁我的数据，无须借助任何形式的“被遗忘权 ” ） 和fructus（孳息，即我可以自由出售自己的数据获利 ） 。 个人数据所有权将催生出个人数据市场，在全球35亿互联网用户中，有些人会要求依据他们分享的数据所产生的价值支付报酬，而其他优先考虑隐私而不是利润的客户则会支付公平的市场价格以匿名方式从服务中受益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "专用化学品及材料制造，主要包括化学试剂和助剂制造国民经、专项化学用品制造、医学生产用信息化学品制造、电子专用材料制造等。化学试剂和助剂制造国民经，主要包括高纯硼酸（核电）。专项化学用品制造，主要包括多晶硅切削液、聚羧酸减水剂、表面活性剂（AEO）、电子级阻燃材料及化学品。医学生产用信息化学品制造，主要包括磁性载体（静电图像显影剂）。电子专用材料制造，主要包括通用湿电子化学品（单剂）、功能湿电子化学品（混剂）、蚀刻液、显影液、剥离液、稀释剂、清洗剂、金属保护液、光阻去除剂、钝化液、TSV-深孔镀铜液、电子大宗气体、电子特种气体、光刻胶及配套试剂（集成电路）、CMP材料中的研磨液及配套化学品、研磨垫材料（集成电路）、电镀化学品及配套材料（集成电路制造用）、液晶取向剂及配套化学品（新型显示用）、高纯金属有机化合物（MO源）（>5N）电子级酚醛树脂、电子级环氧树脂。", "en": "The text translates to:Specialized chemical and material manufacturing, mainly including the production of chemical reagents and additives, specialized chemical products manufacturing, production of information chemicals for medical use, and manufacturing of electronic specialty materials. The production of chemical reagents and additives mainly includes high-purity boric acid (nuclear power). Specialized chemical products manufacturing mainly includes polycrystalline silicon cutting fluid, polycarboxylate water reducer, surfactant (AEO), electronic grade flame retardant materials and chemicals. The manufacturing of information chemicals for medical production mainly includes magnetic carriers (electrostatic image developers). The manufacturing of electronic specialty materials mainly includes general wet electronic chemicals (single agents), functional wet electronic chemicals (mixtures), etching solutions, developing solutions, stripping solutions, diluents, cleaning agents, metal protection solutions, photoresist removers, passivation solutions, TSV-deep hole copper plating solutions, electronic bulk gases, electronic specialty gases, photoresists and supporting reagents (integrated circuits), grinding fluids and supporting chemicals in CMP materials, polishing pad materials (integrated circuits), electroplating chemicals and supporting materials (for integrated circuit manufacturing), liquid crystal alignment agents and supporting chemicals (for new display applications), high-purity metal organic compounds (MO sources) (>5N), electronic grade phenolic resins, electronic grade epoxy resins."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s Competitiveness Shell Game BRUSSELS – For seasoned observers of Europe’s economy, the most recent European Union summit delivered a bizarre sense of déjà vu. Little more than a decade ago, European leaders announced to great fanfare the “Lisbon Agenda,” a policy blueprint to make Europe “the most competitive, knowledge-based economy in the world.” The new “Competitiveness Pact,” proposed at the EU summit by France and Germany, did not make the same pretensions to global grandeur, but was instead sold as a step required to ensure the survival of the euro. With the exception of what appears to be a covert effort to force EU countries to raise corporate taxes to French and German levels, there is ostensibly nothing unreasonable in the Competitiveness Pact. Raising the retirement age to 67, abolishing wage indexation, and compelling countries to enshrine a debt brake in their national constitutions are reasonable measures to enhance competitiveness and restore confidence in the euro. Unfortunately, however, government leaders have apparently learned nothing from the lessons of the failed Lisbon Agenda. Indeed, the current plans seem doomed to fail for two reasons. First, a credible policy agenda needs firm targets with clear deadlines. But, notwithstanding their leadership pose vis-à-vis the Competitiveness Pact, the French have already distanced themselves from the commitment to raise the retirement age to 67. According to Bloomberg, a French official told reporters at the summit that there was no question of that after the retirement age was lifted to 62 from 60 last year. Given the huge public protests sparked by that move, the official’s statement seems eminently believable. The likely outcome – in typical European, consensus-driven fashion – will be to forgo deadlines and concrete targets in favor of an ambiguous, open-ended pledge to undertake further pension reform. Similar exceptions will probably be made for other countries that cannot reconcile aspects of the new pact with their national circumstances. Belgium, for example, insists on its system of automatic wage indexing. After every country has received its “opt-out,” and the Competitiveness Pact’s targets have been sufficiently diluted to ensure its passage, there will most likely be very little of substance left.", "zh": "欧洲的竞争力骗局 发自布鲁塞尔 — — 对于那些长期关注欧洲经济的人说，最近的欧盟峰会有种似曾相识的怪诞感觉。 就在10年多以前，欧洲各国领导人隆重推出了《里斯本议程 》 — —一份旨在将欧洲建成为“世界上最具竞争力知识经济体”的政治蓝图，而由英法两国在本次欧盟峰会上提出的《竞争力协议》却缺乏如斯宏图大志，仅仅是确保欧元能继续生存下去的一步棋而已。 除了暗中想将欧盟各国企业税项提高到法德水平之外，这份《协议》大体上并无任何不妥之处。 将退休年龄提高到67岁，废除工资指数化制度（雇员货币工资随物价指数浮动并按照价格指数自动调节收入的制度 ） ， 以及强迫各国将负债上限写入宪法等措施都是有道理的，既能提升竞争力，又有助于维持欧元的信誉。 但不幸的是，各国首脑们显然没能从《里斯本议程》的失败中吸取教训。 实际上这一计划注定夭折，原因有二： 首先，一个可靠的政策议程必须包含切实的目标和明确的实施期限。 而尽管法国人在《竞争力协议》中扮演着领导角色，但却对提高退休年龄到67岁的政策承诺避而不谈。 据布隆伯格新闻社报道，一位与会法方官员告诉记者：自从去年将退休年龄从60岁升到62岁后就不能再提这件事了。 回想去年那波大规模抗议风潮，这位官员的言论显然极为可信。 对此可能产生的后果 — — 在一个以达成共识为目标的典型欧洲做派下 — — 就是放弃对限期以及明确目标的坚持，转而发表一个含糊不清且不设期限的养老金改革承诺。 而类似的例外也将出现在那些无法使《协议》要求与本国情况相一致的国家身上。 例如比利时就一心要实行自动工资指数化制度。 随着每个国家都选择性地拒绝某些条文，这份《协议》的目标将最终被极大弱化以确保获得通过，自然也无法奢望能取得多少实质性成果了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Next After the Likud Referendum? Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's proposal for a unilateral Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip and part of the West Bank has been overwhelmingly defeated by a referendum within his own party, Likud, in what seems to be a humiliating defeat. Yet this is likely to have little or no effect on Sharon's intention to carry through with the plan. At first, this seems surprising, since he said before the referendum that he would abide by its outcome. But Sharon is 75 years old and probably within two years of retirement. He is determined that his plan becomes his political legacy. Since there is no precedent for a party referendum, he can argue that the vote does not bind him. Moreover, Sharon made sure that his main political rivals - notably former Prime Minister Benjamin (Bibi) Netanyahu - supported his plan. They are now in no position to challenge him as the champions of the opposition within Likud. So while some members may walk out, Sharon can easily hold on to control of the party. In addition, many Sharon supporters, torn by what they saw as the plan's combination of costs and benefits, stayed home or even voted against it, but still want Sharon as their leader. But Sharon is prepared to go even further in taking political risks to push through the withdrawal. Small right-wing parties in his coalition have already announced that his determination to do so will make them walk out of the government. Sharon will then turn to the leader of the opposition, 80-year-old former prime minister Shimon Peres, to form a national unity government. And Peres is ready to do so. The passionate debate stirred up by Sharon's plan shows how truly revolutionary his proposal is. Having the army uproot Jewish settlements - with inevitable scenes of settlers resisting and being dragged off - will be a traumatic event for the country. The plan also entails considerable strategic risks, which, probably more than the prospect of uprooted settlements, account for the large \"no\" by Likud members. A key concern is the precedent of withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. Today, most Israelis believe that this step, though justified on strategic grounds in the face of constant attacks by the Lebanese group Hizbollah, convinced Palestinians that violence worked.", "zh": "利库德公决之后的巴以局势 阿里尔•沙龙总理企图让以色列从约旦河西岸和加沙地带单方面撤离的提议被其所在政党\"利库德集团\"的公决所否定。 这次失败看似个奇耻大辱，但它似乎完全没有影响沙龙实施这项计划的意图。 乍一看这有点让人惊讶。 因为他在全党公决以前曾表示会遵守表决的结果。 但沙龙已是75岁高龄，并且有可能在两年内退休。 他是决心要让这项计划成为其政治遗策。 由于从未有过党内公决的先例，他可以争辩说自己不受表决结果束缚。 此外，沙龙还确保了其主要的政治对手-特别是前总理本杰明•内塔尼亚胡-支持他的计划。 如此一来，他们现在就不能以利库德集团内部反对派的拥护者的身份对他发起挑战了。 因此，虽然有些党员可能弃他而去，沙龙也能轻易地控制党内的局面。 另外，许多沙龙的支持者在这项计划所包含的成本和利益之间进退两难。 他们有的弃权，有的甚至投票反对，但仍然都希望沙龙担任他们的领导。 但沙龙已经准备好承担政治风险，进一步推进他的撤离计划。 沙龙联合政府中的一些右翼小党派已经宣称如果沙龙决心实施这项计划就会使他们退出政府。 在那样的形势下，沙龙会转而寻求反对派领导人，80岁高龄的前首相西蒙•佩雷斯的支持，组建国家团结政府。 佩雷斯已做好了准备。 沙龙的计划所引起的激烈辩论反映了他的建议多么具有革命性。 让军队拆除犹太人定居点-不可避免的引发定居者抗拒然后被拖走的场面-这会给这个国家造成创伤。 这项计划还会带来比拆除定居点更为巨大的战略风险，即引发利库德集团内部多数人的反对之声。 2000年从黎巴嫩南部撤离的前车之鉴让人不由得对沙龙的撤离计划担忧。 今天，大多数的以色列人认为上一次撤离虽然是在不断遭受黎巴嫩Hizbollah组织攻击之下的正确战略决策，但也让巴勒斯坦人相信暴力是有用的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The impact of a debt default would be cataclysmic, and it seems unlikely that Trump would be foolish enough to go so far. But Goldman Sachs, a politically well-connected bank, puts the odds of a government shutdown at 50/50 – up from around 30% in May. Government shutdowns are costly, impacting services and potentially payments to suppliers and citizens. But politicians never know exactly who will be blamed, and how much, until the shutdown happens. Although this approach didn’t go well for Republicans in 1995-96 or in 2013, there are clearly some people in the party who would like to try it again. The costs to the economy of a shutdown are definitely negative. But, whereas a debt default by the federal government would amount to falling off a cliff, the costs of a shutdown build more gradually over time. It seems entirely consistent with Trump’s personality and style that he would try such a maneuver and see how it plays with his (slowly dwindling) electoral base. Of course, there are many wildcards – including the apparently bad relationship between Trump and Mitch McConnell, the Republican leader in the Senate. The massive flooding in Texas – and the important helping role that the federal government can play – may also convince the White House that now is not the time for further disruption. One thing is certain: Mexico is not going to pay for the border wall. What is less clear is how much Americans will be forced to pay – with uncertainty, disruption, and even a government shutdown – if Trump’s version of the wall is ever built.", "zh": "债务违约的影响将是灾难性的，特朗普不太可能会蠢到走到这一步。 但政治关系深厚的银行高盛公司认为政府关门的机会高达五成 — — 而在5月份时只有三成左右。 政府关门代价高昂，将影响到政府服务，还可能影响到对供应商和公民的支付。 但在关门发生之前，政客永远不会不知道谁会遭受谴责，遭受多么严重的谴责。 尽管这一伎俩在1995-96年以及2013年都没有让共和党讨到好果子，但显然仍有一部分共和党想要再试一次。 政府关门给经济造成的代价绝对是消极的。 但是，联邦政府债务违约固然好比坠入悬崖，政府关门的成本则需要逐渐体现。 做一番尝试，看看会对他（缓慢缩小的）票仓造成什么样的影响，这倒是完全符合特朗普的个性和风格。 当然，这其中也有很多变数 — — 包括特朗普与参议院共和党领袖米奇·麦康奈尔（Mitch McConnell）之间显而易见的恶劣关系。 德克萨斯州的特大洪水 — — 以及联邦政府能够起到的重要的帮助作用 — — 也许会说服白宫现在并非乱上加乱的时候。 有一件事是确定的：墨西哥不会为边境墙买单。 尚不清楚的是，如果特朗普所构想的边境墙被建造起来，美国将被迫付出多少 — — 面对因此导致的不确定性、破坏乃至政府关门。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Malaise in 2006? The almighty American consumer had another banner year in 2005, helping sustain global economic growth, albeit at a slower pace than in 2004. As in recent years, he consumed at or above his income level, and the United States as a whole spent well beyond its means, borrowing from the rest of the world at a feverish pace in 2005 – more than $2 billion a day. A year ago, most pundits argued that this was unsustainable. It evidently was sustainable, at least for one more year. But it nonetheless remains true that whatever is unsustainable will not be sustained, which creates great risks for the US and global economy in 2006. Two economic surprises prolonged the good times in 2005. First, while the US Federal Reserve continued hiking short-term interest rates, long-terms rates did not increase in tandem, which allowed housing prices to continue rising. This was centrally important to sustaining global growth, for the performance of world’s largest economy has been fueled by real estate in recent years, with individuals refinancing their mortgages and spending some of the proceeds, and with high prices leading to more construction. But this is unlikely to continue. Long-term interest rates almost certainly will eventually start to rise – and “eventually” increasingly looks like next year. If so, Americans will have to spend more money on debt service, leaving them with less to spend on consumption of goods and services. Moreover, real estate prices will most likely stop rising rapidly – indeed, they may even decline. As a result, refinancing of mortgages will grind to a halt, leaving no money to draw out of housing to sustain Americans’ consumption binge. On both accounts, aggregate demand will decline. Is it possible that the cash-rich corporate sector will more than make up for the slack by increasing investment? There may well be some increase in gross investment, as obsolete equipment and software are replaced. But there also is some evidence that innovation is slowing – perhaps the result of reduced investment in research in the past five years.", "zh": "2006，全球隐忧重重？ 2005 年，无所不能的美国消费者又度过了胜利的一年，尽管增长步伐慢于 2004 年，但总算还是帮助维持住了全球经济的继续增长。 近年来，美国消费者的消费水平都相当于或高于其收入水平，美国整个国家的开支也远远大于其财力。 2005 年，美国以狂热的步伐向世界其它国家借款，每天超过 20 亿美元。 一年前，多数权威评论人士辩论说这种现象不可能持续下去。 但显然这种现象确实是持续下去了，至少多持续了一年。 但无论如何，不可持续的东西是不能持续下去的，这点千真万确，所以这给 2006 年的美国和全球经济带来了巨大的风险。 2005 年两大出人意表的经济事件延长了这种好日子。 首先，尽管联邦储备局继续提高短期利率，但长期利率却没有随之协调增长，这使得房价继续上涨。 在维持全球增长方面，房价上涨具有至关重要的作用，因为近年来，全球最大经济强国的表现是依靠房地产维持下去的：个人将自己的住房抵押进行再贷款，并将由此而来的部分收入用于支出；高房价也会带来更多的建筑项目。 但是，这种情况不太可能持续下去。 几乎可以肯定，长期利率“终于”要开始上涨了 — “ 终于”看起来可能发生在明年。 如果是这样，美国消费者在债息上的开支将增加，而商品与服务方面的消费就会相应减少。 此外，房地产价格急速上涨的趋势很可能要停下来，事实上，甚至还有可能降下来。 其结果是，住房抵押再融资将慢慢停止，再不能从房地产中抽取出资金来维持美国的消费狂欢。 由于这两个原因，总需求将会下降。 现金雄厚的企业部门有可能通过增加投资来弥补这种经济萧条吗？ 由于过时的设备和软件需要替换，所以总投资可能会有所增长，但也有证据表明，创新的步伐正在减慢 — — 也许这是近五年来在研究方面投资减少的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "刘乃乐，男，1974年4月出生，安徽太湖人。 中国科学技术大学教授，合肥微尺度物质科学国家研究中心副主任，“中国科学院特聘研究员”特聘骨干人才。 1995 年7 月获中国科大理学学士学位，2000 年7 月获中国科大理学博士学位。 2000年至2007年任中国科大讲师，2000年10月至2001年10月在香港中文大学访问合作研究，2008年至2014年任中国科大副教授，2014年至今任中国科大教授。 主要从事量子力学基本问题研究、量子信息实验的方案设计和相关理论研究，在包括Nature (5篇)、Science (3篇)、Nature子刊(5篇)、Physical Review Letters (21篇)在内的国际学术期刊上发表70余篇研究论文。 成果先后入选2012年度、2015年度、2020年度由两院院士评选的中国十大科技进展新闻，2012年度和2015年度由科技部组织评选的中国科学十大进展，2020年国内十大科技新闻，美国物理学会2013年度国际物理学重大进展，被英国物理学会新闻网站《物理世界》（Physics World）评选为2015年度国际物理学领域的十项重大突破榜首（Breakthrough of the Year）。", "en": "Naile Liu, male, born in Taihu Anhui province in April 1974. Professor at the University of Science and Technology of China, Deputy Director of the Hefei National Research Center for Microscale Material Science, and Distinguished Backbone Talent of the Distinguished Researcher of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. He received a Bachelor Degree from the University of Science and Technology of China in July 1995, and a Doctor Degree from the University of Science and Technology of China in July 2000. He served as a Lecturer at the Chinese University of Science and Technology from 2000 to 2007, Visiting Scholar at the Chinese University of Hong Kong from October 2000 to October 2001, Associate Professor at the Chinese University of Science and Technology from 2008 to 2014, and a Professor at the Chinese University of Science and Technology from 2014 to present. He is mainly engaged in the research of basic problems of quantum mechanics, the design of quantum information experiments and related theoretical research. And over 70 research papers have been published on international academic journals, of which 8 papers were on Nature, 3 on Science, 5 on sub-journal of Nature, 21 on Physical Review Letters. His research results have successively been selected as China's Top Ten Scientific and Technological Progress News rated by academicians of the two academies in 2012, 2015 and 2020, as Top Ten Progresses in Science in China selected by the Ministry of Science and Technology in 2012 and 2015, as China's Top Ten Science and Technology News in 2020, as Major Progress in International Physics of the American Physical Society in 2013, and as the No.1 of the Top Ten Major Breakthroughs in the Field of International Physics in 2015 by the British Physical Society news website Physics World."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Measuring the quality of output is difficult, although The Times Higher Education Supplement attempts to do so every year. Only three European universities – Oxford, Cambridge, and Imperial College in London – made it into the top ten in the most recent list; all the rest were American. Only ten universities from the entire EU have ever made it into the top 50. Germany’s top university, Heidelberg, ranks 58th. As a result, roughly 400,000 European scholars currently reside in the US, and almost 60% of European citizens who received doctorates in US from 1998 to 2001 chose to remain there.", "zh": "Mesurer la qualité des résultats a beau être un exercice délicat, The Times Higher Education Supplement tente de le faire chaque année. Seules trois universités européennes : Oxford, Cambridge et l’Imperial College de Londres, ont réussi à se hisser parmi les dix premières places de la dernière liste ; toutes les autres sont américaines. Seules 10 universités de toute l’UE ont jamais figuré parmi les 50 meilleures. La meilleure université d’Allemagne, Heidelberg, se classe à la 58e place. De ce fait, environ 400 000 universitaires européens résident actuellement aux États-Unis, et presque 60 % des citoyens européens qui ont passé leur doctorat aux États-Unis entre 1998 et 2001 ont choisi d’y rester."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Bonus Army of more than 43,000 World War I veterans and their families had descended on Washington, DC, in mid-1932, demanding payment of their veteran’s service certificates. They were violently dispersed, with loss of life, by the Washington police and the US Army under General Douglas MacArthur. That episode played no small part in Hoover’s electoral defeat (an outcome that might have served as a warning to Trump, who similarly called in troops to disperse demonstrators). In addition, there were protests, some violent, against foreclosure auctions taking place on courthouse steps around the country. There was growing popular support for extremist politicians such as Louisiana’s Huey Long. Hardship, unemployment, and economic hopelessness formed the backdrop against which Giuseppe Zangara, an unemployed bricklayer with physical and mental problems and extreme anti-system views, attempted to assassinate Roosevelt 17 days before the inauguration. There are two lessons here. The president-elect and those around him need to take extra precautions for their personal safety, given the inflamed political climate and Trump’s ongoing efforts to fan the flames. And Biden now, like FDR then, must reiterate his message of hope and unity as an antidote to the coronavirus and political division. In 1933, it was “fear itself” that Americans had to overcome.", "zh": "1932年年中，一支由超过4.3万名一战退伍军人及其家属组成的奖金军团（Bonus Army）开赴华盛顿特区，要求政府给他们支付退伍军人军役补贴。 他们被华盛顿警方和麦克阿瑟将军（Gen. Douglas MacArthur）指挥的美军部队暴力驱散，事件中有人丧生。 这一事件在胡佛的败选中起到了不小的作用（这对特朗普也会是个警告，因为他同样要求派遣部队驱散示威者 ） 。 此外，当时在全国各地法院大楼外围都发生了针对抵押品拍卖的抗议活动，有些还涉及暴力。 人们对路易斯安那州的休伊·朗（Huey Long）这类极端政治家的支持日益增加。 生活的苦难，失业和经济绝望构成了朱塞佩·赞加拉（Giuseppe Zangara）的背景，这位身体和精神都有问题并且持极端反建制观点的失业瓦工试图在就职典礼前17天刺杀罗斯福。 这里有两个教训。 首先是在当前充满戾气的政治气候和特朗普的不断煽风点火之下，新总统和他周围的人需要采取额外预防措施以确保自身安全，其次是拜登必须像当年的罗斯福一样再次释放希望和团结的信息以此作为治愈新冠病毒和政治分裂的解药。 1933年时美国人必须克服的是“恐惧本身 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Had London found itself in the clasp of the European Central Bank’s policies in the 2008-2012 period, Britain’s large trade and budget deficits, in conjunction with massive bailouts for the City, would have made the Greek, Irish, Portuguese, and Spanish bailouts look like child’s play. If the EU followed the same playbook in the case of the UK, it would have demanded levels of austerity and bailout loans that would have been politically unacceptable on both sides of the English Channel. Something would have to give. Either the British government would have, overnight, declared its exit from the euro, without a referendum or even a parliamentary vote, or Germany and France would have had to agree to scrap immediately the ECB’s prohibition of monetary financing. In both cases, the EU would have become unrecognizable. Either Brexit would have triggered a cascade that would soon cause Germany to withdraw from the euro, leading to the EU’s collapse, or the EU would have become a fiscal union overnight, leading to a political dynamic very different from the one experienced since 2008. So, had Britain adopted the euro, two things would have happened with certainty: there would be no UK referendum on EU membership, and Greece would not be the domino that fell first. The interesting question is: How would those who support Brexit today feel had Germany and France moved to scrap the current rules and usher in a fully-fledged fiscal union?", "zh": "如果伦敦在2008~12年期间落入了欧洲央行的紧缩政策之手，英国庞大的贸易和预算赤字以及对伦敦金融城的大规模救助将使得希腊，爱尔兰，葡萄牙和西班牙的救助计划行同儿戏。 如果欧盟也照着英国的方法来执行，那么它就必须多次实施紧缩和救助，这在政治上都不可能被英吉利海峡两岸所接受。 有些东西不得不被放弃。 要么英国政府连夜宣布退出欧元区，根本不需要公民投票甚至议会投票，要么德国和法国不得不同意立即废除欧洲央行禁止货币融资的禁令。 在这两种情况下欧盟都将变得面目全非：一种可能性是英国退欧并触发连锁反应，迅速导致德国退出欧元区，欧盟崩溃；另一种是欧盟在一夜之间化身为财政联盟，催生出一个与2008年后真实情况截然不同的政治动态。 因此如果英国采用欧元，那么肯定会发生两件事情：英国将不会就欧盟成员国资格举行全民公决，希腊也不会成为首先倒下的多米诺骨牌。 一个有趣的问题是：如果德国和法国开始废除现行规则并引入一个运作成熟的财政联盟，当下那些支持脱欧的人又会怎样想？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Socialists, for their part, had not yet shed their intellectual skin. Mitterand’s political program was a hymn to economic planning, and the free market was still, for him, synonymous with oppression. Today, there is no longer international communism, or, for that matter, French communism. We remember having seen the left govern without drama. Its two passages to power – ten years under Mitterand and five years with Prime Minister Lionel Jospin – forced the left to reconcile with reality. France’s international reputation was not damaged, and, at home, the left’s performance, especially concerning unemployment, compared well with that of other governments. So, there will be no panic this time. On the contrary, the left’s return to power appears to be an entirely normal, almost trivial, example of alternation in government. In fact, Hollande’s victory was underpinned not by a leftward shift among the electorate, but by voters’ rejection of Nicolas Sarkozy. Indeed, the result represents a stunning and historic defeat: during the Fifth Republic, three sitting presidents – Charles de Gaulle, Mitterrand, and Jacques Chirac – have been reelected after their first term in office. Only Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, weakened by the long decline of Gaullism, was not. The rejection of Sarkozy is very different; above all, it is a matter of style. There remains a type of royalism among the French, and our constitution has many features of an elective monarchy.", "zh": "社会党人依然没有摆脱他们的思想。 密特朗的政治纲要赞美了经济规划，在他看来，自由市场等同于经济压制。 如今，已经不存在国际共产主义或者说不存在法国共产主义。 我们记得左派曾经的统治。 密特朗统治了十年，利昂内尔. 若斯潘担任五年总理，这两条个阶段的统治迫使左派必需与现实相符合。 法国的名声在国际上并没有受到破坏，在国内，左派的的做法，尤其是失业方面，比其他的政府都做的要好。 所以，此次左派获胜一点也不震惊。 相反，左派再度执权是政府轮流执政中在平凡不过，在正常不过的事了。 事实上，奥朗德大选获胜并不是由于选民倾向于左派，而是因为选民反对尼古拉. 萨科齐。 诚然，此结果代表着一个既震惊又历史性的失败：在第五共和国时期，戴高乐，密特朗，雅克. 希拉克这三位在任总统都连任两届。 只有吉斯卡尔·德斯坦 没有连任，原因是戴高乐主义衰退削弱了他的势力。 人们反对萨科奇的原因纷纭复杂，最重要的就是作风的问题。 法国仍然存在着一种保皇主意，认为他们的政体中有许多选举君主的特点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The election is a disaster for Kenya, but the response of the international community, led by the US, is no less distressing. American foreign policy in Africa is in the hands of Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer, a former student of Secretary of State Condeleezza Rice. From the start of the post-election crisis, Frazer took three flawed positions. First, she declared that the vote could not be re-assessed by an independent tally. In fact, most observers on the scene believed that there was a long paper trail, from the polling sites all the way to Nairobi, which could be re-assessed in detail. Second, she claimed that there had been vote rigging “on both sides,” and suggested that the true election results were very close and that perhaps Kibaki had won. Given the vast amount of direct and circumstantial evidence that the rigging was on behalf of Kibaki, Frazer’s assignment of equal blame to each side was met with astonishment and dismay by the opposition. She also failed to acknowledge an exit poll carried out by a US foundation, which showed a clear Odinga victory. Finally, Frazer argued that the two sides needed to compromise and share power. Instead, Kibaki disdainfully appointed 18 key cabinet members even as “mediation” from abroad was about to begin. The opposition, of course, was perplexed by the US call for compromise without any serious call to review the vote itself. In the end, only Kenya will decide its own fate. The US or other outside powers will not save Kenyan democracy.", "zh": "这场选举对肯尼亚是场灾难，但以美国为首的国际社会对此的反应同样令人难过。 美国在非洲的外交政策掌握在助理国务卿Jendayi Frazer的手中。 她曾是国务卿赖斯的学生。 从竞选后危机发生之始，她就采取了三个问题严重的立场。 首先，她宣布选票不能由独立计票机制再次统计。 实际上，大多数在场的观察家都认为从各投票点到内罗毕都有留底的选票，完全可以重新统计。 其次，她宣称当事“双方”都有选票舞弊行为，并暗示真正的选举结果是非常接近的，Kibaki很可能赢得了大选。 鉴于有大量的直接和间接证据证明舞弊的目的在于支持Kibaki，Frazer各打五十大板的做法令反对派深感震惊又无可奈何。 她也没有承认一家美国基金会进行的（投票站）出口民调的结果。 该调查的结果明确显示Odinga获胜。 最后，Frazer认为双方需要妥协并分享权力。 而目空一切的Kibaki甚至在来自海外的“调停”即将开始的时候还任命了18名关键的内阁成员。 当然，反对派对美国在没有严肃呼吁重审选票的情况下就疾呼分享权力的做法感到迷惑不解。 最终，只有肯尼亚会决定自己的命运。 美国和其他外部的力量将不会拯救肯尼亚的民主。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Arab World’s Perfect COVID-19 Storm BEIRUT – Middle Eastern and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) economies are heading toward a recession in 2020 as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, collapsing oil prices, and the unfolding global financial crisis. The fast-spreading global pandemic – with Europe its new epicenter – is generating both supply and demand shocks. The supply shock results from output cuts, factory closures, disruptions to supply chains, trade, and transport, and higher prices for material supplies, along with a tightening of credit. And the aggregate-demand shock stems from lower consumer spending – owing to quarantines, “social distancing,” and the reduction in incomes caused by workplace disruptions and closures – and delayed investment spending. The two largest Arab economies, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, are proactively fighting the spread of COVID-19, for example by closing schools and universities and postponing large events such as the Art Dubai fair and the Dubai World Cup horse race. Likewise, Bahrain has postponed its Formula One Grand Prix. Saudi Arabia has even announced a temporary ban on non-compulsory umrah pilgrimages to Mecca, and has closed mosques.", "zh": "彻底席卷阿拉伯世界的新冠肺炎疫情风暴 贝鲁特（黎巴嫩首都 ） — 由于新型冠状病毒肺炎（COVID-19）的广泛流行、油价暴跌和全球金融危机的影响，中东地区和海湾合作委员会(GCC)经济体在2020年开始走向衰退。 这场迅速蔓延的全球流行病 — — 以欧洲为新震中 — — 造成了对（商品）供需的冲击。 此次流行病对供应的冲击是由商品减产，工厂倒闭，供应链、贸易和运输的中断，材料供应价格上涨以及信贷紧缩等因素造成的。 对总需求的冲击是由于消费者消费支出的下降 — — 由于隔离 、 “ 社会疏远 ” 、 工作中断和工作场所的关闭造成的收入减少，以及投资支出的推迟。 沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋这两个最大的阿拉伯经济体正在积极应对“新型冠状病毒肺炎（COVID-19 ） ” 的蔓延 ， （ 相关举措）比如关闭学校和大学，推迟迪拜艺术博览会(Art Dubai fair)和迪拜赛马世界杯(Dubai World Cup horse race)等大型活动。 同样，巴林也推迟了一级方程式大奖赛。 沙特阿拉伯甚至宣布了一项禁止前往麦加进行非强制性乌拉朝圣的临时禁令，并关闭了清真寺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "叶文洁的研究持续了半年，丝毫看不到成功的希望。她很快发现．在红岸的观测频率范围内，太阳的辐射变幻莫测。通过对大量观测数据的分析．叶文洁发现了令她迷惑的神秘之处：有时．上述某一频段辐射发生突变时，太阳表面活动却平静如常，上千次的观测数据都证实了这一点。这就银令她费解了。短波和微波频段的辐射不可能穿透几十万公里的太阳表层来自太阳核心．只能是太阳表层活动产生的，当突变发生时．这种活动应该能够观测到．如果太阳没有相应的扰动，这狭窄频段的突变是什么引起的?这事让她越想越觉得神秘。研究到了山穷水尽的地步．叶文洁决定放弃了。她在最后一份报告中承认自己无能为力。这件事情应该比较好交待的，军方委托中科院的几个单位和大学进行的类似研究都以失败告终．杨卫宁不过是想借助于叶文洁的过人才华再试一试。", "en": "After half a year of study, Ye saw no glimpse of hope. She quickly discovered that within the frequency ranges monitored by Red Coast, solar radiation fluctuated unpredictably. By analyzing large amounts of observed data, Ye discovered a puzzling mystery.Sometimes, during one of the sudden fluctuations in solar radiation, the surface of the sun was calm. Since hundreds of thousands of kilometers of solar material would absorb any shortwave and microwave radiation originating from the core of the sun, the radiation must have come from activities on its surface, so there should have been observable surface activity when these fluctuations occurred. If there were no corresponding surface disturbances, what caused these sudden changes to the narrow frequency ranges? The more she thought about it, the more mysterious it seemed.Eventually Ye ran out of ideas and decided to give up. In her last report, she conceded that she could not solve the problem. This shouldn't have been a big deal. The military had asked several groups within universities and the Chinese Academy of Sciences to research the same issue, and all of those efforts had failed. But Yang wanted to try one more time, relying on Ye's extraordinary talent."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And while there is some evidence that sudden deep recessions produce temporary fertility dips, followed by rebounds, cross-country comparison provides no evidence of any correlation – positive or negative – between medium-term economic success and precise fertility rates within this range. Canada, with its lower fertility rate, is quite as successful and confident as the US. Strong German growth over the last 20 years has been combined with a fertility rate of 1.4-1.5, well below the 1.98 rate in less successful France. South Korea has maintained economic expansion with a fertility rate of just 1.2-1.3. Latin America’s most prosperous economy, Chile, has a fertility rate of 1.76, well below less successful Argentina’s rate of 2.27. The recent decline in US fertility is therefore unsurprising; and, provided it does not fall to much lower levels, there is no cause for concern. Of course, in the long run, a lower fertility rate, combined with rising life expectancy, will produce a higher ratio of those over 65 years old to those conventionally labeled as “working age.” But as people live longer and healthier lives, retirement ages can and should be increased. And in a world of radical automation potential, which threatens low wage growth and rising inequality, a rapidly growing workforce is neither necessary nor beneficial, and a slightly contracting supply of workers may create useful incentives to improve productivity and support real wage growth. Notably, fears that robots will take jobs are much less prevalent in Japan and China than in higher-fertility Western countries.", "zh": "一些证据表明，突发深度衰退会造成暂时性的生育率下降，随后发生反弹，但跨国比较并未表明中期经济成功与该区间内的具体生育率之间存在相关性 — — 不管是正还是负。 加拿大生育率较低，但其经济与美国一样成功和自信。 过去20年来强劲的德国增长率带来了1.4—1.5的生育率，远低于不太成功的法国。 韩国以仅有1.2—1.3的生育率保持了经济扩张。 拉丁美洲最繁荣的经济体智利的生育率也只有1.76，远低于不太成功的阿根廷的生育率2.27。 因此，最近美国生育率的下降不足为奇；只要它不跌到显著更低的程度，就没有必要担心。 当然，在长期，较低的生育率加上预期寿命的延长，将导致65岁以上人口与传统上的“工作年龄”人口的比率。 但由于人们能够活得更长、更健康，退休年龄也能够并且应该提高。 在自动化潜力巨大的世界中，很可能发生工资增长低迷、不平等性加剧，迅速增加的工作人口既非必要，也无好处，而略微吃紧的工人供给可能能够成为有用的刺激来改善生产率、支持真实工资增长。 引人注目的是，对机器人将抢走饭碗的担心在日本和中国远不及生育率更高的西方国家的普遍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is a view that you get from head-mounted or see-through display when the system understands the geometry of your body. Taking this idea further, I started to think, instead of just seeing these pixels in our space, how can we make it physical so that we can touch and feel it? What would such a future look like? At MIT Media Lab, along with my advisor Hiroshi Ishii and my collaborator Rehmi Post, we created this one physical pixel. Well, in this case, this spherical magnet acts like a 3D pixel in our space, which means that both computers and people can move this object to anywhere within this little 3D space. What we did was essentially canceling gravity and controlling the movement by combining magnetic levitation and mechanical actuation and sensing technologies. And by digitally programming the object, we are liberating the object from constraints of time and space, which means that now, human motions can be recorded and played back and left permanently in the physical world. So choreography can be taught physically over distance and Michael Jordan's famous shooting can be replicated over and over as a physical reality.", "zh": "这是这个系统分析了我们身体的几何特征后， 通过头载式或透视式显示方式 展示给我们看的情形。 不过，我又开始进一步思考这一想法， 怎样才能让我们空间里的这些可见的像素点 转变为实实在在 能摸得到、感觉到的物质？ 这种未来会是什么样子的？ 在麻省理工学院媒体实验室里，我和我的导师石井裕 还有我的搭档雷米·波斯特， 共同研制出这一\"物质像素点\"。 在这种情况下，这个球形磁体 就好像是我们空间中的一个三维像素点， 这就意味着计算机和人 可以将这个物体移动到 这一三维立体小空间的任何位置。 我们的基本实现原理是，消除重力对小球的作用 并通过磁悬浮、机械驱动 和传感技术的结合 来控制小球的运动。 通过对这个对象的数字编程， 我们正试着解放 时间和空间对物质的限制，这意味着，现在， 人的运动可以在物质世界中可以被 录制、重放和永久保留。 这样，舞蹈编排就可以被远程而且真实地传授， 迈克尔·乔丹著名的扣篮动作就可以 反反复复、实实在在地被重演。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has confronted the world with another source of inflationary pressure. To enforce sanctions against Russia for its aggression, the West must reduce or stop its purchases of Russian oil and gas. That means the relative price of hydrocarbons must rise, implying an increase in prices overall. In this scenario, there will be momentum toward greater cost-push inflation – a painful but perhaps necessary choice for the West to punish Russia. A nuclear war tends to be considered outside the realm of possibility, as it would result in the total destruction of both Russia and the US. But this has the effect of increasing the use of conventional arms – a case of what the American political scientist Glenn Snyder called the “stability-instability paradox” of mutual assured destruction. By launching its war in Ukraine, Russia has taken full advantage of this paradox. The conflict is likely to be prolonged, and for a Western deterrence policy to reduce the human costs of the war, supply and demand sacrifices will need to be endured worldwide. That means we will be feeling the effects of higher energy prices – and higher inflation – for some time to come.", "zh": "俄罗斯入侵乌克兰使世界遭遇了另一个通胀压力来源。 为了对俄罗斯的侵略行为实施制裁，西方必须减少或停止购买俄罗斯的石油和天然气。 这意味着碳氢化合物的相对价格必须上升，进而导致整体物价上升。 在这种情况下将出现更大规模成本推动型通胀的势头 — — 这是西方惩罚俄罗斯的一个痛苦但或许必要的选择。 人们往往觉得不可能爆发一场核战争，因为它将导致俄美两国的彻底毁灭。 但这却具有增加常规武器使用的效果 — — 这就是美国政治学家格伦·斯奈德(Glenn Snyder)所说的相互保证毁灭的“稳定-不稳定悖论”状况。 通过在乌克兰发动战争，俄罗斯充分利用了这一悖论。 冲突可能会延长，而为了通过西方的威慑政策去减少战争的伤亡成本，全世界都需要忍受供给和需求侧的牺牲。 这意味着我们将在未来一段时间内感受到更高的能源价格 — — 以及更高通胀 — — 的影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "By the time FDR was inaugurated in March 1933, the banking system and the entire economy were virtually at a standstill. But he was ideologically opposed to federal government intervention. And he was righteously convinced of his views. We can now expect similar behavior from America’s lame-duck president, Donald Trump. Out of ideology and pique, he seems likely to refuse to do anything about the rampaging coronavirus. The question is how far he will go to impede President-elect Joe Biden’s efforts to address it upon taking office. Will Trump prohibit members of his coronavirus task force and other appointees from briefing the transition team? Will he withhold information about Operation Warp Speed, the government’s effort to produce a COVID-19 vaccine? Hoover, seeing no need for new policies, did everything in his power to limit the incoming president’s options. A believer in the sanctity of the gold standard, he asked FDR to issue a statement supporting its maintenance as a way of bolstering confidence. He encouraged the president-elect to endorse, and even recommend, members of the Hoover-appointed US delegation to the international conference slated to discuss European war debts and worldwide restoration of the gold standard. FDR recognized the danger of tying his own hands and refused to commit before taking office. When the president-elect rebuffed him, Hoover angrily released copies of their communications, inflaming public opinion. Similarly, we can expect Biden to reject Trump’s entreaties – if there are any – and to avoid commitments that limit his room for policy maneuver. But Trump has already constrained him in other ways. In particular, Trump’s judicial appointees will challenge the new president’s effort to make policy through executive order and regulatory directive. Meanwhile, efforts to advance legislation and confirm nominees to administrative positions are likely to be frustrated by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, assuming no further electoral surprises from Georgia (a state Biden appears to have won where run-off elections for two Senate seats will be held in January). The transition from Hoover to Roosevelt took place at a dangerous time. Spontaneous political mobilizations of all kinds were on the rise.", "zh": "到1933年3月罗斯福上任时银行体系乃至整个经济实际上都处于停滞状态。 胡佛意识到了危机，但是他在意识形态上反对联邦政府干预，也理直气壮地坚信自己的观点。 我们预期即将下台的特朗普也将做出类似行为。 出于意识形态和愤怒，他似乎会拒绝对疯狂肆虐的新型冠状病毒采取任何措施。 现在的问题是他会在何种程度上阻挠新总统拜登上任后应对新冠病毒的努力。 特朗普会否禁止他的新冠病毒专责小组成员和其他被任命者向交接团队汇报？ 他是否会截留有关“超高速行动 ” （ Operation Warp Speed，由美国政府为生产新冠疫苗所设立）的相关信息？ 自认不需要新政策的胡佛想方设法在自身权力范围内限制新任总统的政策选项。 他坚信金本位制的神圣性，并要求罗斯福对此发表声明以鼓舞信心。 他怂恿新总统赞同 — — 甚至推荐 — — 由他本人任命的美国代表团成员去参与商讨欧洲战争债务和全球恢复金本位的国际会议。 但罗斯福意识到了被束缚的危险并拒绝在上任前作出承诺。 在遭到新总统的回绝后，愤怒的胡佛公开了两人的通讯内容，点燃了公众舆论。 同样，我们也可以预计拜登会拒绝特朗普的诉求（如果有的话）并避免做出限制自身政策行动空间的承诺。 但是特朗普已经在其他方面限制了他。 尤其是特朗普的几项法官任命将挑战新总统通过行政命令和监管指令制定政策的努力。 与此同时，假设乔治亚州参议员选举没有出现惊喜，参议院多数党领袖米奇·麦康奈尔（Mitch McConnell）可能会挫败新总统的立法进程和行政职位提名（拜登似乎已经赢得了该州，而该州将于1月最终决胜出两个参议院席位 ） 。 胡佛和罗斯福之间的过渡发生在一个非常危险的时期。 当时各种自发的政治动员都在增加。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ladies and gentlemen, this plight of millions of women could be changed if we think differently, if women and men think differently, if men and women in the tribal and patriarchal societies in the developing countries, if they can break a few norms of family and society, if they can abolish the discriminatory laws of the systems in their states, which go against the basic human rights of the women. Dear brothers and sisters, when Malala was born, and for the first time, believe me, I don't like newborn children, to be honest, but when I went and I looked into her eyes, believe me, I got extremely honored. And long before she was born, I thought about her name, and I was fascinated with a heroic legendary freedom fighter in Afghanistan. Her name was Malalai of Maiwand, and I named my daughter after her. A few days after Malala was born, my daughter was born, my cousin came -- and it was a coincidence -- he came to my home and he brought a family tree, a family tree of the Yousafzai family, and when I looked at the family tree, it traced back to 300 years of our ancestors. But when I looked, all were men, and I picked my pen, drew a line from my name, and wrote, \"Malala.\" And when she grow old, when she was four and a half years old, I admitted her in my school. You will be asking, then, why should I mention about the admission of a girl in a school? Yes, I must mention it. It may be taken for granted in Canada, in America, in many developed countries, but in poor countries, in patriarchal societies, in tribal societies, it's a big event for the life of girl. Enrollment in a school means recognition of her identity and her name. Admission in a school means that she has entered the world of dreams and aspirations where she can explore her potentials for her future life.", "zh": "女士们先生们， 我认为，数以百万计女性的苦境， 是可以被改变的， 如果我们从不同的角度思考， 如果女性和男性换位思考， 如果在发展中国家， 那些生于重男轻女和部落制社会中的男性和女性 愿意打破家庭和社会中的 一些陈规 如果他们能废除在国家体系中 存在的带有歧视性的法律， 这些法律违反 女性最基本的人权。 亲爱的兄弟姐妹们，当马拉拉出生时， 在那一次， 相信我， 坦白说，我不喜欢新生儿 但当我看到她的眼睛时， 相信我， 我觉得分外荣幸。 在她出生很久之前， 我就开始想给她取什么名字， 我当时对在阿富汗战争中 一位为自由而战的传奇女性着迷， 她的名字是迈旺得的马拉拉， 所以我给自己的女儿也取名马拉拉。 在马拉拉生日后的几天， 我的女儿出生了， 我的堂兄过来了 -这完全是意料之外的- 他来我家， 并带来了族谱， 那是属于优素福家族的族谱， 当我看着那份族谱的时候， 它介绍了三百年前我们的祖先， 但当我细看的时候，名单里全是男性， 随后我拿起了笔， 在我名字的下方划了一条线， 然后写上,\"马拉拉\"。 她渐渐长大， 当她四岁半的时候， 我送她去我的学校， 你或许会问，为什么我要提到 送女儿去学校？ 我必须说说这件事。 在加拿大，美国 等发展中国家，这可能是理所当然的， 但是在贫穷的国家， 在重男轻女或部落制的社会中， 这对女孩来说无比重要。 将她送进学校 意味着对她个体和名字的认可， 进入学校 意味着她进入了充满梦想和抱负的 世界 她可以为自己的未来 探索个人的潜能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "坚定维护多边贸易体制，积极参与世贸组织改革。 推动签署区域全面经济伙伴关系协定，推进中日韩等自贸谈判。 共同落实中美第一阶段经贸协议。 中国致力于加强与各国经贸合作，实现互利共赢。 八、围绕保障和改善民生，推动社会事业改革发展 面对困难，基本民生的底线要坚决兜牢，群众关切的事情要努力办好。 加强公共卫生体系建设。 坚持生命至上，改革疾病预防控制体制，加强传染病防治能力建设，完善传染病直报和预警系统，坚持及时公开透明发布疫情信息。 用好抗疫特别国债，加大疫苗、药物和快速检测技术研发投入，增加防疫救治医疗设施，增加移动实验室，强化应急物资保障，强化基层卫生防疫。 加快公共卫生人才队伍建设。深入开展爱国卫生运动。 普及卫生健康知识，倡导健康文明生活方式。 要大幅提升防控能力，坚决防止疫情反弹，坚决守护人民健康。 提高基本医疗服务水平。 居民医保人均财政补助标准增加30元，开展门诊费用跨省直接结算试点。 对受疫情影响的医疗机构给予扶持。 深化公立医院综合改革。 发展“互联网+医疗健康”。建设区域医疗中心。 提高城乡社区医疗服务能力。推进分级诊疗。 促进中医药振兴发展，加强中西医结合。 构建和谐医患关系。", "en": "We will firmly safeguard the multilateral trading regime, and actively participate in reform of the WTO. We will work for the signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and advance free trade negotiations with Japan and the Republic of Korea as well as other countries. We will work with the United States to implement the phase one China-US economic and trade agreement. China will continue to boost economic and trade cooperation with other countries to deliver mutual benefits. VIII. Advancing the reform and development of social programs to safeguard and improve living standards Despite the difficulties we face, we must unfailingly meet the basic living needs of our people and address issues of public concern. We will enhance the public health system. We will always put life above everything else. We will reform the system for disease prevention and control, enhance our capacity for infectious disease prevention and treatment, improve mechanisms for direct reporting and early warning of infectious diseases, and ensure prompt, open, and transparent release of epidemic information. We will make good use of covid-19 bonds, increase inputs into the R&D of vaccines, medicines, and rapid testing technologies, build more medical facilities for epidemic control and treatment, set up more mobile laboratories, ensure emergency supplies, and strengthen public health and epidemic prevention at the primary level. We will step up training of public health personnel. We will carry out extensive activities to improve public sanitation. We will enhance public knowledge of how to maintain good health and hygiene, and promote healthy and positive lifestyles. We need to greatly enhance our prevention and control capability, resolutely prevent a resurgence of covid-19, and protect the health of our people. We will improve basic medical services. We will raise government subsidies for basic medical insurance for rural and non-working urban residents by an average of 30 yuan per person, and pilot inter-provincial on-the-spot settlement of outpatient bills through basic medical insurance accounts. We will provide support to medical institutions badly affected by the epidemic. The comprehensive reform of public hospitals will be furthered. We will develop Internet Plus Healthcare models and build regional medical centers. We will increase our capacity for providing medical services in urban and rural communities and continue developing the tiered diagnosis and treatment model. We will promote the development of traditional Chinese medicine and its use alongside Western medicine. We will work to ensure harmony in the relationship between doctor and patient."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Reassurance and Resolve in East Asia WASHINGTON, DC – As territorial frictions involving China and many of its neighbors persist in the East and South China Seas, the United States needs a clearer regional strategy. America must simultaneously uphold its interests and alliance commitments and avoid counterproductive confrontation, or even conflict. Doing so will be difficult, especially because it is not clear whose claims to the region’s disputed islands and outcroppings should be recognized, and the US has no intention of trying to impose a solution. At the same time, the US must modernize its armed forces in response to new challenges – particularly China’s rise. As China develops advanced precision weapons to create a so-called anti-access/area-denial capability, the US must consider how to respond to the growing vulnerability of its bases and naval forces in the region. There is no easy answer to these challenges. What is needed is a nuanced approach, which is what we develop in our new book Strategic Reassurance and Resolve. Our approach is an adaptation of America’s longstanding “engage but hedge” strategy, through which the US and its allies have used economic, diplomatic, and sometimes military instruments to give China incentives to rise peacefully, while maintaining robust military capabilities in case engagement proves unsuccessful. The problem is that hedging has typically been interpreted to mean sustaining overwhelming US military superiority.", "zh": "东亚的保证与决心 华盛顿—中国与其多个邻国在东海和南海��发领土纠纷，在这样的情况下，美国需要更清晰的地区战略。 美国必须同时顾及其自身利益和联盟承诺，并避免破坏性对峙甚至冲突。 这决非易事，特别是考虑到哪一方对该地区的争议岛礁的主张应该获得承认尚不清楚、并且美国并无意提出解决方案的情况下。 与此同时，美国必须实现武装力量现代化以应对新的挑战 — — 特别是中国的崛起。 随着中国发展出高精尖武器、形成了反进入和区域阻绝（anti-access/area-denial）能力，美国必须考虑如何应对其在该地区的军事基地和海军力量日益力不从心的局面。 对于这些挑战，没有简单的办法。 美国需要巧妙的方针，这也是我们在我们的新书《战略保证与决心 》 （ Strategic Reassurance and Resolve）中所述及的。 我们的方针是改变美国长期以来实行的“相与且相防 ” （ engage but hedge）战略。 通过这一战略，美国及其盟友使用经济、外交手段，有时甚至还使用军事手段给中国和平崛起的激励，同时维持强劲的军事实力应对相与方针失败的情形。 问题在于相防通常被解读为保持美国的压倒性军事优势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Pakistan’s New Leaf? NEW DELHI – As US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton bluntly told Pakistan in 2011 that “you can’t keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to bite your neighbors.” But her warning (“eventually those snakes are going to turn on” their keeper), like those of other American officials over the years, including presidents and CIA chiefs, went unheeded. The snake-keeper’s deepening troubles were exemplified by the recent massacre of 132 schoolchildren in Peshawar by militants no longer under the control of Pakistan’s generals. Such horror is the direct result of the systematic manner in which the Pakistani military establishment has reared jihadist militants since the 1980s as an instrument of state policy against India and Afghanistan. By continuing to nurture terrorist proxies, the Pakistani military has enabled other militants to become entrenched in the country, making the culture of jihad pervasive. The Peshawar massacre was not the first time that the world’s leading state sponsor of terrorism became a terror victim. But the attack has underscored how the contradiction between battling one set of terror groups while shielding others for cross-border undertakings has hobbled the Pakistani state. As a result, the question many are asking is whether, in the wake of the Peshawar killings, the Pakistani military, including its rogue Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency, will be willing to break its ties with militant groups and dismantle the state-run terrorist infrastructure. Unfortunately, developments in recent months, including in the aftermath of the Peshawar attack, offer little hope.", "zh": "巴基斯坦新的一页？ 新德里 — — 希拉里·克林顿任美国国务卿时曾 在2011年直言不讳地告诫巴基斯坦“你们不能养蛇为患，还指望毒蛇只咬自己的邻居 。 ” 但就像多年来其他美国官员，包括总统和中情局局长们的警告一样，希拉里的警告 （ “ 那些毒蛇终有一天会反过来攻击”豢养者）并没有引起巴方的注意。 养蛇者自食其果的例子是不在巴基斯坦将军控制下的武装分子最近在白沙瓦屠杀了132名在校学习的孩子。 直接导致这一恶果的是20世纪80年代后巴基斯坦军事机构一直培养圣战武装分子作为反对印度和阿富汗国家政策的工具。 因为长期培养恐怖分子代理组织，巴基斯坦军方已经使其他武装力量在该国根深蒂固，并使圣战文化渗透到每一个角落。 白沙瓦大屠杀并不是世界主要恐怖主义赞助国反过来成为恐怖主义牺牲品的首个案例。 但此次袭击暴露出在打击特定恐怖组织的同时庇护其他组织免受跨境行动打击如何让巴基斯坦政府举步维艰、难以为继。 因此，很多人都在问白沙瓦屠杀事件发生后，巴基斯坦军方，包括其无赖的三军情报局（ISI）机构，是否会愿意切断与激进组织的联系，及拆毁由政府经营的恐怖分子基础设施。 但不幸的是，近几个月、包括在白沙瓦袭击发生后的事态发展所带来的希望寥寥无几。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We can accommodate ourselves to this irreality and Macron’s newly installed representatives, so preternaturally smooth and remote as to suggest that they might have been elected while Leviathan was sleeping. Or we can rely on Facebook and Twitter to restore a semblance of will and sovereignty to what used to be called the people, by technical means that enable real-time responses to instant referenda. But there is another alternative: to detect in the prospect of answers without questions and choices, without deliberation or even thought, a path that will lead eventually only to more inhumanity, owing to the urges that may at any moment take hold of a people that senses itself withering away. In that case, we could gird ourselves with intelligence, reason, and courage; return in force to the political arena; and, inspired by the Enlightenment’s legacy, recast in today’s language the theorems of representative democracy, a political system that remains (and will long remain) without peer. We must reassemble what is falling apart and drifting away like icebergs. We must close the wound from which flows the lifeblood of a fragmented society. In short, we the people must refound ourselves on the rubble of a smoldering world that trembles beneath our feet. Such is the true revolution toward which Macron and his parliamentary majority will have to work in France. The task is immense, historic, and ultimately meta-political. No single individual, nor several, nor even an overwhelming majority can accomplish it.", "zh": "我们可以调整自己，适应这一反现实（irreality）和马克龙安排的新代表，表现出超然的平静和置身事外，以示他们是在利维坦睡着的时候选举出来的。 或者，我们可以依靠Facebook和Twitter，通过技术手段形成对瞬时公投（instant referenda）的实时反应，重建曾经被称为人民的意志和主权的表象。 但也有其他办法：在没有问题和选择、没有审议乃至思考的答案的前景中寻找一条最终只能带来不人道的道路 — — 因为紧迫性可能在任何时候“劫持”感觉本身在不断凋零的的民族。 果真如此的话，我们可以用智识、理性和勇气捆绑住我们自己；大举回归政治领域；并在启蒙运动遗产的启发下，改写今天的代议制民主定律。 作为一种制度，代议制仍然 — — 并在相当长的时间里一直是 — — 无与伦比的。 我们必须实现破镜重圆。 我们必须让四分五裂的社会生生命力不断流失的伤口愈合。 简言之，我们人民必须在脚下的世界沉闷地燃烧和颤抖的情况下再造（refound）我们自己。 这就是马克龙和他的议会多数必须在法国实现的真正的革命。 任务是艰巨的、历史性的、说到底是元政治的（meta-political ） 。 没有一个人，或一小撮人，或甚至压倒性多数，能够实现他。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What’s Hollowing Out the US Workforce? WASHNGTON, DC – America’s labor market is booming. Over the past six months, the economy added an average of 465,000 net jobs per month – recovering all the jobs lost during the pandemic, as of July – and the unemployment rate fell by three-tenths of a percentage point. At 3.5%, it is as low as it was in the tight labor market of early 2020. Unfortunately, the workforce participation rate tells a different story. At 62.1%, it is 1.3 percentage points below its level in February 2020, the month before the pandemic began pummeling the US economy. Although the labor-force participation rate has recovered nearly two percentage points from its low in April 2020, it has been stagnant over the course of this year. True, much of the decline is being driven by relatively older workers. Early retirements and the aging of the population have reduced the workforce participation rate for people over 55 to 38.7% –1.6 percentage points lower than its February 2020 level. Worse, economists at Goldman Sachs estimate that population aging could continue to reduce the participation rate by 0.2 percentage points per year. But unfavorable demographics do not explain the entire drop. People in their early twenties are 3% less likely to be in the workforce now than they were when the pandemic began. And for people in their “prime working years” – ages 25 to 54, when they are generally too old to be in school but too young to be retired – the rate is 0.7 percentage points lower than it was in February 2020. Moreover, merely returning to pre-pandemic workforce participation rates sets the bar for success too low. Prior to the pandemic, average wages were growing at around 3% per year; but they have recently been growing substantially faster, at an annualized rate of around 5%. And in sectors such as leisure and hospitality, transportation and warehousing, and education and health services, the underlying rate of wage growth has tripled.", "zh": "谁在掏空美国劳动力？ 华盛顿特—美国劳动力市场正在繁荣。 在过去六个月中，美国经济平均每月增加 465,000 个净工作岗位 — — 截至 7 月，已经恢复了在大流行期间失去的所有工作岗位 — — 而失业率下降了0.3个百分点。 当前3.5%的失业率，与 2020 年初劳动力市场紧张时的水平一样低。 不幸的是，劳动力参与率讲述了一个不同的故事。 该指标为 62.1 % ， 比 2020 年 2 月，即新冠疫情开始重创美国经济的前一个月的水平低 1.3 个百分点 ， 。 尽管劳动力参与率已从 2020 年 4 月的低点回升了近两个百分点，但在今年以来一直停滞不前。 诚然，大部分下降是由相对年长的工人推动的。 提前退休和人口老龄化使 55 岁以上人群的劳动力参与率降低至 38.7 % ， 比 2020 年 2 月的水平低 1.6 个百分点。 更糟糕的是，高盛的经济学家估计，人口老龄化可能会继续使参与率每年降低 0.2 个百分点。 但不利的人口统计数据并不能解释下降的全部。 与疫情开始时相比，20 岁出头的人现在工作的可能性降低了 3 % 。 而处于“壮年”的人 — — 25 至 54 岁，上学嫌大，退休嫌小 — — 的这一比率比 2020 年 2 月低 0.7 个百分点。 此外，仅仅恢复到疫情前的劳动力参与率意味着将成功的门槛设置得太低。 疫情发生前，平均工资以每年约 3% 的速度增长；但最近的增长速度大大加快，年化增长率约为 5 % 。 在休闲和酒店、交通和仓储、教育和卫生服务等行业，基本工资增长率翻了三倍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump’s Assault on Refugees LONDON – The decision by US President Donald Trump’s administration to stop funding the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has politicized humanitarian aid, threatens to add yet more fuel to one of the world’s most combustible conflicts, and jeopardizes the futures of a half-million Palestinian children and young people. Originally created to deliver basic assistance to refugees displaced during the creation of the Israeli state, the UNWRA has provided health care, employment, and emergency food and shelter for displaced Palestinians since 1949. Today, nearly two million refugees receive emergency food and cash assistance from the organization, and each year millions use the 143 UNRWA-run health clinics. But the majority of UNRWA’s budget goes towards educating children and young people, half of them in Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan, and the rest in Gaza and the West Bank. UNRWA runs nearly 700 schools, serving more students than any other UN organization. Some 75% of the population of the Gaza Strip receives some form of UNRWA assistance, and 60% of Gaza’s children from first to ninth grade attend UNRWA schools. Without aid from the US, however, UNRWA’s ability to deliver its most valuable service will be severely diminished. This directly contradicts the commitment made by world leaders, as part of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), to ensure that every child is in school by 2030.", "zh": "特朗普对移民的攻击 伦敦—美国总统特朗普政府决定停止为联合国近东巴勒斯坦难民救济和工程处（UNRWA）拨款，这是将人道主义援助政治化，相当于为全世界最容易点燃的冲突添加燃料，也威胁到五十万巴勒斯坦儿童和青年的未来。 UNWRA是为了为以色列建国过程中流离失所的难民提供基本援助而设立，1949年以来，它为流离失所的巴勒斯坦人提供了医疗、就业和紧急食品。 如今，近两百万难民从该组织获得紧急食品和现金援助，每年都有几百万人前往UNRWA经营的诊所就诊。 但UNRWA预算的绝大部分用于教育儿童和青年，其中有一半人居住在黎巴嫩、叙利亚和约旦，其他人居住在加沙和约旦河西岸。 UNRWA经营了近700所学校，服务的学生人数比其他任何联合国组织都要多。 加沙地带大约75%的人口获得某种形式的UNRWA援助，60%的加沙一至九年级儿童在UNRWA学校就读。 但如果没有美国的援助，UNRWA实现最宝贵的服务的能力将严重受限。 这直接有悖于全世界领导人所做出的承诺 — — 作为联合国可持续发展目标（SDG）的一部分 — — 即确保到2030年所有孩子都能上学。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Truth and Consequences NEW YORK – The recent re-election of Colombia’s president, Juan Manuel Santos, brings hope to a country seeking to end a half-century of conflict. But, as with so many peace processes, finding a balance between creating a stable accord and acknowledging the terrible injustices that occurred during the conflict can be difficult to achieve. Many countries and communities, from Nepal to Northern Ireland, have grappled with legacies of ethnic, ideological, or religious division and violence, often with limited success. This is frequently the case because the mechanisms established to cope with post-conflict reconciliation, truth, and justice, have proved inadequate. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has made important contributions to truth seeking. But victims complain that its procedures are slow and abstruse; and many Bosnian Serbs are convinced that the tribunal is selective and politically motivated. An agreement between Nepal’s government and Maoist guerrillas to establish a truth commission and investigate the “disappeared” was delayed for seven years. When legislators finally enacted the enabling legislation in May 2013, victims were dismayed to discover that the commission would be allowed to recommend amnesties for crimes against humanity, in contravention of international principles and United Nations guidelines. In Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement, justly acclaimed for staunching the bloodshed and starting reconciliation, has – to the great frustration of victims – run into political resistance over one integral element of the peace process: the establishment of mechanisms to clarify past crimes. Peace negotiators understandably fear that criminal accountability for past crimes will threaten their side’s leaders and supporters. Many have wrongly assumed – based on a misinterpretation of the South African experience – that truth commissions provide a “soft” alternative to justice. As a result, they have willingly incorporated these mechanisms into peace agreements (conveniently ignoring the fact that the victims are forced to choose between seeking justice and learning the truth). Predictably, as truth commissions have become established components of transitional justice, former fighters have become increasingly worried that their reputations and political credibility could be on the line should past crimes ever come to light. Seeking the truth can be unsettling and painful for anyone, but it comes with serious consequences for those with reason to fear justice.", "zh": "真相与后果 纽约 — — 不久前哥伦比亚总统胡安·曼努埃尔·桑托斯竞选连任为结束该国半个世纪的冲突带来了希望。 但是像其他众多和平进程一样，在签署稳定协议和承认冲突中发生的可怕的不公正之间找到平衡或许很难做到。 从尼泊尔到北爱尔兰的很多国家和团体一直在设法解决民族、意识形态、宗教分裂和暴力领域的遗留问题，但成功的先例却少之又少。 归根结底是因为事实已经证明处理冲突后和解、真相和正义的机制远远不够。 在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那，前南问题国际刑事法庭（ICTY）为揭露真相做出了重要贡献。 但受害者抱怨其程序迟缓晦涩；很多波黑塞族相信法庭是有选择性和政治动机的。 尼泊尔政府和毛派游击队之间成立真相委员会调查“失踪人员”的协议被推迟了七年之久。 当立法者终于在2013年5月颁布授权法案时，受害者惊惶地发现该委员会居然有权建议赦免反人类罪，这悍然违反了国际原则和联合国准则。 北爱尔兰终止流血并启动和解的耶稣受难日协定理应受到赞誉，但令受害者沮丧的是，和平进程的一个组成部分 — — 建立调查过去罪行的机制 — — 遭遇的政治阻力非常之强。 和平谈判代表担心追究过去罪行的刑事责任会威胁本方领导人和支持者的安全是有道理的。 很多人基于对南非经验的误解认为真相委员会比法律制裁更加“柔和 ” 。 他们因此很愿意把上述机制载入和平协定（由此正中下怀地忽略了受害者被迫要在正义和真相间做出选择 ） 。 可以想见，随着真相委员会成为过渡正义的组成部分，曾经的武装份子越来越担心曝光过去的罪行会影响他们的声誉和政治可信度。 了解真相对任何人来讲都伴随着不安和痛苦，但却会为那些有理由害怕制裁的人带来严重的后果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Dragon and the Bear Second honeymoons rarely, if ever, recapture the zest of lost love. Yet ever since the Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991, Russia and China have sought to rekindle the close relations that once supposedly existed between the USSR and Mao’s China before Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin in 1956. But that renewed Sino-Russian marriage always smacked more of convenience – aimed as it was at checking American hegemony – than of true romance. Now Russia’s invasion of Georgia has shattered even the illusion of attraction. In 1969, the Chinese and Soviet armies exchanged fire across their disputed border. Recently, the two countries signed an agreement that seemed to put an end to their long border dispute. The agreement was a sort of follow-up to the visit to Beijing of Dmitry Medvedev, who made China one of his first official trips abroad after being elected Russia’s president. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, Chinese and Russian troops engaged in joint military maneuvers, and the two countries became dominant powers in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which, to some Western observers, looked like an effort to counterbalance NATO.", "zh": "龙和熊 第二次蜜月很少 — — 如果曾经有的话 — — 能重新体验失去的爱的激情。 然而，自从苏联在1991年解体后，俄罗斯和中国已经开始寻求重新点燃在赫鲁晓夫在1956年谴责斯大林之前，曾经存在在苏联和毛泽东时代的中国之间的亲密关系。 但是，恢复后的中俄联姻总是更多的带有便利的味道 — — 事实上是为了制衡美国的霸权 — — 而不是真正的罗曼蒂克。 现在，俄罗斯对格鲁吉亚的入侵甚至已经粉碎了中俄之间的吸引力幻想。 在1969年，中国和俄罗斯军队在两国有争议的边界地区交火了。 最近，两国签订了一个似乎要结束两国长期的边界争端的协议。 该协议可以算是某种德米特里·梅德韦杰夫访问北京后的后续工作，梅德韦杰夫在当选俄罗斯总统后将中国作为其首次外国正式访问的目的地之一。 在弗拉基米尔·普京担任俄罗斯总统期间，中国军队和俄罗斯军队进行了联合军事演习，并且这两个国家成为上海合作组织(SCO)主要的国家。 对有些西方观察者来说，上海合作组织看起来像是一种平衡北约的努力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But even in places where this theoretically desirable policy has been deployed – for example, within the European Emissions Trading System – carbon prices have played a less important role than either regulation or direct subsidization of renewable energy in driving decarbonization. The reason for this is either that carbon prices have been too low to make a major difference, or that the most energy-intensive heavy industries have been exempted. And those weak policies reflect the fear that higher carbon prices and more complete coverage will make domestic industry uncompetitive with imports from countries without such policies. The obvious response is to impose carbon taxes in one country, or in a customs union of multiple countries, with an equivalent tariff per ton of carbon on carbon-intensive imports, combined with rebates of the tax for exporters. Ten years ago, when I was Chair of the UK Committee on Climate Change, we debated this possibility. But it was met by a wall of opposition. Such policies, it was said, violated WTO rules, were undesirable in principle, and would unleash tit-for-tat tariff increases justified by whatever environmental priority each country wished to pursue. Since then, we have successfully used other policy levers to drive large-scale deployment of renewable electricity systems, with costs falling dramatically as a result. But in the industrial sectors, the multiplicity of alternative possible routes to decarbonization, and the fact that different routes will likely be optimal in different circumstances, makes it essential to use the price mechanism to unleash a market-driven search for least-cost solutions. And to do that, we need an answer to the competitiveness problem.", "zh": "但即便在已经采用这种理论上可行政策的地方 — — 比如在欧洲排放交易体系内 — — 碳价格无论在调控还是直接补贴可再生能源从而推动脱碳方面都没有起到多大作用。 其原因要么是碳价过低而无法产生重大影响，要么是某些能源密集型重工业得到了豁免。 而那些软弱无力的政策都反映出人们担心更高的碳价和更全面的产业覆盖将使本国产业在面对缺乏这类政策国家的进口产品时缺乏竞争力。 一个显而易见的应对措施就是在一个国家或多个国家的关税同盟中实施碳税的同时对碳密集型进口产品中包含的每吨碳征收相同的关税，同时与对本地出口商的碳退税相结合。 当我在十年前担任英国气候变化委员会主席时就曾这种可能性组织了辩论。 但它遭到了一面倒的反对。 有人声称这些政策违反了世贸组织规则，原则上是不可取的，并且会围绕着每个国家所希望实施的环境优先事项激发出针锋相对的增加关税行动。 从那时起，我们成功地利用了其他政策杠杆去推动可再生电力系统的大规模部署，并因此推动成本大幅下降。 但在工业部门，潜在替代性脱碳路径的多样性以及不同路径在不同状况下各有优劣的事实致使我们有必要去利用价格机制来开展以市场为导向的最低成本解决方案搜索。 而要做到这一点就需要解决竞争力问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And because, like the ESM, it is conditional, it would do nothing to alleviate the tension between creditors and debtors. In fact, even a second round of the ECB’s Public Sector Purchase Program would not solve Europe’s asymmetry problem. Because the ECB, together with national central banks, buys government bonds in proportion to each country’s share of ECB capital, the PSPP cannot privilege the countries that are under stress. High-debt countries are limited in their ability to pursue proactive fiscal-stimulus policies. During the peak of the last crisis, some countries had to spend over 5% of their GDP just paying interest on their outstanding debt. And even after the market turmoil ended, and the PSPP brought interest rates down, high-debt countries last year still spent an average of around 3-4% of their GDP on interest payments. Most of these countries are far from being insolvent. But their debt is like a straightjacket, limiting their capacity to deliver economic growth in good times, and posing a liability in times of crisis. A formal debt restructuring is often offered as an alternative to ineffective supranational and national fiscal frameworks. In this scenario, market supervision would replace political supervision. But, because some countries are still clearly more vulnerable than others, introducing a debt-restructuring program now would scare investors away from those countries, thereby doing more harm than good. In the short term, policymakers should explore other avenues for solving the public-debt overhang. The PSPP, as it is currently constructed, allows repatriation of interest on bonds purchased by the ECB and national central banks. But interest savings are modest, because the ECB is formally limited from buying more than a certain amount of each country’s government debt. Lifting this limit would permit the existing framework to be used in the future to alleviate some countries’ fiscal burdens. Meanwhile, the ECB would need to play a different and more distant role than it has. And independent authorities – such as the European Commission or even an entirely new institution – would need to ensure that savings were put to productive use in each country.", "zh": "此外，它和ESM一样也是有条件的，因此无助于缓和债权人和债务人之间的紧张。 事实上，第二轮欧洲央行公共部门购买计划（Public Sector Purchase Program，PSPP）无法解决欧洲的不对称问题。 欧洲央行，以及国家央行，系根据各国的欧洲央行资本占比购买政府债券，因此，PSPP无法优先对待承受压力的国家。 重债国采取积极的财政刺激政策的能力有限。 在上一次危机的高峰期，一些国家不得不花费GDP的5%以上来支付未偿还债务的利息。 即使在市场动荡结束、PSPP将利率压低后，去年重债国仍然平均要花费GDP的3—4%左右支付利息。 这些国家大部分还远远没有到破产的地步。 但它们的债务就像是一件紧身衣，限制了它们在景气时期实现经济增长的能力，而在危机时期又会导致负债增加。 正式债务重组的进行常常是作为无效的超国家和国家财政框架的替代品。 在这一情形中，市场监督将取代政治监督。 但是，由于一些国家仍然显著比其他国家更加脆弱，现在引入债务重组计划将把投资者吓出这些国家，因而弊大于利。 在短期，决策者应该探索其他解决公共债务积压的方法。 就目前的结构而言，PSPP允许返还欧洲央行和国家央行购买的债券的利息。 但利息的节约相当有限，因为欧洲央行在形式上只能购买一定数量的各国政府债券，不能超量购买。 提高这一限制可以让当前框架用于未来减轻一些国家的财政负担。 与此同时，欧洲央行需要需要扮演与现在不同的角色，保持更远的距离。 独立当局 — — 如欧盟委员会，甚至建立一个全新的机构 — — 需要确保节约下来的资金被用于各国的生产性用途。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Over the past four years, Trump has pursued an approach that unabashedly purports to put “America first,” trampling on trade treaties and misusing sanctions to try to give US businesses and workers an edge. In this context, it seemed almost naive for others, including European governments, to pursue multilateral, cooperative open-market solutions. As mainstream politicians leaned toward protectionism, the extreme economic nationalism espoused by the likes of France’s National Rally (formerly the National Front) – whose leaders favor putting “France and French people first” – seemed increasingly reasonable. Moreover, as I explain in my new book, Them and Us: How Immigrants and Locals Can Thrive Together, Trump’s xenophobic rhetoric and encouragement of nativist sentiment opened the way for harsh immigration policies at home and abroad. Of course, some European governments needed no encouragement to demonize Muslims, erect barbed-wire border fences, or detain asylum-seekers in squalid camps; indeed, they began doing so before Trump was elected, notably during the 2015-16 refugee crisis. But the Trump administration’s actions – including separating children from their parents and detaining them in awful conditions, deporting asylum seekers without due process, banning immigrants from Muslim-majority countries, and building a wall on the US border with Mexico – gave Europe’s anti-immigrant forces a major boost. For example, Matteo Salvini, the leader of Italy’s far-right League party and the country’s interior minister in 2018-19, reveled in his status as “Italy’s Trump,” as he blocked boats carrying rescued migrants from docking in Italian ports. When the Trump administration refused in 2018 to agree to the non-binding Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration, nine EU governments – as well as other countries, such as Australia – followed suit. Biden will set a very different example, which is likely to strengthen internationalists and weaken nationalists in Europe.", "zh": "在过去四年中，特朗普采取的方针是“理直气壮”地追求“美国优先 ” ， 践踏贸易条约，滥用制裁手段，试图以此为美国企业和工人带来优势。 在这样的环境下，其他人，包括欧洲政府，采取多边主义合作性开放市场方案显得近乎天真。 主流政客纷纷倾向保护主义，法国国民团结（前身为国民阵线）等政党 — — 其领导人鼓吹将“法国和法国人民放在第一位 ” — —所信奉的经济民族主义也现得更加理性。 此外，我在我的新书《他们与我们：移民和本地人如何共同繁荣 》 （ Them and Us: How Immigrants and Locals Can Thrive Together）中解释道，特朗普的仇外论调以及对本土论情绪的煽动为其国内外强硬移民政策打开了方便之门。 当然，一些欧洲政府根部不需要通过煽动来妖魔化穆斯林，树立边境铁丝网，或将寻求庇护者羁留在肮脏的帐篷中；事实上，他们在特朗普当选之前就在这么做了，主要是在2015-16年的难民危机期间。 但特朗普政府的行为 — — 包括让儿童与父母隔离，把他们羁押在糟糕环境中，不经正当程序便遣返寻求庇护者，禁止穆斯林占多数国家移民，在美墨边境建造边境墙等 — — 给了欧洲反移民力量极大的推动。 比如，意大利极右翼的联盟党（League）领导人、2018-19年担任意大利内政部长的马特奥·萨尔维尼（Matteo Salvini）便以“意大利的特朗普”而自得，他禁止载有逃难移民的船只停靠意大利港口。 当特朗普政府在2018年拒绝非约束性的安全、有序和正当迁徙全球公约（Global Compact for Safe, Orderly, and Regular Migration）时，九个欧盟政府 — — 以及澳大利亚等其他国家 — — 都紧跟美国的步伐。 拜登将树立一个截然不同的榜样，可能会增强欧洲的国际主义，削弱民族主义。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because electrification efforts take time to bear fruit, an IEP also provides an indication of where e-cooking solutions may not yet be feasible for local populations. In these cases, the focus can shift to interim clean-cooking solutions, such as improved cookstoves or liquefied petroleum gas. In any case, the minimal progress made toward improving access to clean cooking underscores the need for new, better-informed strategies. The launch of Malawi’s IEP this week marks the start of a new chapter of evidence-based decision-making in the country. The IEP is easily accessible online for use by government institutions, the private sector, development partners, and the public. At COP27 this year, many African countries will emphasize the need for greater international financing and investment to support their clean-energy development. The World Bank’s recent $1.5 billion commitment to finance electricity and clean cooking in Nigeria shows that an IEP can be a catalyst for mobilizing such support. All developing countries should follow Malawi and Nigeria’s lead by embracing integrated energy planning. Doing so will allow them to seize the twin opportunity that clean e-cooking offers: electrification and better health for their people and the environment.", "zh": "由于电气化工作需要时间才能取得成果，IEP 还提供了一个指示，用来表明电子烹饪解决方案对当地居民不可行。 在这些情况下，重点可以转向临时清洁烹饪解决方案，例如改进的炉灶或液化石油气。 无论如何，在改善获得清洁烹饪方面取得的最小进展强调了对新的、更明智的策略的需求。 本周马拉维 IEP 的启动标志着该国基于证据的决策新篇章的开始。 IEP 易于在线访问，可供政府机构、私营部门、发展合作伙伴和公众使用。 在今年的 COP27 上，许多非洲国家将强调需要更多的国际融资和投资来支持清洁能源发展。 世界银行最近承诺为尼日利亚的电力和清洁烹饪提供 15 亿美元资金，这表明 IEP 可以成为动员此类支持的催化剂。 所有发展中国家都应该效仿马拉维和尼日利亚，采用综合能源规划。 这样做将使它们抓住清洁电子烹饪提供的双重机会：电气化并为人民和环境带来更好的健康。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Waking the Norwegian Green Giant LONDON – Responding to the climate emergency is a challenge for everyone, but particularly for countries that are economically reliant on petroleum extraction or production. Decarbonization has created an opportunity for many countries to pursue a green industrial revolution. But as more countries embrace this route to future prosperity, the value of fossil-fuel assets, technologies, and capabilities will diminish, threatening jobs, export revenues, and industrial innovation in petroleum-dominated economies. Among these economies, Norway, the world’s third-largest natural-gas exporter, faces a unique challenge. But, while Norway’s industrial structure and investments are heavily tied to carbon-based industries and services, with hydrocarbons accounting for 36% of total exports in 2019, the country’s domestic energy comes almost entirely from renewable resources (hydropower). The Norwegian economy thus would be ripe for a green industrial transition, except that falling global demand for fossil fuels will hamper its main growth engine. Norway’s carbon “lock-in” is a symptom of Dutch disease – the problem of one dominant sector’s success coming at the expense of most other sectors. Since hydrocarbon investments dwarf investments in other industries, the fossil-fuel sector attracts the most high-skilled talent. At the same time, the oil and gas sector’s extraordinary profitability has inflated price and wage growth in the rest of the economy, creating difficulties for other exporters. As a result, Norway has been one of the OECD’s biggest losers of overall international market shares in non-energy export markets since the late 1990s.", "zh": "唤醒挪威绿巨人 伦敦—应对气候紧急变化对所有人而言都是一种挑战，但对经济上依赖石油开采或生产的国家尤其如此。 去碳化为诸多国家推动绿色工业革命创造了机会。 但随着越来越多的国家走上这条通往未来的繁荣之路，将会影响到化石燃料资产、技术和能力的价值，导致石油主导经济体的就业机会、出口收入和工业创新受到威胁。 在上述经济体中，世界第三大天然气出口国挪威面临着独一无二的挑战。 虽然挪威的工业结构和投资与碳基工业和服务紧密相连，其2019年碳氢化合物的出口占到该国出口总量的36 % ， 但其国内能源却几乎完全来自于可再生资源（水电 ） 。 挪威经济因此将迎来绿色工业转型的机会，只可惜，全球化石燃料需求下降将影响其主要的增长引擎。 挪威的“碳锁定”是一种荷兰病的症状 — — 即要牺牲其他多数部门来换取某个主导部门的成功。 由于碳氢化合物投资令其他行业投资相形见绌，化石燃料行业吸引了绝大多数高技能人才。 与此同时，石油天然气行业的超常盈利推高了其他经济领域的价格和薪酬增长，从而加大了其他领域出口盈利的难度。 结果导致自20世纪90年代末以来，挪威一直是经合组织（OECD）非能源出口市场总体国际市场份额最大的失败国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Leveraging Islamic Finance for Sustainable Development WASHINGTON, DC – Roughly one-third of those suffering from extreme poverty worldwide live in member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). In 21 of those 57 countries, fewer than half of the population has access to adequate sanitation. Four percent of infants born in these countries die before they reach the age of five. Simply put, despite great potential, many OIC countries have struggled to achieve broad-based development. For many countries, the infamous “resource curse” is at work; in others, weak leadership and failed institutions are to blame. It does not help that the vast majority (some 71%) of the 125 million people affected by conflicts and natural disasters reside in OIC countries. Instability places enormous strain on national budgets. But these countries have options. In particular, the capital that has accumulated in some of the OIC countries’ financial systems could play an important role in helping them to meet their development goals – especially if Islamic finance is used to its full potential. Islamic finance has important advantages over conventional financial products. Its prohibition of interest and requirement that investments be linked to the real economy, together with its approach to profit- and loss-sharing, add stability to the financial sector. Islamic finance also can enhance financial inclusion, as it incorporates people who, for cultural or religious reasons, are excluded from the traditional financial system.", "zh": "利用伊斯兰金融实现可持续发展 华盛顿 — — 1/3的全球极端贫困者在伊斯兰合作组织（OIC）成员国生活。 这57个国家中的21个有不到一半的人口能够享受恰当的卫生条件。 出生在这些国家的婴儿有4%均在5岁前死亡。 简言之，尽管潜力很大，不少伊斯兰合作组织国家实现广泛发展的道路却异常艰辛。 其中某些国家面临着臭名昭著的“资源诅咒 ” ； 而另一些国家则需要由领导不力和机构运转不畅来承担责任。 受困于冲突和自然灾害的1.25亿人中有绝大部分（约71 % ） 生活在伊斯兰合作组织国家更加大了发展的难度。 局势动荡令国家财政预算承受着巨大的压力。 但这些国家并非无计可施。 尤其是某些伊斯兰合作组织国家金融体系所积累的资本可以在实现发展目标过程中发挥重要作用 — — 尤其是如果我们能将伊斯兰金融的作用发挥到极致。 伊斯兰金融拥有超越传统金融产品的重要优势。 伊斯兰金融禁止收取利息、并要求投资用于实体经济，再加上其收益和损失分担的做法加大了金融行业的稳定度。 伊斯兰金融还可以增强金融包容性，因为它允许出于文化和宗教原因而被传统金融体系排除在外的民众共同参与。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司主要从事硬质合金及工具的研发、生产和销售。 硬质合金属于国家战略性新兴产业，公司专注于硬质合金领域的技术开发，逐步掌握了矿用、切削及耐磨等应用领域的硬质合金核心技术，具备了较高的生产工艺水平，建立了完善的销售渠道。 公司依托于硬质合金领域的核心技术和市场地位，将产业延伸至下游的工具制造领域，形成了硬质合金及工具制造上下游产业一体化发展的运营模式，同时公司积极拓展海外市场，通过向海外矿山客户供应开采、勘探领域的矿用硬质合金工具及其配套产品，为其提供矿山耗材综合解决方案。 硬质合金作为工业生产的中间品及耗材，广泛应用于矿山采掘、石油钻井、工程机械、金属切削机床、汽车制造、电子信息和航天军工等行业领域，被誉为―工业的牙齿‖。 公司的主要产品包括硬质合金、硬质合金工具，以及根据客户需求提供的配套产品，其中，硬质合金包括矿用工具合金、切削工具合金和耐磨工具合金等，硬质合金工具则主要是以牙轮钻头为代表的应用于矿山采掘的凿岩工具。", "en": "The company is mainly engaged in the research and development, production, and sales of cemented carbide and tools. Cemented carbide is a strategic emerging industry in the country. The company focuses on the technological development in the field of cemented carbide and has gradually mastered the core technology of cemented carbide in mining, cutting, and wear-resistant applications. It has a high level of production technology and has established a sound sales channel. Based on the core technology and market position in the field of cemented carbide, the company extends its industry to the downstream tool manufacturing field, forming an integrated development model of cemented carbide and tool manufacturing. At the same time, the company actively expands overseas markets by supplying mining cemented carbide tools and related products to overseas mining customers in the exploration and mining fields, providing comprehensive solutions for mining consumables. Cemented carbide, as an intermediate product and consumable in industrial production, is widely used in industries such as mining, petroleum drilling, engineering machinery, metal cutting machine tools, automobile manufacturing, electronic information, and aerospace and military industries. It is known as the \"teeth of industry\". The company's main products include cemented carbide, cemented carbide tools, and supporting products provided according to customer needs. Among them, cemented carbide includes mining tool alloys, cutting tool alloys, and wear-resistant tool alloys, while cemented carbide tools mainly refer to rock drilling tools used in mining, represented by gear drill bits."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "完善标准化顶层设计。建立健全物联网标准体系，发布物联网标准化建设指南。进一步促进物联网国家标准、行业标准、团体标准的协调发展，以企业为主体开展标准制定，积极将创新成果纳入国际标准，加快建设技术标准试验验证环境，完善标准化信息服务。加强关键共性技术标准制定。加快制定传感器、仪器仪表、射频识别、多媒体采集、地理坐标定位等感知技术和设备标准。组织制定无线传感器网络、低功耗广域网、网络虚拟化和异构网络融合等网络技术标准。制定操作系统、中间件、数据管理与交换、数据分析与挖掘、服务支撑等信息处理标准。制定物联网标识与解析、网络与信息安全、参考模型与评估测试等基础共性标准。推动行业应用标准研制。大力开展车联网、健康服务、智能家居等产业急需应用标准的制定，持续推进工业、农业、公共安全、交通、环保等应用领域的标准化工作。加强组织协调，建立标准制定、实验验证和应用推广联合工作机制，加强信息交流和共享，推动标准化组织联合制定跨行业标准，鼓励发展团体标准。支持联盟和龙头企业牵头制定行业应用标准。", "en": "Improve standardized top-level design. Establish and improve the standard system for the Internet of Things, and publish guidelines for the standardization of the Internet of Things. Further promote the coordinated development of national standards, industry standards, and group standards for the Internet of Things, with enterprises as the main body for standard formulation. Actively incorporate innovative achievements into international standards, accelerate the construction of technical standard testing and verification environments, and improve standardized information services. Strengthen the formulation of key common technology standards. Accelerate the formulation of perception technology and equipment standards such as sensors, instruments, radio frequency identification, multimedia collection, and geographic coordinate positioning. Organize the formulation of network technology standards such as wireless sensor networks, low-power wide-area networks, network virtualization, and heterogeneous network integration. Formulate information processing standards such as operating systems, middleware, data management and exchange, data analysis and mining, and service support. Formulate basic common standards such as Internet of Things identification and resolution, network and information security, reference models and evaluation tests. Promote the development of industry application standards. Vigorously carry out the formulation of urgently needed application standards for industries such as connected vehicles, health services, and smart homes, and continue to promote standardization work in application areas such as industry, agriculture, public safety, transportation, and environmental protection. Strengthen organization and coordination, establish a joint working mechanism for standard formulation, experimental verification, and application promotion, strengthen information exchange and sharing, promote the joint formulation of cross-industry standards by standardization organizations, and encourage the development of group standards. Support alliances and leading enterprises in formulating industry application standards."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Afghanistan’s Unavoidable Partition NEW DELHI – The United States, still mired in a protracted war in Afghanistan that has exacted a staggering cost in blood and treasure, will formally open peace talks with the Taliban, its main battlefield opponent, in the coming days (apparently despite last-minute opposition from Afghan President Hamid Karzai). With the US determined to withdraw its forces after more than a decade of fighting, the talks in Doha, Qatar, are largely intended to allow it to do so “honorably.” How the end of US-led combat operations shapes Afghanistan’s future will affect the security of countries nearby and beyond. Here the most important question is whether the fate of Afghanistan, which was created as a buffer between Czarist Russia and British India, will be – or should be – different from that of Iraq and Libya (two other imperial creations where the US has intervened militarily in recent years). Foreign military intervention can effect regime change, but it evidently cannot reestablish order based on centralized government. Iraq has been partitioned in all but name into Shia, Sunni, and Kurdish regions, while Libya seems headed toward a similar tripartite, tribal-based territorial arrangement. In Afghanistan, too, an Iraq-style “soft” partition may be the best possible outcome. Afghanistan’s large ethnic groups already enjoy de facto autonomy, which they secured after their Northern Alliance played a central role in the US-led ouster of the Taliban from power in late 2001. Having enjoyed virtual self-rule since then, they will fiercely resist falling back under the sway of the Pashtuns, who have ruled the country for most of its history. For their part, the Pashtuns, despite their tribal divisions, will not be content with control of a rump Afghanistan consisting of its current eastern and southeastern provinces. They will eventually seek integration with fellow Pashtuns in Pakistan, across the British-drawn Durand Line – a border that Afghanistan has never recognized. The demand for a “Greater Pashtunistan” would then challenge the territorial integrity of Pakistan (itself another artificial imperial construct). The fact that Afghanistan’s ethnic groups are concentrated in distinct geographical zones would simplify partition and make the resulting borders more likely to last, unlike those drawn by colonial officials, who invented countries with no national identity or historical roots.", "zh": "阿富汗不可避免的分裂 新德里 — — 深陷于旷日持久阿富汗战争的美国付出了惊人的生命财产代价，并将在未来日子里（不顾阿富汗总统哈米德·卡尔扎伊最后时刻的反对）正式与主要战争对手塔利班启动和谈进程。 因为已经决定在十余年战争后撤出部队，在卡塔尔首都多哈举行的谈判主要是让美国人“体面地”撤离。 如何结束以美国为首的作战行动既决定阿富汗的未来也影响周边及其他国家的安全局势。 此处最重要的问题是曾扮演沙俄及英属印度间缓冲地带的阿富汗的命运会不会（或该不该）与伊拉克和利比亚（近年来美国干预的另外两个帝国产物）的命运有任何不同。 外国军事干预可以改朝换代，但显然不能重建中央政府控制的国内秩序。 伊拉克除名义外已分成什叶、逊尼和库尔德三块区域，而利比亚似乎也正走向类似的三方部落领土安排。 同样，像伊拉克那样的“软性”分裂或许是阿富汗可能面临的最佳结果。 阿富汗的主要部族已经享受现实自治，这是他们的北方联盟凭借2001年底协助美国将塔利班政府赶下台所换来的。 因为从那时起就享受现实自治，他们会拼死抗拒重新落入历史上统治阿富汗的普什图人的控制之下。 普什图人尽管内部存在部族分歧，但仍不满于仅控制包括目前阿富汗东部及东南部省份在内的残余领土。 他们终将跨越英制杜兰德线与巴基斯坦的普什图人实现汇合，这条英制边境线从来就没有被阿富汗人承认过。 “大普什图”情结因此将会威胁巴基斯坦（其本身就是另一个人工帝国构造）的领土完整。 阿富汗族群聚居于独立的地理区域令分治变得简单，由此划定的边境线也有可能长期存在，这与殖民官员凭空绘制的没有民族认同感或历史起源的边境线有着本质的区别。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An Obama Moment for India’s Untouchables NEW DELHI – Among the many international consequences of Barack Obama’s stunning victory in the United States is worldwide introspection about whether such a breakthrough could happen elsewhere. Could a person of color win power in other white-majority countries? Could a member of a beleaguered minority transcend the circumstances of his birth to lead his or her country? While many analysts in a wide variety of nations, especially in Europe, have concluded that such an event could not occur there in the foreseeable future, India is an exception. Minority politicians have long wielded authority, if not power, in its various high offices. Indeed, India’s last general election, in 2004, was won by a woman of Italian heritage and Roman Catholic faith (Sonia Gandhi) who made way for a Sikh (Manmohan Singh) to be sworn in as Prime Minister by a Muslim (President Abdul Kalam) in a country that is 81% Hindu. Not only could it happen here, Indians say, it already has. Such complacency is premature. The closest Indian analogy to the position of black Americans is that of the Dalits – formerly called “Untouchables,” the outcastes who for millennia suffered humiliating discrimination and oppression. Like blacks in the US, Dalits account for about 15% of the population; they are found disproportionately in low-status, low-income jobs; their levels of educational attainment are lower than the upper castes; and they still face daily incidents of discrimination for no reason other than their identity at birth. Only when a Dalit rules India can the country truly be said to have attained its own “Obama moment.” In theory, this already has happened: K. R. Narayanan, born into a poor Dalit family, served as India’s president, the highest office in the land, from 1997 to 2002.", "zh": "印度的贱民的奥巴马时刻 新德里-奥巴马在美国取得了令人难以置信的胜利，这一事件引起了众多的国际影响，其中一个是，全世界正在反省这种突破是否可能在其它地方发生。 一个属于有色人种的人是否可能在美国之外的白人占多数的国家里赢得权力？ 一个处在多数族群包围中的少数族群的人有可能超越他的出生身份而成为他或她的国家的领袖吗？ 虽然各国的尤其是在欧洲的众多分析家们已经得出结论，认为这类事件在可预见的将来不可能发生，但印度却是个例外。 少数民族的政客很久前就在印度的各种高级职位上掌握了权威，如果还算不上是掌握权力的话。 事实上，印度上一次2004年的大选，赢家是一个意大利后裔的信仰罗马天主教的女人（索尼娅·甘地 ） ， 她为一个锡克教徒（曼莫汉·辛格）向一个穆斯林教徒（阿卜杜勒·卡拉姆总统）宣誓就职总理铺平了道路，而该国的人口81 ％是印度教徒。 印度人说，这种情况不仅可能在这里发生，而且它已经发生了。 但这种自满还为时过早。 在印度，最能和美国黑人的地位相类比的是贱民-即以前所谓的“最底层不可接触的贱民 ” ， 他们是数千年来遭受屈辱的歧视和压迫的被剥夺种姓的阶层。 和美国黑人一样，贱民约占人口的15 ％ ， 他们在低地位、低收入的工作岗位上所占的比例与他们在总人口中的比例不相符合；他们的教育水平低于上等种姓；他们每天仍然仅仅因为他们出生时的身份而受到歧视。 只有当一个贱民可以统治印度的时候，这个国家才真正可以说实现了自己的“奥巴马的时刻 ” 。 从理论上讲，这已经发生了：出生于一个贫穷贱民家庭的雷克南·纳拉亚南，从1997年到2002年间担任过印度总统，这是这个国家的最高职位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While the Fed’s tool kit has been greatly expanded in the last decade, the Fed’s low interest rates and huge balance sheet – and the possibly massive increase in debt, should Trump get his tax cuts – would challenge even the best-trained economist. Most importantly, there has been a bipartisan (and global) effort to depoliticize monetary policy. The Fed, through its control of the money supply, has enormous economic power, and such power can easily be abused for political purposes – say, to generate more jobs in the short run. But lack of confidence in central banks in a world of fiat money (where central banks can create money at will) weakens long-term economic performance, owing partly to fears of inflation. Even in the absence of direct politicization, the Fed always faces a problem of “cognitive capture” by Wall Street. That’s what happened when Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke were in charge. We all know the consequences: the greatest crisis in three quarters of a century, mitigated only by massive government intervention. Yet, somehow, the Trump administration seems to have forgotten what happened less than a decade ago. How else to explain its efforts to rescind the 2010 Dodd-Frank regulatory reforms, designed to prevent a recurrence? The consensus beyond Wall Street is that Dodd-Frank didn’t go far enough.", "zh": "尽管在过去的十年里美联储的政策工具包已经极大丰富，但面对美联储的低利率以及庞大资产负债表（还有万一特朗普成功实现减税后大幅增加的债务 ） ， 即使是最训练有素的经济学家也会相当头痛。 最重要的是，一直以来民主共和两党（以及全球）都在努力推行货币政策的去政治化。 美联储因为手握货币供应权而坐拥巨大的经济力量，而这种力量也极易被滥用于某些政治目的 — — 比如在短期内创造更多就业机会。 但在这个法定货币的世界里（中央银行可以随意印制钞票 ） ， 一但各界对央行失去信心就会削弱长期的经济表现，因为大家在某种程度上都担心通货膨胀。 即使不存在直接的政治化，美联储也总是面临着华尔街的“认知俘获（cognitive capture ） ” 问题，在格林斯潘和伯南克主政时就是如此。 后果现在我们都知道了：近3/4个世纪以来的最严重危机，只有靠政府大规模干预有所缓解。 然而不知何故，特朗普政府似乎已经忘记了不到十年前发生的事情。 如何解释其试图撤销旨在防范下一场危机的2010年多德-弗兰克法案监管改革的做法？ 华尔街以外的共识是多德 - 弗兰克法案还是不够严格。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The World George H.W. Bush Made CAMBRIDGE – I have worked for four US presidents, Democrats and Republicans alike, and perhaps the most important thing I have learned along the way is that little of what we call history is inevitable. What happens in this world is the result of what people choose to do and choose not to do when presented with challenges and opportunities. George H.W. Bush, the 41st president of the United States, was presented with more than his share of challenges and opportunities, and the record is clear: he left the country and the world considerably better off than he found them. I worked for and often with Bush for all four years of his presidency. I was the National Security Council member responsible for overseeing the development and execution of policy toward the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, and Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan. I was also brought into a good many other policy deliberations. Bush was kind, decent, fair, open-minded, considerate, lacking in prejudice, modest, principled, and loyal. He valued public service and saw himself as simply the latest in the long line of US presidents, another temporary occupant of the Oval Office and custodian of American democracy. His foreign policy achievements were many and significant, starting with the ending of the Cold War.", "zh": "老布什所营造的世界 发自剑桥 — — 我曾为四位美国总统工作过，民主党人和共和党人皆有，而我在这个过程中学到的最重要的东西，或许就是我们所谓的历史事件中极少是无可避免的。 在这个世界上发生的事情都是人们在面临挑战和机遇时选择做什么或者不做什么的结果。 乔治·H·W·布什（George H.W. Bush，下称老布什）是美国第41任总统，他当年面临的挑战和机遇要比他应当承受的更多，而取得的成就也很明确：他留给后人的是一个比原先更为美好的国家和世界。 在老布什担任总统的四年间我一直在为他工作。 我是国家安全委员会成员，负责监督中东、波斯湾、阿富汗，印度和巴基斯坦政策的制定和执行，还受命参与了其他多项政策审议。 老布什为人善良体面、公正开明、待人处事体贴而不带偏见，谦逊却不放弃原则，而且非常忠诚。 他重视公共服务，并认为自己只不过是众多美国总统中的最新一员，是白宫椭圆形办公室的某个临时占用者，也是美国民主的监护人。 从冷战结束后他的外交政策取得了许多重大成就。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Do not give them that sense of false hope. You are speaking your truth. Never apologize for that. And some folks may have gotten hurt along the way, so sure, apologize for what you've done, but never apologize for who you are. And yeah, some folks may be disappointed, but that is on them, not on you. Those are their expectations of who you are, not yours. That is their story, not yours. The only story that matters is the one that you want to write. So the next time you find yourself in a pitch-black closet clutching your grenade, know we have all been there before. And you may feel so very alone, but you are not. And we know it's hard but we need you out here, no matter what your walls are made of, because I guarantee you there are others peering through the keyholes of their closets looking for the next brave soul to bust a door open, so be that person and show the world that we are bigger than our closets and that a closet is no place for a person to truly live.", "zh": "不要让他们有这样的错觉 你是在坦言有关自己的事情 不要对此感到抱歉 可能会有人受伤 这是一定的 对你所做的事情道歉 但是不要为你的本质而道歉 是的 有些人会很失望 但是他们对自己失望 而不是对你 那是他们所期望的你的样子 而不是你自己的期望 那是他们的故事 而不是属于你的故事 唯一重要的故事 是你想要书写的那一个 那么下回你发现自己 窝在柜里 手里紧攥着手榴弹时 要知道我们都经历过这个阶段 你可能会感到孤独 但实际上不是的 虽然很难 但是你需要走出柜 不管你的墙是什么 我向你保证 还有些人 从他们柜的锁眼里 寻找下一个勇敢的人推开们 所以做那个勇敢的人吧 让人们知道柜已容不下我们 一个柜不是一个人 能活出真实自己的地方"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even the IDFC, which aims to counterbalance Chinese influence and compete with European institutions, will not significantly change the pattern of international financial flows to Africa. What Africa needs is a new type of investor. The good news is that alternative sources of funds have been accumulating like never before. PwC expects the value of assets held worldwide by pension funds, insurance companies, sovereign wealth funds, and high-net-worth individuals to rise from $115 trillion in 2012 to $195 trillion by 2020. These investors obviously have not been satisfied by the very low yields available in European and US markets in recent years. Furthermore, liquid assets remain extremely volatile. A number of these investors are now distancing themselves from the standard view of African transactions as “high risk,” to be compared only with high-yielding US dollar or euro investments. This change of perception has statistical support. In 2016, Moody’s released a report showing that the rate of project-finance defaults in Africa between 1983 and 2015 was the second-lowest in the world at just 2.7%, which reflects the relatively higher strategic importance of these projects. As a result, the idea of investing in Africa through more conservative instruments, rather than “high risk, high return” private-equity deals, is gradually gaining ground. Private-sector debt funds would be the best vehicle for such investments. Such funds total almost $640 billion worldwide, but the market remains mostly North American and European. Although private-debt funds raised more than $100 billion in 2017, almost none of this went to Africa. The potential for these funds to invest in Africa is therefore huge. Even if only one-third of Africa’s estimated $750 billion in additional investment needs over the next decade were debt-financed, that would still amount to a $250 billion requirement. This indicates a unique opportunity to align investors seeking to finance real assets offering long-term stable returns and projects that need financing. But even if their perception of African default risk has evolved, potential newcomers to the continent remain paralyzed by its reputation and image. They can hardly be blamed, either, given incessant media coverage of African countries’ rankings in global indices of governance, ease of doing business, and corruption. This is where development finance institutions could play a key role in reassuring new investors who are still deterred by “Africa risk.”", "zh": "IDFC的目标是制衡中国影响并与欧洲机构竞争，但它也无法大幅改变非洲国际融资流模式。 非洲需要新类型的投资者。 好消息是另类资金源正在积累，这是前所未有的现象。 普华永道（PwC）预测，全球退休基金、保险公司、主权财富基金和高净值个人所持资产价值将从2012年的115万亿美元增加到2020年的195万亿美元。 这些投资者显然对近几年来欧洲和美国市场非常低的收益率不满意。 此外，流动性资产仍然波动极大。 许多投资者现在都对非洲交易属于“高风险”的标准观点敬而远之，只将它们与高收益率的美元或欧元投资相比较。 这一感知上的变化有数据支撑。 2016年，穆迪（Moody’s）发布报告指出，1083—2015年间非洲项目融资违约率为世界第二低，只有2.7 % ， 这反映出这些项目相对较高的战略重要性。 因此，通过更加保守的工具，而非“高风险，高回报”的私募股权交易来投资非洲的概念正在逐渐稳固。 私人部门债务基金是这类投资的最好的工具。 这些基金全球总规模接近6,400亿美元，但市场仍主要集中在北美和欧洲。 尽管私人债务基金在2017年募资规模高达1,000亿美元以上，但流向非洲的资金少之又少。 因此，这些资金投资非洲的潜力巨大。 哪怕非洲未来十年的7,500亿美元的预计额外投资需求只有三分之一通过债务融资，也意味着2,500亿美元需求。 这说明，为寻求为能提供长期稳定回报的实体资产融资的投资者与需要融资的项目牵线搭桥是一个巨大的机会。 但是，即使他们对非洲违约风险的感知已经改变，潜在新来者仍然对非洲的名声和形象望而却步。 他们无可厚非，因为非洲国家在全球治理、营商便利程度和腐败排名的媒体报道不绝于耳。 在这方面，发展金融机构可以在让仍然害怕“非洲风险”的新投资者免于担心方面扮演核心角色。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There is now growing support for the idea that capital should be used for more than just financial returns, as demonstrated by the explosion of interest in ESG (environmental, social, and governance) standards for corporations. It is good news that investors are starting to demand greater transparency into how companies manage their ESG dynamics, and that executives and boards of directors are beginning to track relevant data to report to their investors. You can’t change what you don’t measure. But the ESG movement has largely focused on publicly traded companies. That is understandable, because such companies are where individual shareholders can influence behavior, as the hedge fund Engine No. 1 recently demonstrated with its successful campaign to install decarbonization advocates on the board of ExxonMobil. The problem is that there are fewer than 50,000 publicly listed companies in the world today, compared to more than 200 million privately held companies. If the lever of capital is going to be used effectively, it must include private companies. Not only do privately held companies represent the vast majority of employment and much of the world’s GDP, but they are also who public companies rely on for key inputs. Most of the recent net-zero commitments made by Fortune 500 corporations will have little meaning until there is greater clarity about what is happening in their supply chains. As matters stand, there is very little information about privately held companies’ ESG metrics. And much of the data that do exist is of poor quality, calculated by third parties using algorithms that do little more than guess at conclusions. What has been missing is a consortium model in which unusual bedfellows come together to solve a problem that cannot be addressed by any one group. Fortunately, there have been promising recent efforts to address this problem. For example, the ESG Data Convergence Project, a group of private-equity managers and limited partner investors, led by the Carlyle Group and the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, is working to standardize a set of ESG reporting metrics for private-equity managers. Similarly, the Institutional Limited Partners Association has put together an ESG Roadmap to identify best practices for private market investors who are interested in advancing ESG efforts at their organizations.", "zh": "现在有越来越多人支持这一观点，即资本不应仅用于获得财务回报，而上述趋势已经被对企业（环境、社会和治理）标准的兴趣激增所证明。 好消息是，投资者开始要求提高企业管理自身环境、社会和治理动态的透明度，同时，高管和董事会也开始跟踪相关数据并报告给投资人。 你无法改变自己所不能衡量的事物。 但环境、社会和治理（ESG）运动主要集中在公开上市企业。 之所以形成这样的趋势可以理解，因为个人股东可以对上述企业施加影响力，就像对冲基金第一引擎（Engine No.1）最近在埃克森美孚董事会上成功提出脱碳计划所证明的那样。 问题在于，当今世界仅有不到 50,000家上市公司，而私营企业则超过2亿家。 要想有效利用资本杠杆，就必须吸纳私营企业参与其中。 私营企业不仅贡献了绝大部分就业和世界GDP，同时也是上市公司所依赖的关键原材料的供应商。 除非其供应链条的动向变得更加清晰，否则，绝大多数财富500强企业最近做出的大部分零净排放承诺将是没有意义的。 就目前情况而言，鲜有私营企业有关环境、社会和治理指标的信息。 而且，很多现存数据质量很差，相关计算均来自第三方算法，其所做的不过是猜测结论。 目前，缺少的是一种联盟模式，即一群非同寻常的合作伙伴聚集在一起，以解决任何一个团体都无法单独解决的问题。 幸运的是，最近，人们为解决这一问题做出了有希望的努力。 例如，由凯雷集团和加州公共雇员退休系统牵头的一批私募股权经理和有限合伙投资人构建了环境、社会和治理数据融合计划，该计划正致力于完成私募股权经理环境、社会和治理报告指标的全套标准化工作。 同样，美国机构投资人协会也制定了一份环境、社会和治理路线图，目的是确定有意推进其组织内部环境、社会和治理工作私人市场投资者的最佳做法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The man slept on, indifferent to showers of hail and intervals of brightness, to sunshine on his face and shadow, to the paltering lumps of dull ice on his body and the diamonds into which the sun changed them, until the sun was low in the west, and the sky was glowing. Then, the mender of roads having got his tools together and all things ready to go down into the village, roused him. “Good!” said the sleeper, rising on his elbow. “Two leagues beyond the summit of the hill?” “About.” “About. Good!” The mender of roads went home, with the dust going on before him according to the set of the wind, and was soon at the fountain, squeezing himself in among the lean kine brought there to drink, and appearing even to whisper to them in his whispering to all the village. When the village had taken its poor supper, it did not creep to bed, as it usually did, but came out of doors again, and remained there. A curious contagion of whispering was upon it, and also, when it gathered together at the fountain in the dark, another curious contagion of looking expectantly at the sky in one direction only. Monsieur Gabelle, chief functionary of the place, became uneasy; went out on his house-top alone, and looked in that direction too; glanced down from behind his chimneys at the darkening faces by the fountain below, and sent word to the sacristan who kept the keys of the church, that there might be need to ring the tocsin by-and- bye.", "zh": "这人继续酣睡。冰雹一阵阵洒落，阳光与阴影在他脸上交替，冰珠打在他身上噗噗地响，又被太阳化作粒粒的金刚钻，可他全然不理会。太阳终于落了山，映出了一片晚霞，补路工收拾起工具打算下山回村了，这才叫醒了他。 “好！”睡觉的人用手肘撑起身子说。“山顶那边两个里格么？” “大约两个。” “大约两个。好！” 补路工回家去了，灰尘因为风向的缘故在他前面飞卷。他很快来到了泉水边，挤进牵到那儿喝水的瘦牛群里，向满村的人耳语着，似乎连牛也通了消息。村里人吃完了可怜的晚餐并不按平时的习惯爬上床去，而是走出门来呆在那几悄悄传播着一个离奇的消息。等到村里的人在黑暗中到泉水边会集时，又有一种离奇的观望动作传播开来：大家都往同一个方向的天空眺望，似乎等待着什么。当地的主要官员加伯尔先生不放心了，一个人爬上自己的屋顶，也往那个方向看；他又躲在烟囱后偷看屋下泉水边黑暗中的面孔，同时通知了掌管教堂钥匙的圣器保管员，说不定过一会儿需要敲钟。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "实现中国梦离不开和平的国际环境和稳定的国际秩序。 必须统筹国内国际两个大局，始终不渝走和平发展道路、奉行互利共赢的开放战略， 坚持正确义利观，树立共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观， 谋求开放创新、包容互惠的发展前景，促进和而不同、兼收并蓄的文明交流，构筑尊崇自然、绿色发展的生态体系， 始终做世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者。 （十四）坚持全面从严治党。 勇于自我革命，从严管党治党，是我们党最鲜明的品格。 必须以党章为根本遵循，把党的政治建设摆在首位，思想建党和制度治党同向发力，统筹推进党的各项建设， 抓住“关键少数”，坚持“三严三实”， 坚持民主集中制，严肃党内政治生活，严明党的纪律，强化党内监督， 发展积极健康的党内政治文化，全面净化党内政治生态，坚决纠正各种不正之风，以零容忍态度惩治腐败， 不断增强党自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高的能力，始终保持党同人民群众的血肉联系。 以上十四条，构成新时代坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的基本方略。 全党同志必须全面贯彻党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略，更好引领党和人民事业发展。 实践没有止境，理论创新也没有止境。 世界每时每刻都在发生变化，中国也每时每刻都在发生变化，", "en": "the Chinese Dream can be realized only in a peaceful international environment and under a stable international order. We must keep in mind both our internal and international imperatives, stay on the path of peaceful development, and continue to pursue a mutually beneficial strategy of opening up. We will uphold justice while pursuing shared interests, and will foster new thinking on common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security. We will pursue open, innovative, and inclusive development that benefits everyone; boost cross-cultural exchanges characterized by harmony within diversity, inclusiveness, and mutual learning; and cultivate ecosystems based on respect for nature and green development. China will continue its efforts to safeguard world peace, contribute to global development, and uphold international order. 14. Exercising full and rigorous governance over the Party To have the courage to carry out self-reform and conduct strict self-governance: this is the most distinctive part of our Party’s character. We must uphold the Party Constitution as our fundamental rules, give top priority to the political work of the Party, combine efforts on ideological work and institution building, and strengthen Party competence in all respects. We must focus on oversight over the “key few,” by which we mean leading officials, and see that the principle of Three Stricts and Three Earnests are observed. We must uphold democratic centralism, ensure that intraparty political activities are carried out in earnest, impose strict Party discipline, and strengthen internal oversight. We must develop a positive and healthy political culture in the Party and improve the Party’s political ecosystem, resolutely correct misconduct in all its forms, and show zero tolerance for corruption. We will continue to strengthen the Party’s ability to purify, improve, and reform itself, and forever maintain its close ties with the people. The above 14 points form the basic policy that underpins our endeavors to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. All our members must fully implement the Party’s basic theory, line, and policy so as to better steer the development of the Party and people’s cause. Just as there are no bounds to practice, there is no end to theoretical exploration. The world is changing with every second, every moment; and China, too, is changing with every second, every moment."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "BG: One lesson is the flip side of the idea that flying or driving less isn’t enough: We need a massive amount of innovation so that people can fly, drive, and otherwise participate in the modern economy without causing emissions. This is actually an even tougher challenge than making and distributing COVID-19 vaccines (which is the biggest public health campaign ever). But it will take the same close cooperation among governments at all levels, and with the private sector as well. And just as we all have to do our parts by wearing masks and distancing, individuals also need to play a role in reducing emissions. They can advocate for policies that accelerate the transition to zero, and they can reduce the Green Premium by buying low- and zero-carbon products like electric cars and plant-based burgers. That will attract more competition in those areas and ultimately make it cheaper to go green. BG: I’ve seen first-hand how investments in R&D can change the world. Research sponsored by the US government and American companies made microprocessors and the Internet possible, which unleashed a phenomenal amount of entrepreneurial energy to create the personal computer industry. Likewise, the US government’s effort to map the human genome led to breakthroughs in the treatment of cancer and other deadly diseases. As for getting to zero, I’m seeing amazing work myself. Breakthrough Energy Ventures, the private fund I built with a number of partners, has invested in more than two dozen companies that are working on low- and zero-carbon ways to make cement and steel, generate and store large amounts of clean electricity, grow plants and animals, transport people and goods around the world, and heat and cool our buildings. Many of these ideas won’t pan out. But the ones that do could change the world. BG: Putting a price on carbon is one policy that will make a difference, as part of an overall approach where the goal is to increase both the supply of and the demand for clean-energy breakthroughs. I mention a wide range of other ideas in the book. (I recommend a five-fold increase.) On the demand side, in addition to a carbon price, it is things like standards for how much electricity or fuel must come from zero-carbon sources.", "zh": "盖茨：其中一个教训在于仅仅秉承少坐点飞机或少开点车的理念是不够的。 我们需要大量的创新以让人们能够在以飞行、驾驶以及以其他方式参与现代经济的同时不造成排放。 这其实是比制造和分发新冠疫苗（也是有史以来最大规模的公共卫生运动）更艰难的挑战。 但这同样需要各级政府之间的紧密合作以及与私营部门的合作。 就像我们都要在疫情期间戴上口罩保持距离一样，个人也需要在减排方面发挥作用。 他们可以倡导加快向零排放过渡的政策，也可以通过购买电动汽车和植物汉堡等低碳和零碳产品来降低绿色溢价（Green Premium ） 。 这将在这些领域吸引更多的竞争并最终使绿色环保变得更为廉价。 盖茨：我亲眼目睹了对科技研发的投资是如何改变这个世界的。 美国政府和美国企业资助的研究使微处理器和互联网成为可能，也释放出了创造了整个个人电脑产业的惊人创业能量。 同样，美国政府绘制人类基因组图谱的努力也使癌症和其他致命疾病的治疗取得了突破性进展。 至于在实现零碳化方面我也亲身见证了一些惊人的工作。 突破性能源风险投资公司（Breakthrough Energy Ventures）这个我与多位合伙人共同建立的私人基金已经投资了二十多家企业，它们正在研究以低碳和零碳的方式制造水泥和钢铁、生产和储存大量清洁电力、种植和饲养动植物，在全球范围内运输人员和货物以及为我们的建筑物供暖和制冷。 其中许多想法最终无法实现，但那些成功的想法可能会改变整个世界。 盖茨：作为一个着眼于增加清洁能源突破的供应和需求的整体手段的组成部分，碳定价肯定会是一项会有所作为的政策。 我在书中提到了一系列其他的想法，例如政府在扩大创新供给方面可以做的一件事就是大幅加大对清洁能源研发的资助(我建议增加五倍 ) ， 在需求方面，除了碳价之外还可以制定各类标准，比如规定多少电力或燃料必须来自零碳来源。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Meanwhile, Germany will have its first new chancellor in 16 years, and the UK’s Brexit-era leadership seems to have lost its way in trying to find a global role for the country. Countries across Europe face rising inflation, higher energy bills, and the prospect of a cold winter as governments try to find a sustainable path out of the COVID-19 crisis. The United States, for its part, is struggling to respond appropriately to the rise of China, whose grievance-infused nationalism raises anxieties about its threats to the Indo-Pacific region, and in particular Taiwan. In addition, America is seeing its own global standing undermined by the takeover of the Republican Party by Donald Trump’s personality cult. So, the existential threats to the planet and to democracy are being aggravated by more traditional political and geostrategic problems around the world. It will take strong leadership to get us out of this mess in 2022. US President Joe Biden will have his work cut out for him. And who else will there be to help him? To save the planet, robust democratic leadership must be phased up – not phased down, let alone phased out. Rather than merely keeping our fingers crossed and hoping for the best, we should start by calling out the appalling behavior of dictatorships such as China and Russia.", "zh": "与此同时，德国将迎来16年来的第一位新总理，而英国脱欧时代的领袖在寻找该国全球定位的道路上似乎迷失了方向。 欧洲各国面临着通货膨胀率上升、能源费用上涨，寒冷的冬天即将到来等问题，而各国政府也试图找到一条摆脱新冠疫情危机的可持续道路。 美国正在努力对中国的崛起作出适当的反应，中国的不满式民族主义使人们对其对印度-太平洋地区，特别是台湾面临的威胁感到焦虑。 此外，美国发现自己的全球地位因唐纳德·特朗普的个人崇拜对共和党的接管而受到损害。 因此，加之世界各地更传统的政治和地缘战略问题，地球和民主的生存威胁不断加剧。 要想在2022年摆脱这种困境，就需要一个强有力的领导。 美国总统乔·拜登有的是工作要做。 还有谁会帮助他呢？ 为了拯救地球，强有力的民主领导必须逐步加强 — — 而不是逐步减少，更不是逐步淘汰。 我们不应该只是祈祷，希望获得最好的结果，而应该呼吁中国和俄罗斯等国家开始有所作为。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "(Warren later adjusted her proposal, but not convincingly.) Sanders, a self-proclaimed “democratic socialist,” is a worrisome figure at a time when party unity is seen as crucial to defeating Trump. Sanders’s ideological rigidity limits his following, and so he has failed to grow his constituency. Although he won New Hampshire, which borders his home state, Vermont, he won 50% fewer votes than in 2016. But right now, he cannot be ruled out as a strong possibility for the nomination. Helped by a political press looking for a new story and by a good debate performance four nights before the New Hampshire primary, Senator Amy Klobuchar turned a third-place finish there (she was fifth in Iowa) into a “surge.” But debates are a poor indicator of a presidency: they test likeability, cleverness, and a vision, but they reveal little about candidates’ temperament, judgment, curiosity, wisdom, and diplomatic skill. For now, Klobuchar’s bump has overshadowed her reputation for meanness in dealing with staff, which has caused difficulty in attracting and retaining top-tier aides. But Klobuchar also lacks a vision. She recites an apparently impressive record of winning elections in Minnesota, where she hasn’t had strong opposition, and emphasizes her modest origins (her grandfather was a coal miner). What she doesn’t point out is her corporate backing, including by the agribusiness giant Cargill, America’s largest privately held company – and one of the most controversial.", "zh": "（沃伦随后调整了方案，但仍无法令人信服。 ） 桑德斯自称“民主社会派 ” ， 在党内团结被视为击败特朗普的关键的时候，他是个麻烦人物。 桑德斯僵化的意识形态限制了他的追随者数量，他没能扩大票仓。 尽管他赢下了毗邻他的家乡佛蒙特州的新罕布什尔州，但选票比2016年少了50 % 。 但在目前，我们无法排除他有很大可能赢得民主党提名。 寻找新故事的政治压力，以及在新罕布什尔州初选之前四场晚间辩论的出色表现，参议员艾米·克罗布查（Amy Klobuchar）将位居第三的结果（在艾奥瓦州，她排名第五）变成了“崛起 ” 。 但辩论绝非总统能力的好指标：辩论检验你可不可爱，聪不聪明，有没有远见，但并不能揭示候选人的脾性、判断力、好奇心、智慧和外交技巧。 目前，克罗布查的崛起的一个障碍是她待手下人不好的名声，这让她难以吸引和留住优秀的助手。 但克罗布查缺乏远见。 她背诵了在兵不血刃拿下的明尼苏达州胜选的显然令人印象深刻的记录，强调她的底层出身（她的祖父是一位煤矿工人 ） 。 她没有说自己的公司背景，包括美国最大、也是最具争议的私人公司 — — 农商巨头嘉吉（Cargill ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The big BMW story of late 2003 resurfaced quietly, before being buried again forever. That same month, a lottery scandal threw the BMW brand into the limelight once again. Lottery officials in Shaanxi province rejected a winning ticket, calling it a fake and denying its bearer, a 17-year-old security guard named Liu Liang, the grand prize of a $58,000 BMW and 120,000 yuan ($14,510) in cash. Liu became so angry about being accused of fraud and denied the car that he climbed atop a high advertising billboard and threatened to jump as a show of innocence. But the story didn't end when police officers managed to talk him down. News broadcasts covered his continued insistence that he did not forge his ticket, along with the lottery center's claims that their rejection of the ticket was legitimate. The police finally stepped in and, after a careful investigation, announced that they had found the true criminal: Yang Yongming, a private businessman whom the local lottery administration had contracted to organize ticket sales. Yang had conspired with the government officials directing the lottery, who were arrested for malfeasance, to fraudulently obtain the top prizes. In June Liu Liang finally got what he deserved - a BMW-325i sedan and a sincere apology from the lottery center. If the first scandal was a tragedy, the second was more like a farce. But both offer keys to understanding contemporary Chinese psychology.", "zh": "此时，另一个发生在2003年末的，与BMW相关的事件也在几乎永远退出公众视线之前，再次悄然浮现。 就在同一个月，一桩彩票抽奖丑闻再一次让BMW这一品牌成为公众关注的焦点。 陕西省负责彩票发行的官员以造假为由拒绝兑现一张中了头奖的彩票。 这张彩票的持有人是17岁的保安刘亮，他应获的奖品是一辆价值58，000美金的BMW轿车和120，000元现金（约合14，510美金 ） 。 被控造假和领奖被拒使刘亮怒不可遏，以至于他爬上一块广告牌并威胁要纵身跳下以示清白。 但故事并没有以他被警察劝服而结束。 新闻媒介仍报导着他坚持自己没有伪造彩票的事实和 彩票中心合法拒奖的声明。 警方终于介入了这一事件，并在一番仔细调查之后宣布查出了真正的祸首：杨永明，一个与当地彩票发行部门签约负责组织彩票销售的个体商人。 杨与一些政府官员合谋操纵抽奖试图诈骗头奖奖品。 这些官员也因渎职而被捕。 在今年6月，刘亮终于得到了他应得的奖品-一辆BMW-325i型轿车和来自彩票中心的诚挚歉意。 如果说第一桩丑闻是个悲剧，那么第二桩则更像是出闹剧。 但两个事件都为我们提供了了解当代中国人心态的机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The financial returns from such investment would almost certainly be far higher than from oil exploration. Yet, as one BP director replied when I asked why his company continued to risk deep-water drilling, instead of investing in alternative energy: “We are a drilling business, and that is our expertise. Why should we spend our time and money competing in new technology with General Electric or Toshiba?” As long as OPEC’s output restrictions and expansion of cheap Middle Eastern oilfields sheltered Western oil companies from marginal-cost pricing, such complacency was understandable. But the Saudis and other OPEC governments now seem to recognize that output restrictions merely cede market share to American frackers and other higher-cost producers, while environmental pressures and advances in clean energy transform much of their oil into a worthless “stranded asset” that can never be used or sold. Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of England, has warned that the stranded-asset problem could threaten global financial stability if the “carbon budgets” implied by global and regional climate deals render worthless fossil-fuel reserves that oil companies’ balance sheets currently value at trillions of dollars. This environmental pressure is now interacting with technological progress, reducing prices for solar energy to near-parity with fossil fuels. As technology continues to improve and environmental restrictions tighten, it seems inevitable that much of the world’s proven oil reserves will be left where they are, like most of the world’s coal.", "zh": "这些投资的财务回报几乎肯定要比石油勘探高得多。 但是，当我问英国石油的一位董事为何英国石油宁可继续冒险进行深水钻井，而不去投资替代能源时，他回答说 ： “ 我们是钻井企业，这是我们的专长。 我们为什么要把时间和金钱用在与通用电气或东芝的新技术竞争上 ？ ” 只要欧佩克限产和中东廉价油田扩张使西方石油公司不必采用边际成本定价，这样的自满就不难理解。 但沙特和其他欧佩克政府现在似乎认识到，限产只能导致市场份额遭美国液压致裂生产者和其他高成本生产者的侵蚀，而环境压力和清洁能源的进步将它们的许多石油沦为毫无价值的“套牢资产 ” ， 用不了也卖不掉。 英格兰银行行长马克·卡尼（Mark Carney）警告说，如果全球和地区气候协议所隐含的“碳预算”导致石油公司资产负债表给予万亿美元估值的化石燃料储量变得一文不值，套牢资产问题可能威胁到全球金融稳定。 这一环境压力目前正在与技术进步形成合力，让太阳能价格向化石燃料靠拢。 随着技术的继续进步和环境限制的收紧，大量世界探明石油储量不可避免地要留在原地，就像大部分煤炭。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, larger financial-risk exposures (especially in bond markets) could make monetary tightening a more hazardous endeavor, with a heightened risk of policy error. Even more troublesome is that the success of balance-sheet policies has created unrealistic expectations about what central banks can achieve. The limitless scale and diversity of balance-sheet instruments means that the public can expect, logically if not wisely, central banks to achieve many new objectives. For example, ambitious public infrastructure programs and plans for a more rapid transition to a green economy could be furthered by central-bank (or regulatory) support for private bond issuance. Affordable housing for the young could be championed in a similar way. You name it, and the central bank can be expected at least to listen. And politicians might well be ready to mandate central banks to take on new objectives. After all, the simple rejoinder that “central banks don’t do this” no longer works. Modern societies are complex, and great expectations have been placed on public authorities. How, then, to protect central banks? To implement monetary policy effectively, they must retain the right to sell any asset they purchase – be it green bonds, infrastructure bonds, mortgage-backed securities, foreign securities, or anything else. But on top of that, we need an independent review of the costs and benefits of their transactions. The International Monetary Fund’s Independent Evaluation Office is a model that could be emulated for this purpose. Central banks also might occasionally ask for explicit government guidance when asset transactions are motivated by non-monetary policy objectives. Similar explicit arrangements should be made when regulators lower the risk weights on government-favored assets. None of this will be easy. Central bankers are perfectly able to explain with a straight face why whatever actions they take fit with their core responsibilities to ensure macroeconomic and financial stability. But heavy pressure on central banks to do more means that some actions will undermine the credibility of their commitment to their core functions. There is no time to waste in creating procedures to minimize this danger. Independent central banks capable of pursuing innovative (and thus controversial) measures have been one of the big economic policy successes of the past 20 years. The erosion of their independence is a threat that must be resisted fully.", "zh": "此外更大的金融风险敞口（尤其是在债券市场）可能使货币紧缩成为一种更为危险的做法，同时也会增加政策出错的风险。 但更麻烦的是资产负债表政策的成功会令人们对央行可以达成的目标产生一些不切实际的期望，因为资产负债表工具的无限规模和多样性意味着公众可以（顺理成章但可能不甚明智地）期望中央银行实现许多新的目标。 比如央行（或监管部门）对私人债券发行的支持可以进一步推动雄心勃勃的公共基础设施项目和向绿色经济加速过渡的计划。 青年群体的可负担住房也可以通过类似的方式得到支持。 只要有人提出来，那么大家就会期望中央银行至少能听取一二。 同时政治家们很可能已经准备好赋予央行一些新目标。 毕竟“这种事央行不管”的简单反驳已不再奏效。 现代社会极其复杂，人们也对公共当局寄予了很大的期望。 那么该如何保护央行？ 为了有效实施货币政策，它们必须保留出售其购买的任何资产的权利 — — 无论是绿色债券、基础设施债券、抵押贷款支持的证券、外国证券还是其他任何东西。 但我们首先需要对上述交易的成本和收益进行独立审查，而国际货币基金组织的独立评估办公室则是一个可以为此目的进行效仿的模式。 同时在基于某些非货币政策目标来实施资产交易时，央行偶尔也可以要求政府提供明确的指导。 当监管机构降低某些政府扶持性资产的风险权重时也应做出类似的明确安排。 这一切都不容易。 中央银行家们完全可以板着脸去解释他们所采取的任何行动是如何契合其确保宏观经济和金融稳定的核心责任，但要求央行做更多事情的沉重压力意味着一些行动将破坏他们承诺实现自身核心职能的可信度。 我们必须立刻制定相关流程来尽可能地减少这种风险。 能够采取（可能引发争议的）创新措施的独立中央银行是过去20年间经济政策的一大成就，而对其独立性的腐蚀则是一种必须充分予以抵制的威胁。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But that objective directly conflicts with Turkey’s goal of creating an exclusive maritime zone with Libya, and of securing sole control over Libya’s energy resources. But the contest over energy is not the whole story. To understand the Libya conflict fully, one also must consider the complex links between geopolitics and ideology. A victory for the Islamists in Tripoli would allow Turkey and Qatar not only to extend their influence into a major oil-producing state on the Mediterranean; it also would offer them strategic depth, strengthening their influence over other countries such as Tunisia and Egypt (a longtime rival). Hence, for most of the war, Qatar has sponsored the Islamists, mainly by providing financial support to a single person: the religious activist and scholar Ali Muhammad al-Salabi. With the help of Qatar’s resources, al-Salabi has emerged as the GNA’s de facto leader. But late last year, the GNA appeared to be on the verge of defeat, leading to Turkey’s intervention on its behalf. Turkey has since committed weapons, drones, soldiers, and even Syrian fighters to the battle for Tripoli. On the other side of the divide, Egypt and the UAE do not want to see a petrostate capable of producing 2.5 million barrels per day fall into the hands of Islamists who are beholden to their regional rivals. A victory for the GNA would turn Libya into an Islamist stronghold and a beachhead for undermining Egypt and the UAE’s authoritarian vision for the region. Haftar – a uniformed and heavily ornamented military dictator straight out of central casting – would establish an order much more to their liking. If he is victorious, Libya’s oil resources could then be leveraged in the broader fight against the Islamist bogeyman across the region. Russia’s motive for siding with Haftar is more intriguing, but can be summed up in one word: revanchism. Although Russian President Vladimir Putin has sent mercenaries (mainly those associated with the paramilitary Wagner Group) to join the fight, Haftar himself is not the Kremlin’s top candidate to rule Libya. Putin wants to install Saif al-Islam Qaddafi, the son of the late Libyan dictator, Muammar el-Qaddafi, who ruled the country from 1969 to 2011.", "zh": "但是，这一目标与土耳其相抵触，土耳其希望与利比亚建立专属海域，并确保对利比亚能源资源拥有唯一控制权。 但是，能源之争并非是矛盾的全部。 要充分理解利比亚冲突，还必须考虑地缘政治与意识形态之间的复杂联系。 的黎波里伊斯兰主义者若获胜，土耳其和卡塔尔不仅能将地中海的一个主要产油国纳入势力范围，还将获得战略纵深，增强对突尼斯和埃及（一个长期竞争对手）等其他国家的影响力。 因此，在大部分战争中，卡塔尔主要通过向一个人提供经济支持来赞助伊斯兰主义者：宗教活动家和学者阿里·穆罕默德·萨拉比（Ali Muhammad al-Salabi ） 。 在卡塔尔的帮助下，萨拉比成为了GNA的事实上的领导人。 但是去年年底，GNA似乎濒临失败，导致土耳其介入并代表GNA进行干预。 从那以后，土耳其承诺向发生战事的的黎波里支援武器、无人机、士兵、甚至是叙利亚战斗人员。 另一方，埃及和阿联酋不想看到一个日产250万桶的石油国落入伊斯兰主义者的手中，而这些伊斯兰主义者则受助于埃及和阿联酋的地区竞争对手。 GNA若获胜，利比亚将成为伊斯兰的据点，并成为破坏埃及和阿联酋对该地区威权主义愿景的滩头堡。 哈夫塔尔 — — 一位身穿制服、装饰华丽且完全符合大众刻板印象的军事独裁者，建立起的秩序更讨埃及和阿联酋的欢心。 如果他获胜，那么在该地区与邪恶的伊斯兰主义者们作斗争时，利比亚的石油资源将派上用场。 俄罗斯支持哈夫塔尔的动机更耐人寻味，但可以概括为一个词：复仇主义。 尽管俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京（Vladimir Putin）已派遣雇佣军（主要是与私营军事公司瓦格纳集团有关的雇佣军）参加战斗，但哈夫塔尔本人并不是克里姆林宫统治利比亚的最佳候选人。 普京想扶持塞夫·伊斯兰·卡扎菲（Saif al-Islam Qaddafi ） ， 他是已故的利比亚独裁者穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲（Muammar el-Qaddafi）的儿子，老卡扎菲于1969年至2011年统治该国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To overcome the SGP's bias against structural reforms, the European Commission asked at this last Ecofin meeting for more discretion and to put more emphasis on (explicit) debt: countries with a lower debt-to-GDP ratio would have greater freedom in fiscal policy. Economic ministers suggested that pension reform and long-term fiscal sustainability should also guide country evaluations under the SGP, while some countries insisted that it should be linked to the Lisbon agenda. This would give more flexibility on budget deficits to countries that are making progress towards meeting the agenda's reform targets. Some of these innovations would be useful. But they risk giving too much discretion to the Commission or to future European Council decisions. The rules-based approach of the SGP is fundamentally sound, but it requires operational criteria that can be defined with some precision. Otherwise, the rules become unenforceable. Consider the proposal to link the SGP to the Lisbon agenda, which contains more than 100 indicators. What happens if a country makes progress in one dimension, but regresses in another dimension? Inevitably, the Commission would have to decide the relevance of the different indicators - thus intervening in the national policymaking process with no political legitimacy. At the same time, if so much unchecked discretion was left to the Council, rather than to the Commission, \"peer pressure\" to restore budget balance might easily turn into \"peer protection.\" So, can the SGP be made to work in favor, rather than against, structural reforms, without abandoning the rules-based approach of the SGP? We think so. The key is to select some comprehensive but operationally precise indicators of structural reforms, and then apply the same idea suggested by the Commission for public debt: countries that are making more progress on these indicators can get more leeway on their budget deficit. An obvious indicator that would meet this purpose is the implicit debt of public pension systems - i.e., the present discounted value of all future pension expenditures under existing legislation.", "zh": "为了克服《合约》对体制改革存有的偏见，欧洲委员会在上一次财长会议上要求对这一问题给予更多自由决定的权力，并进一步强调显性债务问题：那些具有较低债务/国内生产总值比率的国家在财政政策方面将会有更大的自由。 一些财长还认为养老金改革和长期的财政可持续性应该对《合约》下对某国家的评估起导向性作用，而另一些国家则坚持《合约》应和《里斯本日程》挂钩。 这样，那些正在向达到《日程》目标努力的国家，在预算赤字方面就会有更大的灵活性。 一些革新性的做法可能会很有用。 但这些做法却冒着给欧洲委员会或者未来的欧洲议会决策过多自由权力的风险。 《合约》以规则为依据的做法本质是正确的，但却需要有能够严格定义的操作规定。 否则，规则则无法实行。 再考虑将《合约》同《里斯本日程》挂钩的建议，其中包含了100多项指标。 但是如果某一国家在一方面取得发展，在另一方面出现衰退该如何是好呢？ 委员会不可避免的要分析不同指标之间的相关性 - - 从而，从政治上来讲，不合法的干涉了某国的决策进程。 同时，如果给欧洲议会，而不是委员会，过多欠考虑的自由决定权，那么恢复预算平衡的'同辈压力'也许会很容易变为'同辈保护 ' 。 那么，能否在不放弃《合约》以规则为依据的方法的条件下，使《合约》能够有利于，而不是妨碍体制改革呢？ 我们认为可以。 问题的关键就是选择一些体制改革中综合性的但可以精确操作的指标，然后应用委员会提出的关于公共债务的建议：那些在这些指标方面正取得进步的国家可以在预算赤字方面有更多余地。 可以满足这一用���的一个明显指标就是公共养老金体系的隐性债务 - - 即，目前现存司法体制下所有未来养老金开销的折损值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "水污染防治装备，主要包括城镇污水处理与回用装备、农村污水处理与回用装备、难处理工业废水处理及回用技术和装备、地表水水体污染治理装备、地下水污染防控与修复装备、饮用水安全保障装备等。地表水水体污染治理装备，包括藻类及水生植物的厌氧产沼气制取乙醇、藻类清除技术装备、溢油污染消除与水体修复技术、重金属污染水下固定化与水体修复技术，污染水体综合治理与水体生态修复技术和装备，包括（污染负荷系统削减、低影响开发的城市污染控制、河流生态修复、湖泊富营养化控制等水污染控制与治理关键技术装备）。。地下水污染防控与修复装备，包括地下水污染防治技术设备、工业废物堆存等典型场地地下水污染监测井网布设、优化与安装、储罐区和废物堆存填埋区等高风险地下水污染源的水平阻隔和垂直阻隔技术装置、排污管网泄漏检测及快速修复技术装备、基于地下水使用功能立体分区的地下水特征污染物修复技术及标准、地下水污染原位修复技术装备。", "en": "The equipment for water pollution prevention and control mainly includes equipment for urban sewage treatment and reuse, equipment for rural sewage treatment and reuse, technology and equipment for difficult-to-treat industrial wastewater treatment and reuse, equipment for surface water pollution control, equipment for groundwater pollution prevention and remediation, and equipment for drinking water safety assurance. The equipment for surface water pollution control includes anaerobic production of biogas and ethanol from algae and aquatic plants, equipment for algae removal technology, technology for oil spill elimination and water body restoration, technology for immobilization of heavy metal pollution and water body restoration, comprehensive treatment of polluted water bodies and water body ecological restoration technology and equipment, including key technologies and equipment for water pollution control and treatment such as reducing pollution load system, low-impact development of urban pollution control, river ecological restoration, and eutrophication control of lakes. The equipment for groundwater pollution prevention and remediation includes technology and equipment for groundwater pollution prevention and control, layout and installation of monitoring wells for typical sites such as industrial waste storage, horizontal and vertical barrier technologies for high-risk groundwater pollution sources such as tank farms and waste disposal areas, equipment for leakage detection and rapid repair of sewage pipe networks, technology and standards for the remediation of characteristic groundwater pollutants based on three-dimensional zoning of groundwater use functions, and equipment for in-situ remediation of groundwater pollution."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Measuring the Value of Free LONDON – Reliable economic statistics are a vital public good. They are essential to effective policymaking, business planning, and the electorate’s ability to hold decision-makers to account. And yet the methods we use to measure our economies are becoming increasingly out of date. The statistical conventions on which we base our estimates were adopted a half-century ago, at a time when the economy was producing relatively similar physical goods. Today’s economy is radically different and changing rapidly – the result of technological innovation, the rising value of intangible, knowledge-based assets, and the internationalization of economic activity. In light of these challenges, UK Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne asked me ten months ago to assess the United Kingdom’s current and future statistical needs. While my research focused on the UK, the challenges of producing relevant, high-quality economic statistics are the same in many countries. Recent technological advances have radically altered the way people conduct their lives, both at work and at play. The advances in computing power underpinning the digital revolution have led not only to rapid quality improvements and product innovation, but also to new, connectivity-driven ways of exchanging and providing services. One particular challenge for economic measurement stems from the fact that an increasing share of consumption comprises digital products delivered at a zero price or funded through alternative means, such as advertising. While free virtual goods clearly have value to consumers, they are entirely excluded from GDP, in accordance with internationally accepted statistical standards. As a result, our measurements may not be capturing a growing share of economic activity. Consider the music industry. Downloads and streaming services have now largely replaced CDs, the dominant medium in the 1990s. And yet the money has not followed; the industry’s revenues and margins have both plummeted. As a result, its contribution to GDP (as we currently measure it) may be falling, even as the quantity and quality of services are increasing. Two methods can give us a rough estimate how much digital economic activity we are failing to capture in our measurements. We can use average wages to estimate the value of the time people spend online using free digital products, or we can adjust telecommunication services output to account for the rapid growth in Internet traffic.", "zh": "衡量自由的价值 伦敦—可靠的经济统计数字是重要的公共品。 它们是有效决策、商业规划和选民问责决策者的基础。 但我们用来衡量我们的经济的方法正在日益过时。 我们用来作为估算基础的统计约定是五十年前制定的，当时的经济生产的是相对较为相似的实体商品。 今天的经济已是面目全非，并在迅速变化中 — — 这是技术创新、基于知识的无形资产价值提高和经济活动国际化的结果。 面对这些挑战，英国财政大臣奥斯本（George Osborne）十个月前要求我评估英国当前和未来统计需求。 尽管我的研究以英国为中心，但进行切题的高质量经济统计的挑战对许多国家都是一致的。 最新技术进步彻底改变了人们过生活的方式，不管工作还是娱乐。 计算能力的进步带来了数字革命，数字革命不但促进的质量的迅速改进和产品创新，还带来了新的互联性驱动的交换和提供服务的方式。 衡量经济的一个特殊挑战来自一个事实：以零价格提供或通过另类方式（如广告）筹资的数字产品占消费的比重越来越高。 尽管免费虚拟商品显然对消费者具有价值，但根据国际通行的统计标准，它们完全被排除在GDP之外。 结果，我们的衡量指标可能无法覆盖日益增加的经济活动比例。 以音乐产业为例。 如今下载和流媒体服务已经基本取代了20世纪90年代的主流媒介CD。 但钱并没有跟进，音乐业收入和利润双双暴跌。 结果，该产业对GDP的贡献（按照目前的衡量标准）在下降，尽管服务的数量和质量均在上升。 两种方法可以让我们粗略地估计有多少数字经济活动没能体现在我们的衡量指标中。 我们可以用平均工资估算人们花在在线使用免费数字产品的时间的价值，或者，我们可以调整通讯服务产出以估计互联网流量的迅速增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The past few weeks have seemed like a contest to see who in Labour would go the farthest down the path of Islamo-leftism, which is, alas, a strong tendency within the European left and among Britain’s Labourites in particular. In the face of this British socialism of fools, which some portray as inoffensive support for the wretched of the earth in Palestine, Khan has had no trouble voicing strong condemnation. His stance was apparent in his insistence that his first act as mayor, on Sunday, May 8, would be to honor, alongside the chief rabbi of London and Israel’s ambassador to the UK, the memory of six million Jews murdered by the Nazis. All of this is to say that, while we must of course remain watchful, Khan’s election can and should be seen as a clear victory of enlightened Islam against benighted, reactionary, and intolerant Islam. Michel Houellebecq’s prediction in his last novel, Submission, that France would elect a president from an Islamic party in 2022 has been inverted. What we are witnessing with the election of Khan is the submission not of democracy to Islam, but of Islam to democracy. That democracy – British democracy – should be proud not only to have welcomed Islam but also to have helped it reform.", "zh": "过去几周似乎在竞相比拼工党内部谁在伊斯兰-左翼主义道路上走得最远。 唉，这在欧洲左翼已经形成了难以扭转的趋势，而且最严重的就是英国工党。 面对英国的傻瓜社会主义（某些人认为这是对地球上苦难巴勒斯坦人无害的支持表现 ） ， 汗在表达强烈谴责时从来就没有犹豫过。 他当选市长后坚持举办的首次活动毫无疑义地表明了自己的立场，5月8日星期日，他将携手伦敦首席拉比和以色列驻英国大使纪念被纳粹屠杀的六百万犹太人。 所有这一切表明尽管我们当然必须保持警惕，但汗的当选可以而且应当被视作开明伊斯兰教挑战愚昧、反动和狭隘伊斯兰教的一次毫无争议的胜利。 米歇尔·维勒贝克在上部小说《投降》中做出的法国将在2022年从伊斯兰党派中选出一位总统的预言已经被逆转了。 从汗的当选中我们看到的不是民主向伊斯兰教投降，而是伊斯兰教投降民主。 那种民主 — — 也就是英国民主 — — 不仅应当为敞开双臂欢迎伊斯兰教而感到骄傲，而且还在欢迎伊斯兰教的同时推动了伊斯兰教的改革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "像万象楼，只有这位楼主，才是万象门的核心弟子，后天巅峰高手。 万象门整个门派的过半人力，都分散到九州大地的各个万象楼中去。也因为万象门太富有，这招人手也简单。 “咚，咚……”脚步声响起。 一名看似年轻的刀客同两名护卫，一同走了进来，这刀客目光一扫便锁定坐在书桌旁的儒雅中年人。 观察来人步伐、眼神、气质，这位识人无数的楼主瞬间有了自己判断：“这是一个杀伐果断的主儿，气势凌厉，这刀法估计同样凌厉，应该是位实力很强的高手。”这楼主很清楚，不同的经历，会使人产生不同的气质。 比如，有钱的富豪常被人恭维，谈笑气度都不同。 而没实力的人，敢像滕青山这样，在万象楼耍威风？恐怕被一群内劲高手围着，估计心底就打鼓，神态都不一样。 而高手这么做，那不是耍威风，而是高手风范！", "en": "Like Wan Xiang Tower, only this Landlord is the core disciple of Wanxiang Sect, the pinnacle master of Postliminary Realm. More than half of the manpower of Wanxiang Sect's entire martial art is scattered among the Wan Xiang Towers in Land of Nine Prefectures. Also because Wanxiang Sect is too rich, it's easy to recruit people. \"Boom, boom...\" The sound of footsteps sounded. A seemingly young swordsman walked in with two guards. The swordsman swept his eyes and locked the cultured middle-aged man sitting at the desk. Observing the steps, eyes, and temperament of the people coming, this landlord who knows many people instantly has his own judgment: \"This is a decisive master, with a strong aura. This sword technique is estimated to be equally strong, and it should be a very strong man. Master.” This Landlord knows very well that different experiences will make people have different temperaments. For example, rich people are often complimented by people, and they have different attitudes when talking about laughter. And those who have no strength, dare to be like Teng Qingshan, playing awe-inspiring in Wan Xiang Tower? I'm afraid I'm surrounded by a group of Inner Strength masters, I guess it's drumming from the bottom of my heart. And when a master does this, it's not a prestige, but a master demeanor!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "矿产资源与工业废弃资源利用设备制造，主要包括金属压力容器制造、内燃机及配件制造、气体、液体分离及纯净设备制造国民经、矿山机械制造、石油钻采专用设备制造、环境保护专用设备制造、其他专用设备制造、试验机制造、环境监测专用仪器仪表制造、地质勘探和地震专用仪器制造等。金属压力容器制造，主要包括高效压缩液化设备制造、瓦斯浓缩和液化装备。内燃机及配件制造，主要包括燃气发动机装备制造。气体、液体分离及纯净设备制造国民经，主要包括气体循环利用设备、气体净化设备、气体过滤设备、气体冷却设备、液体循环利用设备、液体净化设备、液体过滤设备、液体冷却设备。矿山机械制造，主要包括自动化采矿选矿技术设备、高性能空气钻机、采动（空）区煤层气地面抽采装备、井下定向长钻孔钻机制造、井下压裂增产装备制造、微细粒磁铁矿全磁分选机、磁铁矿细筛—再磨再选机、贫磁铁矿预选机、贫磁铁矿弱磁—反浮选机、永磁中磁场磁选机。", "en": "The manufacturing of mineral resources and industrial waste utilization equipment mainly includes the manufacturing of metal pressure vessels, internal combustion engines and accessories, gas and liquid separation and purification equipment, national economic manufacturing of mining machinery, specialized equipment manufacturing for petroleum drilling and extraction, specialized equipment manufacturing for environmental protection, manufacturing of other specialized equipment, manufacturing of testing machines, manufacturing of specialized instruments for environmental monitoring, and manufacturing of specialized instruments for geological exploration and seismic activities. The manufacturing of metal pressure vessels mainly includes the manufacturing of efficient compression liquefaction equipment and gas concentration and liquefaction equipment. The manufacturing of internal combustion engines and accessories mainly includes the manufacturing of gas engine equipment. The manufacturing of gas and liquid separation and purification equipment mainly includes the manufacturing of gas circulation equipment, gas purification equipment, gas filtration equipment, gas cooling equipment, liquid circulation equipment, liquid purification equipment, liquid filtration equipment, and liquid cooling equipment. The manufacturing of mining machinery mainly includes the manufacturing of automated mining and ore dressing technology equipment, high-performance air drilling machines, surface gas extraction equipment for mining areas with moving (empty) coal seams, underground directional long-hole drilling machine manufacturing, underground fracturing and production enhancement equipment manufacturing, fine-grained magnetite magnetic separation machine, magnetite fine sieve-regrinding and reselection machine, pre-selection machine for low-grade magnetite, weak magnetic-reverse flotation machine for low-grade magnetite, and permanent magnet medium magnetic field magnetic separator."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The growing geopolitical rivalry between the US and China not only could lead to conflict but also risks precluding cooperation on global challenges ranging from climate change and infectious disease to cyber threats and nuclear proliferation. A half-century ago, the US responded to the Sino-Soviet split with a foreign policy that was creative in design and execution. Nixon’s diplomatic coup helped to ensure that the Cold War remained cold and ended on terms favorable to the West. The best way to mark the 50th anniversary of the opening to China is not with champagne but by crafting an equally imaginative approach to help revive the relationship. This would again acknowledge the differences between the two countries’ political and social systems, continue to finesse their disagreement on Taiwan, maintain economic ties other than those involving sensitive technologies, and foster cooperation on regional issues such as Afghanistan and North Korea, in addition to tackling global challenges together. It is no less essential that the US address its domestic divisions, expand its cooperation with European and Asian allies in order to deter Chinese aggression, and join regional trade pacts. Regular, high-level discussions with Chinese leaders are imperative. The goal should not be to transform China, something beyond our ability, but to influence its behavior. Diplomacy is an instrument of national security that must be used if other instruments, including the military, are not to be overused.", "zh": "美中之间日益加剧的地缘政治对立不仅可能导致冲突，而且还可能导致在应对气候变化和传染病、网络威胁和核扩散等全球挑战方面的合作受到阻碍。 半个世纪前，美国对中苏分裂的应对之策创造性地制定和执行外交政策。 尼克松的外交政变（diplomatic coup）帮助确保了冷战保持“冷”状态并以有利于西方的条件结束。 庆祝中国开放 50 周年的最佳方式不是用香槟，而是用同样富有想象力的方针重振两国关系。 这意味着再次承认两国政治和社会制度之间的差异，继续妥善处理在台湾问题上的一致，维持不涉及敏感技术的经济联系，促进在阿富汗和朝鲜等地区问题上的合作，以及共同应对全球挑战。 美国解决其国内分歧、扩大与欧洲和亚洲盟友的合作以阻止中国的侵略，以及加入区域贸易协定也同样重要。 与中国领导人定期进行高层讨论是当务之急。 目标不应该是改变中国，这超出了我们的能力，而是影响它的行为。 如果不想过度使用包括军事在内的其他工具，外交就是必须使用的国家安全工具。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is Citizenship a Right? MELBOURNE – Should your government be able to take away your citizenship? In the United Kingdom, the government has had the legal authority to revoke naturalized Britons’ citizenship since 1918. But, until the terrorist bombings on the London transport system in 2005, this power was rarely exercised. Since then, the British government has revoked the citizenship of 42 people, including 20 cases in 2013. British Home Secretary Theresa May has said that citizenship is “a privilege, not a right.” Most of the 42 held dual nationality. Mohamed Sakr, however, did not. His parents came to Britain from Egypt, but he was not an Egyptian citizen. Therefore, by stripping him of citizenship, the UK government made him stateless. Sakr appealed the decision from Somalia, where he was living. His case was strong, because the UK Supreme Court subsequently ruled in a different case that the government does not have the power to make a person stateless. Nevertheless, Sakr discontinued his appeal, apparently because he was concerned that the use of his cellphone was revealing his location to US intelligence services. Months later, while still in Somalia, he was killed in an American drone attack. Now, partly in response to fears that Britons who have joined the fighting in Syria may return to carry out terrorism at home, the government has proposed legislation enabling it to revoke the citizenship of naturalized Britons suspected of involvement in terrorist activities – even if this makes them stateless.", "zh": "公民权是一项权利吗？ 墨尔本—你的政府应该具有剥夺你公民权的能力吗？ 在英国，从1918年开始，政府便拥有了剥夺归化英国公民的公民权的法律权力。 但是，在2005年伦敦交通系统恐怖爆炸案发生前，这一权力极少实施。 2005年后，伦敦政府剥夺了42人的公民权，其中2013年有20起。 英国内政大臣特蕾莎·梅（Theresa May）说，公民权是“一项特权，而不是权利 。 ” 42个被剥夺公民权的人大多拥有双重国家，但穆罕默德·萨克尔（Mohamed Sakr）不在此列。 他的父母从埃及来到英国，但他没有埃及公民权。 因此，在英国政府剥夺了他的公民权后，他成了无国籍人士。 萨克尔在他的居住地索马里就该决定提起上诉。 他的案子是一个重要案件，因为英国最高法院随后在另一宗案件中裁定政府不具有让个人沦为无国籍人士的权力。 尽管如此，萨克尔并没有坚持上诉，这显然是因为他担心使用手机将把他的位置暴露给美国情报机构。 几个月后，身在索马里的他在美国无人机空袭中丧生。 如今，部分是因为担心在叙利亚参战的英国人可能回国实施恐怖活动，政府建议立法授权它剥夺被疑月恐怖活动有涉的归化英国人的公民权，即使这会导致他们沦为无国籍人士。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rethinking Robin Hood MADRID – International development aid is based on the Robin Hood principle: take from the rich and give to the poor. National development agencies, multilateral organizations, and NGOs currently transfer more than $135 billion a year from rich countries to poor countries with this idea in mind. A more formal term for the Robin Hood principle is “cosmopolitan prioritarianism,” an ethical rule that says we should think of everyone in the world in the same way, no matter where they live, and then focus help where it helps the most. Those who have less have priority over those who have more. This philosophy implicitly or explicitly guides the aid for economic development, aid for health, and aid for humanitarian emergencies. On its face, cosmopolitan prioritarianism makes sense. People in poor countries have needs that are more pressing, and price levels are much lower in poor countries, so that a dollar or euro goes twice or three times further than it does at home. Spending at home is not only more expensive, but it also goes to those who are already well off (at least relatively, judged by global standards), and so does less good. I have thought about and tried to measure global poverty for many years, and this guide has always seemed broadly right. But I currently find myself feeling increasingly unsure about it. Both facts and ethics pose problems. Huge strides have undoubtedly been made in reducing global poverty, more through growth and globalization than through aid from abroad. The number of poor people has fallen in the past 40 years from more than two billion to just under one billion – a remarkable feat, given the increase in world population and the long-term slowing of global economic growth, especially since 2008. While impressive and wholly welcome, poverty reduction has not come without a cost. The globalization that has rescued so many in poor countries has harmed some people in rich countries, as factories and jobs migrated to where labor is cheaper. This seemed to be an ethically acceptable price to pay, because those who were losing were already so much wealthier (and healthier) than those who were gaining.", "zh": "罗宾汉再思考 马德里—国际发展援助的基础是罗宾汉原则：劫富济贫。 在这一原则的指导下，目前国家发展机构、多边组织和非政府组织每年从发达国家那里转移1,350亿多美元给穷国。 罗宾汉原则的更加正式的术语是“大同优先论 ” （ cosmopolitan prioritarianism ） ， 这是一条道德原则，认为我们应该以同样方式看待世界上的每一个人，不管他们住在何处，然后在专注于帮助最需要帮助的地方。 拥有的越少，优先级别越高。 这一隐含或直接的哲学指导着经济发展援助、卫生援助和人道主义紧急情况援助。 表面上，大同优先论有其道理。 穷国人民的需要更加紧迫，并且穷国的物价水平要低得多，因此一美元或一欧元能够买到比美国或欧洲多一两倍的东西。 把钱花在美国或欧洲不但更加昂贵，其流向也往往是境况很好的人（至少相对很好，从全球标准衡量 ） ， 因此起不了多少行善的作用。 多年来，我一直在思考并试图衡量全球贫困，而这一指导原则总是大致正确。 但我最近越来越对它感到迷茫。 事实和道德都有问题。 毫无疑问，我们在减少全球贫困方面取得了巨大的进步，更多地是通过增长和全球化而不是海外援助。 过去40年，穷人的数量从二十亿以上下降到略低于十亿 — — 考虑到世界人口的增加和长期经济增长的放缓（特别是2008年以后 ） ， 这是一个了不起的成就。 尽管结果令人印象深刻并且值得欢呼雀跃，但减贫不是没有成本的。 拯救了如此多穷国的全球化伤害了一些发达国家的人民，因为工厂和就业岗位被转移到���动力更加廉价的地方。 在道德上，这似乎是可以接受的代价，因为蒙受损失的人已经比获得收益的人富裕得多（也健康得多 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a scientist myself, I had studied the structure and design of DNA-binding proteins, but I resigned a tenured faculty position in MIT’s biology department to look at the larger challenges of human thought and humanity’s future. I studied finance, cognitive neuroscience, governance, climate change, the risks of environmental degradation, and the dangers posed by the rise of artificial intelligence. And one thing became clear: the limits of human cognitive capacity leave us struggling to grasp the complexity of the problems now facing the planet. So, what are we to do? It is not reasonable to ask scientists or other experts to anticipate the full effects of their work. Instead, a new approach to handling emerging complexity should begin by recognizing that this complexity engenders two kinds of external costs (or “externalities”) paid by society as a whole. Some involve direct damage, such as when Facebook was used to incite hatred and disrupt the 2016 US presidential election. Others are less direct, such as the time and attention needed to sort through new problems and develop effective plans to address them. As with other externalities – like those associated with fossil fuels – society faces a fundamental challenge in allocating complexity’s costs and benefits in a fair, reliable, and well-structured way that ensures that those developing and selling new technologies repay society for the external costs. For starters, we need better methods for evaluating potential problems. Companies developing new technologies, for example, should evaluate and mitigate risks at key points in the research, development, and implementation processes. These evaluations should aim to anticipate a range of potential outcomes and weigh their respective costs and benefits to society. These initial working assumptions do not solve the complexity problem, but they frame it well enough to serve as a call for advice and comment. Open-ended discussions could be funded by governments or tech companies, or by philanthropists who want to preserve democracy and guarantee a livable human future. Democracy and capitalism, coupled with modern science, have given rise to a remarkable flourishing of thought, creativity, expression, and invention, which has entrenched the longstanding assumption that knowledge – and prospects for human control of our fate – would steadily increase. But we have now entered a phase in which increasing complexity is creating a world that no one understands in detail.", "zh": "作为一名科学家，我曾研究过DNA结合蛋白的结构和设计，但我辞去了麻省理工学院生物系的终身教职，转而关注人类思想和未来面临的更大挑战。 我学习了金融、认知神经科学、治理、气候变化、环境恶化的风险，以及人工智能崛起带来的危险。 有一件事变得很清楚：人类认知能力的局限让我们很难理解这个星球现在面临的问题的复杂性。 那么，我们该怎么办呢？ 要求科学家或其他专家预测其工作的全部影响，是不合理的。 相反，处理这种复杂性的新方法应该首先认识到这种复杂性产生了两种由整个社会支付的外部成本(或“外部性质 ” ) 。 其中一些涉及直接损害，比如脸书被用来煽动仇恨和扰乱2016年美国总统大选。 另一些则不那么直接，比如需要花时间和精力来梳理新问题，并制定有效的计划来解决这些问题。 与其他外部性(如与化石燃料相关的外部性)一样，社会在以公平、可靠和结构良好的方式分配复杂性的成本和收益方面，面临着根本性的挑战，这种方式可以确保那些开发和销售新技术的企业偿还社会的外部成本。 首先，我们需要更好的方法来评估潜在的问题。 例如，开发新技术的公司应该在研究、开发和实现过程的关键点上评估和降低风险。 这些评价的目的应是预测一系列可能的结果，并衡量其各自对社会的成本和效益。 此类初始阶段的工作假设并不能解决这个复杂的问题，但是它们构建了好的框架，可以作为征求建议和评论的工具。 开放式讨论可以由政府或科技公司出资，也可以让希望维护民主、保障人类宜居未来的慈善家出资。 民主和资本主义，加上现代科学，催生了思想、创造力、表达和发明的欣欣向荣，这印证了一个长期以来的假设，即知识 — — 以及人类控制我们命运的前景 — — 将稳步增长。 但是，我们现在已经进入了一个日益复杂的阶段，它正在创造一个无人能详细了解的世界。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While affluent white women, or women of any background who managed to get a high-quality education – America’s Hillary Clintons, Madeline Albrights, and Condoleezza Rices – broke through the glass ceiling, and even have the women’s movement to lionize them, working-class white women have watched their rise with understandable resentment. Their more affluent peers hire women like them to do the dirty work, or else they have had to deal with stagnant minimum-wage pay in the US labor market’s “pink-collar” or service-industry ghetto. Their ceiling is made of concrete, and it is pitched far lower over their talents and their mobility. Above all, they have been excluded, practically and symbolically, from the country’s political discourse, and are treated regularly with condescension by politicians. Race, too, is a factor. While reports are surfacing that Palin told a group of African-Americans that she did not have to hire black people, working-class white women often understand their own experience in terms of racial hostility. They perceive an underclass that they believe receives benefits denied to them and a thriving economy in the developing world that siphons off well-paying blue-collar jobs. So, when Sarah Palin is escorted into the media limelight, she becomes the symbolic revenge fantasy of many of those silenced, exhausted factory workers and secretaries. To see a working-class white woman be picked to serve a heartbeat away from the US president resonates powerfully with them.", "zh": "尽管一些富有的白人女性或者成功地获得高质量教育的其他背景的女性，就像希拉里、奥尔布赖特还有赖斯，冲过了无形的晋升障碍，甚至通过女权运动成为了名人，但是工人阶级白人女性却可以理解地对她们地位的上升抱以敌视的态度。 她们那些更加富有的女同胞雇佣她们这样的女性去干脏活，或者她们不得不去美国劳工市场的“粉领”集聚地或服务业工作，接受永远停滞不动的最最微薄的工资。 她们头顶的障碍是用混凝土制成的，并且远远低于她们的才能和流动性。 总之，她们在实际上以及符号上都被排斥在这个国家的政治话语权之外，并且常常遭到政客们傲慢的对待。 种族也是一个因素。 尽管有报道揭露佩林曾对一群非洲裔美国人说她并不是必须要雇佣黑人，工人阶级白人女性在种族敌视上常常理解她们自身的经历。 她们认为有一个底层阶级获得了她们所无法获得的利益，并且发展中国家蓬勃发展的经济夺去了工资很高的蓝领阶层的工作。 因此，当佩林被推到媒体的聚光灯下时，她成了那些没有机会表达自己的观点、筋疲力尽的工厂工人符号性的报复幻想。 看到一位工人阶级白人女性被挑选为美国总统的副手，引起了他们巨大的共鸣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To jump-start progress, we must develop health-care and other interventions that address the poverty, vulnerability, and inequality that place so many children, and their mothers, at risk. Making health services more widely available is a starting point. But, all too often, the poor are excluded, even when the clinics exist. Consider India, which accounts for one-fifth of child deaths worldwide. Nearly all women from the richest 20% of households enjoy prenatal care and skilled attendants at delivery; coverage rates for the poorest are less than 10% – worse than in much of sub-Saharan Africa. Surging economic growth has done nothing to reduce the disparity. And India is just one example. Each year, some 36 million women in low- and middle-income countries give birth without a skilled attendant. An even greater number of children do not receive a post-natal health check. The vast majority of these women and children have one thing in common: they are poor. Indeed, being born to a low-income mother raises the risk of child mortality by a factor of 2-3 in much of South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Wealth-based disparities in health outcomes extend far beyond pregnancy and birth. Children born to poor mothers are less likely to be immunized or taken to clinics for treatment of potentially fatal diseases, such as pneumonia and diarrhea. Survey evidence points to cost as a major barrier excluding poor women and children from health care. Forcing desperately poor women to pay for maternal and child health care is a prescription for inequality, inefficiency, and child deaths. Publicly financed universal health coverage is the proven antidote. Yet political elites in high-mortality countries like India, Pakistan, and Nigeria – the same elites who have signed up to the SDGs – have conspicuously failed to deliver. If governments are sincere about delivering on the SDGs’ promise on child mortality, they must get serious about ensuring equity in health care. They could start by introducing national targets to halve the difference in death rates between the richest 20% and poorest 20% over the next seven years. But targets not backed by finance aren’t worth the communiqué paper they’re printed on. Developing-country governments should be spending at least 5% of GDP on health, eliminating charges on child and maternal health care, and ensuring that financial resources – and health workers – are allocated in a way that reduces inequalities in care.", "zh": "为了加快进展，我们必须制定医疗和其他干预解决让如此多的儿童和他们的母亲身处危机的贫困、脆弱和不平等性。 增强卫生服务的易得性是一个起点。 但是，穷人往往受到排斥，即使有诊所存在。 以印度为例，全世界五分之一的儿童死亡发生在印度。 几乎所有来自最富裕的20%的家庭的妇女都能享受到产检和高质量分娩服��；而最贫困人口的覆盖率还不到10 % — —比许多撒哈拉以南非洲地区还要糟糕。 奔腾的经济增长并没有缩小差异。 而印度只是一个例子。 每年，中低收入国家有3,600万妇女在分娩时得不到熟练助产士的帮助。 更大数量的儿童得不到产后体检。 绝大部分这些妇女和儿童有一个共同点：穷。 事实上，在南亚和撒哈拉以南非洲大部，生在低收入母亲肚子里会让儿童致死率增加2—3倍。 基于财富的健康状况差异绝不仅限于妊娠期和出生。 贫穷母亲的孩子获得足够营养和获得可致命疾病（如肺炎和腹泻）的治疗的可能性也更低。 调查证据表明成本是将贫穷妇女和儿童排斥在医疗服务之外的主要障碍。 强迫赤贫妇女掏钱购买母婴看护服务只能加剧不平等性、低效性和儿童死亡。 公共融资的全民医疗覆盖是获得证明的有效之道。 但印度、巴基斯坦和尼日利亚等高致死率国家的政治精英 — — 也就是在SDG上签字的那些人 — — 显然没能兑现承诺。 如果政府认真对待它们在儿童致死率方面的承诺，它们就必须认真确保医疗平等。 一开始，它们可以制定七年后将最富裕20%和最贫穷20%人口之间的死亡率差距缩小一半的国家小目标。 但没有资金支持的小目标只是一纸空文。 发展中国家政府应该至少将 5% 的 GDP用于卫生，取消母婴看护收费，并确保金融资源 — — 以及卫生工作者 — — 得到合理配置以降低医疗不平等。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In particular, recognition of the rights of parliament – of a representative assembly – ensured that the agents of the creditor classes would have permanent control of the budgetary process. They could thus guarantee – also on behalf of other creditors – that the state’s finances were solid, and that debts would be repaid. Constitutional monarchy limited the scope for wasteful spending on luxurious court life (as well as on military adventure) – the hallmark of early modern autocratic monarchy. In short, the financial revolution of the modern world was built on a political order – which anteceded a full transition to universal democracy – in which the creditors formed the political class. That model was transferred to many other countries, and became the bedrock on which modern financial stability was built. In the post-1945 period, government finance in rich industrial countries was also overwhelmingly national at first, and the assumptions of 1688 still held. Then something happened. With the liberalization of global financial markets that began in the 1970’s, foreign sources of credit became available. In the mid-1980’s, the US became a net debtor, relying increasingly on foreigners to finance its debt. Europeans, too, followed this path. Part of the promise of the new push to European integration in the 1980’s was that it would make borrowing easier. In the 1990’s, the main attraction of monetary union for Italian and Spanish politicians was that the new currency would bring down interest rates and make foreign money available for cheap financing of government debt. Until the late 1990’s and the advent of monetary union, most government debt in the European Union was domestically held: in 1998, foreigners held only one-fifth of sovereign debt. That share climbed rapidly in the aftermath of the euro’s introduction. In 2008, on the eve of the financial crisis, three-quarters of Portuguese debt, half of Spanish and Greek debt, and more than 40% of Italian debt was held by foreigners. When the foreign share of debt grows, so do the political incentives to impose the costs of that debt on foreigners. In the 1930’s, during and after the Great Depression, a strong feeling that the creditors were illegitimate and unethical bloodsuckers accompanied widespread default.", "zh": "尤其是议会权利的确立，使得预算从制定到执行的全过程都逃不开债权人阶级的代理人的监督。 他们督促国家保持财政稳健并偿还债务，也连带着保护了外国债权人的利益。 立宪君主制限制了宫廷的奢侈浪费和军事冒险，这两样可以说是近代早期专制君主制（如法国和西班牙）的招牌。 简言之，近代世界的财政革命依托于一种政治秩序 — — 债权人构成政治阶级，这种秩序是后来普遍民主制的先声。 那种模式传播到许多国家，成为近代财政稳健的基石。 二战以后，发达国家的财政原本也是内债优先的，仍然保守着1688年的传统。 后来，事情起了一些变化。 随着20世纪70年代开始的全球金融市场自由化，外国信贷资源变成可及之物。 到了20世纪80年代中期，美国成为净债务国，对外债的依赖程度与日俱增。 欧洲也步其后尘。 20世纪80年代兜售欧洲一体化的广告词，有一条就是，一体化以后借债变得更容易。 20世纪90年代，统一货币构想对意大利和西班牙政客的主要吸引力就在于，引入新货币既能压低利率，又能打开外国人的钱袋子，使政府可以实现廉价融资。 一直到20世纪90年代末，欧元启动前夕，欧盟国家的国债还大都是内债：1998年，主权债务中外债比重只有五分之一。 欧元引入后，外债比重迅速上升。 到2008年金融危机爆发前夜，葡萄牙国债的四分之三、西班牙和希腊国债的一般、意大利国债的四成多都成了外债。 随着外债比重上升，向外国人转嫁债务成本的政治诱惑也越来越大。 20世纪30年代大萧条期间及其后一段时间，世人曾有一种强烈的情绪，认为债权人就是一帮非法、败德的吸血鬼，于是当时违约成风。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I am learning that it's a genius idea to use a pair of barbecue tongs to pick up things that you dropped. I'm learning that nifty trick where you can charge your mobile phone battery from your chair battery. Genius. We are learning from each others' strength and endurance, not against our bodies and our diagnoses, but against a world that exceptionalizes and objectifies us. I really think that this lie that we've been sold about disability is the greatest injustice. It makes life hard for us. And that quote, \"The only disability in life is a bad attitude,\" the reason that that's bullshit is because it's just not true, because of the social model of disability. No amount of smiling at a flight of stairs has ever made it turn into a ramp. It's just not going to happen. I really want to live in a world where disability is not the exception, but the norm. I want to live in a world where a 15-year-old girl sitting in her bedroom watching \"Buffy the Vampire Slayer\" isn't referred to as achieving anything because she's doing it sitting down. I want to live in a world where we don't have such low expectations of disabled people that we are congratulated for getting out of bed and remembering our own names in the morning. I want to live in a world where we value genuine achievement for disabled people, and I want to live in a world where a kid in year 11 in a Melbourne high school is not one bit surprised that his new teacher is a wheelchair user. Disability doesn't make you exceptional, but questioning what you think you know about it does. Thank you.", "zh": "我学到的是，用烧烤棍 把你掉的东西捡起来 是个相当不错的主意。（观众笑声） 我觉得用电动轮椅的电池给手机充电 也是个绝妙的点子。 太有才了！ 我们互相学习彼此的坚强和隐忍， 不是对抗身体缺陷和疾病的坚强， 而是对抗整个社会区别对待我们， 物化我们的这种风气。 我真心认为这种针对我们残障人士的谎言 就是最大的不公。 这让我们的生活变得很困难。 还有那句名言：\"生活中唯一的残疾 就是消极的态度\"， 这简直就是胡说八道， 因为事实根本不是这样 这只是社会认同的残疾。 笑的再多也不会让你费力攀爬的楼梯 变成可以通过轮椅的斜坡。 这都是不可能的事情。 我真心期待能活在这样一个世界里， 残疾不再是当成一种特殊， 仅仅是普通现象。 一个坐在卧室里 看\"吸血鬼猎人巴菲\" 的15岁女孩， 不会因为她能正常坐着 就被提名什么成就奖。 在我期望的社会里， 人们不放低他们对 残障人士的期待， 不会因为他们早上能正常起床， 记得自己的名字 就对他们大加赞赏。 我期待的社会，人们会认可残障人士 真正的成就， 我期待的社会里， 一个墨尔本高中11岁的孩子 不会因为他的新老师需要轮椅代步 而感到吃惊。 残障不会让你变得出色， 但质疑你原本自以为了解的事物，可以让你进步。 谢谢大家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "忽然有人想到，就凭刚才那一剑想杀这个暴徒恐怕轻而易举，对方仅仅用来挡住自己等人，怕是一开始就想要迅速脱离战场了！ 场中还有一名D级修行者，其实他也有搏命的招数没用……不是来不及用，而是他不想用，毕竟不是谁都能无私到，可以无视自己的前途。 只是他不禁深思，对方御剑手段纯熟，完全不像自己等人需要自损1000才能释放一击，这难道是一个C级修行者？ 即便自己真的上去搏命了，就能留下对方吗？自己需要玩命一搏的攻击，对方已经运用纯熟了啊！这就是D与C的差距！ 逃犯最终是死亡了，那青色流星一击便要了他的半条命，之后所发生的一切都只是他求生本能激发出觉醒前兆所带来的支撑而已，一旦觉醒失败，就意味着他再也不可能抗住那巨大的伤势。 战斗结束了，三名逃犯均已死亡，可这一夜留给大家的震撼实在太多了一些。 而那个忽然出现，然后迅速消失的修行者，在所有人脑中挥之不去。", "en": "Suddenly someone thought, it would have been easy for that flying sword to take this criminal’s life. But that guy merely used it to prevent our advancement. Perhaps he was planning to leave right from the start! There was another Class D practitioner in their midst. He also had a last-ditch technique which he did not execute… Not because he did not have the time to, but he did not want to as he did not want to risk his future by using that move which could damage his vitals. He could not help but think. That guy manipulated his sword with such ease and he looked nothing like him or his colleagues, who had to put their life on the line to use such a skill. Could he be a Class C practitioner? Even if he really spent all his energy, could he stop that guy from leaving? That move required him to use all his energy, while that guy had already mastered it with such ease! This was probably the difference between class D and class C! The criminal eventually died. That green sword which impaled him had taken half his life. Everything that happened after, including his awakening glow, was a cause of his desire to live on. When his awakening failed, it explained that he could not resist the immense blow dealt to him. The battle had ended. The three criminals were dead. But this night had given everyone much to ponder over. And that sudden appearance and disappearance of that person were etched deep in everyone’s minds."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发行人以生物技术为立足之本，集成工业菌种定向优化技术、发酵精细调控技术、高效分离纯化制备技术，通过可持续的微生物合成制造方式，为全球营养与健康领域的客户提供高品质的营养素产品与创新的解决方案。 公司的主营业务包括多不饱和脂肪酸ARA、藻油DHA及SA、天然β-胡萝卜素等多个系列产品的研发、生产与销售，产品广泛应用于婴幼儿配方食品、膳食营养补充剂和健康食品、特殊医学用途配方食品等领域。 发行人是国内最早从事以微生物合成法生产多不饱和脂肪酸及脂溶性营养素的高新技术企业之一，是国内ARA产业重要的开拓者和市场推动者，产品打破了国外技术垄断，填补了国内空白，也是全球ARA产品主要的供应商之一。 近年来，公司成功研制藻油DHA、SA等，相关产品销售收入保持快速增长态势。 发行人已建立了符合国际标准的两大生产基地以及完善的国际供应链与服务体系，产品销售区域覆盖中国、美国、欧洲、澳大利亚、新西兰、韩国、东南亚等30多个国家及地区，并与嘉吉、达能、贝因美、伊利、飞鹤、君乐宝、圣元、雅士利、汤臣倍健、健合集团、安琪酵母等国内外知名企业建立了长期的合作关系。 发行人建立了系统完整的技术平台，拥有多项具有自主知识产权的产品和技术。 2016年，公司获得国务院颁发的“国家科学技术进步二等奖”；公司主导及参与了《食品安全国家标准食品添加剂花生四烯酸油脂（发酵法）》（GB26401-2011）、《食品安全国家标准食品添加剂二十二碳六烯酸油脂（发酵法）》（GB26400-2011）等国家标准的制订；承担了“花生四烯酸发酵生产关键技术创新及工艺集成”、“二十二碳六烯酸发酵生产的关键技术创新及产业化”等国家“863”计划项目。", "en": "The issuer is based on biotechnology and integrates industrial strain directional optimization technology, fermentation fine regulation technology, and efficient separation and purification preparation technology. Through sustainable microbial synthesis manufacturing methods, the issuer provides high-quality nutrient products and innovative solutions for customers in the global nutrition and health field. The company's main business includes the research and development, production, and sales of multiple series of products such as polyunsaturated fatty acids ARA, algae oil DHA and SA, and natural β-carotene. The products are widely used in infant formula food, dietary nutrition supplements, health food, and special medical purpose formula food. The issuer is one of the earliest high-tech enterprises in China engaged in the production of polyunsaturated fatty acids and fat-soluble nutrients through microbial synthesis. It is an important pioneer and market promoter in the domestic ARA industry, breaking foreign technological monopolies, filling domestic gaps, and also one of the major suppliers of ARA products globally. In recent years, the company has successfully developed algae oil DHA, SA, and other related products, with sales revenue maintaining a rapid growth trend. The issuer has established two large-scale production bases that meet international standards, as well as a complete international supply chain and service system. The sales area covers more than 30 countries and regions including China, the United States, Europe, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, and Southeast Asia. The issuer has established long-term cooperative relationships with well-known domestic and foreign enterprises such as Cargill, Danone, Beingmate, Yili, Feihe, Junlebao, Shengyuan, Yashili, Tasly, Jianhe Group, and Angel Yeast. The issuer has established a comprehensive technical platform and owns multiple products and technologies with independent intellectual property rights. In 2016, the company was awarded the \"National Science and Technology Progress Second Prize\" by the State Council. The company led and participated in the formulation of national standards such as \"Food Safety National Standard Food Additive Arachidonic Acid Oil (Fermentation Method)\" (GB26401-2011) and \"Food Safety National Standard Food Additive Docosahexaenoic Acid Oil (Fermentation Method)\" (GB26400-2011). The company undertook national \"863\" program projects such as \"Key Technology Innovation and Process Integration of Arachidonic Acid Fermentation Production\" and \"Key Technology Innovation and Industrialization of Docosahexaenoic Acid Fermentation Production.\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Accelerating Africa’s Energy Transition PARIS – For much of Africa, the transition from fossil fuels to cleaner forms of energy is seen as an environmental imperative. With fossil fuels comprising a majority – as high as 70% in some cases – of the energy mix, the situation on the continent is indeed ecologically dire. But Africa’s energy transition is economically urgent as well. Each year, oil subsidies consume 1.5% of the continent’s GDP – roughly $50 billion. That is enough money to provide solar power to some 300 million people. If the continent could rebalance its energy portfolio, moving away from hydrocarbons slowly, those subsidies could be reallocated in ways that would yield both environmental and economic benefits. Today, neither oil exporters nor importers are adequately insulated from price shocks. When oil prices declined rapidly in 2015, for example, Africa’s energy importers spent less on oil, while exporting countries suffered financially. When prices rebounded, the relationship switched: energy-exporting countries’ revenues inched up, while importing countries struggled to maintain consumption levels. This is a needless cycle. Integrating cleaner power into national energy systems would not only raise local capacities; it would also free up hydrocarbons for export. The resulting revenue could then be invested into new forms of greener power. Such a transition, which would require cooperation with the oil sector, promises to boost socioeconomic progress. Among the biggest benefits would be the electrification of areas that, under current distribution systems, are literally in the dark. Today, just 30% of Africa has access to reliable electricity. But, with a total capacity estimated at around ten terawatts, installed solar capacity in Africa could broaden access dramatically. In fact, according to some estimates, the increase in solar generation by 2030 could range from 15 to 62 gigawatts. Fossil fuels are not destined to be phased out anytime soon, but an energy mix that included a significant increase in solar power would have major economic advantages for Africa, especially in areas where agriculture is the largest economic sector. Electrifying agricultural areas would facilitate the storage and transportation of farmed products, improve food security, and increase farmers’ earning capacity. In the drive to rebalance Africa’s energy mix, the continent maintains one crucial advantage over developed economies: a clean slate.", "zh": "加快非洲能源转型 巴黎—在非洲大部，从化石燃料向更清洁的能源形式的转型被视为一项环境当务之急。 化石燃料在一些地区占能源构成的大多数 — — 高达70 % — —非洲的形势确实非常不利于生态。 但从经济上说，非洲也迫切需要能源转型。 非洲每年的石油补贴高达500亿美元左右，相当于全洲GDP的1.5 % 。 这笔钱足以为3亿人提供太阳能。 如果非洲能够实现能源组合再平衡，逐渐摆脱碳氢化合物，那么这些补贴就能转作其他用途，产生环境和经济效益。 如今，石油出口国和进口国都无法避免受到价格冲击的影响。 2015年，比如，石油价格迅速下跌，非洲能源进口国的石油支出有所下降，而出口国则蒙受经济损失。 当结果反弹时，关系正好相反，能源出口国收入增加，而进口国难以维持消费水平。 这是一个毫无必要的循环。 将更清洁的电力纳入国家能源体系不但能够提高地方产能；还能释放更多碳氢化合物用于出口。 由此获得的收入可以投资于新型绿色电力。 这一转型需要石油部门的合作，有望对社会经济进步起到刺激作用。 收益最大的某些地区的电气化。 在这些地区，以目前的配电系统，可以说是还生活在黑暗时代。 如今只有30%的非洲地区能够获得可靠电力。 但非洲建成太阳能装机容量据估计达到了十万亿瓦，可以大大扩大电力的普及。 事实上，据某些估算，到2030年，太阳能发电量可以提高15到62十亿瓦。 化石燃料无法在短时间内退出，但如果能源组合中的太阳能比重能够显著提高，将给非洲带来的巨大的经济优势，特别是在农业是最重要的经济部门的地区。 电气化农业区能够便利农作物的储存和 运输，改善粮食安全，提高农民的收入能力。 在实现能源组合的再平衡的过程中，非洲拥有一个相对于发达经济体的重要优势：非洲是一块白板。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Parties and Populists This is not a good time for political parties, especially those with traditional orientations. Gone are the times in the older democracies when one could count on two major parties – one social democratic, the other more to the right of center – dominating the political scene. In the new democracies of the postcommunist world, such two-party systems never came into being. Nowadays the two largest parties can rarely hope to muster two-thirds of the popular vote. Not infrequently they have to form a “grand coalition.” The rest of the vote is split many ways – unless a political force emerges to cut right through the old party structures by arousing popular nationalist or socialist sentiments, or a combination of the two. The decline of parties reflects the decline of class. The old proletariat and the old bourgeoisie are gone. Instead we see what has sometimes been called a “levelled-in middle-class society,” albeit one with an important elite of the super-rich at one end and an underclass at the other. The very structure of society has come to be shaky. There are no social groups on which lasting organizations can be built. People are, in a sense, socially homeless. This means that their interests vary as situations change. It also means that they no longer find a political home in parties, but react to situations, to vague moods, and above all to appeals to sentiments, if not resentments. This is the condition in which populists thrive. In some cases, they are individuals like President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela (and other Latin American leaders) or Italy’s ex-Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. Mostly they enter the political scene from the fringes but manage to form a highly personalized grouping, like Jörg Haider and his Austrian Freedom Party, Jean-Marie LePen and his French Nationalists, Andrzej Lepper and his Polish Peasant Party, or Prime Minister Robert Fico and his Direction in Slovakia. Many other names could be added to the list. The list tells us two things. One is that a surprising number of populist leaders have managed to get themselves into power in recent years. Their success reflects the electorate’s uncertainties and, increasingly, the perceived injustices of globalization, as well as the fear of many about minorities, immigrants, and foreigners in general.", "zh": "党派与民粹主义者 现在的政党日子并不好过，特别是那些有传统倾向的政党。 以前的民主国家，两个大党 — — 一个社会民主党，另一个则相对右倾 — — 就能掌控政坛，这样的时代已经一去不返。 在后共产主义的新兴民主国家里，这样的两党制从未出现过。 如今，两个最大的党派很少有机会抓住三分之二的大众选票，相互组成“大联盟”的情况倒是屡见不鲜。 剩下的选票则被多方分割 — — 除非原来的党派结构以外出现一股能够激起大众的民族主义情感和/或社会主义情感的政治力量。 党派的衰落反映了阶级的衰落。 旧的无产阶级和旧的资产阶级已不复存在，取而代之的是所谓的“椭圆形中产阶级社会 ” ， 纵使其两端分别为极其富有的精英阶层和下层社会。 社会结构本身已变得摇摇欲坠。 现在已经找不到可以建立持久组织的社会群体。 从某种程度上来说，人们在政治上都无家可归。 也就是说，人们的利益随着境遇的变化而改变。 这同时也意味着，人们在党派中不再有政治归属，他们的反应取决于境遇、朦胧的情绪，尤其是对感情（甚或不满情绪）的号召力。 民粹主义者正是在这样的条件下崭露头角的。 这些民粹主义者有时候是像委内瑞拉总统雨果·查韦斯（以及其他拉美领导人）或意大利前总理西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼这样的人物，大多数则从边缘进入政治视野，组成了高度个人化的团体，例如约尔克·海德尔和他的奥地利自由党、让-马利·勒庞和他的法兰西民族党、安杰依·莱佩尔和他的波兰农民党、以及斯洛伐克总理罗贝尔特·菲佐和他的方向党。 类似人物还有很多，不再一一列举。 这个名单告诉我们两件事。 一是近年来成功掌权的民粹主义领导人竟然如此众多。 他们的成功反映了选民的不稳定，同时越来越反映出人们认识到了全球化带来的不公，以及许多人对少数民族、移民和所有外国人的恐惧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In rich developed societies with modern attitudes to the role of women, fertility rates somewhat below replacement levels may thus be both inevitable and broadly welcome. But degree matters, and extremely low fertility, such as Japan’s rate of 1.4, will create major problems if permanently maintained. The United Nations median projection suggests that the total population of North and South America, after growing by another 15-20% between now and 2050, will remain roughly stable for the rest of the twenty-first century. By contrast, Japan’s population is projected to fall from 125 million today to around 80 million. Demographic contraction on that scale will severely stress Japan’s ability to support an aging population. Intelligent policy should therefore identify and remove any barriers unnecessarily depressing birth rates, such as labor-market discrimination, limited parental leave, or inadequate childcare facilities, which make it difficult for women to combine careers with having as many children as they wish. The Scandinavian countries are exemplary in this respect, though fertility rates there have not returned to replacement levels, but only to about 1.75-1.9. Similar policies in the US might marginally increase the fertility rate from today’s 1.75, with a mildly beneficial net effect. But the predominant response to America’s recent fertility decline should be to accept it as inevitable and to stop worrying about it.", "zh": "因此，在对妇女的作用持现代看法的富裕发达社会中，生育率总是会低于替代率也是是不可避免的，总体而言也是值得欢迎的。 但程度很重要，极低的生育率，比如日本只有1.4，如果长久保持的话，会造成重大问题。 联合国中位预测表明，从现在到2050年，北美和南美总人口将再增加15—20 % ， 此后直到二十一世纪末都将保持稳定。 相反，日本人口预计会从今天的1.25亿下降到8,000万左右。 人口规模收缩将严重制约日本支持老龄化人口的能力。 因此，明智的政策应该辨别并消除一切非必要的抑制出生率的障碍，如劳动力市场歧视、限制育儿假，或儿童看护设施不足等，这些障碍让妇女难以既追求事业，又能想生多少生多少。 斯堪的纳维亚国家是这方面的典范，尽管它们的生育率并没有恢复到替代率，而是只有1.75—1.9。 美国采取类似政策的话，也许可以将生育率在目前1.75的水平的基础上略微提高，形成比较有利的净结果。 但对于美国近期的生育率下降局面，最主要的应对应该是接受它的不可避免性，停止为它担忧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“既然敢用邪物作弊，便得有被发现的心理准备。” 夜清落轻蔑的眯起媚眸。 看得出来，夜清灵此举，是因为看客们的话，令她的心慌了，害怕了。 倘若真被看出来，她夜清灵，当真就要成为整个涅槃之界的笑话了！ 夜清灵心下一急，就更想要快点结束了这场战斗。 玄阴之气释放的更加浓郁，翻涌的气浪，使得整个擂台，都笼罩在一层光耀之中。 观众区域的人看着擂台，就是虚虚实实，没办法看清楚。 “小贱人，你想毁了我，那么我现在就先毁了你！” 夜清灵提剑就砍。 刻意压低的嗓音，却是无法掩饰语气中的戾气和狠辣。 “想毁了我？ 也得看你……够不够格！” 夜清落媚惑众生的勾唇一笑，指尖合拢的羽扇骤然一展，一道妖冶的红光，在羽扇间萦绕。 夜清落唇瓣微动，吐出两个字。 夜清灵还未来得及回神，蓦地便见眼前气浪之中，一道白色身影，自眼前一闪即逝。", "en": "“Since you dare to use evil things to cheat, you shall be prepared to be caught in the act.” Ye Qing Luo gave a scornful look. It was pretty obvious that Ye Qing Ling’s move was caused by the spectators’ words that had made her flustered and afraid. If they had found out about her, she Ye Qing Ling would be a joke of the whole Nirvana Realms! Ye Qing Ling began to get anxious and wanted to end the battle as soon as possible. The Profound Yin Qi began to release more intense and turbulent air waves empowering the entire ring as if it was covered in a layer of light. The spectators in the audience area were unable to make out if the scene was illusory or real as there was no way to see clearly beyond the ring. “You little slut, trying to ruin me? Then I shall crush you first!” Ye Qing Ling raised the evil sword to slash. She has deliberately suppressed her voice, but it was still unable to conceal the anguish in her tone. “You want to crush me? That depends if you can meet the mark!” Ye Qing Luo gave a mockful smirk as she clasped her fingers together to open her fan and a ray of red light surrounded the ends of the fan. “QiQi!” Ye Qing Luo blurted out lightly. Ye Qing Ling could hardly make out what was going on and she witnessed a white figure coming at her through the airwaves as it flashed across her eyes."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "常住人口城镇化率首次超过60%，重大区域战略深入实施。 ——发展新动能不断增强。科技创新取得一批重大成果。 新兴产业持续壮大，传统产业加快升级。 大众创业万众创新深入开展，企业数量日均净增1万户以上。 ——改革开放迈出重要步伐。 供给侧结构性改革继续深化，重要领域改革取得新突破。 减税降费2.36万亿元，超过原定的近2万亿元规模，制造业和小微企业受益最多。 政府机构改革任务完成。 “放管服”改革纵深推进。 设立科创板。 共建“一带一路”取得新成效。 出台外商投资法实施条例，增设上海自贸试验区新片区。 外贸外资保持稳定。 ——三大攻坚战取得关键进展。 农村贫困人口减少1109万，贫困发生率降至0.6%，脱贫攻坚取得决定性成就。 污染防治持续推进，主要污染物排放量继续下降，生态环境总体改善。 金融运行总体平稳。", "en": "For the first time, permanent urban residents exceeded 60 percent of the population; progress was made in implementing major development strategies for regions. New growth drivers became stronger. A number of major innovative achievements were made in science and technology. Emerging industries continued to grow; upgrading in traditional industries accelerated. Business startups and innovation continued to surge nationwide, with an average net increase of over 10,000 businesses per day. Major headway was made in reform and opening up. Supply-side structural reform was further advanced, and breakthroughs in reform were made in key areas. We cut taxes and fees by 2.36 trillion yuan, going well beyond our target of 2 trillion yuan, with manufacturing and micro and small businesses benefiting most. The reform of government bodies was completed. Reforms to streamline administration and delegate power, improve regulation, and upgrade services were steadily advanced. The Science and Technology Innovation Board, or STAR Market, was established. The joint efforts to pursue the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) yielded fresh results. Regulations for the implementation of the Foreign Investment Law were adopted, and the China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone Lin’gang New Area was established. Foreign trade and investment remained stable. Pivotal progress was achieved in the three critical battles. Decisive achievements were made in poverty alleviation—the rural poor population was reduced by 11.09 million, and the poverty headcount ratio fell to 0.6 percent. Pollution prevention and control efforts continued, with further reductions in the discharge of major pollutants and overall improvements in the environment. The financial sector remained stable."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In particular, creative industries, such as animation, arts, design, and software – which are mostly based on individual skills and talent – tend to be more resilient to conflict than others. Given this, officials, investors, and business leaders in search of revolutionary ideas, cutting-edge solutions, and untapped talent should not allow turbulence in some societies, or tranquility in others, to influence their decisions excessively. In fact, stepping out of one’s comfort zone may offer significant benefits. Some evidence suggests that the prevalence of uncertainty may boost competition, thereby sparking innovation. Furthermore, social environments that are characterized by lower levels of consensus and higher levels of violence may be more likely than their more harmonious counterparts to catalyze radical innovation. Lebanon’s experience supports this assessment. Despite its long history of political violence, its creative industries are expanding. According to a 2007 study of Lebanon’s copyright-based industries, conducted by the World Intellectual Property Organization, the main challenges facing the country’s software sector – an important part of its economy – include restricted markets, intense competition, a brain drain (loss of human capital), inadequate technology policy, a lack of government incentives, and rampant piracy. Violence is conspicuously absent from the list. To be sure, violence is always a problem. But countries like Lebanon have become resistant to its effects – for example, by developing creative industries – diminishing its negative impact on economic, social, and intellectual development. In 2005, 10% of all new businesses in Lebanon were in the creative sector, and the copyright-based industries contributed 4.75% of GDP. Similarly, despite high levels of political violence, Nigeria produces more than 1,000 films annually. Indeed, Nigeria’s film industry is the world’s third largest, after the US and India, and is second only to oil production in terms of its economic significance to the country. According to a 2010 United Nations report on the creative economy, global trade in creative goods grew at an annual rate of 14% from 2002 to 2008. Meanwhile, exports of such goods from developing countries, which tend to experience more violence, grew at a rate of 13.5%, reaching $176 billion (43% of total world trade in creative industries) in 2008.", "zh": "特别是，动画、艺术、设计和软件等创新性产业 — — 大多以个人能力和天赋为基础 — — 相对更能适应冲突。 因此，寻找革命性思想、尖端解决方案和待开发人才的官员、投资者和商业领袖不应该因某些社会的动乱或其他社会的平静而过度影响他们的决策。 事实上，跳出舒适域或许会带来极大的好处。 有证据表明，大规模不确定性可以刺激竞争，从而启发创新。 此外，共识程度低、暴力活动多的社会环境或许更有可能比叫和谐的社会更能催化根本性创新。 黎巴嫩的经验支持这一论断。 尽管该国长期存在政治动荡，但其创新性产业仍在扩张。 世界知识产权组织的2007年黎巴嫩基于版权的产业研究表明，黎巴嫩软件业 — — 其经济的重要组成部分 — — 所面临的主要挑战包括受限的市场、激烈的竞争、人才流失（人力资本损失 ） 、 技术政策不充分、政府激励缺失和盗版横行。 暴力完全没有出现在这份挑战清单上。 诚然，暴力永远是个问题。 但黎巴嫩等国家已能抵抗暴力的影响 — — 比如通过创新性产业 — — 减少其对经济、社会和智识发展的消极冲击。 2005年，10%的黎巴嫩新企业属于创造性行业，基于版权的产业贡献了GDP的4.75 % 。 类似地，尽管政治极为动荡，但尼日利亚每年仍能产出1000多部电影。 事实上，尼日利亚的电影业已是世界第三，仅次于美国和印度，对该国的经济影响力位居第二，仅次于石油部门。 根据2010年联合国创新型经济报告，2002—2008年，创新性商品对的全球贸易以每年14%的速度增长。 与此同时，来自发展中国家 — — 这类国家暴力事件更多 — — 的创新性商品出口年增长率为13.5 % ， 2008年出口总额达到了1760亿美元（占全世界创新性产业贸易总量的43 % ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Gaps in Bidenomics LONDON – US President Joe Biden has set out to emulate Franklin D. Roosevelt by spending huge amounts of money, something that FDR avoided doing until World War II. This threatens to trigger the sort of inflation that wrecked Keynesian economic policies in the 1970s. Since January 2021, the Biden administration has spent or committed to spend $1.9 trillion for immediate COVID-19 relief, $2.7 trillion for investment and business support, and $1.8 trillion for welfare and education. This amounts to $6.4 trillion, or nearly 30% of US GDP. The $1.9 trillion already delivered through coronavirus spending will tail off, leaving $4.5 trillion, or about 20% of GDP, to be spent over the next ten years. The spending will be financed largely by US Federal Reserve bond purchases, with tax hikes coming later. But will it represent the biggest mobilization of US public investment since WWII, or rather an inflationary splurge? We don’t know yet, because we have no accurate way of measuring the output gap – the difference between actual and potential output, or, roughly, the amount of slack in the economy that can be absorbed before prices start to rise. The International Monetary Fund predicts that the US economy will be growing above potential by the end of this year, and that European economies will be close to their potential. This signals inflation ahead and the need to reverse deficit finance.", "zh": "拜登经济学的缺口 伦敦—美国总统拜登准备效仿小罗斯福大手笔支出，而这是罗斯福在二战前一直避免做的事情。 这有可能引发上世纪70年代让凯恩斯主义经济政策功败垂成的那种通货膨胀。 自2021年1月以来，拜登政府已支出或承诺支出 1.9万亿美元 用于直接新冠救济， 2.7万亿美元 用于投资和商业支持， 1.8万亿美元 用于福利和教育。 这些加起来有6.4万亿美元，占美国GDP的近30 % 。 新冠支出的1.9万亿美元将逐渐减少，未来10年将支出4.5万亿美元，约占GDP的20 % 。 支出将主要通过美联储购买债券来融资，随后还将增税。 但它是二战以来美国最大的公共投资动员，还是通胀性挥霍？ 我们还不知道，因为我们没有准确的方法来衡量产出缺口 — — 实际产出和潜在产出之间的差异，或者大致来说，即可以在价格开始上涨之前吸收的经济疲软程度。 国际货币基金组织（IMF） 预测 ，到今年年底，美国经济的增长将超过潜力，欧洲经济将接近潜力。 这标志着未来将发生通货膨胀，必须扭转赤字融资。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是专注于军工通信领域的高新技术企业，面向军工行业网络化、智能化、。 国产化和安全性的基础设施需求，致力于军用通信设备的研发、生产和销售。 照产品特点和用途，公司军工通信类产品主要分为网络通信类、音视频指挥调度类和通信设备备件类三大产品体系。 该类产品基于对各种业务系统和有线、无线信道资源的实时感知，通过SDN控制器的集中决策和分布式部署，实现业务的全局智能选路和网络高抗毁重构，是军用通信网络重要枢纽和核心之一。 具有信息传输和网络交换功能的通信综合设备，实现复杂环境下指挥、视音频、普通数据等各类信息的信息传输和网络交换。 该类产品用于各军兵种的各级固定、机动指挥所、指挥车、舰艇等各类业务场景，提供语音指挥、视频指挥、视频监控、集中显控等指挥通讯手段，是国防指挥信息化系统重要设备之一。 具有音视频指挥调度功能的通信设备，具备全自主可控、多业务融合、全军标互通、高抗干扰性、设备软件化等特点。 该类产品主要用于前两项通信设备的耗损需求。 产品交付后形成稳定需求。 ——音视频指挥调度类。 ——通信设备备件。", "en": "The company is a high-tech enterprise specializing in military communication in the field of military industry. It is dedicated to the research, development, production, and sales of military communication equipment, focusing on the needs of networked, intelligent, domestic, and secure infrastructure in the military industry. Based on the characteristics and uses of the products, the company's military communication products are mainly divided into three major product systems: network communication, audio-video command and dispatch, and communication equipment spare parts. These products are important hubs and cores of military communication networks, providing information transmission and network exchange functions for various types of information such as command, audio-video, and general data in complex environments. They are used in various military units, command posts, command vehicles, and ships, providing means of command communication such as voice command, video command, video surveillance, and centralized display control. They are important equipment in the defense command information system. The communication equipment with audio-video command and dispatch functions has the characteristics of full autonomy and controllability, multi-service integration, interoperability according to military standards, high anti-interference capability, and software-based equipment. These products are mainly used for the consumption needs of the first two types of communication equipment and form stable demand after delivery. - Audio-video command and dispatch. - Communication equipment spare parts."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The New History Wars PRINCETON – The contest over national symbols and stories is shifting into higher gear as the drive to topple statuary and rename institutions moves past the usual suspects of Cecil Rhodes, Woodrow Wilson, Confederate generals, and Belgium’s King Leopold II. The British Museum, for example, has removed from prominent display a bust of its slave-owning founder, Sir Hans Sloane. “We have pushed him off the pedestal,” observes the museum’s director, Hartwig Fischer. Similarly, just a week earlier, a desecrated statue of Voltaire in Paris’s tony 6th arrondissement was whisked away for its own protection. Everywhere, it seems, cultural artifacts that once hid in plain sight are being scrutinized for their connections to empire or slavery. But even when those deemed worthy of removal are gone, the Great Reckoning will not be over. In fact, the current trend seems to be moving us even further away from a genuine reconciliation with the past. Instead of producing new, inclusive stories of peoplehood, we are witnessing a violent clash of public narratives and a backlash against what some see as decolonization run amok. This contest is on full display ahead of the US elections this November. “Sorry liberals!” one pro-Trump group recently tweeted, “How to be Anti-White 101 is permanently cancelled!” In any case, those who would seek a new consensus after the statues have already come down tend to miss a basic point in the debate over national history.", "zh": "新历史观的战争 普林斯顿—国家象征和故事的记忆竞争日发激烈，推倒雕像和研究机构的重新命名层出不穷，这些名人包括：塞西尔·罗兹，伍德罗·威尔逊和南方邦联的将军们和比利时国王利奧波德二世。 例如，大英博物馆移除了一个奴隶主的雕像：汉斯·斯隆爵士。 “我们已经把他移出了宝座 。 ” 博物馆馆长哈特威格·菲舍尔说道。 同样的，在一周之前，在巴黎托尼第六自治镇的伏尔泰的雕像为了安全也被搬走。 放眼世界，那些和帝国和奴隶制度相关的著名文化遗迹被人提起。 事情还远远没有结束，大清算刚刚开始。 实际上，目前的趋势让我们越发远离和过去的和解。 反而会产生新的冲突。 我们目睹了公众对此的激烈对抗，对反殖民立场的反感。 在11月份的美国总统大选前夕表现的越发淋漓尽致 ， “ 该死的自由派 ” ， 一个亲川普的组织在推特上说道 ： “ 反白人”常识怎么被取消了！ 在任何条件下，在塑像被推倒之后，关于国家历史记忆的新共识也不会产生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Our research shows that industrial policy was successful in promoting a competitive bioethanol industry in Brazil. A massive stimulus package, prompted by the 1970’s rise in oil prices, gave rise to an entirely new industry. But it would not have worked without the crucial role played by competition. Brazil was attempting to become energy self-sufficient in a manner similar to modern efforts by other countries. But, as opponents of industrial policy are right to remind us, freebies never lead to a good outcome. The aftermath was the key. As world energy prices collapsed, Brazil fortuitously turned off its subsidy tap, whereupon a brutal Darwinian free-for-all ensued. This competitive rationalization was the key to the policy’s success. The details of Pro-álcool involved providing incentives to several parties to participate, without which they would have sat on the sidelines. The Brazilian state offered low-interest loans and credit guarantees for the construction of distilleries, as well as tax incentives for the purchase of ethanol-powered vehicles. Ethanol prices were manipulated to make it an attractive alternative to gasoline. In addition, the government induced Petrobras to distribute the renewable fuel. Gas stations installed ethanol pumps. The government signed agreements with the major automobile companies to provide incentives to make vehicles that could run on 100% ethanol. A visitor to Brazil today will see these flex-fuel cars everywhere. The experience of filling these vehicles’ tanks is curious. Just before entering a gas station, Brazilian drivers calculate whether conventional gasoline or ethanol is cheaper (bioethanol has 30% less energy content than traditional gasoline), then choose between a gasoline and an ethanol pump. At the outset, Brazil’s policies attracted entrepreneurs of all sorts. Some were talented and believed that the new subsidies and incentives rendered long-term investments in the industry highly attractive. Entrepreneurs of dubious quality no doubt entered as well, thanks to the generosity of the state. Fortunately, the government did not attempt the impossible task of trying to separate winners from losers. By the 1990’s, the major subsidies and policies were abolished, and the industry was deregulated.", "zh": "我们的研究结果表明行业政策成功地推动了巴西颇具竞争力的生物乙醇行业。 一项由20世纪70年代油价上涨引发的巨额刺激计划催生了一个全新的行业。 但如果没有竞争所发挥的关键作用，这个行业也不会取得成功。 巴西当时力求实现能源自给自足的方式与其它国家现在的所为颇为相似。 但正像行业政策的反对者提醒我们的那样，免费的东西永远不会带来好结果。 这一次，经济停滞所造成的后果扮演了至关重要的角色。 随着世界能源价格的崩溃，巴西在这一偶然因素的作用下关闭了补贴的龙头，一场残酷的达尔文式的生存混战随之发生。 这种竞争合理化在政策成功中发挥了关键的作用。 Pro-álcool 计划的相关规定刺激各方进入到新兴行业，如果没有刺激计划他们可能会选择置身事外。 巴西政府为建设蒸馏企业提供低息贷款和信用担保，同时为购买乙醇燃料汽车提供了税收优惠。 乙醇的价格受到人为干预，使其与汽油相比成为一项有吸引力的选择。 此外，政府还诱导巴西国家石油公司参与可再生燃料的销售。 加油站都装备了乙醇燃料泵。 政府与主要汽车企业签订协议，鼓励生产100%乙醇燃料汽车。 到访巴西的游客今天能够随时看到混合燃料动力车。 加满汽车燃料箱是一种新奇的体验。 驶入加油站前，巴西的驾车族会计算传统汽油和乙醇燃料哪个更便宜（生物乙醇比传统汽油的能源含量低30%左右 ） ， 然后在汽油和乙醇泵之间作出选择。 刚一开始，巴西的政策就吸引了各式各样的创业者。 其中有些人颇具才干，相信新的补贴和奖励使针对这个行业的长期投资颇具吸引力。 多亏了国家的慷慨计划，素质可疑的创业者们当然也大量涌入。 幸运的是，政府并没有试图完成分辨成功者和失败者这个不可能完成的任务。 到20世纪90年代，政府取消了主要的补贴和政策，解除了行业管制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "程正顺，博士，上海交通大学船舶海洋与建筑工程学院副教授、博士生导师。 上海交通大学船舶与海洋工程学士学位（2010）、硕士学位（2013）和挪威科技大学海洋工程博士学位（2016）。 博士毕业后继续在挪威科技大学从事博士后研究，博士和博士后均师从海洋工程著名学者Torgeir Moan院士。 2019年4月回国加入上海交通大学。 现为上海交通大学海洋工程国家重点实验室固定研究人员、三亚崖州湾深海科技研究院固定研究人员。 研究方向为海洋结构物动力耦合与安全分析、海上风机技术等，在海上固定式和浮式风机、超大型浮桥、海洋浮式平台等海洋工程结构物的耦合模拟方法、响应特性等方面取得了研究进展。 研究论文曾获2017年国际海洋工程Moan-Faltinsen Best Paper Award海洋结构方向最佳论文奖，曾获Marie Curie ITN Fellowship。 近五年，在Marine Structures、Ocean Engineering、Engineering Structures、Energy、Wind Energy、Renewable Energy等国内外著名刊物上共发表论文40多篇， SCI收录21篇，以第一作者或通讯作者发表SCI论文18篇。", "en": "Zhengshun Cheng, Doctor, Associate Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at the School of Naval Architecture, Ocean and Civil Engineering, Shanghai Jiao Tong University He received his Bachelor Degree from Shanghai Jiaotong University in 2010 and obtained his Master's Degree and Ph.D. in Marine Engineering from Norwegian University of Science and Technology in 2013 and 2016 respectively. After graduating from his PhD, he continued to engage in post-doctoral research at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology. Both of his Doctoral and Postdoctoral career were under instruction of the academician of Torgeir Moan, a famous Marine Engineering scholar. In April 2019, he returned to China and joined Shanghai Jiaotong University. Currently he serves as the Researcher of State Key Laboratory of Ocean Engineering, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, and Sanya Yazhou Bay Deep Sea Science and Technology Research Institute. His research directions include Dynamic Coupling and Safety Analysis of Marine Structures, Offshore Wind Turbine Technology, etc., and research progress has been made in the coupling simulation methods and response characteristics of Offshore Fixed and Floating Wind Turbines, Ultra-large Floating Bridges, and Offshore Floating Platforms. His research paper won the 2017 International Ocean Engineering Moan-Faltinsen Best Paper Award in the direction of Ocean Structure. And he has obtained Marie Curie ITN Fellowship. In the past five years, more than 40 papers have been published in famous domestic and foreign journals such as Marine Structures, Ocean Engineering, Engineering Structures, Energy, Wind Energy, Renewable Energy, and 21 papers have been included in SCI. 18 SCI papers have been published as the first author or corresponding author."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To translate its vision into action, the Chinese government will need strong policies, such as the environmental taxes already imposed. As China has moved toward a market economy, it has developed some of the problems that have plagued the developed countries: special interests that clothe self-serving arguments behind a thin veil of market ideology. Some will argue for trickle-down economics: don’t worry about the poor, eventually everybody will benefit from growth. And some will oppose competition policy and strong corporate governance laws: let Darwinian survival work its wonders. Growth arguments will be advanced to counter strong social and environmental policies: higher gasoline taxes, for example, will kill our nascent auto industry. Such allegedly pro-growth policies would not only fail to deliver growth; they would threaten the entire vision of China’s future. There is only one way to prevent this: open discussion of economic policies in order to expose fallacies and provide scope for creative solutions to the many challenges facing China today. George W. Bush has shown the dangers of excessive secrecy and confining decision-making to a narrow circle of sycophants. Most people outside China do not fully appreciate the extent to which its leaders, by contrast, have engaged in extensive deliberations and broad consultations (even with foreigners) as they strive to solve the enormous problems they face. Market economies are not self-regulating. They cannot simply be left on autopilot, especially if one wants to ensure that their benefits are shared widely. But managing a market economy is no easy task. It is a balancing act that must constantly respond to economic changes.", "zh": "为了把远见变成行动，中国政府需要推行强有力的政策，其中已经开始征收的环境税即为一例。 随着向市场经济的过渡，一直困扰发达国家的问题也开始困扰中国：那就是国内有一个特殊利益群体，在薄薄的市场面纱后面隐藏着自私自利的企图。 有些人可能会为涓滴经济学辩解：不要去管那些穷人，每个人都会从发展中最终获益。 还有人可能反对竞争政策和强有力的企业管理法：主张让达尔文主义的生存法则来决定一切。 随着政府推行强有力的社会和环境政策，与发展有关的争论会进一步升级：比如有人会说，高额的燃油税会扼杀我们新生的汽车工业。 这样所谓的发展政策不仅不能带来发展，还会威胁到中国的未来。 阻止的办法只有一个：那就是公开探讨经济政策。 只有这样才能发现谬误、为制定有创造性的解决方案创造条件。 乔治·W·布什为我们树立了暗箱操作、把决策权交给一小撮溜须拍马之徒的反面典型。 而绝大多数外国人并不真正了解中国领袖在解决所面临的重大问题时是如何广泛听取意见（甚至包括外国人的意见）的。 市场经济不能全靠自我调整。 不应该挂上自动档就放手不管，特别是如果想确保所有人都能分享市场经济带来的好处就更不能放任自流。 但管理市场经济不是个轻松的任务，必须按照经济的变化随时进行调整。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, the European Parliament and the European Commission have been sidelined, while a new management model for Europe has emerged: Germany makes the decisions, France gives the press conferences, and the rest nod in agreement (except the British, who have chosen isolationism once again). This management structure is neither democratically legitimate nor justified by its performance (which appears to consist of mere reactions to pressure from financial markets). Indeed, some estimate that, by 2050, Europe will produce only 10% of the world’s GDP, and will comprise just 7% of its population. By then, not even Germany’s economy will be significant in global terms, to say nothing of the other European economies. As early as 2012, when the world economy is expected to grow by only 2.5%, the battle for shares of the global pie will become fiercer. Europe is fighting for its economic survival, but it does not seem to know it. So, do we Europeans intend to remain relevant in the twenty-first century, which means strengthening our position? Or are we prepared to undergo a painful decline brought on by nationalist infighting and complacency? I advocate a strong Europe that embraces the challenges of a relentlessly changing world. We need a new contract among European nations, generations, and social classes, which implies difficult choices. We must bid farewell to national egoisms, vested interests, dirty tricks, and assumed certainties. If Europe wants things to remain as they are, things will have to change dramatically.", "zh": "事实上，欧洲议会和欧盟委员会已经被挤到一边，同时出现了一整套新的欧洲管理模式：德国进行决策，法国召开发布会，其余国家点头同意（再次选择孤立主义的英国不在其列 ） 。 这套管理结构既缺乏民主合理性，也没有取得令人信服的业绩（这套体系似乎仅仅对来自金融市场的压力被动做出反应 ） 。 事实上，有人估算到2050年，欧洲将仅占全球GDP的10%和全世界人口的7 % 。 届时，即使德国在全球经济中的地位都已经无足轻重，更不用说其他欧洲经济体。 最早在2012年，当世界经济预期增长率仅为2.5%的时候，对全球蛋糕份额的争夺将变得更加惨烈。 欧洲正在为自身的经济生存而浴血奋战，但它自己却似乎并未意识到。 那么，我们欧洲人还想不想强化地位，在21世纪占据一席之地？ 我们是否打算经历一场由民族主义内讧和自满所带来的痛苦的经济衰退？ 我主张建设一个能直面无情变化所带来挑战的强大的欧洲。 我们需要在欧洲国家、几代人和社会各阶层之间订立新的契约，而这就意味着做出艰难的抉择。 我们必须告别民族利己主义、既得利益、肮脏的花招和想当然的确定性。 如果欧洲希望保住现有的地位，就必须进行大规模改革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To have any chance of re-opening on Monday morning, a bankrupt bank’s billions of dollars in long-term debt would already have to be structured in such a way that a bankruptcy court could eliminate it over a weekend. But bankruptcy judges would have no knowledge in advance of a bank’s debt, and they would need more than a weekend to determine whether that debt could be properly stripped out. Government regulators, on the other hand, could do this in advance. And yet, under the current proposal, their official means of doing so would be sharply rolled back. Bankruptcy, if it works, is a good way for a failing firm to restructure or shrink. But if a failing mega-bank cannot open on Monday morning, the financial system will need backup. Under the current proposal, the absence of a regulatory safety net could result, if the weekend restructuring fails, in a global chaotic free-for-all, just like the one that followed the 2008 Lehman Brothers bankruptcy. Maintaining financial stability in a crisis is too important for us to pin our hopes on a narrow bankruptcy channel. The courts can help, especially after they have developed a routinized process for restructuring banks, as they have done with airline restructurings. But we should be wary about relying on courts to do things they have never been asked to do before. The House already voted, precipitously, to replace the regulator-led restructuring system with a weaker court-led setup. Let’s hope that wiser heads at the Treasury Department prevail.", "zh": "要想在星期一早晨有机会重新开张，破产银行的数十亿美元长期债务需要事先组织，从而让破产法院能够在周末消除它。 但破产法官无法实现获得关于一家银行债务的知识，短短一个周末也不足以让他们确定债务是否能够被合理消除。 另一方面，政府监管者能够事先做好这些。 然而，在当前方案中，它们这样做的官方手段被严重制约了。 能够见效的话，破产是实现倒闭企业重组或分解的好办法。 但如果倒闭的大银行无法在星期一早晨开门营业，金融体系就需要支持。 根据当前方案，缺乏监管安全网可能导致 — — 如果周末重组失败的话 — — 全球性的混乱崩盘，一如2008年雷曼兄弟破产后的情景。 在危机中保持金融稳定对于我们无比重要，因此不能将希望寄托在狭窄的破产渠道上。 法院能起到帮助作用，特别是在它们制定出一套常规化的银行重组流程之后 — — 就像它们对航空公司重组所做的那样。 但我们应该对依靠法院来完成它们此前从未被要求完成的任务保持谨慎。 众议院已经仓促投票支持用更弱的法院领导的安排取代监管者领导的重组制度。 但愿在财政部，更清醒的头脑能够胜出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Life Lived for Human Rights NEW YORK – In her 1993 memoir, The Thaw Generation: Coming of Age in the Post-Stalin Era, Lyudmila Alexeyeva points out that there is no good Russian word for “dissident.” A term that was sometimes used in its place translates as “otherwise thinkers.” Over time, the Soviet press adopted the English term, referring to disidenty. Alexeyeva, who died this month at the age of 91, certainly fell into that category. A historian by training, Alexeyeva was widely recognized as Russia’s foremost human-rights advocate. In 1976, 20 years after Nikita Khrushchev’s “secret speech” denouncing Stalin’s crimes, Alexeyeva was among the founders of the Moscow Helsinki Group, focused on monitoring Soviet compliance with the Helsinki Accords, which had been concluded the previous year by 35 governments from Europe and North America. The goal of the Accords, largely the result of the Soviet Union’s initiative, was to improve relations between the Cold War antagonists – and, for Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, to formalize international recognition of post-World War II national borders. The Soviets were so eager for an agreement that they accepted provisions that, barely noticed at the time, incorporated the principal post-WWII international human-rights norms. Through the Helsinki Accords, the Soviet Union effectively agreed to be bound by the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which it had previously refused to endorse.", "zh": "为人权而生的生活 纽约 — — 在其1993年的回忆录，解冻的一代：后斯大林时代的到来中，柳德米拉·阿列克谢耶娃指出 ， “ 持不同政见者”一词在俄语中找不到完全对应的词汇。 有时，用来代指持不同政见者的俄语词翻译过来的意思其实是“另类思想家 ” 。 随着时间的推移，苏联媒体逐渐开始采用这个英文词汇，其俄语词是“disidenty ” 。 本月刚刚去世的91岁高龄的阿列克谢耶娃无疑属于这一类。 作为一名历史学家，阿列克谢耶娃被普遍认为是俄罗斯最重要的人权倡导者。 1976年，在尼基塔·赫鲁晓夫谴责斯大林罪行的“秘密讲话”发表20年后，阿列克谢耶娃与人联合创办了莫斯科赫尔辛基集团，集中精力监督此前一年苏联对由35个来自欧洲和北美国家的政府共同签订的赫尔辛基协议的遵守状况。 协议的目标主要是苏联倡议的结果，其旨在改善冷战对手之间的关系 — — 而且对苏联领导人列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫而言，其目的是获取对后二战时期国家边界的正式国际认可。 苏联人非常渴望达成这项协议，以至于他们接受了协议条款，却几乎没有注意到上述条款包含了后二战时期主要的国际人权准则。 通过赫尔辛基协议，苏联实际同意接受1948年世界人权宣言的约束，而该宣言此前曾被苏联拒签过。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈凉川打开微博上的视频。 视频拍的不是很清晰，尤其是上面的女孩，拍到的只是被打以后的样子，有头发遮挡着脸颊，所以宋城没有看出来那是谁。 可沈凉川的拳头，却一下子握紧。 这个女孩……即便是挡着脸，他也第一时间认出来。 是乔恋！ 原来，一切的一切，都是因为这个！ 她是有多傻？ 才会将面膜涂在脸上，她知不知道，那样很可能会导致伤口发炎。 一想到这里，他猛地调转车头，直奔别墅。 路上，他星眸中闪过一抹戾气，想到画面上女孩被打了两巴掌的样子，就恨不得找到王文豪，将他整个人撕烂！ 车子到达别墅，他打算进门时，却忽然停下。 刚刚一瞬间的狂躁，也慢慢平复下来。 脑海中全都是刚刚女孩的样子，不得不说，即便是隔着面膜，他依旧能注意到她璀璨的星眸。 他的神色忽然有点恍惚，旋即，唇边勾起一抹淡淡的嘲讽。", "en": "Shen Liangchuan looked at the video on Weibo. The video was somewhat grainy and only showed the girl’s expression after she had been beaten up. Hair was covering her face, so Song Cheng had not managed to identify the girl’s identity. However, Shen Liangchuan immediately clenched his fists. This girl… Even if her face was covered, he could instantly recognize her. It was Qiao Lian! No wonder she had been hiding in the bathroom and had not wanted him to see her, no wonder she had applied a facial mask on her face… In reality, everything she had done was due to this! How dumb was she? Did she not know that applying a facial mask on a bruised face could aggravate the inflammation of her injuries? As he thought about this, he suddenly turned the car around and sped it towards the villa. On the way, his eyes had a foreboding feeling. As he thought about how the girl had had to endure two slaps in the face, he desperately wished that he could find Wang Wenhao right now and rip him apart! When the car arrived at the villa, he intended to jump off the car to open the door but he suddenly stopped. The momentary anger that had been boiling inside him just now had also slowly dissipated. A flashback of her expression filled his entire mind at that moment. He couldn’t help but remember her sparkling eyes, even through the facial mask that was on her face. His gaze flickered and suddenly, his lips curled up in faint mockery."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For an economy based on agriculture and manufacturing, this was a reasonable assumption. But much of today’s economy is characterized by increasing returns, with bigger firms doing ever better. The network effects that drive the growth of digital platforms are one example of this. And because most sectors of the economy have high upfront costs, bigger producers face lower unit costs. One important source of increasing returns is the extensive experience-based know-how needed in high-value activities such as software design, architecture, and advanced manufacturing. Such returns not only favor incumbents, but also mean that choices by individual producers and consumers have spillover effects on others. The pervasiveness of increasing returns to scale, and spillovers more generally, has been surprisingly slow to influence policy choices, even though economists have been focusing on the phenomenon for many years now. The COVID-19 pandemic may make it harder to ignore. Just as a spider’s web crumples when a few strands are broken, so the pandemic has highlighted the risks arising from our economic interdependence. And now California and Georgia, Germany and Italy, and China and the United States need each other to recover and rebuild. No one should waste time yearning for an unsustainable fantasy.", "zh": "对于一个以农业和制造业为基础的经济体来说，这是一个合理的假设。 但是，当今经济的主要特征是不断增加的回报，更大的公司做得更好，推动数字平台增长的网络效应就是一个例子。 而且，由于大多数行业的前期成本较高，规模较大的生产商单位成本较低。 增加回报的一个重要来源是在高价值活动(如软件设计、体系结构和先进制造)中所需要的大量基于经验的专门知识。 这样的回报不仅有利于在位者，也意味着个别生产者和消费者的选择会对其他人产生溢出效应。 尽管经济学家多年来一直关注这一现象，但规模报酬递增的普遍性以及更普遍的溢出效应，在影响政策选择方面却出奇地缓慢。 COVID-19疫情可能使其更难被忽视。 就像蜘蛛网断了几根就会破裂一样，疫情凸显了我们在经济上相互依赖所带来的风险。 现在，加州和乔治亚州，德国和意大利，中国和美国需要彼此来恢复和重建。 所有人都不应该把时间浪费在不可持续的幻想上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "India’s environment minister, Jairam Ramesh, declared: “There is a fine line between climate science and climate evangelism. I am for climate science.” Climate evangelism is an apt description of what the IPCC has been up to, for it has exaggerated some of the ramifications of climate change in order to make politicians take note. Murari Lal, the coordinating lead author of the section of the IPCC report that contained the Himalayan error, admitted that he and his colleagues knew that the dramatic glacier prediction was not based on any peer-reviewed science. Nonetheless, he explained, “we thought that if we can highlight it, it will impact policy-makers and politicians and encourage them to take some concrete action.” The concrete action that they had in mind was getting governments to mandate drastic cuts in carbon-dioxide emissions. Activists have been pursuing this approach to tackling global warming without success for nearly 20 years, most recently at last December’s failed climate summit in Copenhagen. The problem is that it is too expensive a solution for politicians and the public to swallow easily –which is why many well-meaning climate scientists have apparently concluded that instead of relying on reasoned discussion, they might as well try to scare us witless. Consider what the IPCC had to say about extreme weather events such as intense hurricanes. The cost of such events in terms of destroyed property and economic disruption has been rising steadily. Every peer-reviewed study has shown that this is not because of rising temperatures, but because more people live in harm’s way. Nonetheless, in the IPCC’s influential 2007 assessment of climate change, the panel’s Working Group II (charged with assessing the potential impact of global warming) chose to cite one, then-unpublished study that supposedly found that global warming had doubled damage costs over the past 35 years. In fact, when this study was finally published, it stated categorically that there was “insufficient evidence” to link the increased losses to global warming.", "zh": "印度环境部部长拉姆·拉梅什说 ： “ 在气候科学和气候传教之间是有清晰的区别的，而我本人站在气候科学这一边 。 ” “气候传教”正是对 IPCC 所作所为的一个写照，因为它夸大了气候变化的某些影响，目的则是吸引政治家的关注。 穆拉里·拉尔是 IPCC 报告中喜马拉雅冰川这部分内容的主要联名作者，他承认他本人及其同事都清楚知道冰川大面积融化的预测根本都没有经过任何科学审核。 然而，他解释说 ： “ 当时，我们认为如果能够突出这部分内容，那么它将会对政策制定者和政治家产生影响，从而鼓励他们采取一些具体的行动 。 ” 而在这些人的大脑中，所谓的具体行动就是促使政府强制推行大规模二氧化碳减排。 在过去将近 20 年的时间里，环保分子一直致力于用这种方法来解决全球变暖的问题，最近的尝试则是去年 12 月哥本哈根那场失败的气候峰会。 而失败的原因则在于对政治家和公众来说，这套方案的成本太过昂贵了，这也是为什么许多心怀善意的气候科学家最终得出这么一个结论：与其指望理性的讨论能够促进方案的执行，还不如恐吓一下我们这些无知的民众。 让我们来回想一下 IPCC 所描述的诸如巨型台风等的极端天气情况。 虽然这些情况导致的财产破坏和经济紊乱的损失一直持续增加。 但所有经过审查的科学研究都显示，这并不是气温上升而导致的，而是因为越来越多的人居住在那些危险地带。 但即便如此，在 2007 年 IPCC 举行的关于气候变迁的评估中，该专家小组的第二工作小组（负责评估全球变暖的潜在影响）选择引用一份当时还未曾公开发表的研究，该研究认为在过去 35 年间全球变暖所造成的损失增长了一倍。 谁知当这一研究最终发表时，却明确声明在损失增加和全球变暖之间找不到“足够的证据”证明两者之间的联系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With most countries worldwide facing continued economic uncertainty, the international community has a vested interest in emerging economies’ resilience, collective capacity to sustain global demand for goods and services, and ability to confront the challenges, such as gender inequality, that threaten their success. The importance of overcoming these barriers to development was emphasized at a recent symposium (of which I was the chair) at Green Templeton College, Oxford. Fifty leaders from government, business, civil society, and academia identified gender inequality as the most urgent constraint to sustainable growth, social cohesion, and political stability, and agreed on the steps needed to address the issue effectively. First and foremost, national policymakers must take concrete, comprehensive action to ensure that women are forced to abandon neither productive nor reproductive activities. To this end, governments should implement measures that guarantee, directly or indirectly, affordable child- and elder-care support systems for working parents. Moreover, private employers should be encouraged to build supportive workplaces by implementing creative solutions to common constraints. For example, MAS Holdings in Sri Lanka has incorporated into the workplace nursing stations, on-site banking, and company buses that ease employees’ commutes and facilitate participation in sports programs. Such measures not only lead to increased productivity; they also bolster loyalty, morale, and thus employee retention. At the same time, it is crucial that women enjoy total reproductive autonomy and sexual sovereignty. This can be achieved only with the provision of universal and unfettered access to reproductive and other relevant health-care services. But even healthy reproduction has a dark side.", "zh": "全世界大部分国家面临着持续的经济不确定性，国际社会对新兴经济体的韧性、维持全球商品和服务需求的集体能力以及应对性别不平等等威胁其策划你公公的挑战的能力翘首以待。 最近在牛津格林坦普顿学院举行的研讨会强调了克服这些发展障碍的重要性（我是研讨会的主席 ） 。 五十位来自政府、企业、公民社会和学界的领袖将性别不平等视为可持续发展、社会凝聚力和政治稳定性的最紧迫约束，并同意采取必要措施有效解决这一问题。 首先，国家级决策者必须采取具体全面的行动确保女性不至于被迫放弃生产和生育活动。 在这方面，各国政府应该实施直接或间接保证职业父母能够负担得起的育幼和赡老制度。 此外，应该鼓励私营业主通过实施创造性的常规约束解决方案建立支持性工作场所。 比如，斯里兰卡MAS控股集团（MAS Holdings）在工作场所中嵌入了护士站、现场银行服务以及解决雇员上下班问题、方便他们参与体育活动的通勤巴士。 这些措施不仅提高了生产率，也提振了忠诚度、士气，从而稳定了员工。 与此同时，一个关键点是女性能充分获得生育自主权和性主权。 这只有通过提供普遍且自由的生育和其他相关医疗服务才能实现。 但即便健康生育也有阴暗面。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Priority for the Social-Distancing Period MILAN – The coronavirus has a chokehold on the global economy. Like many friends and colleagues in China, I, too, have been locked down, along with the rest of Italy. Many of my fellow citizens in the United States are now in the same situation; others around the world will follow suit soon enough. Because the virus can apparently be transmitted by those without symptoms, it has spread widely and under the radar of public-health authorities. To prevent health systems from being overwhelmed, aggressive social-distancing and self-isolation measures have been broadly implemented and accepted by the public. Whether they will slow the rate of transmission and limit the number of critical cases in the West remains to be seen. Evidence that the epidemic has been curtailed or even contained in China and some other Asian economies is promising. These countries, however, relied not just on social distancing, but also on a vast array of tools that have not been extensively deployed in Europe and the US: widespread testing, contact tracing, mandated isolation, and so forth. Everywhere, however, measures to mitigate the pandemic have produced a sudden stop to much economic activity, with essential services often among the only sectors exempted. The result will be a sharp drop in GDP and incomes, a near-certain spike in unemployment (as already seen in the US), a disrupted school calendar, and the suspension of pretty much any activity involving gatherings of more than a few people. For some, videoconferencing, online education, and other digital applications have cushioned the blow. But the inevitable economic outcome will be a deep recession and far-reaching collateral damage to people’s livelihoods and wellbeing. Locking down the economy is correctly viewed as a way to buy time to expand capacity and reduce the peak-load demand on health systems. But it is not a complete strategy. Even when combined with monetary accommodation and a large fiscal program geared toward protecting vulnerable people and sectors, an economic deep freeze cannot be sustained without eventually imposing unacceptable costs on individuals and society. Large portions of the modern economy – not least restaurants, retail, theatres, sporting events, museums, parks, and many forms of tourism and transportation (such as air travel) – simply cannot operate under conditions of social distancing. These sectors account for a significant share of total employment.", "zh": "社会隔离期间的首要事务 发自米兰—新型冠状病毒扼住了全球经济的命脉。 而正如我在中国的许多朋友和同事一样，我本人以及意大利其他地区都被封锁了，我的许多美国同胞如今也处在同样的境地；世界其他国家应该会很快效法这一举措。 由于该病毒显然可以通过无症状感染者进行传播，因此它已经在公共卫生当局毫不知情的情况下实现了广泛扩散。 为防止卫生系统不堪重负，激进的社会隔离和自我隔离措施已得到了广泛实施且为公众所接受。 而这些举措能否减缓病毒传播速度并将西方严重病例数限制在一定程度则有待观察。 疫情在中国以及其他一些亚洲经济体中已被抑制甚至全面遏制的证据让人看到了希望。 但是这些国家依赖的可不仅仅是社会隔离，还有尚未在欧洲和美国广泛部署的大量工具：广泛检测，接触追踪和强制隔离等等。 但是各地缓解疫情的措施导致许多经济活动忽然停顿，只剩下一些基本服务仍在运行。 此举的结果将是GDP和收入的急剧下降、失业率近乎必然的暴增（正如已经在美国出现的那样 ） 、 学期的中断，还有几乎所有超过特定人数的聚会活动都被叫停。 而虽然视频会议，在线教育和其他数字应用可以帮助某部分人缓冲冲击，但是一场严重的衰退，以及对人们的生计和福祉影响深远的附带损害都是无可避免的。 封锁经济被视为争取时间来扩大疫情应对能力并纾解医疗卫生系统高负荷需求的一种方式，这是正确的。 但它并不是一个完整的策略。 即使与货币宽松政策以及旨在保护弱势群体和部门的庞大财政计划相结合，想要维持一个深度冻结的经济必定最终给个人和社会带来无法承受的成本。 现代经济的一大块组成部分 — — 尤其是餐饮、零售、剧院、体育赛事、博物馆，公园以及许多形式的旅游和运输（例如航空旅行 ） — —根本无法在社会隔离的条件下运行。 这些部门占据了总就业人数的很大一部分。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Other large sectors can still function, but not on all cylinders. The question, then, is what can be done now to ensure that the recovery and return to normalcy happens as safely as possible. A lockdown of an economically tolerable duration cannot in itself reduce the risks associated with interpersonal interactions. Within a number of weeks – say four to six – the economic costs of the lockdown will start to mount, at which point some group of people will start returning to work if there is any to be had, simply because they have no choice. (For many poor people in India, where the economy was locked down this week, the crisis will be immediate.) Though the risks of infection will remain high, they will not have the resources to remain isolated. At the same time, although the costs of closing schools for long periods are very high, schools will not or should not reopen until the risks of a coronavirus resurgence are low to nil. The speed and safety of the recovery thus will depend critically on whether the risks of group activities have been lowered sufficiently. One important element of risk reduction concerns health-system capacity. The current focus on adequately equipping and protecting doctors and medical staff with what they need to provide critical care is therefore entirely justified. But these front-line efforts will not reduce the risks of interpersonal contact more generally. To do that, we must use the lockdown period to expand the capacity for testing, contact tracing, isolation, and treatment. Here, a March 25 briefing from Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the director-general of the World Health Organization, is well worth reading. “Asking people to stay at home and shutting down population movement is buying time and reducing the pressure on health systems,” Ghebreyesus explains. “But on their own, these measures will not extinguish epidemics. The point of these actions is to enable the more precise and targeted measures that are needed to stop transmission and save lives.” If I were amending this clear statement of purpose, focused on health, I would only add to that last sentence: “… and to reduce infection risks, restart the economy, and accelerate the recovery.”", "zh": "其他大型部门虽然可以运行，却也无法开足马力运作。 那么问题就在于，现在可以做些什么来确保复苏和回复常态工作能尽可能安全地进行。 经济上可承受时长的封锁本身不能降低人际互动的相关风险。 在数周之内（比如四到六周 ） ， 封锁的经济成本将开始上升，到那时一些人将开始重返工作岗位（如果岗位还存在的话 ） ， 但这仅仅是因为他们别无选择 — — 印度于本周开始封锁经济，而这对当地许多穷人而言等于是危机直接降临。 尽管感染的风险仍然很高，但这些人缺乏资源去实施隔离。 同时尽管长期关闭学校的成本很高，但在冠状病毒死灰复燃的风险降到零之前，学校不会或不应重新开放。 因此复原的进度和安全性将密切取决于团体活动的风险是否已经充分下降。 减少风险的一个重要因素涉及医疗卫生系统的能力。 因此目前的合理重点是充分保护医务人员并向他们提供充足的重症监护物资。 但是这些前线工作也不会更普遍地降低人际交往的风险。 为此我们必须利用这一封锁期来提升检测，联系跟踪，隔离和医治的能力。 在这方面世界卫生组织总干事特德罗斯·阿丹诺姆·格布雷耶苏斯（Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus，又名谭德塞）3月25日的简报值得一读。 他解释说 ： “ 要求人们呆在家里并阻止人口流动是在争取时间并减轻了对医疗卫生系统的压力 … … 但这些措施本身并不能消灭疫情。 这些行动的目的是要采取更精确，更有针对性的措施以制止病毒传播并挽救生命 。 ” 如果让我来修改这一重点关注健康的明确目标声明，我只会在最后一句话后面加上 ： “ … … 同时减少感染风险，重启经济，并加速复苏 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "新型电子元器件及设备制造，主要包括半导体器件专用设备制造、电子元器件与机电组件设备制造、其他电子专用设备制造、电线、电缆制造、光纤制造、电子真空器件制造、半导体分立器件制造、显示器件制造、半导体照明器件制造、光电子器件制造、其他电子器件制造、电阻电容电感元件制造、电子电路制造、敏感元件及传感器制造、电声器件及零件制造、其他电子元件制造等。电子真空器件制造，主要包括特种用途真空器件。半导体分立器件制造，主要包括新型晶体器件、中大功率高压绝缘栅双极晶体管（IGBT）功率晶体管、快恢复二极管（FRD）芯片和模块、传感器件。半导体照明器件制造，主要包括LED背光源、半导体发光二极管（LED）。其他电子器件制造，主要包括驱动电路、电子纸、3.5-13.5英寸电容式触摸屏、激光显示、LED外延片、LED芯片、LED器件、LED应用产品、高速A/D和D/A器件、移动通信用宽频带功率放大器。", "en": "The translation of the Chinese text is as follows:The manufacturing of new electronic components and equipment mainly includes the manufacturing of specialized equipment for semiconductor devices, electronic components and electromechanical component equipment manufacturing, other specialized electronic equipment manufacturing, wire and cable manufacturing, fiber optic manufacturing, electronic vacuum device manufacturing, semiconductor discrete device manufacturing, display device manufacturing, semiconductor lighting device manufacturing, optoelectronic device manufacturing, other electronic device manufacturing, resistor, capacitor, and inductor component manufacturing, electronic circuit manufacturing, sensitive component and sensor manufacturing, electroacoustic device and component manufacturing, and other electronic component manufacturing. The manufacturing of electronic vacuum devices mainly includes special-purpose vacuum devices. The manufacturing of semiconductor discrete devices mainly includes new crystal devices, medium and high power high voltage insulated gate bipolar transistors (IGBT) power transistors, fast recovery diode (FRD) chips and modules, and sensor devices. The manufacturing of semiconductor lighting devices mainly includes LED backlight sources and semiconductor light-emitting diodes (LED). The manufacturing of other electronic devices mainly includes driver circuits, electronic paper, 3.5-13.5 inch capacitive touch screens, laser displays, LED epitaxial wafers, LED chips, LED devices, LED application products, high-speed A/D and D/A devices, and wideband power amplifiers for mobile communications."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Drug Industry’s Poison Pills BOSTON – One does not need to spend a lifetime in the global health-care sector to appreciate that substandard or counterfeit drugs are a major public-health hazard. These bogus products have infiltrated pharmaceutical supply chains from Azerbaijan to Zambia, wrecking the most promising programs to control, manage, and eradicate deadly diseases. Yet little is being done to stop this criminal activity. Growing up in Pakistan, I realized how vital it was for my mother, like any educated parent, to know which drugs and pharmacies could be trusted. Little has changed since then. Local pharmacists from Lahore to Lusaka continue to sell a variety of brands of the same drug at different prices; and shopkeepers are called upon to give a candid opinion of their benefits and shortcomings. Unfortunately, the problem runs a lot deeper than a few bad drugs sold at the corner pharmacy. Around $75 billion of substandard drugs are sold annually, causing an estimated 100,000 deaths worldwide, and making many more people seriously ill. The trade in inferior drugs also undermines fragile public-health systems in poor countries. As well as killing consumers, the effects of bad drugs can be passed from parent to child, and even create new drug-resistant strains of diseases that threaten us all. Yet the fight against substandard drugs has never been taken as seriously as other global health crises such as malaria, HIV, or maternal and infant mortality. This may be because there is no obvious solution. But, in seeking answers, we must first acknowledge that the issue is larger than just counterfeit medicines. Many legitimate manufacturers worldwide, whether through complacency or incompetence, lack adequate quality controls. In some cases, deficient storage and refrigeration systems turn safe medicines into dangerous substances. Unfortunately, those drug makers then take advantage of developing countries’ weak or poorly implemented legislation and corrupt officials to pass their products through local supply chains and into shops. Public ignorance or apathy means that those responsible are able to avoid prosecution. The technical expertise and equipment needed to detect inferior products is usually beyond the financial reach of many developing countries. But there are low-cost alternatives. One approach, for example, would be to include on packaging a “scratch code” that includes a phone number for consumers to call in order to check that the batch number matches an authentic product.", "zh": "药品业的毒丸 波士顿—稍稍了解一下全球医疗行业你就能发现，假冒伪劣药品是公共健康的一个重大隐患。 从阿塞拜疆到赞比亚，这些假冒伪劣产品入侵药品供应链，破坏控制、管理和根除致命疾病这一前途最光明的计划。 但针对这一犯罪活动几乎没有采取任何措施。 我在巴基斯坦长大，知道对于像我母亲这样的受过教育的家长来说，了解哪些药物和药品可以信任是至关重要的。 和那时相比，现在几乎没有任何变化。 从拉合尔到卢萨卡的各个地方药房仍在以不同价格出售各种牌子的同一款药品；店主需要对药品的好处和短处做出权威说明。 不幸的是，问题绝不仅限于不起眼的小药店出售一些伪劣药品那么简单。 每年有750亿美元左右的伪劣药被卖出，并且造成（据估计）全世界100,000人死亡、导致更多的人陷入重病。 伪劣药交���还破坏了穷国脆弱的公共卫生体系。 劣质药不但会杀害消费者，还会从父母传递给儿童，甚至产生新的耐药疾病威胁所有人的健康。 但针对伪劣药的斗争从未得到如疟疾、艾滋病和母婴死亡等其他全球健康危机一样的严肃对待。 这可能是因为没有显而易见的解决方案。 但是，为了寻找答案，我们必须首先承认这个问题不仅仅只是假冒伪劣药品的问题。 放眼全球，许多合法制造商 — — 不管是因为自满还是因为能力不足 — — 缺少足够的质量控制。 在一些情形中，不符合要求的储藏和冷冻系统让安全的药品变成了危险的劣质药。 不幸的是，这些制药商还利用发展中国家不够严格的法规和执法以及贿赂官员获得进入地方药品供应链的通行证，出现在各大药店中。 公共的无知或冷漠意味着相关负责人得以逃脱起诉。 检测伪劣产品所需要的技术专家和设备通常超过了发展中国家的负担能力。 但也有低成本替代方案。 比如，一种方法是在嵌入“防伪码 ” ， 消费者可以根据码上的电话号码打电话验证产品批号和正品相同。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "堂堂一位公主被他讽刺成这样，如果苏瑞在场，恐怕一辈子都没脸踏进C市也可能！ 方池夏被他连带损了，气得脸色都垮了下来，不过却没反驳。 他说的其实是事实，他明明昨晚还利用她摆脱苏瑞了，怎么可能会对这样一个女人出卖色相？ “走了。”洛易北侧过头斜睨了她一眼，唇角扬起一抹冷艳，走在前面往电梯里而去。 两个人之后离开了容熙，直接去的之前和苏瑞约好的那家餐厅。 到的时候，苏瑞还在，费司诺却不在了。 苏瑞是留下来等洛易北的，看到突然出现的他，眼睛一亮，可在一瞥见他身后的方池夏，目光又黯了下来。 他还真是走到哪儿都带上她了？ 洛易北慢条斯理走进来，拉开她对面的椅子坐下，直接将手中的文件摆放在了桌子上。 “我做事不喜欢墨迹，这份合约，签还是不签，就一句话，公主，你觉得呢？” 他的身上有一股很冷冽的磁场，说话不急不缓的，但是字字却像是夹杂着冰似的，听着让人神经都绷紧了起来。", "en": "A princess was ridiculed to such extent. If Su Rui were present, she’s afraid that all her life, she would have no face to step out even in country C! Fang Chixia was totally unmasked. Her anger nearly suffocated her but she didn’t refute. What he said made sense. He had used her to get rid of Su Rui last night. How could he sell his charms to such a woman? “Let’s go.” Luo Yibei smirked at her and walked out in front of her. After the two left Rongxi, they went straight to the restaurant where Su Rui has arranged the appointment. When they arrived, Su Rui was still there but Fei Si Nuo was gone. Su Rui was left to wait for Luo Yibei. At his sudden appearance, her eyes lit up. But when she saw Fang Chixia again behind him, her eyes narrowed. Did he really bring her with him wherever he went? Luo Yibei slowly walked in, pulled the chair opposite her and sat down. Then he placed the documents in his hand on the table. “I don’t like wasting ink when doing things. This contract, sign it or not, only a few words. What do you say Princess?” His was covered with his cold bitter magnetic aura. He spoke unhurriedly, but the words he were a mixture of ice. Her nerves couldn’t help but tighten just by listening to him."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But most food vendors would rather follow the dictates of their shareholders and sell more expensive, higher-margin food, with little regard for how healthy it is. For years, they have complained that children (and adults) reject healthy food in favor of less-healthy food that tastes good. Now, increasingly pushed toward healthy foods by government regulations, the school-food vendors are trying to figure out how to boost both healthiness and tastiness, because the government requires that schools measure not what the children are offered but what they select (though not what they actually eat rather than throw away). One could argue that a government cannot and should not control what people eat. But in this unique market, it is the government that is paying and the customers are incapable – at least in legal terms – of choosing what is in their own best interest. That creates an ideal test environment not just for school suppliers, but also for the broader food market. The challenge to the vendors is straightforward: make cheap, healthy food that appeals to the world’s most finicky eaters, grade-school kids. To do that, the first question to answer is what makes school food so bad. Aside from the focus on price and the need to absorb US farms’ excess output, school lunches reflect a broader trend toward turning food preparation into industrial production. Uniformity is prized above quality, and convenience is valued over freshness (and often over cost).", "zh": "但大部分食品商宁可遵循股东的指示，出售价格更贵、利润更高的食品，而不顾及这些食品是否健康。 多年来，它们抱怨儿童（以及成人）拒绝健康食品，更喜欢吃不太健康的美味食品。 如今，随着政府监管加大了对健康食品的推广力度，校园餐销售商开始尝试找出如何同时改善健康性和口味，因为政府要求学校不要衡量学生可以获得什么，而是衡量他们选择什么（尽管不是要衡量他们实际吃什么而是扔掉了什么 ） 。 你或许认为政府不可能也不应该控制人们吃什么。 但在这个独特的市场中，花钱的是政府，客户是没有选择什么最符合他们的利益的胜任能力的 — — 至少在法律上是如此。 这就造成了一个理想的测试环境，不仅对校园供应商是如此，对范围更广的食品市场也是如此。 销售商的挑战是直观的：做出廉价健康的食品吸引世界上最挑剔的食用者 — — 学校儿童。 为了做到这一点，第一个需要回答的问题是什么让校园餐质量如此低劣。 除了关注价格和吸收美国农场过多产出的需要，校园午餐反映了一个更广的趋势，即将食品准备工作变为工业产品。 统一性被置于比质量更重要的地位，而方便性也胜过了新鲜（也经常压倒成本 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And they responded in an impressive and globally coordinated fashion. What is surprising is that, five years after the crisis, and four years after disrupted financial markets resumed their normal functioning, Western economies still overwhelmingly rely on central banks to avoid even worse economic performance. This has pushed central banks away from their core competencies as they have been forced to use partial and imperfect policy tools for quite a long time. This outcome reflects domestic political polarization in the United States and the complexity of regional interactions in Europe, which have blocked comprehensive and balanced policy approaches. To appreciate the extent of the problem, consider the repeated failure of the US Congress to pass an annual budget (let alone deliver medium-term reforms) or incomplete eurozone-wide initiatives at a time of alarming unemployment and residual threats of financial disruptions. Such political dysfunction has undermined the responsiveness of other policymaking entities, including those that possess better tools than central banks. This has compelled central bankers to remain in the policy forefront, building one bridge extension after another as they wait for other policymakers to get their act together. The result has been to expose Western economies to ever-more experimental measures, with considerable uncertainty about the longer-term impact of operating sophisticated market-based systems on the basis of artificial constructs. The third previously unthinkable outcome relates to how developing countries have fared. Having initially suffered from the financial crisis as much as Western countries did (indeed, more in terms of output and trade), these historically less-robust economies staged a remarkable comeback – so much so that they became the engine of global growth. In the process, however, they slipped into an unbalanced policy mix that now threatens their continued growth and financial stability. Renewed risks of financial instability point to the fourth and final surprise: the failure to recast major contributors to the crisis in a credible, sustainable, and socially responsible manner. Consider large Western banks. Given their systemic importance, many were bailed out and, with continued official support, returned to profitability quite quickly. Yet they were not subject to windfall profit taxation, nor have policymakers sufficiently altered structural incentives that encourage excessive risk-taking. In the case of Europe, only now are banks being pushed to deal decisively with their capital shortfalls, leverage problems, and residual weak assets.", "zh": "而它们令人印象深刻地以全球协作的方式应对危机。 出人意料的是，危机过去五年、被破坏的金融市场恢复正常运转四年后，西方经济体仍然无法抗拒地依赖央行避免更糟糕的经济表现。 这迫使央行偏离了其核心责任，因为它们不得不在相当长的时期内使用局部的、不完美的政策工具。 这一结果体现在美国国内的政治两极分化和欧洲地区互动的复杂性上，这阻碍了全面、平衡的政策方法。 为了理解问题的程度，可以考虑一下美国国会年度预算的一再流产（更不用说形成中期改革了）和泛欧元区计划在失业率令人警惕、金融灾难残余风险仍在的情况下仍得不到完善。 这些政治功能障碍阻碍了其他决策实体的反应力，包括拥有比央行更好的工具的机构。 这也迫使央行行长一直站在政策最前沿，为了等待其他决策者能跟上来齐头并进，央行���长一而再、再而三地延长政策措施。 结果是西方经济体经历了更多的实验性措施，产生了相当大的在人工构造的基础上操作成熟的基于市场的体系的长期影响的不确定性。 第三个此前不可想象的结果是发展中国家的形势发展。 一开始，发展中国家遭遇了与西方国家相同程度的金融危机（事实上，从产出和贸易角度来看甚至有过之 ） ， 但这些历史上鲁棒性更差的经济体实现了令人瞩目的反弹，使它们成为了全球增长的引擎。 但是，在此过程中，它们陷入了失衡的政策组合，如今这一组合对它们的持续增长和金融稳定构成了威胁。 金融动荡风险卷土重来凸显出第四个、也是最后一个结果：危机的主要引发者没能以可信、可持续和对社会负责得分方式重新振作起来。 就拿大型西方银行来说吧。 它们具有系统重要性，因此很多得到了援助，并在持续的官方支持下很快就恢复了盈利。 但它们却不用缴纳暴利税，决策者也没有充分警示鼓励过度冒险的结构性激励。 在欧洲，知道目前银行才被明确要求解决资本短缺和杠杆问题，处理残留劣质资产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "India’s Disrupted Democracy NEW DELHI – India’s 15th Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) passed into history ignominiously this month, following the least productive five years of any Indian parliament in six decades of functioning democracy. With entire sessions lost to opposition disruptions, and with frequent adjournments depriving legislators of time for deliberation, the MPs elected in May 2009 passed fewer bills and spent fewer hours in debate than any of their predecessors. As if that were not bad enough, the final session witnessed new lows in unruly behavior, with microphones broken, scuffles in the well of the house, and a legislator releasing pepper spray to prevent discussion of a bill he opposed. In the latter incident, the Speaker was rushed, choking, from her seat, and three asthmatic MPs were taken to the hospital, prompting the offender to explain that he was acting in self-defense against those who sought to prevent him from engaging in less exotic forms of disruption. To those of us who sought election to Parliament in order to participate in thoughtful debate on how to move India forward, and to deliberate on the laws by which we would be governed, the experience has been deeply disillusioning. To be sure, democracy has proved to be an extraordinary instrument for transforming an ancient country – one featuring astonishing ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural diversity, myriad social divisions, and deeply entrenched poverty – into a twenty-first-century success story. Only democracy could have engineered such remarkable change with the consent of the governed, and enabled all to feel that they have the same stake in the country’s progress, equal rights under its laws, and equal opportunities for advancement. And only democracy could defuse conflict by giving dissent a legitimate means of expression. Some observers express astonishment that India has flourished as a democracy; in fact, it could hardly have survived as anything else. But the “temple of democracy,” as Indians have long hailed their parliament, has been soiled by its own priests, and is now in desperate need of reform. Parliament’s functioning has become, to most Indians, an embarrassment and, to many, an abomination.", "zh": "印度民主乱象 新德里—本月，印度第十五届人民会（议会下院）带着耻辱成为了历史，在印度成为民主国家六十年以来，这一届议会（任期五年）是成就最低的一届。 整个五年都迷失在反对的干扰中，频繁的休会让立法者没有时间深思熟虑，2009年5月选出的这一届议员们花在立法讨论的时间比任何一届前任都要少，通过的法案数量也更少。 彷佛这还不够糟糕似的，这届议会还出现了各种刷新下限的奇葩行为，毁坏话筒、在议会大厅打架、甚至有一位议员喷洒胡椒喷雾阻止议会讨论他所反对的法案。 在胡椒喷雾事件中，议会主席不得不带着剧烈的咳嗽逃离座位，更有三名患有哮喘的议员被送进了医院，而作乱者解释说，他是为了自卫 — — 有人阻止他采用不那么极端的手段搞破坏。 对我们这些想通过选举进入议会进而参与深思熟虑的讨论、推动印度前进以及商议约束治理我们的法律的人来乱说，这样的体验实在让我们感到意兴阑珊。 平心而论，民主已经被证明是一种卓越的工具，将印度这个带有深刻种族、宗教、语言和文化多样性、各种社会分歧和根深蒂固的贫困的古老国家转变为二十一世纪的成功大国。 只有民主才能推动如此令人瞩目的变化，让被治者安心，让所有人感到国家进步匹夫有责，让法律之下权利人人平等，让人们获得平等的进步机会。 也只有民主能够让持异见者拥有合法的表达渠道，从而消弭冲突。 一些观察者惊讶于印度民主的蓬勃兴旺；事实上，如果没有民主，印度将很难生存。 但“民主神庙 ” — —长期以来印度人民一直这样称呼他们的议会 — — 被其自身的祭司所玷污了，现在急需改革。 对大部分印度人来说，议会的运转状况让人尴尬，更有许多印度人对此感到不齿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Saving Afghanistan EDINBURGH/GENEVA – It is now more than four months since the dramatic exit of US and other Western forces from Afghanistan. By chartering special flights, loosening asylum rules, and releasing funds, Western countries airlifted a few thousand lucky Afghans to safety as the Taliban retook control of the country. But those left behind have been shut off from the rest of the world – whether or not they are Taliban supporters. Foreign governments have frozen international banking transactions and trade with Afghanistan, by imposing the vast array of counter-terrorism rules established over the past 20 years. As a result, Afghan public-sector salaries have dried up, and the economy has tanked. Many development-aid projects, no matter how essential, have been paralyzed or canceled. As a result, the onset of the harsh Afghan winter has brought rising prices, and food has become increasingly scarce. Schools, clinics, and hospitals across the country have stopped functioning. So, just when the Afghan people need more help, they are being denied even the basics. It is a high price to pay for being ruled by the Taliban. International humanitarian aid workers and Afghan communities themselves are doing their best to keep food aid moving, clinics functioning, and schools open for boys and girls. But the challenges are huge. Afghans now face destitution, and even famine, on a dramatic scale. If the status quo continues, almost the entire country faces acute poverty this coming year. By the end of this winter, almost the entire country – 97% of the population – could be too poor to survive without aid. The rest of the world, and developed countries in particular, should not think that they can just shut the door and forget about this mounting tragedy. Basic morality aside, the instability resulting from Afghanistan’s collapse will be felt far beyond the country’s borders. Many Afghans may vote with their feet and seek a better future abroad, while farmers’ desperation for income will be a boon to the domestic drug economy. It therefore beggars belief that the United Nations and international relief agencies are struggling to raise the funds needed to pull Afghanistan back from the brink.", "zh": "拯救阿富汗 爱丁堡/日内瓦—美国和其他西方军队闹剧般地从阿富汗撤军已经四个多月了。 随着塔利班重新控制阿富汗，西方国家通过包机、放宽庇护规定和释放资金，将数千名幸运的阿富汗人空运到安全地带。 但那些留下来的人已经与世界其他地方隔绝 — — 无论他们是否是塔利班的支持者。 外国政府冻结了与阿富汗的国际银行交易和贸易 — — 主要是在美国的要求下 — — 采取了过去 20 年来制定的各种反恐规则。 结果，阿富汗公共部门的工资枯竭，经济陷入困境。 许多发展援助项目，无论多么重要，都已瘫痪或取消。 结果，阿富汗严冬的来临带来了物价上涨，粮食越来越稀缺。 全国的学校、诊所和医院已经停止运作。 因此，就在阿富汗人民需要更多帮助的时候，却被剥夺了哪怕是最基本的帮助。 被塔利班统治是要付出高昂代价的。 国际人道主义援助人员和阿富汗社区本身正在尽最大努力保持粮食援助的流动、诊所的运行以及学校对男孩和女孩开放。 但挑战是艰巨的。 阿富汗人现在面临严重的贫困，甚至饥荒。 如果现状继续下去，明年几乎整个国家都将面临严重贫困。 到今年冬天结束时，几乎整个国家 — — 97% 的人口 — — 可能会陷入赤贫，没有援助就无法生存。 世界其他国家，尤其是发达国家，不应认为他们可以对这场日益严重的悲剧弃之不理。 抛开基本道德不谈，阿富汗崩溃造成的动荡将远远超出该国边界。 许多阿富汗人可能会用脚投票，去国外寻求更美好的未来，而农民对收入的绝望将成为国内毒品经济的福音。 因此，很难以想象联合国和国际救援机构为筹集资金将阿富汗从危机边缘拉回而焦头烂额。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In fact, why not take the idea of such a pact one step further? We in this region can, and I believe should, call for a non-aligned Caucasus, free of security blocs and adversarial alliances. After all, security alliances and guarantees only create dividing lines, with their attendant security challenges. Our countries and peoples have, throughout history, lived under a common umbrella for far longer than we have been divided. Today, we share a common vision of European integration, and it is in this broader context that our conflicts should be resolved. French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s and German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s visits to Georgia and Russia proved that there is no substitute for Europe insofar as the Caucasus is concerned. Only Europe can play the role of honest broker in the region’s atmosphere of suspicion and intolerance. But, at the end of the day, we ourselves must be willing to work toward a region of peace and cooperation. The Caucasus is too small a space for closed borders and explosive conflicts. Although some of those tensions appear purely bilateral, the Georgian-Russian conflict demonstrates that there is no such thing anymore in this globalized world, and certainly not in this interconnected region. In fact, real peace in the Caucasus requires two key strategic transformations. One is a lesson from history: Russia’s strategic interests here cannot be ignored. To believe and behave otherwise would lead to regional chaos. The other lesson is that Turkey and Armenia cannot remain adversaries forever. There must be normalization in our relations in order for the Caucasus to coalesce into a functional region. Ironically, both Russia and the United States recognize that this is in their interest. The Russians view normal relations between Turkey and Armenia as a way to minimize Georgia’s strategic role in the region. The US views an opening to Turkey as a way to decrease Armenia’s real and imagined reliance on Russia. Beyond the emotional impact of President Gul’s visit to Yerevan, real improvement in Turkish-Armenian relations requires opening the two countries’ closed border – the last in Europe. Or, for a start, the existing railroad link between the two countries could be made operational. If this does not happen within the coming weeks and months, then Turkey will have demonstrated that all this was just a show.", "zh": "实际上，为何不把这一协议主张更推进一步呢？ 我相信，本地区国家应该而且能够呼吁建立不结盟的高加索地区，没有安全结盟或者敌对联盟。 毕竟，安全挑战伴随着这些安全联盟和保证，只会制造分歧。 我们的国家和人民在历史上一直生活在一个共同的结构之下，长于分裂的时间。 今天，我们共有欧洲联合的愿景。 正是在这一更广大的背景之下我们的冲突才应该得以解决。 法国总统萨尔科奇和德国总理默克尔对格鲁吉亚和德国的访问证明，对于欧洲而言，高加索地区是不可替代的。 只有欧洲才能够在这一地区怀疑和没有宽容的气氛下发挥真正的调停人作用。 但是最终，我们自己必须愿意努力建立地区和平及合作。 高加索地区并不辽阔，难以容得边境封锁和爆炸性冲突。 尽管某些紧张局势看似完全是双边的，但是格鲁吉亚和俄国冲突表明，在这一全球化的世界里以及这一相互关联的地区不会有什么双边紧张局势了。 实际上，高加索地区的真正和平需要实现两个关键性的战略转变。 第一是吸取历史教训。 俄国在这一地区的战略利益不得忽视，否则将会导致地区混乱。 第二个教训是土耳其和亚美尼亚不能永远为敌。 两国关系必须正常化才能让高加索联合成为一个可以运作的地区。 具有讽刺意味的是，美俄两国都承认这符合它们的利益。 俄国认为，土耳其和亚美尼亚关系正常化可以把格鲁吉亚在该地区的战略作用降低到最小程度。 美国认为，向土耳其开放可以减少亚美尼亚对俄国实际和想象中的依赖。 居尔总统访问埃里温除了具有情感上的影响之外，土耳其和亚美尼亚两国关系得到实际改善要求开放两国封闭的边界。 这是欧洲范围内最后封闭的边界。 或者作为开始，两国之间现有的铁路连接应当投入运行。 如果这一点在今后几周或几个月内无法实现，那么，土耳其就会表明这一切都不过是演戏罢了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If we spent the same dollar on simple policies to help malnutrition or malaria now, we could do $20 or more good – 1000 times better, when all impacts are taken into account. On Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania – where the effects of global warming can already be felt – our researcher encountered 28-year-old Rehema Ibrahim. Rehema was divorced by her husband and disowned by her family after she failed to produce children. To find out if she was the cause of the infertility, she started sleeping with other men. She is now HIV-positive, an outcast in a terribly poor society. Rehema has noticed changes in the weather. She says that the snow and ice have been melting. She knows what our researcher means by “global warming.” But, she says: “The issues I am experiencing have greater priority. The HIV and the problems it is causing are greater than the [receding] ice.” Campaigners for carbon-emission reductions regularly highlight the melting snow and ice of Mount Kilimanjaro. But we need to pay as much attention to the people living in the mountain’s shadow.", "zh": "相反，如果现在我们把同样的钱投到直接有效的政策来治疗营养不良和根除疟疾，那么我们将收获20美元甚至更多。 而即便把所有的影响因素都考虑进来，也比花在气候控制政策上的收益要高1000倍。 在位于坦桑尼亚的乞力马扎罗山区 — — 在那里我们可以清晰地感受到全球变暖的影响 — — 研究员遇见了雷赫玛·伊布拉希姆。 由于怀不上孩子，她在被丈夫休掉后又被娘家人赶了出来。 而为了弄明白究竟不育是不是她自身的原因，雷赫玛又跟许多男人发生了关系。 到如今她成了一个在极度贫穷的社会里身患艾滋病的边缘人。 但雷赫玛却注意到了气候的变化。 她说山上的冰雪都在融化，所以她能够理解我们所说的“全球变暖 ” 。 但她对我们说 ： “ 我自己的问题更要紧。 我身上的艾滋病毒及其引起的并发症可比冰川萎缩问题严重多了 。 ” 呼吁削减碳排放的示威者通常都会强调乞力马扎罗山上区冰雪的融化。 但实际上，更需要我们关注的，其实就是这些生活在山脚下的人们。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So far, a relatively small number of human beings have died from the current strain of avian influenza, and it appears that they have all been in contact with infected birds. But if the virus mutates into a form that is transmissible between humans, the number of deaths could run into the hundreds of millions. Governments are, rightly, taking action to prepare for this threat. Recently, the US Senate approved spending $8 billion to stockpile vaccines and other drugs to help prevent a possible bird flu epidemic. Other governments have already spent tens of millions on vaccines and other preventive measures. What is now clear, however, is that such government spending is really a kind of subsidy to the poultry industry. Like most subsidies, it is bad economics. Factory farming spread because it seemed to be cheaper than more traditional methods. In fact, it was cheaper only because it passed some of its costs on to others – for example, to people who lived downstream or downwind from the factory farms, and could no longer enjoy clean water and air. Now we see that these were only a small part of the total costs. Factory farming is passing far bigger costs – and risks – on to all of us. In economic terms, these costs should be “internalized” by the factory farmers rather than being shifted onto the rest of us. That won’t be easy to do, but we could make a start by imposing a tax on factory-farm products until enough revenue is raised to pay for the precautions that governments now have to take against avian influenza. Then we might finally see that chicken from the factory farm really isn’t so cheap after all.", "zh": "迄今为止，死于当前禽流感病毒的人相对较少，而且这些人似乎都曾与患病鸟类有过接触。 但如果这种病毒变异到可以在人间传染，那么死亡数量恐怕就会数以亿计。 政府正在采取恰当的措施应对这一威胁。 最近，美国参议院批准花费80亿美元储存疫苗和其它药品，帮助预防可能的禽流感爆发。 其它政府也已花费了几千亿美元购买疫苗，采取其它预防措施。 而目前可以肯定的是：政府开支实际是对家禽养殖业的一种补贴，它也和多数补贴一样不合时宜。 工厂式养殖迅速扩展是因为它似乎比传统方式更为廉价。 但实际上它廉价的原因只是把部分开支转嫁到了他人身上¾比如居住在养殖场下风下水的居民，洁净的饮水和空气对他们来讲几乎成了一种奢望。 现在我们知道这只是开支总额中的一小部分。 工厂化养殖将比这多得多的成本和风险全部转嫁到我们身上。 用经济术语讲，这些成本应该由养殖户来“内化”承担，而不是转嫁到其它人的身上。 这并不容易，但我们可以先对工厂化养殖产品进行课税，来补足政府现在用于预防禽流感所支出的费用。 而后我们就会发现工厂化养殖出来的家禽其实一点都不便宜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Wrong Way to Think About Oil In his recent State of the Union address, President George W. Bush declared, “America is addicted to oil.” He announced a program of energy research that would reduce American oil imports from the Middle East by 75% over the next two decades. But even if his program succeeds, it will not do much to increase America’s energy security. The United States gets only a fifth of its oil from the Persian Gulf. Americans are not alone in worrying about oil as a security problem. China and India, the two largest countries in the world, realize that their high rates of economic growth also depend upon foreign oil. While the two countries together consume slightly less than half as much oil as the US, their consumption is increasing faster. When poor countries consume as much per capita as rich countries, will there be enough oil to go around? China and India have been crisscrossing the globe making financially and politically costly deals to try to lock up the output of new oil-producing countries. For example, when Western countries discouraged their oil companies from dealing with Sudan’s government because of its inadequate response to the genocide in Darfur, China was quick to buy up the country’s oil. Some petroleum experts argue that world oil production will peak in a decade or so. Others reply that new discoveries and improved technologies for extracting oil from existing fields make such projections too alarmist. Because accurate statistics about reserves in countries like Saudi Arabia are not available, it is impossible to settle the dispute definitively. But the majority of experts agree that the world will not run out of oil anytime soon – even with growing Chinese and Indian demand. Over a trillion barrels of reserves have been proven, and more are likely to be found. In any case, arguments about the size of world oil reserves and when global production will peak misses the key security issue. The heart of the problem is not the overall quantity of oil, but its location. Two-thirds of proven reserves are in the Persian Gulf, one of the world’s most volatile regions. Oil supply is likely to be vulnerable to political disruptions long before issues arise from overall scarcity of supply. For China and India, that just reinforces their desire to lock up oil supplies from countries outside the Persian Gulf.", "zh": "考虑石油问题的错误方式 布什总统在最近的国情咨文讲话中宣布说 ： “ 美国使用石油成瘾 ” 。 他宣布了一项在未来二十年内将美国从中东的石油进口减少75％的能源研究规划。 但是，即使他的规划成功，也并不会对美国的能源安全大有帮助。 美国从波斯湾仅仅进口五分之一的石油。 美国并非唯一把石油作为安全问题来担忧的国家。 世界上两个最大国家中国和印度认识到它们的高速经济增长同样依赖于外国石油。 尽管这两个国家消费的石油比美国的一半稍微多一点，但是它们的消费正在更快地增长。 当穷国与富国消费同样的人均石油之时，那还有足够的石油保证吗？ 中印两国一直在全球各地往返奔波，签署在经济上和政治上都是成本巨大的协议来试图锁定新的产油国的产油。 例如，当西方国家由于苏丹对发生在达尔福尔的种族灭绝反应不利而阻止它们的石油公司同苏丹政府打交道时，中国当即购买了该国的石油。 某些石油专家认为，世界石油生产将会在未来十年左右达到顶峰。 某些人则回应说，发现新的油田以及从现有油田中提取石油的技术改良使得这些预计变得过于夸大其实。 由于没有沙特等国家的石油储备的精确统计数字，因此就不可能一劳永逸地解决这一争议。 但是，大多数专家同意，即使中印两国需求增长，世界也不会在短期内用光石油。 已经证明了超过一兆亿桶的石油储备，还可能会发现更多。 无论如何，有关世界石油储备大小以及全球生产何时会达到顶峰的争论都没有击中关键性的安全问题。 问题的关键并不是石油的总体数量，而是石油的地点。 已经证明储量的三分之二在波斯湾地区，而该地区是世界上最为动荡的地区之一。 在总体供应紧缺问题出现很久之前，石油供应有可能受制于政治干扰。 对于中印两国而言，这就更为强化了它们从波斯湾以外的国家锁定石油供应的意愿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But upward pressure on global rates could stem from a less benign factor: a sharp trend decline in Asian growth (for example, from a long-term slowdown in China) that causes the region’s long-standing external surpluses to swing into deficits. But perhaps the most likely cause of higher global real interest is the explosion of populism across much of the world. To the extent that populists can overturn the market-friendly economic policies of the past several decades, they may sow doubt in global markets about just how “safe” advanced-country debt really is. This could raise risk premia and interest rates, and if governments were slow to adjust, budget deficits would rise, markets would doubt governments even more, and events could spiral. Most economists agree that today’s lower long-term interest rates allow advanced economies to sustain significantly more debt than they might otherwise. But the notion that additional debt is a free lunch is foolish. High debt levels make it more difficult for governments to respond aggressively to shocks. The inability to respond aggressively to a financial crisis, a cyber attack, a pandemic, or a trade war significantly heightens the risk of long-term stagnation, and is an important explanation of why most serious academic studies find that very high debt levels are associated with slower long-term growth. If policymakers rely too much on debt (as opposed to higher taxation on the wealthy) in order to pursue progressive policies that redistribute income, it is easy to imagine markets coming to doubt that countries will grow their way out of very high debt levels. Investors’ skepticism could well push up interest rates to uncomfortable levels. Of course, there are many other risks to global growth, including ever-increasing political chaos in the United States, a messy Brexit, Italy’s shaky banks, and heightened geopolitical tensions. But these outside risks do not make the outlook for global growth necessarily grim. The baseline scenario for the US is still strong growth. Europe’s growth could be above trend as well, as it continues its long, slow recovery from the debt crisis at the beginning of the decade. And China’s economy has been proving doubters wrong for many years. So 2019 could turn out to be another year of solid global growth. Unfortunately, it is likely to be a nerve-wracking one as well.", "zh": "但全球利率的上行压力可能源自于一个不那么良性的因素：亚洲经济增长的急剧下降（例如中国的长期放缓）导致该地区长期存在的外部盈余转为赤字。 但导致全球实际利率进一步高涨的最可能原因是世界大部分地区的民粹主义爆发。 如果民粹主义者能够推翻过去几十年来的市场友好型经济政策，他们可能会开始质疑全球市场上对发达国家债务究竟有多“安全 ” 。 这可能会提高风险溢价和利率，如果政府对此应对缓慢，预算赤字会上升，市场会更加怀疑政府，整个事件可能会陷入死循环。 大多数经济学家都同意当前较低的长期利率让各发达经济体得以承受比正常情况下更多的债务。 但千万别把这些额外债务当成了免费午餐。 高债务水平使得政府更难以积极应对冲击。 而无法积极应对金融危机、网络攻击，流行病疫情或贸易战的状况则大大加剧了长期停滞的风险，也是大多数严肃学术研究发现高债务水平与更缓慢长期增长相关联的重要原因。 如果政策制定者过分依赖债务（而不是对富人征收更高税收）去实施重新分配收入的渐进政策，那么可想而知市场会逐渐质疑各国是否有能力用增长来摆脱极高的债务水平。 而投资者的怀疑态度可能会将利率推高至令人不安的水平。 此外当然还存在其他许多全球增长风险，包括不断加剧的美国政治乱局，一地鸡毛的英国退欧，摇摇欲坠的意大利银行业以及日益恶化的地缘政治紧张局势。 但这些外部风险并未使全球增长前景黯淡。 美国仍有望保持强劲增长，欧洲的增长也可能高于趋势，因为它还将继续从世纪初的债务危机中漫长而缓慢地复苏。 而中国经济多年来也一直让怀疑者大跌眼镜。 因此2019年可能会成为另一个全球稳健增长的年份。 但不幸的是，它也可能是折磨众人神经的一年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With May gone and Boris Johnson or another fervent Europhobe almost certain to succeed her, could the prime minister find a way to bypass Parliament and unilaterally impose a no-deal Brexit? A truly determined Brexiteer could have two ways of achieving this. He or she could trigger a general election and win an outright parliamentary majority, or else try to block parliamentary efforts to force an extension of the Brexit deadline. On closer inspection, however, these options are also highly implausible. The idea that a new Tory leader – especially one as ambitious as Johnson – would jeopardize his lifetime goal and risk becoming the shortest-serving prime minister in history by calling an election before October 31 is a non-starter. The next British election probably will be held well before the constitutional deadline of summer 2022, but any new prime minister will want to show some achievement (especially on Brexit) and restore the Tory’s abysmal poll ratings before taking this risk. A similar precautionary principle will block the last possible route to a no-deal outcome: a new prime minister deciding somehow to bypass or overrule parliament. Even without any change in parliamentary procedures, there is a clear mechanism to prevent a prime minister from defying a majority of MPs: the opposition can call a vote of no confidence anytime. After recent Tory defections, only five or six additional rebels would be needed to bring down the government and force the general election that the new prime minister would be desperate to avoid. Fanatical Brexiteers argue, however, that a prime minister genuinely determined to deliver a no-deal Brexit could, and should, go nuclear: suspend parliament and refuse to call MPs back until after the October 31 deadline, when Brexit will happen automatically under current law. If you believe that the UK is turning into Zimbabwe or Venezuela, you should expect a no-deal Brexit. Otherwise, forget about it.", "zh": "随着梅的离职，几乎肯定鲍里斯·约翰逊或另一位狂热的恐欧分子将会接替她，在这种情况下，首相是否可能会找到某种方法绕过议会，并且单方面强制执行无协议脱欧？ 要想达到这一目的，真正坚定的脱欧分子可以找到两种方法。 他或她可以引发大选并直接获得议会多数，或者试图阻止议会延长英国脱欧最后期限的工作。 但如果仔细观察，这些选项同样是极不可能的。 认为新保守党领袖—特别是像约翰逊这样雄心勃勃的领袖—会置自己的终身目标于不顾，通过在10月31日前召集大选而冒险成为史上任职时间最短的首相根本不可能。 下一次英国大选可能会在2022年夏季宪法规定的最后期限前举行，但任何新任首相都希望能够取得一些成就（尤其是在英国脱欧方面）并在冒险前恢复保守党糟糕透顶的民意调查。 类似的预防性原则将封死可能导致无协议脱欧结果的最后一条路：那就是新任首相决定以某种方式绕开或否决议会决策。 即使议会程序不做任何变化，也存在防止首相藐视多数议员的一整套明确制度：那就是反对派任何时候都可以召集不信任投票。 在最近的保守党叛逃事件后，只需要再有五六个叛逃分子就可以彻底摧毁政府，并迫使新首相面对千方百计想要避免的大选状况。 但狂热的英国脱欧分子认为，一位真心想要实现无协议脱欧的首相可以而且也应当执行核武计划：在10月31日的最后期限前解散议会并拒绝再次召回议员，直到按照当前立法自动发生英国脱欧。 如果你相信英国将变成津巴布韦或委内瑞拉，那么你就应当期待无协议脱欧。 否则就别想了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And Myanmar’s military has mined the border with Bangladesh to stop them from returning. Assuming that the issues of violence and refugees can be addressed, Myanmar must grant international humanitarian access to the affected regions. ASEAN, which demonstrated its capabilities in the wake of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, is well positioned to take the lead in shaping a regional response. ASEAN could also coordinate with the UN in managing emergency personnel. The fourth step is to hold enablers of the atrocities accountable. Myanmar’s government must undertake – or permit ASEAN or the UN to do so on its behalf – an independent and impartial investigation into the killings, identify the perpetrators, and subject them to transparent and credible prosecution. If this cannot be done domestically, the matter must be referred to the International Criminal Court. Finally, the government that Suu Kyi leads must repeal or amend all discriminatory laws and end official anti-Rohingya discrimination. With 1.1 million members, the Rohingya are one of the world’s largest stateless ethnic groups. Most came to Myanmar as part of the expansion of the British Empire, after the Burmese king was defeated in 1826, but are still considered to be illegal Bengali immigrants. The 1982 citizenship law did not recognize them as one of the country’s 135 ethnic groups, and they have severely limited access to health care, education, and employment, in addition to facing restrictions on their freedom of movement. Myanmar’s democratic transition remains fragile, with civil-military relations, poverty, economic growth, and governance competing for attention. But the cessation of hostilities and resolution of the Rohingya crisis must take precedence. The report issued in August by the Rakhine Advisory Commission, led by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, offers one possible path forward. These five steps will not heal all wounds or end every grievance. But they can help ease the suffering by discouraging further atrocities, deterring violent extremism, and improving border security. At the moment, this may be the best-possible outcome.", "zh": "而缅甸军方已经在孟缅边界埋设地雷，以阻止这些难民返回缅甸境内。 假设暴力和难民问题可以解决，缅甸必须批准向受影响地区提供国际人道主义援助。 东盟在2008年纳尔吉斯旋风开始时就充分展现了它在这方面的能力，它现在完全可以在制定地区对策时发挥领导作用。 东盟还可以与联合国协调开展针对应急人员的管理工作。 第四步是追究暴行制造者的责任。 缅甸政府必须承担起这项责任 — — 或允许东盟或联合国代表其完成这项任务 — — 对杀戮事件展开独立和公正的调查、找出肇事者、并对他们提出透明及可信的起诉。 如果无法在国内做到这一点，那么缅甸应当委托国际刑事法院来完成这项任务。 最后，素季所领导的政府必须废除或修改所有歧视性法律，彻底结束官方歧视罗兴亚人的历史。 有110万人口的罗兴亚人是全世界最大的无国籍民族之一。 罗兴亚人在1826年缅甸国王战败后随大英帝国的扩张而进入缅甸境内，但时至今日，仍然被视为非法的孟加拉移民。 1982年公民法并未承认他们作为该国135个少数民族之一的地位，而他们在无法自由行动的同时，也几乎无法得到医疗、教育和就业等方面的服务。 缅甸的民主过渡进程仍然非常脆弱，有限的资源根本无法覆盖军民关系、贫困、经济增长和政府治理。 但停止敌对行动和解决罗兴亚危机必须成为最优先的任务。 由前联合国秘书长科菲·安南领导的若开邦咨询委员会于8月发表了一份报告，提出了一种可能的解决方式。 上述五步走计划无法愈合所有的创伤，也无法终结一切的不满。 但却可以通过阻止进一步暴行、遏制暴力极端主义和改善边境安全来协助缓解痛苦。 在目前看来，这或许是能够期望的最好结局。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Like Ukraine’s Viktor Yushchenko, who lost the initial vote in Ukraine, Lopez Obrador demanded that the result be overturned. Unlike Yushchenko, he was denied. But the good news for Mexicans is that their country’s political institutions have proven far more stable than did Ukraine’s. Despite Lopez Obrador’s best efforts to create chaos in the streets with public demonstrations involving hundreds of thousands of protesters, domestic and international confidence remains strong. The peso has barely budged since the election—a clear indication that investors have not lost faith in the country. Their resilience is important, because market fears of instability often become a self-fulfilling prophecy. The point is not that public confidence (or lack thereof) in an election outcome doesn’t matter. It does. But the broader picture – whether, as in Mexico, a country is able to continue to go about its business as its political institutions sort out the mess – matters far more. Unlike in Ukraine, investors have shrugged off the noisy demonstrations in Mexico City’s streets and remained focused on interest rates and fluctuations in the global economy. This suggests that governing principles and sturdy political institutions, not powerful individuals, have become the bedrock of Mexican governance. Indeed, while Lopez Obrador continues to denounce the outcome and has threatened to make Mexico ungovernable, Mexico’s growing middle class has taken the political conflict in stride. Many who supported Lopez Obrador’s candidacy do not support the post-election protests in his name. A recent poll in the newspaper Reforma found that Calderon would now defeat him by 19 percentage points. Voters may prefer Lopez Obrador, but they value Mexico’s stability above all. Moreover, during the political standoff, Calderon has worked behind the scenes to form an administration and to settle on a governing strategy. Aware that he must establish a greater sense of political legitimacy, his cabinet is likely to include representatives of other political parties. He will probably introduce measures to tackle poverty and create jobs. Calderon’s task will not be easy. Lopez Obrador and his supporters can be expected to work relentlessly to thwart his plans. But they are unlikely to derail his government. The underlying stability highlighted by Mexico’s post-election crisis is also evident elsewhere in Latin America.", "zh": "和在乌克兰的第一轮投票中败北的尤先科一样，洛佩斯要求推翻结果。 和尤先科不同的是，其要求被拒绝。 但是对于墨西哥人来说的好消息是他们国家的政治机制要比乌克兰要稳定许多。 尽管洛佩斯竭力在街头制造混乱，几十万的抗议者公开抗议，但是，国内和国际信心依旧十足。 墨西哥比索在选举以来略有下跌，这清楚地表明投资者对墨西哥并没有丧失信心。 由于市场对于不稳定的担忧经常成为自我实现的预言，因此，他们的复原能力非常重要。 关键并不是说公众对于选举结果具有信心(或者缺乏信心)无关紧要。 它确实重要。 但是， 正如在墨西哥一样，一个国家能否在其政治机构清理乱局之时继续正常运作，这一大局更为主要。 与乌克兰不同，投资者对墨西哥城街头喧闹的游行示威置之不理，而是把精力集中在利率和全球经济的起伏之上。 这表明，治国原则和稳固的政治机制，而非强人，已经成为墨西哥治国的基础。 确实，在洛佩斯继续谴责选举结果并威胁让墨西哥天下不宁之时，墨西哥不断壮大的中产阶级对于政治冲突泰然处之。 许多支持洛佩斯竞选的人并不支持以他的名义进行的选后抗议。 改革报最近所作调查显示，卡尔德隆现在可以19个百分点击败洛佩斯。 选民可能喜欢洛佩斯，但是，他们珍视墨西哥的稳定超过一切。 而且，在政治僵局中，卡尔德隆做了幕后的工作来组建政府并达成治国战略。 他清楚，他必须建立起更大的政治合法性，因此他的内阁可能会包括其他政党的代表。 他还可能引入措施来处理贫困并创造就业机会。 卡尔德隆的任务是艰巨的。 洛佩斯及其支持者会不遗余力地破坏他的方案。 但是他们却不大可能把政府拉下马。 墨西哥选后危机所突出的根本性稳定局面也在拉美其他国家显现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fertility rates stay high and the children of these poor, under-educated mothers (and fathers) have few realistic prospects of escaping poverty. The cost of failing to create decent jobs through decent schooling is political instability, mass migration to the US (from Central America and the Caribbean) and Europe (from the Middle East and Africa), and violence related to poverty, drugs, human trafficking, and ethnic conflict. Soon enough, the US drones arrive to exacerbate the underlying instability. In short, we need to shift from the CIA to the GFE, from the expensive failures of US-led regime change (including those targeting Afghanistan’s Taliban, Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, Libya’s Muammar el-Qaddafi, and Syria’s Bashar al-Assad) to investments in health, education, and decent jobs. Some critics of aid argue that funds for education will simply be wasted. Yet the critics said exactly the same about disease control in 2000 when I proposed a scale-up of funding for public health. Sixteen years later, the results are in: disease burdens have fallen sharply, and the Global Fund proved to be a great success (the donors now think so, too, and have recently replenished its accounts). To establish a successful counterpart for education, first the US and other countries would pool their assistance into a single new fund. The fund would then invite low-income countries to submit proposals for support. A technical and non-political review panel would assess the proposals and recommend those that should be funded. Approved proposals would then receive support, with the GFE monitoring and evaluating implementation, enabling well-performing governments to build track records and reputations for sound management. Since 2000, the US and other countries have squandered trillions of dollars on wars and arms purchases. The time has come for a sensible, humane, and professional new approach that would scale up investment in education while scaling back expenditures on wars, coups, and weaponry. The education of the world’s youth offers the surest path – indeed, the only path – to global sustainable development.", "zh": "生育率居高不下，教育程度很低的贫穷母亲（和父亲）的孩子很难摆脱贫穷。 不能通过优质学校教育创造体面工作岗位的代价是政治动荡、大量移民美国（从中美和加勒比地区）和欧洲（从中东和非洲）以及与贫穷、毒品、人贩和种族冲突有关的暴力。 很快，美国无人机就将到来，加剧动荡。 简言之，我们需要从CIA转向GFE，从代价高昂的美国领导的政权颠覆行动（包括以阿富汗塔利班、伊拉克的萨达姆·侯赛因、利比亚的卡扎菲和叙利亚的巴沙尔·阿萨德为目标的行动）转向健康、教育和体面工作岗位投资。 一些援助批评者认为，为教育而投入的资金根本就是浪费。 但2000年我提出加大公共卫生资金投入时批评者也是这么说疾病控制的。 十六年后，情况是这样的：疾病负担显著下降，全球基金证明是巨大的成功（出资人现在也同意这一点，并在最近追加了投入 ） 。 要在教育方面也成立一个全球基金，首先美国和其他国家要将各自的援助组成一个新的基金。 接着，该基金邀请低收入国家递交支持方案。 方案由一个非政治的技术评估小组进行评估，并建议哪些方案应该得到资金支持。 被批准的方案将获得支持，并由GFE实施监督和评估，以使表现出色的政府获得可靠治理的记录和名声。 2000年以来，美国和其他国家在战争和军购上豪掷数万亿美元。 现在，它们应该采取明智、人道、专业的新方针，扩大教育投资，同时缩减战争、政变和军备支出。 教育全世界年轻人是全球可持续发展最可靠的道路 — — 事实上，也是唯一的道路。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "元首下令召开三体世界全体执政官紧急会议，这很不寻常，一定有什么重大的事件发生。两万三体时前，三体舰队启航了，它们只知道目标的大致方向，却不知过它的距离。也许，目标处于千万光时之外，甚至在银河系的另一端，面对着前方茫茫的星海，这是一次希望渺茫的远征。执政官会议在巨摆纪念碑下举行。（汪淼在阅读这一段信息时，不由联想到《三体》游戏中的联合国大会，事实上，巨摆纪念碑是游戏中少数在三体世界中真实存在的事物之一。）元首选定这个会址，今大多数与会者迷惑不解。乱纪元还没有结束，天边刚刚升起了一轮很小的太阳，随时都可能落下，天气异常寒冷，以至于与会者不得不穿上全封闭的电热服。巨大的金属摆锤气势磅礴地摆动着，冲击着寒冷的空气，天边的小太阳把它的影子长长地投射到大地上，像一个顶天立地的巨人在行走。众目睽睽之下，元首走上巨摆的基座，扳动了一个红色的开关，转身对执政官们说：", "en": "The princeps had ordered an emergency meeting of all Trisolaran consuls. This was very unusual. Something important must have happened.Twenty thousand Trisolaran hours ago, the Trisolaran Fleet had launched. The ships knew the approximate direction of their target but not its distance. It was possible that the target was millions of light-hours away, or even at the other end of the galaxy. Faced with the end-less sea of stars, the expedition had little hope.The meeting of consuls occurred under the Pendulum Monument. [As Wang Miao read about this episode, he couldn't help but recall the session at the UN Building in the Three Body game. In reality, the Pendulum Monument was one of the few objects in the game that really did exist on Trisolaris.]The princeps's choice of meeting site confused most of the attendees. The Chaotic Era wasn't over yet, and a small sun had just risen over the horizon, though it could also set at any moment. The temperature was cold, and all the attendees were forced to wear fully enclosed electric-heating suits. The massive metal pendulum swung magnificently, pounding the frigid air. The small sun cast a long shadow against the ground, as if a giant whose head touched the sky were striding there. Under the watchful eyes of the crowd, the princeps ascended onto the base of the pendulum and flipped a red switch.He turned to the consuls and said,"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thus, regardless of who becomes prime minister, the next government will not commit to real concessions to the Palestinians in exchange for a two-state solution unless the result will be an end to the conflict and a long, stable peace. Few believe that the PA and Hamas’s main rival, Fatah, will be willing or able to make such an agreement for decades. The same applies to Syria. As a result, any real changes affecting the status of Jerusalem, the Golan Heights or West Bank settlements are a long way off. Moreover, no deal can be made with Hamas. But, since Hamas will not simply disappear – nor will Hezbollah – so the key point is to defend Israel and its citizens as they pursue their normal lives. This also means that at some point a big decision may have to be made on attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities. As a result of this national consensus – accepted by Labor, Likud, and Kadima, along with many others – the next government will most likely be a national unity government consisting of this trio. Its policy guidelines are already clear: · To stress Israel’s willingness to make peace, its readiness to agree to the creation of a Palestinian state, and its refusal to bear responsibility for the continuing conflict and violence; · To maintain deterrence and defend Israel and its citizens from cross-border attacks; · To preserve the best possible relations with the United States, Europe, and other countries, as long as this does not involve risks to Israel’s national interests or its citizens;", "zh": "因此，无论谁担任总理，下届政府都不会为了解决两国之间的问题而向巴勒斯坦人做出真正的让步，除非结果是终止冲突，获得长期稳定的和平。 很少有人相信，巴勒斯坦民族权力机构和哈马斯的主要对手 — 法塔赫—愿意或是能够在数十年内就此达成协议。 对叙利亚也是如此。 所以，期待发生真正的改变来影响耶路撒冷、戈兰高地或西岸定居点的局势，可谓是长路漫漫。 而且哈马斯是不会达成协议的。 但因为哈马斯并不会消失了事，真主党也是如此，所以关键问题是当以色列人追求他们的正常生活时，保卫这个国家和它的人民。 这也意味着某个时刻可能不得不就攻击伊朗的核设施做出重大决定。 由于工党、利库德集团和前进党以及许多其他党派都已经接受了这一次的全民共识，下一届政府极有可能是由这三派组成的联合政府。 它的政策纲领已经清晰出台： · 为了加强以色列谋求和平的意愿，它愿意同意巴勒斯坦国建国，拒绝为继续的冲突和暴力承担责任； · 保持威慑，保护以色列和它的民众免受跨越边界的攻击； · 只要不把以色列的国家利益或是它的民众卷入危险，就尽可能保持与美国，欧洲和其他国家之间的最佳关系；"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putin’s Rules of Attraction CAMBRIDGE – Russian President Vladimir Putin’s covert aggression in Ukraine continues – and so do Western sanctions against his country. But the economy is not all that is under threat; Russia’s soft power is dwindling, with potentially devastating results. A country can compel others to advance its interests in three main ways: through coercion, payment, or attraction. Putin has tried coercion – and been met with increasingly tough sanctions. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Putin’s main European interlocutor, has been expressing her frustration with Russian policy toward Ukraine in increasingly harsh terms. Whatever short-term gains Putin’s actions in Ukraine provide will be more than offset in the long term, as Russia loses access to the Western technology it needs to modernize its industry and extend energy exploration into frontier Arctic regions. With Russia’s economy faltering, Putin is finding it increasingly difficult to employ the second tool of power: payment. Not even oil and gas, Russia’s most valuable resources, can save the economy, as Putin’s recent agreement to supply gas to China for 30 years at knockdown prices demonstrates. This leaves attraction – a more potent source of power than one might expect. China, for example, has been attempting to use soft power to cultivate a less threatening image – one that it hopes will undermine, and even discourage, the coalitions that have been emerging to counterbalance its rising economic and military might. A country’s soft power rests on three main resources: an appealing culture, political values that it reliably upholds, and foreign policy that is imbued with moral authority. The challenge lies in combining these resources with hard-power assets like economic and military power so that they reinforce one another. The United States failed to strike this balance with respect to its 2003 invasion of Iraq. While America’s military power was sufficient to defeat Saddam Hussein’s forces quickly, it did so at the expense of its attractiveness in many countries. Likewise, though establishing a Confucius Institute in Manila to teach Filipino people about Chinese culture may help to cultivate China’s soft power, its impact will be severely constrained if China is simultaneously using its hard power to bully the Philippines in the territorial dispute over the Scarborough Shoal.", "zh": "普京的吸引法则 美国剑桥—俄罗斯总统普京对乌克兰的隐蔽侵略仍在继续 — — 西方对俄罗斯的制裁亦然。 但经济并没有受到那么大的威胁；俄罗斯的软实力在削弱，可能引起灾难性后果。 一个国家可以用三种主要方式强迫其他国家满足它的利益：通过压迫、收买或吸引。 普京尝试了压迫 — — 结果受到了日益严厉的制裁。 普京在欧洲的主要对话者、德国总理默克尔一直在表达对俄罗斯对乌克兰政策的失望，并且用词越来越严厉。 不管普京对乌克兰的行为可以带来什么短期好处，都无法抵消长期坏处 — — 俄罗斯将无法获得现代化其工业、将其能源勘探扩展到北冰洋地区所需要的西方技术。 随着俄罗斯经济的低迷，普京越来越难以把握第二种实力工具：收买。 即使是俄罗斯最有价值的资源 — — 石油和天然气也无法拯救俄罗斯经济，最近普京以“地板价”与中国签订30年供气协议证明了这一点。 还剩下的就是吸引 — — 这一实力源泉也许比你所预想的更强大。 比如，中国一直在尝试使用软实力营造不那么具有威胁性的形象，以期这一形象能够影响甚至破坏为制衡其经济和军事实力而出现的联盟。 一国的软实力有三个主要来源：动人的文化、踏实坚守的政治价值，以及充满道德权威的外交政策。 挑战在于将这些来源与经济和军事实力等硬实力资产相结合，让它们互相强化。 美国2003年入侵伊拉克就是寻求这一平衡失败的写照。 尽管美国的军事实力足以迅速击败萨达姆的不对，但为此付出的代价是对许多国家吸引力的下降。 类似地，尽管在马尼拉建立孔子学院教菲律宾人中国文化有助于构建中国的软实力，但如果中国同时以硬实力在黄岩岛领土纠纷中欺凌菲律宾，孔子学院的影响也将严重受制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Who's Afraid of Evidence-Based Policymaking? ITHACA/CHICAGO – Without rigorous research and open inquiry, the breakthroughs that have defined the modern era, saving countless lives and delivering tremendous economic growth, never would have happened. From discovering the laws of physics and the germ theory of disease to developing public policies, scholars have used experimentation to move society forward. Now, as societies struggle with reviving travel, reopening schools, and workplace safety in the shadow of new COVID-19 variants, social experiments are urgently needed to ensure that we implement policies with a proven record of success. In doing so, we will be building on a storied tradition. In 1881, Hippolyte Rossignol, a famous French veterinarian who was skeptical of the germ theory of disease, challenged Louis Pasteur to test his hypothesis by vaccinating animals on his farm outside Paris. Pasteur had no choice but to accept the public challenge, even though no vaccine had ever been tested outside the laboratory. On May 5, 1881, a couple dozen animals at Rossignol’s farm were inoculated against anthrax (and received another “protective injection” two weeks later). A similar group of animals received no vaccine. On May 31, both groups were injected with virulent anthrax. Two days later, a group of farmers, veterinarians, pharmacists, and agriculture officials gathered at Rossignol’s farm to observe the results. Pasteur’s theory was confirmed: all of the vaccinated animals were alive and well, while the unvaccinated were dead, dying, or in bad condition. We owe much to such early experiments, which have officially come to be known as randomized controlled trials. RCTs play two important roles: they help scientists push science forward; and they help convince the rest of society to trust that science. Just over 140 years after Pasteur’s experiment, the world held its breath waiting for the clinical-trial results for newly developed COVID-19 vaccines. Once these RCTs were concluded – with strikingly successful results – governments rushed to approve the new vaccines, and countries raced each other to get supplies. Since Pasteur laid the groundwork for controlled medical trials, they have become the scientific gold standard.", "zh": "谁在害怕基于证据的政策制定？ 伊萨卡/芝加哥 — — 如果没有严格的研究和公开调查，那么定义了现代、拯救无数生命并带来巨大经济增长的突破，就永远不会发生。 从发现物理定律和疾病的细菌理论到制定公共政策，学者们通过实验推动社会向前发展。 现在，在新冠病毒新变种的阴影下，社会难以重启旅行，重开学校和职场，迫切需要社会实验来确保我们实施具有成功记录的政策。 如此，我们将建立在一个传奇的传统之上。 1881 年，对疾病的细菌理论持怀疑态度的著名法国兽医希波吕特·罗西尼奥尔（ Hippolyte Rossignol ）向路易·巴斯德（ Louis Pasteur ）提出挑战，要求他通过在巴黎郊外的农场给动物接种疫苗来验证他的假设。 巴斯德别无选择，只能接受公开挑战，尽管那时还从未有过在实验室外接受检验的疫苗。 1881 年 5 月 5 日，罗西尼奥尔的农场的几十只动物接种了炭疽疫苗（两周后又接受了一次“保护性注射 ” ） 。 一组类似的动物没有接种疫苗。 5月31日，两组动物均注射剧毒炭疽。 两天后，一群农民、兽医、药剂师和农业官员聚集在罗西尼奥尔的农场观察结果。 巴斯德的理论得到了证实：所有接种疫苗的动物都活得很好，而未接种疫苗的动物则死亡、垂死或状况不佳。 我们非常感谢这种早期的实验，它们有了正式的名称：随机对照试验（RCT ） 。 RCT 发挥两个重要作用：帮助科学家推动科学向前发展；以及帮助说服社会其他人相信这种科学。 巴斯德的实验刚刚过去 140 多年，全世界屏住呼吸等待新开发的新冠疫苗的临床试验结果。 这些随机对照试验结束后 — — 取得了惊人的成功 — — 各国政府忙不迭批准新疫苗，各国竞相争取供应。 自从巴斯德奠定对照医学试验的基础以来，这已成为科学的金标准。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Chile boasts orthodox fiscal and monetary management, a very open economy, and a dynamic private sector. It was also the first country in the world to adopt a fully private pension system, a policy experiment carried out by one of Pinochet’s technocrats (who happened to be Piñera’s brother, José) and largely kept in place since then. These policies are popular with voters, and they are protected by powerful actors (for example, the strong export-oriented business sector) and by trade agreements with almost all the world’s major economies and regional blocs. Unlike many Latin American countries, in which populist backlashes have followed the liberalizing reforms of the 1990’s, the main challenger in Chile is an even more pro-market coalition. Beyond the economy, there are, of course, many areas of disagreement. The Concertación has dealt prudently with the political legacies of the dictatorship, gradually rescinding the self-serving rules that Pinochet created to protect himself, the military, and the right, and making some progress in prosecuting human rights violators. But many are not happy: the far left – not very strong these days but with an important political tradition – wants more and faster progress on prosecutions, while the recalcitrant right insists on treating Pinochet (who died in 2006) as a national hero. Moral, ethnic, and environmental issues follow similar ideological lines. And yet the range of the policy debate is much narrower, and the tone more amiable, than is the case in Chile’s more polarized neighbors, such as Argentina, Bolivia, and Venezuela. In either of the most probable scenarios, continuity or prudent change, or even if the “outsider” candidate wins, Chile will in all likelihood remain a beacon of democratic stability, economic dynamism, and international engagement in a region too often characterized by political and economic turbulence.", "zh": "智利实行规范的财政和货币管理、拥有非常开放的经济和充满活力的私有部门。 它也是世界第一个实现养老体系完全私有化的国家，这项政策探索的实行者是皮诺切特下属的一位技术专家（此人碰巧是皮涅拉的兄弟乔昔 ） ， 并且从那以后一直延续至今。 上述政策受到选民的欢迎，并且拥有实力派人物（例如出口导向的强大商务部门）和与世界几乎所有主要经济体和区域集团贸易协议的保障。 和20世纪90年代自由化改革后发生民粹主义回潮的许多拉美国家不同，智利的主要挑战者甚至是更加坚定的市场联盟。 除经济领域外，当然还有其他许多存在分歧的领域。 基督教民主社会联盟一直审慎地对待独裁政权的政治遗产，逐步的废除皮诺切特赖以保护自身、军队和右翼的自利条款，并且在起诉侵犯人权方面取得了某些进展。 可许多人仍然不满：极端左翼势力 — — 虽然今天不甚强大但却有着重要的政治传统 — — 要求在诉讼领域取得更多更快的进步，同时倔强的右翼反对派坚持要求皮诺切特应当受到民族英雄般的对待。 道德、种族和环境事务同样遵循类似的意识形态准则。 但与智利更为两级分明的邻国如阿根廷、玻利维亚和委内瑞拉相比，政策辩论的范围相对狭窄，态度也更加温和。 无论发生哪一种可能的情况：政策延续或者审慎变化，甚至于“外部”候选人在大选中获胜，智利十有八九都会在这个经常发生政治和经济动荡的地区内，继续充当民主稳定、经济活力和国际友谊的灯塔。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Development Beyond the Numbers NEW YORK – It has been said that statistics are people with the tears washed away. This is a message that attendees of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund spring meetings in Washington, DC, should bear in mind as they assess progress on global development. Despite the impressive gains many countries have made, hundreds of millions of people are still being left behind. To highlight this problem, the United Nations Development Program has made social and economic inclusion a major theme of its 2016 Human Development Report, “Human Development for Everyone.” The report offers an in-depth looks at how countries, with support from their partners, can improve development results for all of their citizens, especially the hardest to reach. Since the UNDP issued its first report in 1990, we have seen significant improvements made in billions of people’s lives worldwide. Back then, around 35% of humanity lived in extreme poverty. Today, that figure stands at less than 11%. Likewise, the proportion of children dying before their fifth birthday has been halved, partly because an additional two billion people now benefit from better sanitation and wider access to clean drinking water. We should take pride in these achievements; but we must not rest on our laurels. A sizeable number of people are still missing out on these gains. Worse, they are now in danger of being forgotten – literally so. Sometimes, they are not recorded in official statistics at all. And, even when they are, national averages can paint a distorted picture: an increase in average income, for example, might conceal the deepening poverty of some, as it is offset by large gains for a wealthy few. One of the most profound demographic shifts in recent years has been the massive expansion of a middle class in the global south. The convergence of global incomes has blurred the line between “rich” and “poor” countries. But, at the same time, inequality within many countries has increased. As a result, poverty – in all forms – is a growing problem in many countries, even as the number of people living in poverty worldwide has declined.", "zh": "数字之外的发展 纽约—有人说，数字不懂得流泪。 关于这一点，在华盛顿参加世界银行和国际货币基金组织（IMF）春季会议的与会者们在评估全球发展进展时应该铭记在心。 尽管许多国家都取得了令人印象深刻的进步，但仍有数亿人落后了。 联合国发展计划（UNDP）将社会和经济包容列为其2016年人类发展报告《为了每个人的人类发展 》 （ Human Development for Everyone）的主题就是明证。 该报告深刻研究了各国如何在合作伙伴的支持下，改善全体公民的发展结果，特别是那些最不容易触及的群体。 自1990年UNDP首次发布这份报告以来，我们看到，全世界有数十亿人的生活得到了重大改善。 1990年，大约35%的人类生活在极端贫困中。 如今，这一数字不到11 % 。 类似地，五岁前夭折的儿童比例下降了一半，部分原因在于能够获得更好的营养和更便捷的清洁饮用水的人数增加了二十亿。 我们应该为这些成就感到自豪；但绝不能躺在功劳簿上睡大觉。 仍有大量人口没有被这些进步惠及。 更糟糕的是，他们有可能遭到遗忘 — — 真正的遗忘。 有时，他们在官方统计数字中完全难觅踪迹。 即使出现在统计数字中，国民平均数字所描述的也是一副扭曲的图景：比如，平均收入的增长可能掩盖了一些人贫困程度的加深，因为极少数富人的巨大收益抵消了他们的境况的恶化。 近几年来最重要的人口变化之一是全球南方中产阶级的大扩张。 全球收入趋同模糊了“富裕”和“贫穷”国家之间的界线。 但与此同时，许多国家内部的不平等性有所加剧。 结果，贫困 — — 各种形式的贫困 — — 在许多国家成为一个日益严重的问题，即使全球而言，生活在贫困中的人数有所下降。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Capital inflows driven by that bet are over. The RMB’s fall against the dollar reflects the slowing of China’s debt-fueled economic growth and the accumulation of default risks. Chinese residents and companies are, not surprisingly, seeking new ways (legal and otherwise) to move money out of the country. In April, PBOC Deputy Governor Yi Gang tried to reassure nervous investors in a presentation in New York by saying that the level of non-performing loans (NPLs) in the Chinese banking sector had “pretty much stabilized after a long time of climbing.” This was, he said, “a good development in the financial market.” But Yi was spinning. NPLs have stabilized as a percentage of total bank loans, but only because the number of loans has continued to rise. Many of these new loans are to deadbeat clients, and can be expected to go sour in due course. In fact, in absolute terms, NPLs grew by $35 billion in 2016, reaching $220 billion. Banks are also using accounting tricks to hide trillions in further exposures. In an effort to stem the weakening of the exchange rate, the authorities have made it more difficult to convert RMB to dollars. Having previously supported Chinese investment abroad, they are now blocking outbound mergers and acquisitions to keep domestic companies from exporting capital. They have simultaneously made capital repatriation more difficult for foreign investors. While this helps keep existing capital in China, it is also discouraging foreigners from committing more. This is the second factor discouraging accumulation of the Chinese currency.", "zh": "由此导致的资本流入也难以为继。 人民币对美元贬值反映了中国债务驱动的经济增长的减速和违约风险的增加。 毫不奇怪，中国居民和公司都在寻找新办法（合法或非法）将钱转移到国外。 4月份，中国人民银行副行长易纲试图安抚紧张的投资者，他在纽约的一次演讲中说，中国银行业不良贷款“在经过一段较长时间的攀升后 … … 已经大体稳定了下来 ， ” 他说 ， “ 这是金融市场上一个好的势头 。 ” 但易纲是在“打太极拳 ” 。 不良贷款占银行总贷款之比是稳定下来了，但这只是因为贷款总量在不断攀升。 这些新贷款中有很多给了根本不具有偿还能力的客户，到期时肯定会成为坏账。 事实上，从绝对值看，2016年不良贷款增加了350亿美元，达到了2,200亿美元。 银行还是用会计手段隐瞒了数万亿美元的进一步风险暴露。 为了阻止汇率贬值，当局收紧了人民币与美元的兑换。 此前，中国当局对于中国海外投资是支持的，现在他们开始阻挠出境并购，阻止国内公司输出资本。 它们同时也提高了投资者撤回资本的难度。 这有助于将现有资本留在中国，但也让外国人不敢加大投资。 这就是阻止人民币升值的第二个因素。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "要知道之前吉姆虽然一直开着军用悬浮车，但都是不带军标的，那只能算是军车民用，但今天可不同，这架军用悬浮车带有军标，可以说这就是有着军方特权的车辆。 就象现在，吉姆以低空飞行的方式将军用悬浮车开来，在以前给他几个胆也不敢这样做。 要知道天网可不问你是否是佩兰城的军二代，只要没有权限，就会直接被锁定。 “嘿嘿，这家伙怎么样？”吉姆从军用悬浮车上跳下来，得意的拍了拍军用悬浮车说道。 “你也不怕被伊顿中尉打死！”大卫调侃道。 “二型陆地之虎装甲车，装载了一架无人侦查扫描无人机，一门速射炮，左右两挺重型速射机枪，由氪晶为能源，是城防大队最好的军车！”吉姆却是自顾自的介绍道。 “吉姆，你开这东西出来，不会给伊顿中尉添麻烦吧？”大卫吓了一跳，连忙问道。 他也没有想到这样一辆悬浮车竟然装载了这么多的武器，这说是悬浮车，但离小型战争堡垒都差不了多少了。", "en": "We should know that although Jim had been driving military floating vehicles before, they did not carry military marks. That can only be regarded as civilian military vehicles, but today it is different. This military floating vehicle has military logo, which can be said to be a vehicle with military privileges. Just like now, Jim flies in a low altitude way, and the general uses a floating car to drive it. Before, he dared not do so. Skynet doesn't ask if you are the second generation of the army in perland. As long as you don't have permission, you will be locked directly. \"Hey, how's this guy?\" Jim jumped out of the military floating car and patted it with pride. \"You're not afraid to be killed by Lieutenant Eaton!\" David joked. \"The type-2 land tiger armored vehicle is equipped with an unmanned reconnaissance and scanning UAV, a rapid fire gun, and two heavy-duty rapid fire machine guns on the left and right, powered by krypton crystal. It is the best military vehicle for the city defense brigade!\" Jim, however, introduced himself. \"Jim, you won't give Lieutenant Eaton any trouble by driving this out?\" David was startled and asked quickly. He didn't expect such a floating vehicle to be loaded with so many weapons. It was said to be a floating vehicle, but it was not much different from a small war fortress."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Multilateral Cooperation Coexist with Great-Power Rivalry? WASHINGTON, DC – Three important recent initiatives from US President Joe Biden’s administration illustrate America’s reengagement with the world and support for inclusive global multilateralism. The big question now, with the United States again seeking to play an international leadership role, is whether such cooperation can work – and how China will react to the US proposals, given rising bilateral tensions. The first major initiative was US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen’s call for a new $650 billion issuance of special drawing rights (SDRs, the International Monetary Fund’s reserve asset) – something that President Donald Trump’s administration had blocked. Details of the plan, which has been endorsed by the G20 finance ministers and central bank governors and the International Monetary and Financial Committee, are still to be worked out. It would not only involve a record new $650 billion SDR issuance to countries in proportion to their IMF quotas. It also calls on countries not needing these SDRs to reallocate them voluntarily to countries in need. For example, the US has suggested lending some of them to the IMF’s Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust to boost the Fund’s concessional lending capacity. This is a big deal in at least two ways. A new $650 billion allocation would more than double the existing stock of SDRs, boosting global liquidity and freeing up resources for much-needed investment. And it could lead to large support from advanced economies to developing countries. While any SDR reallocation would be voluntary, countries could go beyond a piecemeal approach to develop a more coordinated mechanism. For example, the US proposal could be extended to routinize donor governments’ contributions to institutions such as multilateral development banks to finance concessional loans to developing economies. In addition, the plan could involve the establishment of a new special purpose vehicle to attract private-sector resources. China supports the proposed new SDR allocation, but it remains to be seen whether it will agree with the US and other advanced economies on the implementation details and reallocate some of its own SDRs in a coordinated multilateral manner. It will also be interesting to see what role the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank may play in such a scheme.", "zh": "多边合作能否与大国竞争共存？ 华盛顿—美国总统拜登政府最近采取的三项重要举措表明美国与世界正在重新接触 ，并支持包容性的全球多边主义。 现在最大的问题是，随着美国再次寻求发挥国际领导作用，这种合作能否奏效，以及鉴于双边紧张局面的加剧，中国将如何回应美国的提议。 第一个主要举措是美国财政部长珍妮特·耶伦（Janet Yellen）呼吁发行6500亿美元的特别提款权（SDR，国际货币基金组织（IMF）的储备资产 ） — —而特朗普总统政府阻止这样做。 该计划的细节仍有待 20国集团财长、央行行长及国际货币和金融委员会批准。 该计划不仅涉及按IMF配额比例向各国发行创纪录的6500亿美元SDR。 它还要求不需要这些SDR的国家自愿将其重新分配给有需要的国家。 例如，美国建议将其中一部分贷款给IMF的减贫和增长信托基金，以提高IMF的优惠贷款能力。 至少从两个方面看，这是件大事。 新的6500亿美元SDR分配将使现有SDR存量增加一倍以上，从而增加全球流动性，释放资源用于急需的投资。 这也可能促使发达经济体向发展中国家提供大量支持。 特别提款权的重新分配必须是自愿的，但各国可以超越零敲碎打的办法，建立一个更加协调的机制。 例如，美国的方案可以推而广之，将捐助国政府对多边开发银行等机构的捐资惯例化，用于向发展中经济体提供优惠贷款。 此外，该计划还可能建立一个新的 特殊目的工具 ，以吸引私营部门的资源。 中国支持拟议中的SDR新分配方案，但是否会与美国和其他发达经济体就实施细节达成一致，并以多边协作方式重新分配其自身所有的SDR，还有待观察。 看看中国主导的亚洲基础设施投资银行在此类计划中起到什么作用，也会非常有趣。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So I'm going to talk about trust, and I'm going to start by reminding you of the standard views that people have about trust. I think these are so commonplace, they've become clichés of our society. And I think there are three. One's a claim: there has been a great decline in trust, very widely believed. The second is an aim: we should have more trust. And the third is a task: we should rebuild trust. I think that the claim, the aim and the task are all misconceived. So what I'm going to try to tell you today is a different story about a claim, an aim and a task which I think give one quite a lot better purchase on the matter. First the claim: Why do people think trust has declined? And if I really think about it on the basis of my own evidence, I don't know the answer. I'm inclined to think it may have declined in some activities or some institutions and it might have grown in others. I don't have an overview. But, of course, I can look at the opinion polls, and the opinion polls are supposedly the source of a belief that trust has declined. When you actually look at opinion polls across time, there's not much evidence for that. That's to say, the people who were mistrusted 20 years ago, principally journalists and politicians, are still mistrusted. And the people who were highly trusted 20 years ago are still rather highly trusted: judges, nurses. The rest of us are in between, and by the way, the average person in the street is almost exactly midway. But is that good evidence? What opinion polls record is, of course, opinions. What else can they record? So they're looking at the generic attitudes that people report when you ask them certain questions. Do you trust politicians? Do you trust teachers? Now if somebody said to you, \"Do you trust greengrocers? Do you trust fishmongers? Do you trust elementary school teachers?\" you would probably begin by saying, \"To do what?\" And that would be a perfectly sensible response.", "zh": "我今天要讲的是信任。 一开始，我要先向你们交代一下， 人们对信任的基本观点。 我觉得这些观点都很司空见惯， 在现实社会已经变成陈词滥调了。 我想一共有这样三点。 第一点是主张：信任感已经大幅地降低了。 这已经是有广泛共识的。 第二点是目的：我们应该有更多的信任感。 第三点是任务：我们应该重建信任感。 我觉得人们对这个主张、目的和任务 都有错误的认识。 所以我今天要跟你们说的是 跟这种主张、目的和任务有所不同的观点。 我想让你们更好地理解信任。 首先是主张：为什么人们认为信任感在降低呢？ 如果我在现有证据的基础上考虑， 我真的不知道答案是什么。 我倾向于认为信任感确实是有降低， 但那是在某些活动中，或者在某些机构里。 而在其他的方面也许是增加的。 我没法一概而论。 但当然了，我可以去看看民意调查， 民意调查应该是 觉得信任感在降低的出处。 但当你真的去看看不同时间的民意调查的话， 其实没有多少证据支持这个观点。 也就是说，那些 在20年前就不被相信的人 主要是记者和政客，现在仍不被信任。 而20年前就被高度信任的人， 比如法官和护士，现在仍得到高度的信任。 剩下的人就是居中了。 顺便说一下，在社会上这些居中的人， 差不多就是完全居中。 但是这个证据说得过去吗？ 民意调查记录的当然就是一些人们的观点。 要不然民意调查能记录什么？ 不过就是一些普遍的态度。 你问他们什么，他们就说什么。 你信任政客吗？信任老师吗？ 如果有人问你，\"你信任蔬菜商吗？\" 你信任卖鱼的吗？ 你信任小学老师吗？ 你可能会问，\"信任他们去做什么？\" 这是一个非常明智的反问。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Class structure took a typical East European form: German landlords, a Jewish merchant and financial class, and a “native” peasantry. A standardized Hungarian language was invented in the nineteenth century before any but “peasants and back of beyond clergymen” spoke it. Hungarian nationhood came too late – and was too often frustrated – to be readily reconciled with a larger European identity; nor, unlike in Germany, was nationalism discredited by self-inflicted catastrophe. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the medieval Catholic Magyar kingdom of Hungary disappeared, its territory squeezed between Islam and Protestantism. It was first conquered by the Ottomans and then incorporated into the Habsburg Empire, before re-emerging as a “gigantic dwarf” with the establishment in 1867 of the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy. The Treaty of Trianon (1920) broke up the Austro-Hungarian empire into its “national” parts (including a much-shrunken Hungary), roughly in line with Woodrow Wilson’s principle of “national self-determination,” but left large, unhappy Hungarian minorities in Romania, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. Of the three successor states, only Czechoslovakia managed to establish a stable democracy – but only by keeping Hungarians (and far more numerous ethnic Germans) out of government. Hungary was ruled by a dictator, Admiral Miklós Horthy, from 1920 to 1944. In the Vienna Award of 1940, Hitler handed back Transylvanian Romania to Hungary in exchange for Hungarian adhesion to the Axis.", "zh": "阶级结构呈现出典型的东欧特征：日耳曼地主，犹太商人和金融阶级，以及“土著”农民。 标准化的匈牙利语在十九世纪被发明出来，在此之前 ， “ 农民偏远地区的神职人员”从来没说过这种语言。 匈牙利建国来得太晚 — — 被打断太多次 — — 它还没有准备好妥协于更大的欧洲身份；而民族主义也没有像德国那样，因为自作自受式的灾难而信誉扫地。 在十六和十七世纪，中世纪匈牙利天主教马扎尔王国灭亡，其领土被挤压在伊斯兰教和新教之间。 它先是被奥斯曼帝国征服，后来并入哈布斯堡帝国，再后来重新立国，1867年随着奥匈二元君主国的建立而成为一个“巨大的侏儒 ” 。 特里亚农条约（1920年）将奥匈帝国大体按照威尔逊的“民族自决”原则而分解为各“民族国家”部（包括一个大大缩水的匈牙利 ） ， 但在罗马尼亚、捷克斯洛伐克和南斯拉夫也有大量不开心的匈牙利少数民族。 在这三个后继国家中，只有捷克斯洛伐克成功建立了稳定的民主 — — 在将匈牙利人（以及人数远远更多的日耳曼族人）排斥在政府之后方才成功。 1920—1944年间，独裁者米克洛什将军统治着匈牙利。 在1940年维也纳仲裁裁决中，希特勒将特兰西瓦尼亚罗马尼亚还给匈牙利，换取匈牙利效忠轴心国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For both camps, only great-power politics matters for China’s national security, and if diplomacy cannot influence the balance of power, there is little reason to engage with an issue. For Chinese liberals, Afghanistan is fraught with ethnic threats. By recklessly denying China’s request to extradite Uighur extremists to China for trial, the US showed scant regard for an issue of paramount importance – the threat posed to China’s hard-won unity by separatists. Muslim Uighurs from Xinjiang province were captured in Taliban training campus and jailed at Guantánamo Bay with other international terrorists from 2002 through 2009. China thought their extradition necessary to undercutting international sympathy for Uighur independence seekers. But the US worried about the potential for human-rights abuses in China and rejected the Uighurs’ extradition. Indeed, former President George W. Bush welcomed Rebiya Kadeer, a leader of the exiled Uighur independence movement, to the White House, embittering many Chinese. And given that the Uighur bastion of Xinjiang is close to China’s borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, the US was unwise to raise Chinese hackles in this way. Of course, a stable, orderly, and secular Afghanistan serves China’s interests as much as it benefits the rest of the world. Yet few Chinese are willing to confess that the US-led Afghanistan war, which removed the Taliban and Al Qaeda from their dominant roles in the country, improved China’s domestic security. That refusal is clearly the result of the “structural” ambivalence that now exists between the US and China.", "zh": "对这两大阵营来说，只有大国政治博弈才能保障中国的国家安全，而如果外交手段无法左右势力均衡，那么也没什么理由去卷入这么一场事件。 对中国的中间派来说，阿富汗是种族威胁的代名词。 美国曾一意孤行地拒绝了中国引渡维吾尔极端分子回国受审的要求，可见该国对中国内部至关重要的事务 — — 分离主义者对国家统一的威胁 — — 缺乏足够重视。 在2002至2009年间曾有新疆维吾尔族穆斯林在塔利班训练营被捕并与其他国际恐怖分子一道关押在关塔那摩监狱。 中国认为引渡这些人回国受审将有效化解国际上对维吾尔族独立分子的同情情绪。 但美国却担心中国会做出侵犯人权行为并拒绝引渡。 事实上，美国前总统小布什在白宫接待维吾尔族独立运动流亡领导人热比娅·卡德尔的行为激怒了许多中国人。 同时考虑到维吾尔族聚居的新疆自治区靠近中国与阿富汗和巴基斯坦的边境，美国在这方面激怒中国显然是不明智的。 当然，一个稳定，有秩序而且世俗的阿富汗既符合中国的利益，也符合全世界的利益。 但仍然只有很少中国人愿意承认是美国领导下的阿富汗战争推翻了塔利班和基地组织在这个国家的统治地位，并因此改善了中国的国内安全形势。 而这种抗拒显然是目前中美两国之间存在的“结构性”矛盾心理的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "英方软件是一家专注于数据复制的基础软件企业，主营业务系为客户提供。 数据复制相关的软件、软硬件一体机及软件相关服务。 公司是国内市场少数同时掌握动态文件字节级、数据库语义级和卷层块级数据复制技术的高新技术企业之一，是上海市科技小巨人企业、上海市“专精特新”中小企业，在企业业务连续性及数据复制管理领域处于领先地位。 依托自主研发的动态文件字节级复制、数据库语义级复制和卷层块级复制三大核心底层复制技术及其他信息化技术，公司构造了“容灾+备份+云灾备+大数据”四大数据复制产品系列，相关产品覆盖了容灾、备份、云灾备、数据库同步、数据迁移等经典应用场景，同时也推广到了智能灾备管理、数据副本管理、数据流管理、大数据收集分发、数据跟随等更多应用领域。 在助力各行业的数据安全和业务连续性的同时，帮助各类用户打破数据孤岛，实现数据互联互通，将数据价值最大化，为数字经济的发展保驾护航。", "en": "\"Yingfang Software is a basic software enterprise specializing in data replication. Its main business is to provide customers with data replication-related software, hardware appliances, and software-related services. The company is one of the few high-tech enterprises in the domestic market that simultaneously masters dynamic file byte-level, database semantic-level, and volume-level data replication technologies. It is recognized as a Shanghai Science and Technology Little Giant Enterprise and a Shanghai \"Specialized, Refined, Unique, and New\" Small and Medium-sized Enterprise, and it holds a leading position in the field of enterprise business continuity and data replication management. With the support of independently developed core replication technologies such as dynamic file byte-level replication, database semantic-level replication, and volume-level replication, as well as other information technologies, the company has constructed four major data replication product series: disaster recovery + backup + cloud disaster recovery + big data. These products cover classic application scenarios such as disaster recovery, backup, cloud disaster recovery, database synchronization, and data migration, and have also been extended to more application areas such as intelligent disaster recovery management, data copy management, data flow management, big data collection and distribution, and data tracking. While assisting various industries in ensuring data security and business continuity, Yingfang Software helps break down data silos, achieve data interconnection and interoperability, maximize data value, and safeguard the development of the digital economy.\""}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Education is the most important investment we can make in our most precious assets – our children – and we will not tolerate even the slightest threat to it. Protecting schools from extremists today will help to stem the rise of extremism tomorrow. Indeed, given the contribution of ignorance, lack of choice, and socioeconomic deprivation to the rise of extremism in parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, ensuring that future generations have better education, improved capabilities, and more opportunities will ensure that the next generation will not become easy prey for terrorist organizations. In addition to the risk that a few would be tempted by extremism is the certainty that, if we fail to meet our commitment to universal education, millions of children would be relegated to a life of poverty and struggle, with their hopes, dreams, and potential squandered, undermining the country’s development potential. More than half of Pakistan’s population is under the age of 25; theirs is the generation with the potential to drive progress and prosperity in the country – if, of course, they receive the education they deserve. Given how unlikely it is that a free-market approach would lead to the equitable provision of education, my government has committed to increase the public resources allocated for education, which averaged only 2.4% of GDP from 2004 to 2013, to 4% percent of GDP over the next three years. Such funding will support the steps needed to fulfill the promise, contained in our country’s constitution, that the state will “provide free and compulsory secondary education within minimum possible period.” Those steps include cooperation with provincial governments – which bear the primary responsibility for primary and secondary education in Pakistan – to devise a roadmap for universal enrollment. In order to improve the quality of teaching and learning, we are working not only to expand facilities for teacher training, but also to draw more talented people to the profession by recognizing and honoring the service of teachers. And we are investing in computers and other advanced learning tools to ensure that our children can compete internationally. We have also launched several new initiatives to make education more widely accessible. One such initiative is the National Endowment Scholarships for Talent, which finances the education of poor students. Finally, we are strengthening the institutional scaffolding of Pakistan’s education system.", "zh": "教育是我们对我们最宝贵的资产 — — 儿童所做的最重要的投资，我们绝不容忍对这项投资的哪怕是最轻微的威胁。 如今，保护学校免受极端分子威胁有助于阻止未来极端主义的崛起。 事实上，拜无知、缺少选择以及社会经济剥削所赐，巴基斯坦和阿富汗局部恐怖主义大行其道，这意味着保证子孙后代得到更好的教育、拥有更强的能力、获得更多的机会能够让下一代不会轻易沦为恐怖组织的猎物。 除了少数人会受到极端主义蛊惑的风险外，如果我们无法兑现普及教育的承诺，可以肯定数百万儿童将不得不在贫困和挣扎中度过一生，他们的希望、梦想和潜力都无从实现，而这将破坏巴基斯坦的发展潜力。 一半以上的巴基斯坦人口年龄不到25岁；他们这一代人拥有推动巴基斯坦进步与繁荣的潜力 — — 当然，如果他们能够获得应有的教育的话。 自由市场方针不可能带来公平的教育方案，因此我的政府致力于增加教育方面的公共资源配置，教育经费占GDP之比从2004—2013年间的平均2.4%增加到此后三年的平均4 % 。 这笔资金能够支持实现被写入巴基斯坦宪法的承诺 — — 巴基斯坦将“在尽可能短的时间内实现免费中学义务教育 ” — —的必要措施。 这些措施包括与省级政府合作 — — 省级政府承担着小学和中学教育的主要责任 — — 制定全民入学的路线图。 为了改善教学质量，我们不但寻求扩大教师培训计划，还计划通过承认和表彰教师事业吸引更多优秀人才加入教师队伍。 此外，我们还在投资于计算机和其他先进学习工具以确保巴基斯坦儿童具有国际竞争力。 我们还开展了多项新计划进一步普及教育。 计划之一是全国捐赠人才奖学金（National Endowment Scholarships for Talent ） ， 该计划为贫困学生的教育提供财务支持。 最后，我们正在强化巴基斯坦教育体系的制度框架。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Right now you have a movie playing inside your head. It's an amazing multi-track movie. It has 3D vision and surround sound for what you're seeing and hearing right now, but that's just the start of it. Your movie has smell and taste and touch. It has a sense of your body, pain, hunger, orgasms. It has emotions, anger and happiness. It has memories, like scenes from your childhood playing before you. And it has this constant voiceover narrative in your stream of conscious thinking. At the heart of this movie is you experiencing all this directly. This movie is your stream of consciousness, the subject of experience of the mind and the world. Consciousness is one of the fundamental facts of human existence. Each of us is conscious. We all have our own inner movie, you and you and you. There's nothing we know about more directly. At least, I know about my consciousness directly. I can't be certain that you guys are conscious. Consciousness also is what makes life worth living. If we weren't conscious, nothing in our lives would have meaning or value. But at the same time, it's the most mysterious phenomenon in the universe. Why aren't we just robots who process all this input, produce all that output, without experiencing the inner movie at all?", "zh": "此时此刻 正有一部电影在你脑海中放映。 这是一部奇妙的多轨道电影。 这部围绕着你正看到和听到的电影 拥有三维视觉和环绕立体声， 但这仅仅是个开始。 你的电影有嗅觉、味觉和触觉。 它拥有你的身体所拥有的感觉， 痛苦，饥饿，高潮。 它拥有情绪， 愤怒和快乐。 它拥有记忆，就像你的童年 正在你的面前放映。 并且它在你的有意识的思维流中 拥有恒定的旁白。 这部电影的核心 是你直接体验这一切。 这部电影是你的意识流， 它是一部关于 对思想和世界的体验为主题的影片。 意识是人类之所以存在 的基本事实之一。 我们每个人都是有意识的。 我们都有自己的内心电影， 包括你、你、还有你。 没有什么是我们能直接了解的。 至少，我能直接了解我的意识。 我不确定你们是否也能意识到这点。 意识也是一种让生命值得活下去的东西。 如果我们没有意识，那么我们生命中的任何事情 都失去了意义和价值。 同时，意识也是 最宇宙中最神秘的现象。 为什么我们不只是那种 处理输入 再输出结果 而不会体验任何内心电影的机器人？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the same manner, a withdrawal from Gaza, many people worry, will bring increased anarchy there and a rise in overall terrorist attacks. But convinced - as are most Israelis - that there is no Palestinian partner ready to negotiate seriously and implement its promises, the prime minister wants to prepare for an extended interim period. Assuming that terrorist attacks against Israel are going to continue under any circumstances, he seeks to improve the country's strategic position to handle this war. Combined with the long-completed security fence around the Gaza Strip and one being built near Israel's border with the West Bank, pulling out of the most exposed positions is intended to reduce casualties and the number of clashes with the Palestinians. A secondary intention is to show the world that Israel is ready to withdraw from most of the remaining territories it captured in 1967 in exchange for real peace. The United States and Britain have supported the withdrawal plan, while most other European countries have been critical. While demanding an Israeli withdrawal for years, the Palestinian leadership opposes Sharon's plan, arguing it is intended to create permanent borders. Nevertheless, if implemented, Sharon's proposal would leave them in control of about 99 percent of the Gaza Strip and roughly 50 percent of the West Bank. If it appears that the withdrawal will proceed and Sharon can assemble a government to implement it, the Palestinian side will then face a major challenge. Will it be able to put together an effective governmental authority to rule the Gaza Strip, or will that area dissolve into bloody battles among Palestinian factions and a staging area for attacks into Israel that will bring reprisal raids? A key issue in this mix is the division of power between the nationalist Fatah group and the Islamist Hamas organization. Local Fatah officials want support from their leader, Yassir Arafat, to take firm control of the territory. But Arafat has shown a willingness to let groups act as they please, apparently believing that continuing unrest will bring international sympathy and intervention on his behalf. Yet Arafat himself will be 75 in a few months and is clearly reaching the end of his career. He has been the only leader his movement has ever known, having led Fatah for 40 years and the Palestinians as a whole for 35 years. With no apparent successor, his departure from the scene will bring a massive and unpredictable shake-up in Palestinian politics.", "zh": "同样，许多人担心从加沙地带撤离会加剧该地区的无政府状态和全面的恐怖袭击。 但正如大多数的以色列人一样，沙龙首相也确信巴勒斯坦人并不准备进行认真的谈判并履行他们的承诺。 所以他要为一段延长的过渡期做准备。 假定恐怖分子对以色列的袭击在任何情况下都会继续，他正寻求改善以色列控制这场战争的战略地位。 结合包围加沙地带的早已完工的安全屏障和正在以色列和约旦河西岸边界修建的屏障，以色列从最无掩护的地方撤退是为了减少伤亡和与巴勒斯坦人的冲突。 第二层意图则是向世界显示以色列准备从其在1967年占领的大多数领土撤退以换取真正的和平。 美英两国对撤退计划表示支持，而大多数欧洲国家则持批评态度。 虽然巴勒斯坦领导层长久以来一直要求以色列撤离，但他们此次却反对沙龙的计划，认为这是想要制造永久的边界。 可无论如何，如果该计划得以实施，巴勒斯坦人将会控制约99%的加沙地带和约旦河西岸近50%的土地。 如果撤离会得以实施且沙龙有能力组建一个政府来实施该计划，那么巴勒斯坦方面就会面临一个巨大的挑战。 他们有能力组建一个政府性的机构去管理加沙地带吗？ 抑或该地区会陷入巴勒斯坦血腥的派系斗争之中并成为发动会招致以色列报复性打击的恐怖袭击的基地呢？ 这个问题的关键是民族主义的\"法塔赫\"组织和伊斯兰主义的\"哈马斯\"之间的权力分化。 当地的\"法塔赫\"官员希望得到其领导人阿拉法特的支持以牢固地控制该领土。 但阿拉法特的表现却像是希望该组织内的不同利益集团自行其是，明显是希望继续的不安定局面会引来国际社会的同情和干预。 而阿拉法特自己在几个月后就75岁，已经到了其政治生涯的尽头。 在领导了\"法塔赫\"40年及全体巴勒斯坦人35年之后，他是其所发起的运动中唯一一位被公众熟悉的领导者。 在没有指明继任者的情况下，他的离开会给巴勒斯坦政局带来巨大的，不可预知的动荡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Asia’s Post-COVID Education Catch-Up MANILA – Across Asia and the Pacific, students and parents are breathing a sigh of relief as schools reopen and in-person classes gradually resume. But now comes the reckoning: Failure to make up for students’ significant education losses during the COVID-19 pandemic could diminish their lifetime earning potential and substantially damage economic equity throughout the region. With the new academic year in many Asian countries starting in a matter of months, governments must urgently mitigate these learning shortfalls by strengthening schools and social safety nets. While many schools offered remote learning during the pandemic, this was a poor substitute for in-person instruction – especially in developing countries. According to Asian Development Bank estimates, students in developing Asia lost over half a year of effective learning on average. The costs of doing nothing are steep. If not remedied, students’ lost education will reduce their productivity throughout their working lives and translate into estimated aggregate forgone earnings of $3.2 trillion in constant 2020 dollars, equivalent to 13% of developing Asia’s GDP in 2020. Learning losses during the pandemic were not borne evenly, which makes reversing them even more challenging. Girls and students from poorer households struggle disproportionately with remote learning, owing to less access to computers, the internet, a parent or other adult who can help them, and a conducive home study environment. Moreover, they are often taken out of school in response to economic hardship – which many Asian households experienced during the pandemic.", "zh": "亚洲后疫情时代的教育追赶 马尼拉—在整个亚太地区，随着学校重新开学和面授课程逐渐恢复，学生和家长都长出了一口气。 但现在到了清算的时候：无法弥补学生在新冠疫情期间的重大教育损失有可能削弱他们的终生收入潜力，并严重损害整个地区的经济公平。 因为许多亚洲国家的新学年将在几个月后开始，政府必须通过强化学校和社会安全网来紧急弥补上述学习不足。 尽管许多学校在疫情期间提供远程授课，但这并不能很好地替代面对面教学 — — 在发展中国家尤其如此。 据亚洲开发银行估计，亚洲发展中国家学生平均损失了半年以上的有效学习时间 。 无所作为的代价非常昂贵。 若不加以补救，学生所损失的教育将降低其整个工作生涯中的生产力，并按照2020年不变美元计算转化为高达3.2万亿美元的预计总收入损失，相当于2020年亚洲发展中国家13%的GDP。 有一个问题进一步增加了弥补学习损失的难度，那就是疫情期间的学习损失并没有平均分配。 来自较贫困家庭的女童和学生在远程教学方面遭遇的困难不成比例，因为他们无法使用电脑、互联网，找不到可以帮助他们的父母或其他成年人，同时还缺乏有利的家庭学习环境。 此外，他们往往因经济困难而辍学 — — 经济困难是许多亚洲家庭在疫情期间的经历。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And in the bow of the platform, Captain Nemo unfurled a black flag, like the one he had left planted at the South Pole. Just then a shell hit the Nautilus’s hull obliquely, failed to breach it, ricocheted near the captain, and vanished into the sea. Captain Nemo shrugged his shoulders. Then, addressing me: “Go below!” he told me in a curt tone. “You and your companions, go below!” “Sir,” I exclaimed, “are you going to attack this ship?” “Sir, I’m going to sink it.” “You wouldn’t!” “I will,” Captain Nemo replied icily. “You’re ill-advised to pass judgment on me, sir. Fate has shown you what you weren’t meant to see. The attack has come. Our reply will be dreadful. Get back inside!” “From what country is that ship?” “You don’t know? Fine, so much the better! At least its nationality will remain a secret to you. Go below!”", "zh": "尼摩船长在平台前头展开一面旗，这旗跟他在南极插下的相同。这时候，一颗炮弹纵斜地打到诺第留斯号船身上，但没有能损伤它，炮弹跳到船长附近，又落入海中了。尼摩船长耸耸两肩。他向着我，用干脆的语气对我说： “下去，下去，您和您的同伴们都下去。” “先生，”我喊，“您要攻打那船吗？” “先生，我要把它打沉。” “您不要做这事！” “我要做，”尼摩船长冷冷地回答，“您休想给我下判断，先生。命运注定给您看见了您不应该看见的事情。对方的攻击开始了，我的反击是很可怕的。您进去。” “这艘船是哪一国的？” “您不知道吗？那么！最好！至少，它的国籍对您来说是一个秘密。您下去。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "\"I'll take Ginny and you two come right after us,\" Mrs. Weasley told Harry and Ron, grabbing Ginny's hand and setting off. In the blink of an eye they were gone. ‘\"Let's go together, we've only got a minute,\" Ron said to Harry.Harry made sure that Hedwig's cage was safely wedged on top of his trunk and wheeled his trolley around to face the barrier. He felt perfectly confident; this wasn't nearly as uncomfortable as using Floo powder. Both of them bent low over the handles of their trolleys and walked purposefully toward the barrier, gathering speed. A few feet away from it, they broke into a run and CRASH.Both trolleys hit the barrier and bounced backward; Ron's trunk fell off with a loud thump, Harry was knocked off his feet, and Hedwig's cage bounced onto the shiny floor, and she rolled away, shrieking indignantly; people all around them stared and a guard nearby yelled, \"What in blazes d'you think you're doing?\"\"Lost control of the trolley,\" Harry gasped, clutching his ribs as he got up. Ron ran to pick up Hedwig, who was causing such a scene that there was a lot of muttering about cruelty to animals from the surrounding crowd.", "zh": "“我带着金妮，你们俩紧紧跟上。”韦斯莱夫人对哈利和罗恩说完，抓住金妮的手走向前去，一转眼就消失了。“咱俩一起过吧，只有一分钟了。”罗恩说。哈利看了看海德薇的笼子是否在箱子顶上插牢了，然后把小行李车转过来对着隔墙。他非常自信，这远不像用飞路粉那样难受。他们俩猫起腰，坚定地推着车子朝隔墙走去，逐渐加快步伐。离墙还有几英尺时，他们跑了起来——两辆车撞在隔墙上弹了回来。罗恩的箱子重重地砸到地上，哈利被撞倒了；海德薇的笼子弹到了光亮的地板上，滚到一边；海德薇愤怒地尖叫着。许多人围着他们看，旁边一个警卫喊道：“你们到底在搞什么名堂?”“车子脱手了。”哈利喘着气说，捂着肋骨爬起来。罗恩跑过去捡起海德薇，它还在那里大吵大叫，使得许多围观的人说他们虐待动物。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, according to iResearch, mobile payments in China already amount to $5.5 trillion, roughly 50 times that of the US. In most Chinese cities, electronic-wallet apps on mobile phones are replacing cash as the primary method of payment. China’s leap into the digital age was facilitated by a combination of physical and digital technologies and new business models. According to a recent study by Bruegel, China already spends more on research and development, as a percentage of GDP, than the European Union; and it now produces as many scientific publications as the US and more PhDs in natural sciences and engineering. And, by streamlining the exchange of information and facilitating coordination of complex tasks, the Chinese social-media app WeChat – with 938 million users as of the first quarter of 2017 – has contributed to previously unimaginable productivity gains. According to the Boston Consulting Group, Chinese e-commerce platforms’ business models have evolved differently from those in the West, as they have responded to Chinese consumers’ rapidly increasing spending power and enthusiasm for innovation. Having been encouraged by the government to experiment with Internet-based business models, Chinese firms are upending traditional practices. And this is happening so quickly that even the government now feels pressure to catch up, by adopting new technologies such as blockchain and AI. E-payments are a key factor in lowering business and transaction costs in China, because they improve efficiency in the retail sector, where prices can still be higher than in the US even when the products are made in China. But the emergence of fraud and the failures of some peer-to-peer (P2P) platforms point to the need for tighter regulations to maintain systemic stability. As more activities become digitized, China’s integration into the global value chain will increasingly occur in digital spaces. Chinese producers can use 3D printing, robotization, and Big Data and AI applications at the local level, while still tapping into global markets and sourcing ideas and skills from abroad. There are now endless possibilities for dividing production and consumption into separate stages. But this also implies that the new digital economy’s many successes will be accompanied by many failures. Indeed, Chinese policymakers will have to confront various “digital dilemmas” in the coming years.", "zh": "此外，根据iResearch的研究，中国移动支付已经达到5.5万亿美元规模，是美国的50倍。 在中国的大部分城市，各种手机电子钱包应用正在取代现金，成为首要支付手段。 中国向数字时代的跃进受益于硬件技术、数字技术以及新商业模式的合力推动。 据Bruegel的最新研究，中国的研发支出占GDP的百分比已经高于欧盟；其科技出版物规模已与美国相当，而其自然科学和工学博士数量更有过之。 通过让信息交流更加便利及提升复杂任务中的协作效率，中国社交媒体应用平台“微信”在2017年一季度的用户已达9.38亿，带来了此前无法想象的生产率进步。 据波士顿咨询集团的研究，中国电商平台的商业模式演化与西方电商平台有所不同，中国的电商平台面对的是中国消费者快速增长的支出能力以及对使用创新产品的热情。 借政府鼓励互联网商业模式创新试错的东风，中国企业正在颠覆传统模式。 其颠覆速度快到连一些政府都感到有压力采取区块链和人工智能等新技术。 在过去，由于交易成本过高，即使中国制造的产品，其在中国的价格仍可能高于美国。 而电子支付对降低中国营商和交易成本非常关键，大大提高了零售业的效率。 但一些P2P平台的欺诈和倒闭风波也表明，中国需要采取更严格的监管以保持系统的稳定性。 随着更多活动的数字化，中国融入全球价值链的进程也将日益发生在数字空间中。 中国生产商可以在本土需要的地点及时间使用3D打印、机器人、大数据、及人工智能应用，同时仍然能够连接全球市场，从海外吸取新思想和新技术。 如今，有无限种可能将生产和消费分成不同的阶段与模块。 但这也意味着新的数字经济的大量成功案例也将伴随着同样多的失败场景。 事实上，在未来几年中，中国决策者需要面对各种“数字困境 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When Money Smells NEW YORK – In recent years, the Vrije Universiteit (Free University) Amsterdam has conducted research on human rights in China. As part of this work, carried out by the university’s Cross Cultural Human Rights Center, researchers traveled to Xinjiang province, notorious for the Chinese authorities’ mass incarceration of more than one million Uyghurs and members of other largely Muslim minorities. The CCHRC published the results of its investigations in a newsletter, financed through the Southwest University of Political Science and Law in Chongqing. It was a little strange, but hardly surprising, to learn from one of the Dutch researchers, Peter Peverelli, that he saw nothing untoward in Xinjiang. The region was “just lovely,” he said, “lovely people, breathtaking nature, great food. And no forced labor, no genocide, or whatever other lies the Western media might come up with.” The Vrije Universiteit had to admit that something was not quite right. It now says it will not accept further Chinese funding for the center and will return the money it received last year. The CCHRC website was taken offline, leaving behind only a terse statement: “Human rights are preeminently the area where inclusiveness and diversity are important.” That is one way of putting it. The Nazis were not very keen on inclusivity or diversity, either. But it is an unusual way to describe the Chinese government’s systematic persecution of an ethnic and religious minority.", "zh": "当铜臭袭来之时 发自纽约—阿姆斯特丹自由大学（Vrije Universiteit）在近几年对中国的人权状况进行了研究。 作为这项工作的一部分，该大学跨文化人权中心派遣了多名研究人员前往新疆 — — 该省因中国当局大规模监禁100多万维吾尔人和其他主要为穆斯林的少数民族而臭名昭著。 在位于重庆的西南政法大学资助下，该中心在一份新闻通讯中公布了调查结果。 在通讯中其中一位荷兰研究人员彼得·佩韦雷利（Peter Peverelli）表示没有在新疆看到任何不愉快的事情，这有点奇怪，却也不令人感到意外。 他说该地区“棒极了 ” ， 有着“可爱的人民，壮丽的景色和美味的食物。 没有强迫劳动，没有种族灭绝，也没有西方媒体可能想出的其他谎言 。 ” 但自由大学也不得不承认有些事情不太对劲。 它现在声明不会再接受中国对该中心的资助并将归还去年收到的资金。 跨文化人权中心的网站已经下线，只留下了一句简短声明 ： “ 人权一个是包容性和多样性都非常重要的领域 。 ” 这算是一种委婉的表达方式，因为纳粹当年就不是很热衷于包容性或多样性。 但用这种方式来描述中国政府对一个民族和宗教少数派民众的系统性迫害则是非同寻常的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Decoupling Prophecy BEIJING – In 2018, Steve Bannon, then-US President Donald Trump’s chief strategist, argued that the United States needed to “decouple” from China. Since then, the term has become a fixture in discussions of Sino-American relations – to the point that some, such as former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, have warned that it could become a self-fulfilling prophecy. How salient is that risk today? Some decoupling is undeniably underway. In recent years, the two countries have been locked in a tariff war. Moreover, the US has implemented sanctions against the Chinese tech giants ZTE and Huawei, authorized the delisting of Chinese companies from US stock exchanges unless they meet US auditing standards, and added a number of Chinese companies to its “entity list,” thereby subjecting them to additional trade restrictions. This trend extends beyond trade and technology. For example, the number of Chinese students enrolled in American universities has plummeted. And the US has announced plans for a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, prompting condemnation from China. Yet it is unlikely that either China or the US is as keen to decouple as these developments may suggest. China has adopted a passive approach, reacting to US actions, while taking care not to initiate any fights. And while Americans broadly support a tough line on China, far fewer support cutting economic ties. Decoupling is certainly not in the interest of the US business community. As the US Chamber of Commerce recently reported, “American companies would lose hundreds of billions of dollars if they slashed investment in China or the nations increased tariffs.” This may partly explain why even Trump’s vice president, Mike Pence, in 2019, answered with a “resounding no” when asked if the administration wanted to decouple from China. More recently, US Trade Representative Katherine Tai argued that, far from decoupling – which “isn’t a realistic outcome” – the US is pursuing “recoupling”; US officials are merely pinpointing their goals in this process.", "zh": "脱钩的预言 北京—2018年，美国前总统唐纳德·特朗普的首席策略师史蒂夫·班农认为，美国需要与中国“脱钩 ” 。 从那时起，脱钩就成了中美关系议题中的一个高频词汇 — — 其提及次数之频繁，一些人（如澳大利亚前总理陆克文）甚至都警告说这一预言可能真的会实现。 那如今中美脱钩风险有多显著呢？ 不可否认的是，一些脱钩正在进行当中。 近年来，两国陷入了一场关税战。 此外，美国对两家中国科技巨头公司（中兴和华为）实施了制裁，通过立法让不符合美国审计标准的中国企业从美国证券交易所退市（符合标准的才能在美上市 ） ， 并在其“实体名单“上增加了一些中国企业，从而对它们施加更多的贸易限制。 这种脱钩趋势超出了贸易和技术领域。 例如，在美国大学就读的中国学生数量直线下降。 美国还宣布计划对2022年北京冬奥会进行外交抵制，引发了中国的谴责。 虽然目前的事态发展情况表明脱钩是大势所趋，然而实际情况并非如此，中国或美国都不太可能热衷于脱钩。 中国采取了被动的防守策略，以回应美国的攻势，同时也小心行事，避免挑起任何争端。 虽然美国人普遍支持对中国采取强硬立场，但支持切断中美经济联系的人却很少。 脱钩当然不符合美国商界的利益。 正如美国商会最近报告的那样，如果美国公司削减在中国或其他把关税提高的国家的投资，它们将损失数千亿美元。 这可能在一定程度上解释了为什么就连美国副总统迈克·彭斯在2019年被问及美国政府是否希望与中国脱钩时他明确表示了“不会 ” 。 最近，美国贸易代表戴琪称，美国非但没有脱钩 — — 这并非是一个合理的结果 — — 反而在追求“重新挂钩 ” ， 重新与中国建立“联系 ” ； 美国官员只是在这个过程中明确了自己的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Special youth insertion programs should become a normal part of public support for employment and career formation, with exemption from social-security contributions for the first one or two years of employment. A second principle is that retirement should be a gradual process. People could work an average of 1,800-2,000 hours per year until they reach their 50’s, taper off to 1,300-1,500 hours in their early 60’s, and move toward the 500-1,000 range as they approach 70. A hospital nurse, an airplane crew member, or a secondary-school teacher, for example, could work five days a week until her late fifties, four days a week until age 62, three days until age 65, and perhaps two days until age 70. Employers and workers should negotiate such flexibility, but they should do so with incentives and financial support from government – for example, variable social-security and income taxes. Paid holidays can be 3-4 weeks until age 45, gradually increasing to 7-8 weeks in one’s late 60’s. Maternity and paternity leave should be increased where it is low, such as in the United States. Public policies should also encourage greater scope for individual choice. For example, every ten years, a worker should be able to engage in a year of formal learning, with one-third of the cost paid by the employer, one-third by public funds, and one-third by personal savings (these proportions could vary by income bracket).", "zh": "年轻人特别干预计划应该成为支持就业和职业形成的公共支持的常规部分，在职业生涯刚开始的一两年中，应该免于缴纳社会保障费用。 第二个原则是退休应该是一个渐进的过程。 在50岁之前，人们每年平均可以工作1800—2000小时，60岁出头时可以降低到每年1300—1500小时，在70岁时再降低到每年500—1000小时。 比如，医院护士、飞机空乘和初中教师可以每周五天工作到近60岁，每周四天工作到62岁，每周三天工作到65岁，然后每周两天工作到70岁。 雇主和工人应该就这一灵活性进行谈判，但政府应该提供激励和财政支持 — — 比如可变的社会保障和所得税。 带薪假期可以每年3—4周直至45岁，然后逐渐增加，到近70岁时达到每年7—8周。 母亲和父亲的育儿假较短的国家（比如美国）应该增加。 公共政策还应该鼓励扩大个人选择范围。 比如，每隔十年，工人应该能够参加一年的正式学习，其中三分之一的费用由雇主承担，三分之一的费用由公共资金承担，三分之一的费用由个人储蓄承担（具体比例可以随收入档次调整 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Who Can Beat Trump? WASHINGTON, DC – The US presidential election in November is the most consequential in modern history. Whether the increasingly authoritarian, vindictive, and dangerous Donald Trump wins another four years in power could define the US for a long time to come. This year’s election will be no typical struggle between two parties that differ more in degree than in kind. But first, the Democrats must select their candidate, and this time that contest is exceptionally fluid. Former Vice President Joe Biden’s third attempt to win the country’s top job isn’t going much better than the first two. Biden is a well-liked figure – a decent, empathetic man who lacks a mean streak. But Biden’s very likability might well be his electoral undoing. He lacks what I call presidentialness – a certain dignity and remoteness that conveys the sense that crossing him or her would be unwise. He also lacks a message: reminding Democrats that he was Barack Obama’s vice president tells voters little about how he would govern. Nor is it surprising that the air has gone out of Elizabeth Warren’s campaign. At the outset, she responded to questions by saying, “I have a plan for that.” She’s knowledgeable about domestic government and has attracted a passionate following. But she seemed not to grasp that enacting so many new programs would be impossible. Several of her Senate colleagues – including allies – told me early on that she wouldn’t “wear well.” They dislike her “holier-than-thou” attitude. There’s a coldness to her that all the selfies with fans don’t quite overcome. Senator Bernie Sanders, too, is a victim of over-promising. He still does best among the youngest voters; most older voters question how he would pay for all his promises, including free tuition at public colleges and forgiveness of student debt. Both Warren and Sanders have run into trouble with “Medicare for All,” universal health insurance. No one has shown how replacing Obamacare with a single-payer system wouldn’t raise taxes on the middle class, and some unions oppose it because it would replace the better health-care plans they negotiated, having given up other benefits.", "zh": "谁能击败特朗普？ 华盛顿—11月的美国总统大选是现代历史上最重要的一次大选。 越来越极权、忿恨和危险的特朗普能否继续掌权四年将决定未来相当长一段时间里美国是什么样子。 今年的大选不会是典型的大选：两党在程度上有差异，但在类型上相同。 但首先，民主党必须选出候选人，而这一回，竞争无比激烈。 前副总统拜登第三次尝试竞争美国第一岗位，但表现似乎不如前两次。 拜登是一个讨人喜欢的人 — — 一位有同情心的体面男子，待人和善。 但正是这种讨人喜欢的特点，可能让他在选举中铩羽。 他缺少我称之为“总统特征”的东西 — — 即一种尊严感和孤家寡人感，要让人感到抵触他很不明智。 他还缺少一种暗示：提醒民主党他曾是奥巴马的副总统并不能让选民知道他会如何治国。 伊丽莎白·沃伦（Elizabeth Warren）大势已去也不足为奇。 一开始，她面对问题时说 ： “ 我有一个计划 。 ” 她熟谙本国政府，也吸引了一群拥趸。 但她似乎没有认识到，实施如此多的新计划是不可能的。 她的一些参议院同事 — — 包括盟友 — — 早就告诉我，她“讨不了好 。 ” 她们不喜欢她的“假仁假义”态度。 她面临着冷淡，这不是和粉丝一起自拍就能解决得了的。 参议员伯尔尼·桑德斯（Bernie Sanders）也是过度承诺的受害者。 他仍然是年轻选民的最佳人选；大部分年长选民质疑他能否兑现所有承诺，包括公立大学免费和赦免学生债务。 沃伦和桑德斯都陷入了“全民医保”的麻烦。 两者都没有说明，如何用单一支付人系统取代奥巴马医保（Obamacare）而不增加中产阶级税负，一些工会也因为这会取代他们所谈成的更好的医保计划而反对。 他们为了谈成这些计划而放弃了其他福利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As for the first question, despite the slower growth trend this year, China will still add around $1 trillion or more to its nominal GDP, giving it a $12 trillion economy by the end of this year – nearly double the economy’s size in 2010. To be sure, $12 trillion is just two-thirds the size of the US economy; but the $1 trillion added this year is more than all but the top 15 economies in the world. It is larger than the entire GDP of Indonesia or Turkey, and almost as large as the Mexican economy. According to official data, private consumption in China accounts for just 39.2% of GDP. This is very low by the standards of most high-income economies, but it has increased from 35.5% of GDP in 2010. When that increase is translated into hard numbers, it amounts to an additional $2.58 trillion since 2010 – an increment that is larger than the entire Indian economy. The growth of Chinese consumption is easily the most important factor in global consumption growth today. If Chinese consumption growth were to continue on its modest upward trajectory until 2020, it would account for just over 41.5% of GDP, which is to say, almost another $2 trillion. And yet there is some anecdotal evidence to suggest that Chinese consumption growth might actually be accelerating faster. So, the real question for China watchers around the world is whether anything that happens at the 19th Congress will affect this trend. If the trend continues or accelerates, Chinese consumption could start to approach half that of the United States, which would be an extremely encouraging sign that the world economy is undergoing a badly needed rebalancing. As for the second question, I suspect that China will stay the course on the BRI, especially given the growing concerns about trade elsewhere in the world. While we don’t yet know the precise dynamics of this grand project, it is safe to assume that linking China, Europe, and everywhere in between through better infrastructure will have a significant positive impact on world trade. To be clear, I do not think that the BRI is as important as the Chinese consumer to the world economy. But in terms of trade, specifically, its impact could be enormous.", "zh": "针对第一个问题，尽管今年增长放缓，中国的名义GDP仍将增加1万亿美元出头，以此在今年年底达到12万亿美元的总规模，比2010年增长近一倍。 当然，12万亿美元只相当于美国经济规模的2/3，但今年增加的这1万亿美元已经高过了世界前15大经济体的合共增长量。 这个数字大于印尼或土耳其的整体GDP，几乎与墨西哥的经济规模相当。 据官方数据显示，中国的私人消费占到了GDP的39.2 ％ 。 这个数字虽然相对大多数高收入经济体的标准来说很低，但相对2010年的35.5％来说已经有所上升。 如果要将这一增长率换算成数字的话，等于自2010年以来额外增加了2.58万亿美元 — — 增长额比印度的整个经济体量还大。 显而易见中国的消费增长已经成为当今全球消费增长的最重要因素。 如果中国的消费增长能在2020年之前继续保持温和上涨的态势，那么它将占到国内生产总值的41.5 ％ ， 也就是再增长近两万亿美元。 然而还有一些有待验证的证据表明，中国的消费增长的实际加速度可能会更高。 那么全球各地中国观察家的真正问题是，在十九大上是否会发生一些影响到这个趋势的事件。 如果趋势持续或加速，中国消费总量可能会逐渐达到美国的一半，这将是一个非常令人鼓舞的迹象，说明世界经济正在迎来一个迫切需要的再平衡态势。 至于第二个问题，我想中国会继续推动“一带一路”进程，尤其是考虑到对世界其他地区贸易的日益关注。 虽然我们还不知道这个大型项目背后的确切动力是什么，但可以确信的是，通过更完善的基础设施来连接中国，欧洲一起其他地区的做法将对世界贸易产生重大的积极影响。 要明确的是，我不认为“一带一路”对世界经济的重要性可以比肩于中国消费者。 但具体到贸易方面其影响可能是巨大的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trade More than Aid The recent G-8 meeting in Scotland, as well as concerts and celebrity activism, has put a spotlight on the amount of international assistance reaching the countries and peoples of Africa. This is understandable in light of the continent’s persistent poverty, seemingly endless conflicts, and the prevalence of HIV-AIDS and other infectious diseases. If properly targeted and conditioned on reforms, international aid can make a positive difference. But aid is no panacea. The fact that so many problems persist despite tens of billions of dollars of assistance and years of effort is a sad reminder that aid can allow governments to undertake foolish investments that accomplish little, or can easily be siphoned off by corrupt officials. Moreover, aid is inherently uncertain, leaving Africans at the mercy of outside forces beyond their control. Another problem with the emphasis on aid (in addition to the near impossibility of accurately measuring the scale of the flows from all sources) is that the political effort to increase it absorbs attention that would be better spent on a more powerful instrument of economic development: trade. Trade is the all-but-forgotten weapon in the battle against poverty, but it can provide more help to the poor than aid can. If rich countries – in particular, the United States, the 25 members of the EU, and Japan – really want to help poor people, they will open their markets to what poor countries produce, especially textiles, apparel, agricultural products, and commodities. Phasing out tariffs and import quotas for poor countries’ exports – and phasing out subsidies for their own producers of agricultural products – would have a dramatic effect on the lives of hundreds of millions of people in Africa and elsewhere. Private businesses would develop, jobs would be created, and incomes would rise. Moreover, trade benefits the world in many other ways, providing a major boost to the advanced economies of the world. One recent study estimates that incomes in the US alone could rise by $500 billion a year if global trade were to become truly free. Similarly, incomes around the world would rise significantly from liberalizing more global trade in both goods and services.", "zh": "贸易应多于援助 最近在苏格兰举行的八国峰会，以及除此之外的音乐会和名人活动，将人们的关注焦点放在了非洲各国和人民所受到的国际资助的数量上。 考虑到非洲长期贫困、表面看来永无止境的冲突以及艾滋病和其他传染疾病的盛行，这是可以理解的。 如果国际援助的目标正确、条件适当，它就能产生积极的、与众不同的效果。 但是援助并非万能药。 虽然我们给出了价值成百上千亿美元的援助，并且多年来不断做出努力，但是诸多问题依然存在的事实却让我们悲哀地意识到，援助能够允许政府进行愚蠢的、毫无收益的投资，或者被贪污官员轻而易举地霸占。 此外，援助本身的不确定性使得非洲人民在他们无法控制的外部力量下任人摆布。 另外一个对援助问题的关注焦点 （除了精确计算来自各渠道的资金规模的不可能性之外）在于，为增加援助的政治努力吸引了一部分注意力，而它们本该用于一个能使经济发展的更为有力的手段 — — 贸易。 贸易是在这场抗贫困战争中几乎已经被忘却的武器，但是它却比援助更能帮助贫困人口。 如果富有国家 — — 特别是美国、欧盟的25个成员国和日本 — — 真心诚意地想要帮助贫困人口，他们应该向贫困国家的产品开放他们的市场，尤其是纺织品、服装、农产品和日用品。 逐步取消贫困国家出口产品的关税和进口配额 — — 并逐步停止对他们自己的农产品的补贴 — — 将对成千上百万生活在非洲和其他地方的人们的生活产生巨大影响。 私人企业将会得以发展，工作岗位将得以产生，人们的收入将得以提高。 此外，贸易能大力推进世界先进经济体制，在许多其他方面都使全世界受益匪浅。 最近一次的研究结果估计，如果全球贸易能真正实现自由的话，单单美国的收入就能在一年之内增加5,000亿美元。 同样地，全世界的收入水平也会在解放更多的全球贸易货物和服务中得到显著增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Privacy for Refugees LONDON – With people living so much of their lives online nowadays, it is easier than ever for governments and companies to collect large amounts of personal information. Not surprisingly, data privacy is a hot topic. But there are plenty of people being left out of the debates. And, unfortunately, those are the people who need the most attention. As much as Internet companies like Facebook or Google want to collect data about their users, there are limits to their power to do so. Most of the time, there is a way to opt out of providing personal data, even if it is sometimes buried deep in a complex set of privacy settings. If those opt-outs are not convincing enough, there are privacy-focused search engines or email providers. But some vulnerable populations – such as the nearly five million Syrians who have been forced from their home country – cannot opt out, unless they want to be sent right back to a warzone. If they hope to be granted refugee status – not to mention food, clothing, shelter, and other basic necessities – they have to give whatever information the NGOs, IGOs, aid agencies, and humanitarian workers request. In other words, for refugees, whether to provide personal information, from religious beliefs to biometric data, can be a matter of life and death. But what if those data fell into the wrong hands? With the organizations responsible for data security operating in low-resource, high-pressure circumstances, it is not an unreasonable question. The exposed refugees might be in serious danger. Sensitive information is being circulated among an increasingly wide array of actors, such as third-party financial institutions, technology developers, cloud computing service providers, and other humanitarian agencies. Every time that information is shared – whether it is entered into a new database or a new actor gains access to a single aggregated database – the risk of privacy breaches grows. There is no shortage of groups that would love to get their hands on the data. Over the last few years, the Syrian Electronic Army, which supports the brutal regime of President Bashar al-Assad, has successfully hacked into a number of secure databases. Of course, this is not to say that collecting data on refugees is fundamentally wrong.", "zh": "难民隐私 伦敦 — — 因为当今时代民众长时间上网，政府和企业搜集个人信息比以往任何时候都要轻松。 因此数据隐私成为热门话题并不令人感到惊讶。 但仍有很多人被排除在相关辩论之外。 而且不幸的是，他们恰恰是最需要关注的人群。 即使像facebook或谷歌这样的互联网企业渴望搜集用户数据，但他们收集数据的权利是受到限制的。 多数情况下，用户可以选择不提供个人数据，即使有时相关选项被隐藏在一系列复杂的隐私设置之中。 如果这样的选择还无法让你相信，那么还存在以隐私为主打服务的搜索引擎或电子邮件提供商。 但某些弱势群体 — — 比如近500万被迫背井离乡的叙利亚难民 — — 无权选择隐私保密，除非他们想要被立即遣返回交战地区。 如果他们希望获得难民地位 — — 更不要说食物、衣物、住所和其他基本的生活必需品 — — 他们就必须提供非政府组织、政府间机构、援助机构和人道主义工作人员所要求提供的任何信息。 换句话讲，对难民而言，是否提供从宗教信仰到生物识别数据的个人信息可能事关生死。 但如果这些信息落入坏人手中会产生什么样的后果？ 因为负责数据安全的机构在资源匮乏、压力沉重的环境下工作，这并不是一个不合理的问题。 信息泄露的难民有可能面临严重的威胁。 敏感信息往往在牵涉面越来越广的行为主体间传播，比如第三方金融机构、技术开发企业、云计算服务提供商和其他人道主义机构。 每次信息共享 — — 无论是录入新数据库还是新操作者获得调阅某个汇总数据库的权限 — — 隐私泄露的风险都会随之增加。 有大量机构想要获得这些数据。 过去几年来，支持巴沙尔·阿萨德总统野蛮政府的叙利亚电子军已经成功侵入了若干安全数据库。 当然这并不是说搜集难民信息从本质上有什么错误。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Neglected Financial Children WASHINGTON, DC – This week, the US Congress again failed to approve a modest appropriation that would have shored up financing for the International Monetary Fund and given China and other emerging economies greater responsibility there. Support for the IMF may seem arcane, but it has important implications for America’s global role – and the signs are not good. Indeed, if there was ever a moment for Congressional approval of the IMF reform package, this was it: the measure would have greatly increased the IMF’s ability to support Ukraine, a key American objective, at a much lower cost than the alternative of a US bilateral credit guarantee. The failed measure involved only a transfer of previous US commitments from a supplementary account to the IMF’s core funding source, at virtually no cost to taxpayers. Congressional approval would have implemented a deal, concluded at the G-20’s Seoul Summit in 2010, to double the Fund’s lending capacity. Under the agreement, which US President Barack Obama’s administration shepherded through tough negotiations, America would remain the IMF’s largest single shareholder, retaining its veto over major decisions. But, fearing a backlash, the Obama administration tried to gain Congressional backing only at the last minute – and as quietly as possible. A few years ago, the US displayed a similar lack of commitment to another US-dominated international institution: the World Bank. After the global financial crisis, the Bank lacked enough capital to boost lending beyond pre-crisis levels.", "zh": "美国被忽视的金融孩子 华盛顿—本周，美国国会再一次没能批准适度拨款补充国际货币基金组织（IMF）资金并增加中国和其他新兴经济体在IMF的责任。 支持IMF似乎难以理解，但这对美国的全球角色具有重要影响 — — 而目前的信号很不乐观。 事实上，如果说国会曾经批准过IMF的改革方案，那么肯定是下面这个时刻：这一措施能极大地增强IMF支持美国的关键目标 — — 乌克兰的能力，并且成本要远远低于美国的双边信用担保。 没有获得批准的措施只不过是把此前美国的承诺从补充性账户转移到IMF的核心融资源，几乎不会给纳税人造成任何成本。 国会的批准本可以完成在2010年首尔二十国峰会上达成的协议 — — 将IMF的贷款能力扩大一倍。 根据这一奥巴马政府好不容易才牵头谈成的协议，美国将仍是IMF最大的单一股东，仍保有重大决策的一票否决权。 但是，由于担��国内的反对，奥巴马政府在最后时刻才试图赢得国会支持 — — 并且尽力不弄出动静来。 几年前，美国在另一家美国主导的国际机构 — — 世界银行中也显示出同样的无担当。 全球金融危机爆发后，世行缺少足够的资本将贷款规模增加到危机前水平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In that election, the left’s main candidate, incumbent President François Hollande, was so unpopular – his approval rating was just 4% a year before his term ended – that he ultimately opted not to run. At the same time, the candidate of the mainstream right, François Fillon, became caught up in a financial scandal and was sentenced to five years in prison on embezzlement charges. Beyond these unique circumstances, Macron also benefited from the growing radicalization of both the left and the right, which enabled him to consolidate control over a large bloc of voters who were worried about extremism on both sides. His campaign followed a textbook “median-voter” strategy, attracting moderate left-wing voters (many of whom remain faithful to him) as well as a significant share of the moderate right. Now, a new analysis of French electoral trends, based on a sample of nearly 10,000 voters collected by Ipsos, highlights the trajectory of left-wing voters who had previously supported Hollande. In 2012, this cohort represented 28.5% of the electorate. In 2017, 46% of former Hollande voters cast ballots for Macron. Now, this segment of the electorate is divided into thirds: 36% continue to support Macron, 34% are preparing to vote again for a left-wing candidate, and 29% intend to abstain from voting. The share of voters committed to the left thus has fallen by some 18 percentage points. Not only has the moderate left defected; a growing share of working-class voters has decided to abstain or support the far right.", "zh": "在那场选举中，左翼的主候选人、在任总统奥朗德非常不受欢迎 — — 他在任期结束前一年的支持率只有 4 % — —以至于他最终选择不参选。 与此同时，主流右翼的候选人弗朗索瓦·菲永（François Fillon）卷入了金融丑闻，因挪用公款罪被判处五年徒刑。 除了这些独特的情况外，马克龙还受益于左翼和右翼的日益激进化，这使他能够巩固对担心左右两翼走极端的选民大量选民的控制。 他的竞选活动遵循教科书式的“中位选民”策略，吸引温和左翼选民（其中许多人仍然忠于他）以及相当一部分温和右翼选民。 现在，一项基于益普索（Ipsos）收集的近 10,000 名选民样本的法国选举趋势新分析突显出之前支持奥朗德的左翼选民的轨迹。 2012 年，这一群体占选民的 28.5 % 。 2017年，46%的前奥朗德选民为马克龙投票。 现在，这部分选民一分为三：36%继续支持马克龙，34%准备再次投票给左翼候选人，29%打算弃权。 因此，准备支持左翼的选民比例下降了约 18 个百分点。 不仅温和左翼叛变了；越来越多的工人阶级选民决定投弃权票或支持极右翼。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What rage then drove us against these monsters! We lost all self-control. Ten or twelve devilfish had overrun the Nautilus’s platform and sides. We piled helter-skelter into the thick of these sawed-off snakes, which darted over the platform amid waves of blood and sepia ink. It seemed as if these viscous tentacles grew back like the many heads of Hydra. At every thrust Ned Land’s harpoon would plunge into a squid’s sea-green eye and burst it. But my daring companion was suddenly toppled by the tentacles of a monster he could not avoid. Oh, my heart nearly exploded with excitement and horror! The squid’s fearsome beak was wide open over Ned Land. The poor man was about to be cut in half. I ran to his rescue. But Captain Nemo got there first. His ax disappeared between the two enormous mandibles, and the Canadian, miraculously saved, stood and plunged his harpoon all the way into the devilfish’s triple heart. “Tit for tat,” Captain Nemo told the Canadian. “I owed it to myself!”", "zh": "那时我们是何等愤怒地来跟这些章鱼拼命呀！我们一点不能自主了。有十条或十二条章鱼侵到平台上和诺第留斯号两边来。我们在平台上，在血泊和墨水中跳动者的一条一条的肉段中间滚来滚去，这些粘性的触须就像多头蛇的头一样，一会又生出来了。尼德·兰的叉每一下都刺人枪鸟贼的海色眼睛中，把眼珠挖出来。可是，我的勇敢同伴不可能躲开，突然被一条怪物的触须卷住掀倒在地。枪乌贼的厉害可怕的嘴对着尼德·兰张开来。这个不幸的人要被咬为两段了。我急急跑去救他，但尼摩船长走在我的前面，先我动了手。他的斧子砍人两排巨大齿牙里面了，加拿大人出人意料地得救了，站起来，把整条叉刺人章鱼的三个心脏中。 “我应该有这次机会报答您啊！”尼摩船长对加拿大人说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他的模样非常的慵懒，那张脸又冷冽之中又带了几分妖孽，目光潋滟，这么靠坐在那儿的时候，回头率几乎是百分百。 周围看过来的目光很多，一般都是女人，朝着这边挤眉弄眼的人更多。 费司诺像是全然没看到似的，那散漫的样子，仿佛对周围的一切提不起半点兴趣。 直至，一道纤细的身影蓦然撞入眼帘。 窗外，方池夏拿着一份文件夹正小跑着向着这边赶来。 边跑，边在焦急地嘀咕，“迟到了！ 迟到了！” 因为塞车，她迟到了三分钟。 这么重要的场合，她知道迟到是很不礼貌的，跑得有点快。 她不像很多女孩子那样很注重形象，每一步得迈开多大都得顾虑，她跑得趔趔趄趄的，穿着细高跟的脚还崴了好几次。 疼了的时候，龇牙咧嘴地抱着脚揉了揉，皱着眉头低呼了声，之后又继续往餐厅内跑。 费司诺坐在餐厅里不动声色望着窗外表情多变的她，唇角好看地勾了勾。", "en": "His languid posture coupled with that cold face with a hint of evilness as well as glittering eyes, just sitting there, the rate of second looks was almost perfect. Lot of eyes, generally women were speared in his way. Fei Si Nuo seemed oblivious to them or was just not the least bit interested in everthing going on around him. Until a slender figure slammed into his line of sight. Outside the window, Fang Chixia was clutching a folder as she trotted in their direction. She dashed as she anxiously muttered, “I’m late! I’m late!” She was three minutes late due to the traffic jam. On such an important occasion, she knew that being late was absolutely impolite so she hastened her footsteps. She paid not as much attention to her image as many other girls. Every step she moved were filled with worry. She ran but staggered several times as she was wearing high heels. When in pain, she only brushed her ankles and gritted her teeth. Her brows were scrunched up but she went on and run inside the restaurant. Fei Si Nuo sat in the dining area, quietly watching the subtle changes in her expression. His lips couldn’t help but hook up."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From the CIA to the GFE NEW YORK – The United States needs to shift its spending from war to education, from CIA-backed regime change to a new Global Fund for Education (GFE). With hundreds of millions of children around the world not in school, or in schools with under-qualified teachers, a lack of computers, large class sizes, and no electricity, many parts of the world are headed for massive instability, joblessness, and poverty. The twenty-first century will belong to countries that properly educate their young people to participate productively in the global economy. The current imbalance in US spending on global education and military-related programs is staggering: $1 billion per year on the former, and roughly $900 billion on the latter. Military-related programs include the Pentagon (around $600 billion), the CIA and related agencies (around $60 billion), Homeland Security (around $50 billion), nuclear weapons systems outside of the Pentagon (around $30 billion), and veterans’ programs (around $160 billion). What US politicians and policymakers in their right minds could believe that US national security is properly pursued through a 900-to-1 ratio of military spending to global education spending? Of course, the US is not alone. Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Israel are all squandering vast sums in an accelerating Middle East arms race, in which the US is the major financier and arms supplier. China and Russia are also sharply boosting military spending, despite their pressing domestic priorities. We are, it seems, courting a new arms race among major powers, at a time when what is really needed is a peaceful race to education and sustainable development. Several recent international reports, including two this month by UNESCO and the International Commission on Financing Global Education, headed by former UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown, show that annual global development assistance for primary and secondary education needs to rise from around $4 billion to around $40 billion. Only this ten-fold increase can enable poor countries to achieve universal primary and secondary education (as called for by Goal Four of the new Sustainable Development Goals). In response, the US and other rich countries should move this year to create the GFE, with the needed funds shifted from today’s military spending.", "zh": "从CIA到GFE 纽约—美国需要把支出从战争转移到教育上，从中央情报局（CIA）支持的颠覆政权活动转移到新的全球教育基金（GFE）上。 全世界有数亿儿童无学可上，或在教师质量低下、缺少计算机、班级规模庞大和没有电的学校上学，全世界许多地方因此正在走向大规模动荡、失业和贫困。 二十一世纪属于能让年轻人获得合理教育从而能够参与全球经济生产的国家。 目前，美国在全球教育和军事相关项目上的开支非常不平衡：前者每年要花10亿美元，后者则高达9,000亿美元。 军事相关项目包括国防部（大约6,000亿美元 ） 、 CIA及相关机构（大约600亿美元 ） 、 国土安全部（大约500亿美元 ） 、 不由国防部负责的核武器系统（大约300亿美元）以及老兵项目（大约1,600亿美元 ） 。 美国政客和决策者的思维一定不正常，否则他们绝不会认为900比1的军事-全球教育支出比有利于美国国家安全。 当然，美国在这方面不是“孤家寡人 ” 。 沙特阿拉伯、伊朗和以色列都在耗费巨资加速中东军备竞赛，而美国是主要金主和军备供应者。 中国和俄罗斯也在迅速增加军事支出，尽管它们还面临紧迫的国内要务。 看上去列强之间正在进行一场新的军备竞赛，而此时此刻真正需要的是教育和可持续发展的和平竞赛。 一些最新国际报告，包括本月两份由英国前首相戈登·布朗主持的联合国教科文组织和全球教育融资国际委员会的报告，表明每年用于小学和中学教育的全球发展援助必须从大约40亿美元增加到大约400亿美元。 惟其如此，穷国才能实现全民小学和中学教育（这也是新的可持续发展目标中的第四个目标 ） 。 作为回应，美国和其他发达国家应该将今年的剩余时光用于成立GFE，将今天用于军事支出的钱拿来为GFE提供资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The second reason is the underlying appeal of the Islamist message to many of the world’s 1.3 billion Muslims. The nation-states of the Arab world are colonial inventions, superseding the caliphates – Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid, and finally Ottoman – that once spread civilization from Mesopotamia to the Atlantic. When Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in June 2014 announced a new caliphate, with himself as “commander of the faithful,” it struck a chord. Moreover, the brutality of his fundamentalist Islamic State seems to many not so very different from the behavior of Saudi Arabia, which has spent decades spreading its Wahhabi fundamentalism through mosques and madrassas around the world. In other words, the message must change if peace is to return to the Muslim world. That will not happen soon. Sunni Saudi Arabia will first have to moderate its antipathy to Shia Muslims in general and Shia-majority Iran in particular. Meanwhile, the Islamic State has manpower, money, territory, and military expertise (much of it from former officers in the Iraqi army). Saudi Arabia will eventually recognize that it needs Iran’s help to defeat the Islamic State. And eventually the Islamic State will implode as its subjects demand the right to listen to music and behave as they want. Sadly, “eventually” is the key word. Saudi Arabia’s instinct, born of the centuries-old antipathy between Arabs and Persians, is to see Iran as a threat to be confronted, rather than accommodated. As for the Islamic State, North Korea is proof that brutal regimes can be very durable.", "zh": "第二个理由是伊斯兰教对世界13亿穆斯林的基本号召力。 阿拉伯世界的民族国家是殖民的产物，是哈里发帝国的继承者 — — 倭马亚、阿拔斯、法蒂玛、奥斯曼等 — — 这些哈里发帝国曾经将文明从美索不达米亚传播到大西洋。 2014年，当巴格达迪宣布成立新的哈里发帝国并有他本人担任“信仰指挥官”时，击中了全体穆斯林的心弦。 此外，巴格达迪的原教旨伊斯兰国的残忍性对很多人来说与沙特阿拉伯的行为并没有很大不同，后者花了几十年通过全世界的清真寺和伊斯兰教学校传播其瓦哈比派原教旨主义。 换句话说，要想让和平回到穆斯林世界，就必须变换信号。 这需要很长时间。 逊尼派沙特阿拉伯首先必须温和化其哈里发帝国，接受什叶派穆斯林特别是什叶派占多数的伊朗。 与此同时，伊斯兰国用有人力、财力、领土和军事专家（其中很多为前伊拉克军官 ） 。 沙特阿拉伯最终将认识到它需要伊朗的帮助打击伊斯兰国。 而最终伊斯兰国最终将因为其民众要求听音乐和做想做的事的权利而内部崩溃。 悲哀的是，其中的关键词是“最终 ” 。 沙特阿拉伯的本能是将伊朗视为与其对峙的威胁而不是与它和解。 这来自阿拉伯人和波斯人之间几个世纪以来的敌对。 至于伊斯兰国，朝鲜证明了残酷政权也可以长期存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For Africa, Going Green Is Not a Luxury CAPE TOWN – Earlier this year, Tropical Cyclone Idai tore through southern Africa, killing hundreds, injuring thousands, and displacing even more. In Mozambique, as much as half of all annual crops and critical infrastructure were destroyed. In total, over three million people in the region were affected. It was a stark reminder of Africa’s vulnerability to the intensifying consequences of climate change. Cyclones are nothing new, but as climate change progresses, they are becoming increasingly common: the Indian Ocean has an average of three cyclones per cyclone season; yet in this season alone, there were seven. The same goes for other kinds of weather events. In Zimbabwe, more than two million people are now facing an acute water shortage as a result of climate change-induced drought. But even as Africa faces new challenges from climate change, it also has major opportunities to expand its economy and reduce still-pervasive poverty. The combined GDP of African countries vulnerable to climate change is on track to rise from $2.45 trillion in 2019 to $3.46 trillion in 2024. Can Africa secure this economic progress without contributing further to climate change? The solution lies in a kind of Green New Deal – a comprehensive strategy for achieving sustainable growth, much like the one being championed by some Democratic politicians in the United States. A pillar of such a plan would involve making large-scale investments in renewable-energy deployment. Whereas an American Green New Deal would focus on shifting away from fossil fuels, the infrastructure for which is already in place, an African strategy would be delivering energy (and energy infrastructure) from scratch. About 60% of the people worldwide who lack access to electricity live in Africa. Yet in 2018, Africa received less than 15% of global energy investment. And much of those limited funds are still going toward yesterday’s technologies. Between 2014 and 2016, nearly 60% of Africa’s public investment in energy went to fossil fuels – $11.7 billion, on average, each year. This approach is not only environmentally irresponsible; it also makes little economic sense. Renewables are already outcompeting fossil fuels globally, and bold action on climate now promises to bring major economic benefits – to the tune of $26 trillion globally through 2030.", "zh": "对非洲来说，绿化不是奢侈品 开普敦—今年早些时候，热带气旋伊戴（Idai）席卷了南部非洲，导致数百人丧生，数千人受伤，更多人流离失所。 在莫桑比克，高达一半的年收成和重要基础设施被毁。 总共有超过三百万非洲人受到影响。 这些惊心动魄的情况提醒人们不要忘了非洲面对气候变化影响的加剧不堪一击。 气旋不是什么新鲜事，但随着气候变化的进展，它们变得越来越常见：平均而言，印度洋每个气旋季会产生三个气旋；但这个气旋季发生了七次。 其他天气事件亦然。 在津巴布韦，超过两百万人因为气候变化导致的干旱而面临着极度水短缺。 但尽管非洲面临着气候变化的新挑战，它仍有重大机会扩张经济，减少仍是普遍现象的贫困。 易受气候变化影响的非洲国家的GDP之和将从2019年的2.45万亿美元增加到2024年的3.46万亿美元。 非洲能够保证这一经济进步，而不引起进一步的气候变化吗？ 答案就在绿色新政 — — 一套实现可持续增长的全面战略，类似于美国某些民主党政客所支持的方案。 该计划的支柱之一是大力投资可再生能源的部署。 美国绿色新政将聚焦于抛弃化石燃料，其基础设施已经就为，而非洲的战略是从零开始落实能源（以及能源基础设施 ） 。 在全世界所有缺电人口中，有大约60%生活在非洲。 但在2018年，非洲只获得了不到15%的全球能源投资。 并且这些有限的资金中，很大一部分依旧流向了过时的技术。 2014—2016年间，近60%的非洲能源公共投资流向了化石燃料 — — 即平均每年117亿美元。 这一方针不仅对环境不负责任；也毫无经济意义。 全球而言，可再生能源已经取得了对化石燃料的竞争优势，而如今，气候大动作更是能够带来重大经济收益 — — 2030年全球总规模可达26万亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In preparation for the renegotiation, UK leaders are conducting a comprehensive audit of EU laws in order to identify powers that could be reclaimed. This could have a positive outcome, highlighting powers that other member states agree should be returned to national governments. The problem is that the UK has a strong interest in retaining full access to the EU market – the eurozone accounts for half of its exports of goods and services – but seems unwilling to submit to any obligation. As a result, British officials appear more likely to develop proposals that suit only the UK, and that could give it an unfair advantage. This would hinder negotiations, and could ultimately damage public support for EU membership. Like all markets, the EU’s Single Market is a political construct that relies on common rules, regulations, and conventions for stability and reliability. Returning to national governments rule-making powers that could be used to impose criteria aimed at excluding others would endanger the entire market. Likewise, some regulation – for example, environmental rules, product-safety standards, and anti-trust enforcement – is needed to ensure that competition is fair. Before the referendum is held, the UK public must understand that such matters simply cannot be returned to national authorities. Beyond damaging relations with the EU, the UK’s actions could undermine efforts to address Europe’s economic, social, and identity crises. If the UK presents a unilateral list of proposals for new EU rules, the other 26 EU member states could be encouraged to engage in brinkmanship of their own.", "zh": "准备谈判的英国领导人正在对欧盟法律进行详细审查，寻找可以利用的权力。 这可能会产生积极结果，强调其他成员国同意的权力应该归还国家政府。 问题在于，完全进入欧盟市场对英国来说利益重大 — — 欧元区占据其商品和服务出口的一半 — — 但英国不愿意承担任何义务。 因此，英国官员更有可能给出只适合英国、让英国获得不公平优势的方案。 这会阻碍谈判，并最终破坏欧盟成员资格的公众支持。 和所有市场一样，欧盟单一市场是基于共同规则、监管和稳定性和可靠性惯例的政治产物。 回归国家政府规则制定会造成排他的标准，破坏整个市场。 类似地，需要一些监管 — — 比如环境规则、产品安全标准和反垄断规则 — — 确保公平竞争。 在举行公投之前，英国公众必须明白这些事物决不能回归国家当局。 除了破坏与欧盟的关系，英国的行为还有可能破坏补救欧洲经济、社会和身份危机的努力。 如果英国抛出新欧盟规则的单方面方案清单，其他26个欧盟成员国也有可能采取各自的边缘政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global opportunities for scaling up vaccine production are also being hampered by some governments’ continued insistence on enforcing the patents on key vaccine technologies, even though these patents are held by academic institutions that were funded by the governments (notably by the US National Institutes of Health). Likewise, public money funded the clinical trials and rollout of the vaccines. Despite the global urgency of the pandemic, life-saving public goods have been privatized. The World Health Organization has set minimum targets for vaccine coverage in every country – at least 10% of the population by end-September 2021, 40% by end-2021, and 70% by end-June 2022 – that the current vaccine allocation system will not achieve. At this moment of great global peril, the governments of the vaccine-producing countries should take the following steps: First, when governments meet this week at Biden’s vaccine summit, they should chart a path to achieve the WHO targets in all countries, including 40% global coverage by the end of this year. The vaccine producers should cooperate fully by disclosing all existing orders (and prices) on their books, so that the UN and governments can prioritize under-served countries. Second, the UN system, with the full support of governments and companies, should set delivery timelines for every low-income country aligned with the WHO targets. The WHO and COVAX, and other UN agencies such as UNICEF, should work with the recipient countries to scale up the “last-mile” deployment systems for the arrival of the vaccine doses. Third, the new $650 billion allocation of special drawing rights just approved by the International Monetary Fund should be used, in conjunction with other emergency financial resources, to ensure that short-term financing constraints pose no obstacles to the supply of vaccines. Fourth, the governments of the vaccine-producing countries should agree, in line with long-standing trade agreements on public health, to waive intellectual property rights and to promote technology sharing in order to increase global vaccine production. Promising vaccines that are now in clinical trials should also be supported with official financing for rapid production and deployment upon regulatory approval. Lastly, governments in all countries should make clear to the public that the vaccines are not sufficiently effective on their own to suppress the community transmission of the coronavirus. Additional public health measures – including face masks, physical distancing, contact tracing, and limits on indoor gatherings – are still needed.", "zh": "一些政府坚持维护关键疫苗技术专利的行为也阻碍了全球疫苗生产规模的扩大，即便这些专利是由政府资助的学术机构（特别是美国国家卫生研究院）所持有的，而公共资金也同样资助了疫苗的临床试验和推广。 尽管疫情在全球范围内都是第一要务，但拯救生命的公共产品却被私有化了。 世界卫生组织为每个国家的疫苗覆盖率设定了最低目标(2021年9月底前至少覆盖10%人口，2021年底前覆盖40 % ， 2022年6月底前覆盖70 % ) ,而这在当前的疫苗分配制度下是无法实现的。 在这个全球面临巨大危机的时刻，各疫苗生产国政府都应该采取以下措施： 首先，当各国政府在拜登本周召开的疫苗峰会上会面时，它们应制定一条在所有国家实现世卫组织目标的路径，包括如何在今年年底前实现40%的全球覆盖率。 而疫苗生产商则应充分配合，披露手中所有现有订单（及价格）以便联合国和各国政府能够优先考虑那些接种不足的国家。 其次，联合国系统应在政府和企业的全力支持下，为每个低收入国家制定与世卫组织目标一致的疫苗交付时间表。 世界卫生组织和新冠肺炎疫苗实施计划以及联合国儿童基金会等其他联合国机构应与受援国合作，扩大确保疫苗剂量送达的“最后一公里”部署体系。 第三，国际货币基金组织刚刚批准的6500亿美元的特别提款权配额应与其他紧急财政资源共同使用以确保短期融资限制不至于影响疫苗的供应。 第四，各疫苗生产国政府应依据各类一直存在的公共卫生相关贸易协定，同意放弃知识产权并促进技术共享以增加全球疫苗生产。 目前正在进行临床试验的有前景疫苗也应得到官方资助以便在监管部门批准后迅速生产和部署。 最后，所有国家的政府都应该向公众表明，疫苗本身并不足以抑制新冠病毒的社区传播，因此仍需采取额外公共卫生措施 — — 包括佩戴口罩、保持物理距离、追踪密切接触者和限制室内聚会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Taiwan Triangle NEW YORK – The relationship between the United States and China promises to do much to define this era. And what could determine this relationship might well be whether the two countries are able to continue to avoid armed conflict over Taiwan. But with signs that the chances of conflict are growing, the question facing the US and its partners is how to avoid that outcome without sacrificing essential interests. Conceptual framing is always critical to foreign policy. This is no exception. There are problems and there are situations. Problems can in principle be solved. Situations can at best be managed. Taiwan is a situation. Attempts to treat it as a solvable problem will not just fail, but most likely result in a conflict that will leave the US, Taiwan, China, and others in the region and the world much worse off. The reason is that there is no possible outcome that would be universally acceptable. The good news is that the diplomatic framework that the US and China put in place four decades ago, in which the two sides essentially agreed to disagree over Taiwan, allowed them to avoid conflict and build a productive relationship that helped end the Cold War peacefully and on Western terms. The US and China went on to develop a deep economic relationship. Taiwan, for its part, became one of Asia’s tigers and evolved from a one-party dictatorship into a robust democracy. To be sure, US-China relations have deteriorated sharply in recent years, but not because of Taiwan.", "zh": "围绕台湾的三角关系 发自纽约—美中两国之间的关系估计会在很大程度上定义这个时代，而决定这种关系的很可能是两国能否继续避免在台湾问题上发生武装冲突。 但有迹象表明发生冲突的可能性正在增加，而美国及其合作伙伴所面临的问题则是如何在不牺牲基本利益的情况下避免这种结果。 概念性框架对外交政策总是至关重要的，在这方面这也不例外。 有些事情属于某种问题，有些事情属于某种状况。 问题在原则上是可以解决的，而状况最多只能被应对。 台湾是一个状况，而试图将其视为一个可以解决的问题不仅会失败，还很可能会导致冲突，使美国、台湾、中国以及该地区和世界其他国家落入更加糟糕的境地，因为并不存在任何可以同时得到各方接纳的结果。 好消息是美国和中国在四十年前建立的外交框架 — — 即双方基本上同意在台湾问题上各自保留不同意见 — — 使两国能够避免冲突并建立一个富有成效的关系，也借此依照西方的主张和平结束了冷战。 美国和中国随后发展了深厚的经济关系，台湾则成为了亚洲四小龙之一，并从一党专政演变成了一个强大的民主政体。 无可否认美中关系近年来急剧恶化，但并不是因为台湾。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Acting now can be thought of as buying what financiers call “tail insurance” – some protection against the most adverse among all the possible outcomes. The question is what kind of action we should take. Because combating climate change entails making decisions at different points over a long period of time, a key aspect to addressing the problem is to recognize that as stocks of greenhouse gases rise, we will learn more about the distribution of possible outcomes. This is why delaying the adoption of long-term targets is not a recipe for business as usual. On the contrary, as the possible outcomes become clearer, we will almost certainly face the need for serious and costly reductions in energy use, at least among the advanced countries, as well as costly technological advances designed to make energy use more efficient in both the advanced and developing world. This will surely involve sharp cuts in the consumption of fossil fuels, bolstered by taxes and other restrictions. No one should expect that the costs of combating climate change will be low. But those costs will have a significantly higher expected value if we do not adopt sensible global strategies that include adjusting our mitigation efforts in response to new information. Figure 1. CO2 Emissions per Capita Source: IPCC and Human development report 2007/2008 (UNDP) Figure 2. Total Global Emissions (Gigatons) Source: Author’s calculations", "zh": "立即行动可以想象成是购买金融家们所说的“长尾保险 ” — —以期获得针对所有可能结果中最坏结果的某种保护。 问题在于我们应当采取何种行动。 因为对抗气候变化涉及到在较长时间段内不同时点的决策，因此解决问题的关键是要认识到随着温室气体储量的升高，我们将对可能的结果分布所知更多。 这也解释了为什么推迟确定长期目标不能如以往一样成为解决之道。 相反，随着可能的结果越来越明确，至少在发达国家内部，我们几乎肯定要付出巨大代价认真减少能源的用量，并采用代价昂贵的技术进步成果，从而使能源应用在发达和发展中国家都更加高效。 这肯定将涉及大幅度削减化石燃料消费，还会涉及与之配套的税收和其它限制政策。 没有人应该认为对抗气候变化的代价不高。 但如果我们不采取包括根据最新资讯调整减排措施之类明智的全球政策，那么上述成本的价值将会大大超出预料。 图1：人均二氧化碳排放量 来源：联合国政府间气候变化工作小组和2007/2008年度联合国开发计划署人类发展报告 图2：全球碳排放总量（十亿吨） 来源： 作者的计算结果"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Confronting Journalism’s Misogynistic Trolls LONDON – Before the Internet revolutionized how news was gathered and shared, journalists rarely had to worry about the threat of virtual violence. The main risks they faced were in the field: the physical and psychological safety concerns of reporting on disaster and conflict. But today’s media battlefields are increasingly online, and more than ever, it is women who are coming under fire. According to Demos, a UK-based think tank, female journalists are three times more likely than their male counterparts to be targeted by abusive comments on Twitter, with perpetrators frequently using sexualized language (such as “slut” and “whore”) against their targets. In 2016, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe published research showing that women working in the media were internationally and disproportionately targeted by gendered threats, noting that the abuse had “a direct impact on their safety and future online activities.” The threats of violence against women working in the media often extend to family members, and the intimate nature of the attacks, received as they are on personal devices outside the professional parameters of the newsroom, also heightens the impact. Here we see the blurring of virtual, physical, and psychological frontlines of safety. While this digital vitriol is not new, the misogynistic tenor is clearly deepening. Unless media executives begin to take these trends seriously, the voices of women journalists could be silenced. Another way in which women journalists are frequently targeted online is through the undermining of their work or reputation.", "zh": "直面新闻业的直男癌 伦敦—在互联网掀起新闻采集和分享的革命之前，记者很少需要担心虚拟暴力的威胁。 他们面临的风险都在现实生活中：报道灾难和冲突所带来的身体和心理安全顾虑。 但今天的媒体战场日益搬到了线上，而比过去更甚的是，妇女遭到了猛烈攻击。 据英国智库德莫斯（Demos）的数据，女记者在推特上遭到攻击性评论的可能性是男同事的三倍，攻击者经常用不雅用语（如“荡妇”和“婊子 ” ） 攻击他们的目标。 2016年，欧洲安全与合作组织发布的研究表明，女媒体从业者是国际性别威胁的主要目标，并指出攻击“对她们的安全和未来在线活动造成直接影响 。 ” 针对女媒体工作者的暴力威胁常常会波及家人，而攻击的私密性 — — 常常发到她们新闻职场之外的个人设备上 — — 加剧了这一影响。 在这里，我们看到虚拟、身体和心理的安全前线已经浑然一体。 这种“数字硫酸”并非新鲜事，但“直男癌”的调门显然在提高。 除非媒体高管们开始严肃对待这些趋势，否者女记者很有可能被噤声。 女记者经常在线上被盯上的另一条路径是破坏她们的工作或败坏她们的名声。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This also means that capital would have to be expended in owning the slave, an expense not required of free labor. In a world of less-than-perfect capital markets, this expense may have had a serious opportunity cost in terms of the forgone investments in equipment and other inputs. The fundamental difference between the two institutions is the range of options given to the worker. Bondage means that the worker cannot leave if he finds the conditions disagreeable. If the alternative to slavery is starvation or death, people may well choose slavery. Today, migrants often face limited options. If they are undocumented, as millions are in the US, they cannot turn to the authorities to protect their labor rights, making them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. If they are legal, they often get a visa that allows them to work only for the sponsoring firm. If they find the conditions disagreeable, they cannot just change employers: they must leave the country. By restricting the workers’ outside options, employers may get them to accept terms that freer individuals would reject. That may be a reason why there is so little urgency in solving the problem of undocumented immigrants in the US, and why many countries protect citizens differently than foreigners. It may also be the reason why countries have refused to empower refugees, whether Syrians or Venezuelans, with rights. So long as the incentives to enslave persist, the effort to end slavery – by whatever name – will have to continue.", "zh": "这还意味着资本不得不花在拥有奴隶上，而自由劳工不存在这项支出。 在不完美的资本市场，这项支出可能带来沉重的机会成本，如设备和其他投入品的沉没投资。 两项制度的本本差别在于工人能够做出的选择。 包身工意味着工人在发现条件不满意时也不能离开。 如果奴役的替代品是饥饿或死亡，人们很有可能会选择奴役。 如今，移民常常面临受到限制的选择。 如果他们不进行登记（在美国有数百万这样的移民 ） ， 就无法求助当局保护劳动权利，这让他们很容易遭到虐待。 如果他们有合法身份，签证通常只允许他们为出资企业工作。 如果他们认为条件不满意，也无法更换雇主：他们必须离开这个国家。 通过限制工人的外部选择，雇主就有可能让他们接受自由民会拒绝的条件。 这也许是解决美国未登记移民问题丝毫不迫切的原因，也是许多国家在保护公民和外国人方面区别对待的原因。 这还可能是各国拒绝赋权难民，不管是叙利亚人还是委内瑞拉人的原因。 只要奴役的激励存在，消灭奴隶制 — — 不管以什么名称出现 — — 的措施也不能停。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To meet the agriculture challenge, we must devise solutions that sustainably fuel people, the planet, and prosperity, and account for the well-being and livelihoods of the world’s 500 million smallholder households, which are among the most vulnerable to climate change. Rising temperatures are already costing Africa an estimated 1.4% of GDP per year, as well as imposing adaptation costs as high as 3% of GDP per year. Because this burden falls predominantly on farmers, building resilience and expanding access to clean energy in rural areas is crucial. In the short term, smallholders must be empowered to manage the consequences of climate change; but in the long term, they also must be incorporated into a more sustainable agriculture sector. Over the past decade, decentralized renewable energy solutions like rooftop solar panels and mini grids have brought lighting and electrical appliances to hundreds of millions of households. But an estimated 840 million people are still living without electricity for basic appliances. With greater access to clean energy, more farming families could adopt technology to reduce the burden on human labor, which currently accounts for 80% of energy use on African agricultural land. And this, in turn, would make food systems more sustainable well into the future. But achieving these goals will require a significant increase in climate finance. Developing countries need more resources to expand and de-risk distributed renewable energy systems, and to make these technologies affordable for farmers. Smallholder farmers currently receive a mere 1.7% of climate finance.", "zh": "为了应对农业挑战，我们必须制定解决方案，可持续地为人类、地球和繁荣提供燃料，并顾及世界上5亿小农家庭的福祉和生计 — — 他们是最容易受到气候变化影响的人。 气温上升已经使非洲每年损失约 1.4%的GDP，还造成了高达每年GDP的3%的适应成本。 这一负担主要落在农民身上，因此在农村地区建立韧性、扩大清洁能源普及至关重要。 在短期内，必须赋能小农管理气候变化后果：但从长远来看，必须将他们纳入一个更加可持续的农业部门。 在过去的十年里，去中心化的可再生能源解决方案，如屋顶太阳能电池板和迷你电网，为数以亿计的家庭带来了照明和电器。 但估计 仍有8.4亿人 得不到保障基本电器的电力供应。 随着清洁能源的普及，更多的农业家庭可以采用技术来减轻人力负担 — — 目前人力劳动占了非洲农业用地 能源使用量的80 % 。 这反过来又会使粮食体系在未来更加可持续。 但是，实现这些目标需要大幅度增加气候融资。 发展中国家需要更多的资源来扩大分布式可再生能源系统，降低其风险，并农民承担得起这些技术。 目前，小农户只得到了 1.7%的 气候资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An excessively restrained approach would allow China to encroach further on the territory of US allies in Asia, erode America’s leadership in high-tech industries, and challenge the US dollar’s primacy. But an overly tough approach would rule out much-needed cooperation on shared challenges like climate change, and increase the risk of a potentially catastrophic military confrontation. For the US, the key to balancing these risks is to focus on managing strategic competition, not asserting dominance. The days of US hegemony are over, and America’s dysfunctional political system is incapable of countering China’s development strategy even by upgrading its own obsolete infrastructure. The only way to rein in an increasingly assertive China is through cooperation with empowered allies. Fortunately, Biden is aware of US deficiencies and has pledged to build a global alliance of democracies for precisely the purpose of competing with China. But goal-setting is just the first step. If the US is to work effectively with allies, let alone competitors, it needs credibility. And that is in short supply nowadays. A country’s international credibility – and, thus, the effectiveness of its foreign policy – must be built on strong domestic foundations. But, from its botched pandemic response to the storming of the US Capitol on January 6, America’s political dysfunction has lately been on stark display. The “City on a Hill” has lost its shine. US foreign policy suffers from endemic inconsistency.", "zh": "过分克制将导致中国进一步侵占美国盟国在亚洲的领土，挑战美元霸权，并削弱美国在高科技行业的领导地位。 但态度过分强硬又将扼杀在气候变化等共同挑战问题上所急需的合作，并提升爆发灾难性军事对抗的概率。 对美国而言，平衡上述风险的关键并不在于宣示主导地位，而是要对战略竞争进行集中管理。 美国霸权时代已经过去，美国混乱的政治体系甚至想要通过升级国内老旧的基础设施来对抗中国的发展战略都不现实。 只有与有实力的盟国合作，才能扼制越来越有自信的中国。 幸运的是，拜登已经意识到美国的不足，并承诺建立全球民主联盟，而这恰恰是本着与中国展开竞争的目的。 但设定目标仅仅是第一步而已。 只有具备了公信力这个基础，美国才能与盟国（更不要说竞争对手）进行有效合作。 而现在美国的公信力却日益匮乏。 一个国家的国际公信力 — — 以及有效的外交政策 — — 必须具备强有力的国内基础。 但从拙劣的疫情应对到1月6日袭击美国国会大厦，美国的政治乱局最近已经表现得非常明显了。 “山巅之城”已经失去了原有的光辉。 美国外交政策普遍前后不一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the aftermath of the post-2008 debt-fueled infrastructure-investment boom, these cities need to reform how revenue is shared with the central government, increase the transparency and accountability of local budgets, and overhaul the use of municipal-bond and public-private partnership models for local infrastructure projects. But, before such changes can be implemented, these cities must address the overhang of poorly performing projects and loss-making state-owned enterprises (SOEs). In fact, Chinese cities and local enterprises will need even more liquidity than would be required in a classic case of deflation, credit tightening, and falling prices, because infrastructure and property investments by local governments and SOEs are still consuming funds. And, given state intervention, interest rates do not adjust quickly enough to allocate resources efficiently. Of course, the People’s Bank of China could lower the interest rate and relax its liquidity policy. But it remains concerned that doing so would spark inflation and fuel wasteful investment – and greater excess capacity – in the real-estate sector. Maintaining relatively tight liquidity, however, also has serious consequences. For starters, as long as external conditions remain relatively liquid, tighter conditions in China put upward pressure on interest rates in the shadow-banking sector. Together with the growth of the renminbi carry trade, this has pushed up the exchange rate at a time when non-US dollar-linked currencies are largely depreciating. Moreover, interest-rate volatility and uncertainty encourages arbitrage and investment in socially costly rent-seeking and speculation, with central-bank liquidity flowing to financial markets, instead of fulfilling its intended purpose of helping the real sector. Despite slowing growth, China’s A-share market has risen by nearly 50% since last July, and the banking sector’s margins remain exceptionally large. Meanwhile, confidence in the non-financial private sector remains depressed, as diminished demand leads to increased production costs. China’s growth model hinges on a governance system in which regions, cities, companies, and individuals compete within an increasingly market-oriented, but still centrally regulated, economy. But, in a country as large and diverse as China, a one-size-fits-all approach will not ensure that the market functions effectively. After all, different local economies have different needs. Consider the city of Foshan’s economy, which, driven by private-sector activity, boasts a higher per capita GDP than Beijing or Shanghai.", "zh": "在经历了2008年以债务驱动的基础设施投资热潮之后，这些城市需要改革，包括改变与中央政府的收入分成方式、增加地方预算的透明度和完善问责制、并完善市政债券的用途和地方基础设施项目的公私合作模式。 在实施这些变革前，这些城市必须先解决积压的失败工程和亏损的国有企业问题。 事实上，中国城市和地方企业所需要的流动性比传统发达国家的通缩、信用紧缩和价格下跌情形下的需求更多，因为地方政府和国有企业的基础设施和房地产投资仍在消耗大量资金。 此外，由于国家对基准利率及许多投资项目的控制，市场还无法以足够快的速度仅仅通过利率调整来实现有效的资源配置。 中国人民银行已经试图通过降低利率及放松流动性等政策来帮助实体经济，但它也担心这样做会导致通胀、股市投机、助长房地产行业的过度投资和其它的产能过剩。 可是，保持相对较紧的流动性也有一些难以接受的后果。 首先，当外部流动性相对宽松，而中国流动性相对较紧，这会给影子银行带来利率上升的压力，并助长人民币套息交易的增长，及促使汇率升值，特别是相对那些没有与美元挂钩的、正在贬值的货币升值 。 此外，利率波动和不确定性鼓励了套利行为，导致部分央行提供的流动性流向了一些有损于社会利益的寻租和股票投机，而没有实现帮助实业的初衷。 尽管经济增长有所放缓，但自去年7月以来，中国A股市场仍上涨了近50 % ， 银行业利润仍然畸高。 与此同时，非金融私营部门信心仍萎靡不振，因为需求低迷而生产成本还在上升。 中国的增长模式所依赖的一个重要的治理制度就��： 地区、城市、公司和个人在日益市场化但仍受中央监管的经济环境中的竞争。 像中国这样的一个非常多元化大国，任何一刀切的政策都很难确保市场的有效运行， 毕竟，不同的地方经济有不同的需要。 以佛山市经济为例。 佛山经济以私营企业为驱动力，人均GDP比北京和上海更高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Some countries have already experimented with such programs, and India is preparing to begin providing cash transfers to its 300 million poor citizens. In other words, a global cash-transfer scheme could be very effective, and would be feasible if donor countries pooled their aid budgets. The simplest – and most radical – solution would be to stop all official aid payments. Instead, the money could be returned to donor-country citizens through tax deductions or income transfers, and they could decide how to help those in need. Given the prevalence of poverty and disease, many of these citizens would be motivated to contribute to global poverty-reduction efforts. Allowing citizens to choose how to donate may help to tackle corruption in countries where politicians often misappropriate ODA, while discouraging wasteful or impractical projects. In addition, people would be far less likely to complain that their money is being wasted or misused if they chose where it went. ODA has, at best, a patchy record. After 50 years of inefficiency, it is time to try something new. In the near term, at least, cash transfers seem to be the best option. Only by allowing each recipient to decide how best to use the money can we ensure that development aid actually enables the world’s poorest citizens to improve their lives.", "zh": "一些国家一开始实验这一计划，印度正准备向其3亿贫困人口提供现金转移支付。 换句话说，全球现金转移支付机制可以非常高效，而且可行 — — 如果援助国把援助预算集合起来的话。 最简单也最彻底的办法是停止所有官方援助支付。 反之，这笔钱可以通过减税或收入转移支付返还给援助国人民，让他们决定如何帮助需要者。 由于贫困和疾病的普遍性，很多人会有动力为全球减贫事业做出贡献。 让人民选择如何援助或有助于解决政客滥用ODA国家的腐败问题，也能防止浪费和不切实际的项目。 此外，如果由自己决定资金去向，人们将更少抱怨自己的钱被浪费或滥用。 ODA只能说是差强人意。 在经历了50年的低效率后，是时候尝试新变化了。 至少从短期看，现金转移支付是最佳选择。 只有让每一位受助者决定如何最佳地花钱，我们才能确保发展援助真正让全球最贫困人口改善了生活。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Second, targets need to be not only specific, but also binding. Sanctions for non-compliance must be enforced – without political meddling. One of the most important lessons of the Lisbon Agenda is that the so-called Open Method of Coordination – a harmless peer-review procedure without repercussions for non-performance – is clearly the wrong approach to kick-starting national-level reforms. But even where the European Commission had the legislative tools and political mandate to impose sanctions – for example, to punish non-compliance with the Stability and Growth Pact – member states managed to avoid punishment by “reforming” the requirements. Indeed, Germany and France spearheaded the effort to make the Stability and Growth Pact more “flexible” when they could no longer comply with its 3%-of-GDP fiscal-deficit ceiling. It is this history that makes the current moves to sideline the European Commission in enforcing the Competitiveness Pact suspicious. Organized purely as an intergovernmental policy program, the pact cannot work, because EU member states cannot be trusted to monitor their own performance and enforce sanctions on their peers – or on themselves. Such a system would be the political equivalent of letting the inmates guard the prison. In fact, the Competitiveness Pact’s failure even to mention the Europe 2020 strategy, which EU leaders enacted less than a year ago as a blueprint for economic development, reinforces the impression of uncoordinated, ad hoc, and downright erratic policymaking that is heavy on theatrics and light on implementation. The lack of consensus on basic features of an economic framework – be it a retirement age commensurate with Europe’s demographic outlook or a legislative commitment to budgetary discipline – makes one wonder how eurozone countries could enter a monetary union in the first place. That question is in the past, of course, but publicly demonstrating the eurozone’s arrested convergence is bound to undermine confidence in the common currency further – and at a most unfortunate moment. Just as financial markets seem to have calmed, European leaders have once again raised expectations of a major policy move – only to see yet another summit devolve into squabbling.", "zh": "其二，这些政策目标不但要明确，还必须有强制力。 对那些不服从者必须制裁且不能有任何政治让步。 《里斯本议程》的其中一条最重要教训就是所谓的“开放性合作方略 ” （ 一个完全不存在负面手段，不执行者无需承担后果的国家间互相监督程序）显然是一项启动国家改革的错误方式。 但即便欧盟委员会掌握了实施制裁的相关法律工具和政治授权 — — 比如用《稳定与增长公约》的相关条文来制裁不服从者 — — 各成员国依然可以用“改革”相关规定的方式来逃避制裁。 在这方面德法两国可算始作俑者，当年它们发现自己无法满足《公约》中关于财政赤字不能超过GDP3%的要求，于是便想办法让《公约》变得更“灵活”一点。 正是过去这段历史令人们对欧盟委员会贯彻《竞争力协议》的可能性充满了怀疑。 单纯作为一项国际间政策项目的《协议》是无法取得成果的，因为你既无法依靠欧盟国家来监督自身的表现，也无力借助他们对其他盟国（及其自身）实施制裁。 这样一个系统在政治上的效果就跟让囚犯管理监狱一样荒谬。 实际上《竞争力协议》甚至连欧盟领导人在不到一年前推出的“欧盟2020年战略”经济发展蓝图都没有提及，也更加加深了人们对其的负面印象：这一切只不过是场华而不实的政策闹剧，既无协调可言，也完全不靠谱。 对一个经济框架的某些基本要素缺乏共识的现状 — — 从一个与欧洲人口前景相适应的退休年龄到对预算控制的立法承诺 — — 使人不禁怀疑当年欧元区国家是如何组建一个货币联盟的。 这个问题虽然很耳熟，但同时也公开表明欧元区这种强迫性的集中议事制度注定会进一步动摇共同货币的信心 — — 而且在一个最不恰当的时刻。 而正如金融市场似乎变得平静那样，欧洲领导人再一次燃起了实现重大政策跨越的期望 — — 却也再一次见证了峰会沦在一片争吵中破裂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔恋站在门口处，看着他的样子，心脏微微一疼。 这就是她的弟弟。 在八年前的那场大火中，双腿被倒坍的柱子砸断，之后就再也没有站起来过。 父母双亡，唯一的弟弟成了这幅样子，家里被烧得不像样子，公司倒闭，她身无分文。 就连父母的赔偿金，都因为被判处父母是自杀死亡，而遭到银行的拒绝。 当时的她，带着弟弟，到底是怎么熬过去的？ 她退学，因为未成年，一天打了三份工，这才勉强维持他们的生活，弟弟的腿也因此错过了最佳治愈期。 当时的生活，真的非常艰辛。 她每天晚上回到家里，都会累得大哭。 再然后，她遇到了沈凉川。 在她生活最困难时，他的每一句话，都像是为她迷茫的未来照亮了一盏灯。 所以，别问她为什么对沈凉川那么好，除了粉丝对偶像的维护，她对他心存感激。 乔恋正在思考的时候，乔易似乎有所察觉的往这边看过来，在看到她时，双眼发出亮光，接着露出了一个灿烂的笑容。", "en": "Qiao Lian stood at the door and her heart hurt as she watched him. That was her brother. He broke both of his legs when a pillar fell on him in that huge fire eight years ago. He had never stood up again after that accident. Both of her parents had died and her only brother ended up in such a state. Her house had been thoroughly burnt, the company had closed down and she was left with no money. Even the compensation for her parents’ demise got rejected by the bank and they ruled it as suicide. How did she survive those dark days with her brother? She quit school, but as she was yet to be of legal age, she could only barely support the both of them by taking up three jobs a day. Her brother’s legs had also missed the best time for treating them because of that. Her life then had been truly very hard and bitter. She used to cry out of tiredness every night, when she returned home. Then, she met Shen Liangchuan. In the toughest times, every word of his was like a light, brightening up her unknown future. Thus, no need to ask why she treated Shen Liangchuan so well. Other than the defense feeling she had as a fan for her idol, she was filled with gratitude for him. Just when Qiao Lian was lost in thoughts, Qiao Yi looked at her. And when he saw her, his eyes shone as he gave a bright smile."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For a good while the Canadian had said nothing more to me about his escape plans. He had become less sociable, almost sullen. I could see how heavily this protracted imprisonment was weighing on him. I could feel the anger building in him. Whenever he encountered the captain, his eyes would flicker with dark fire, and I was in constant dread that his natural vehemence would cause him to do something rash. That day, March 14, he and Conseil managed to find me in my stateroom. I asked them the purpose of their visit. “To put a simple question to you, sir,” the Canadian answered me. “Go on, Ned.” “How many men do you think are on board the Nautilus?” “I’m unable to say, my friend.” “It seems to me,” Ned Land went on, “that it wouldn’t take much of a crew to run a ship like this one.” “Correct,” I replied. “Under existing conditions some ten men at the most should be enough to operate it.” “All right,” the Canadian said, “then why should there be any more than that?” “Why?” I answered.", "zh": "几天以来，加拿大人不跟我谈他的逃走计划。他变成不爱说话，差不多完全沉默了。我看出这种无限期延长的囚禁使得他很难受。我感到他心中所累积的愤怒是怎样强烈。当他碰见船长的时候，他的眼睛燃起阴沉可怕的火光，我时常害怕他那暴烈天性可能使他走极端。8月14日这一天，康塞尔和他到我房中来找我，我问他们来看我的理由。 “先生，”加拿大人口答我，“我只有一个问题向您提出来。” “您说吧，尼德。” “您想，诺第留斯号船上一共有多少人？” “我说不上来，我的朋友。” “我觉得，\"尼德·兰立即说，“这船的驾驶并不需要很多的人员。” “是的，“我回答，”在目前的情况中，大约至多有十个人就足以驾驶了。” “那么，”加拿大人说，\"为什么可能有这么多的人呢？” “为什么？\"我立即说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Most of the public-debt increase in the US and elsewhere is not due to any kind of discretionary fiscal stimulus; it’s all about the loss of tax revenue that comes with a deep recession. (And the Bush administration’s tax cuts for the wealthiest, unfunded Medicare prescription benefit, and debt-financed wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have severely weakened the long-term fiscal outlook.) Finally, the cost of the crisis is millions of homes lost and lives damaged, some permanently. The issue is not whether the Fed, or any central bank, should seek to prevent the collapse of its country’s banking system. To see the severe effects of a banking crisis, look no further than the 1930’s, a period that Ben Bernanke studied in detail before he became Fed chair. If the choice at any particular moment is to provide support or let the system collapse, you should choose support. But, more broadly, as Dennis Lockhart, President of the Atlanta Federal Reserve Bank, said last week at a public conference organized by his institution, we should not seek to operate a system based on the principle of “private gains and public losses.” And these losses are massively skewed in ways that are grossly inefficient, in addition to being completely unfair. The private gains can be measured most directly in the form of executive compensation. From 2000 to 2008, the people running the top 14 US financial institutions received cash compensation (salary, bonus, and the value of stock sold) of around $2.6 billion.", "zh": "美国和其他一些国家所出现的大部分公共债务并非源自于无节制的财政刺激政策，而是来自于本次衰退所引发的税收锐减（加上布什政府为最富有的那批人减税，经费不足的老年医疗保健药物财政补贴，还有靠借债维持的阿富汗和伊拉克战争都严重削弱了美国的远期财政前景 ） 。 最后一项成本则是数百万无家可归者和被扰乱的生活，有些影响甚至将持续一辈子。 但问题不在于美联储或是其他中央银行是否应当设法阻止本国银行系统的崩溃。 如果想了解银行危机的恶劣影响，最佳的范例莫过于1930年代（也是伯南克担任美联储主席之前的研究领域 ） 。 如果在任何特定时期只有两个选择：要么政府出手，要么坐视其崩溃，那么前者将是必然的选择。 但在更广泛的意义上，正如亚特兰大联邦储备银行主席丹尼斯·洛克哈特（Dennis Lockhart）上星期在该机构组织的一个公共论坛上所指出的那样，我们不应试图运行一个构建在“私人得益公众受损”原则之上的银行系统，更可况这些损失大多由一些效率极低的行为方式所造成，而且毫无公平可言。 相反私人得到的好处则可以通过管理人员津贴的数额来直接计算得出。 从2000年到2008年，全美前14家金融机构的管理者总共获得了大约26亿美元的现金津贴（包括工资，分红和股票出售在内 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Hong Kong Avoid Tragedy? HONG KONG – Nearly six months after they began, the protests in our city have reached fever pitch. On one particularly devastating day earlier this month, police fired more than 1,500 rounds of tear gas, a police officer shot a demonstrator at point-blank range while being attacked, and protesters immolated a man who disagreed with them. More than 4,000 people have been arrested, infrastructure has been destroyed, and the economy has sunk into recession. And for what? Hong Kong’s government withdrew the extradition bill that triggered the protests. Yet the protesters rage on, lacking any coherent strategy or demands. They claim that they are fighting for democracy, but it is hard to reconcile that lofty goal with medieval-style catapults launching bricks and firebombs. In truth, the protesters’ scorched-earth strategy can lead only to more chaos, destruction, and death. It does not have to be this way. To help find a solution, we have conducted a PEST (political, economic, sociocultural, and technological) analysis of Hong Kong’s current situation and future prospects. On the political front, the main lesson is that it is up to the government to ensure order and security. Within the “one country, two systems” framework, Hong Kong’s own government has powers to address internal security matters. But where its actions are inadequate, it is the right and responsibility of China’s central government to intervene. By allowing peaceful demonstrations to escalate into large-scale riots, Hong Kong’s protesters have made such intervention unavoidable.", "zh": "香港如何避免悲剧？ 香港一我们这个城市持续六个月的抗议活动最近达到高潮。 在月初一个特别具有破坏性的一天，警察发射了超过1500发催泪弹，一名警察在遭到几名蒙面人袭击时不得不近距离开枪，抗议者近距离泼汽油焚烧了一个持不同意见的路人。 至今已有4,000多人被捕； 基础设施被摧毁； 经济陷入衰退。 这些代价换来了什么？ 目的何在？ 香港特区政府撤回了引发抗议的引渡法案。 然而，抗议者继续表达愤怒，却没有连贯的战略或务实的要求。 他们声称正在为民主而战，但用中世纪风格的弹射器来发射砖块和使用土制汽油弹的行为与民主这个崇高的目标实在是难以调和。 实际上，抗议者的焦土策略只会导致更多的混乱，破坏和死亡。 香港的示威者完全不必以这种暴力的方式表达他们的不满。 为了找到务实的解决方案，让我们对香港的当前状况和未来前景展开一个政治，经济，社会文化和技术多层面的分析。 在政治方面，重要的教训是：确保社会秩序和安全是政府的责任。 在“一国两制”框架内，香港特区政府有权处理内部安全事务。 但是，如果其措施与行动不充分，则进行干预是中国中央政府的权利和责任。 容忍和平游行示威升级为大规模骚乱，香港的抗议者实际上已经导致中央政府的干预不可避免。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Helping Middle-Income Energy Exporters Kick the Fossil-Fuel Habit CAPE TOWN – The ongoing volatility in oil and gas markets has come as a shock to many people across the developed world. But its impact on developing countries that rely on producing fossil fuels has been far worse. Over time, as the world increasingly shifts to cheaper and cleaner energy sources, fossil fuels will likely become less profitable, forcing energy-exporting countries to find other sources of income. What would that mean for “middle-income” developing countries which together account for 48% and 52% of global oil and gas output, respectively? While oil and gas have propped up the economies of countries like Nigeria, Mexico, Ghana, and Argentina over the years, dependence on them has led to a host of problems, from environmental pollution that harms public health to overreliance on fossil-fuel exports at the expense of the development of other sectors. But breaking free from the addiction to fossil fuels will not be easy. Middle-income energy exporters are poorer than their developed-country counterparts and therefore have fewer resources with which to support workers and communities through the clean-energy transition. Nearly half the world’s fossil-fuel workers live in Africa, Asia, or South America, and they would need to find new jobs – and the training to fill them. In addition, these countries’ oil and gas industries employ many more people indirectly, including contract workers who do not have the same protections as permanent and unionized workers. But worker displacement is only one of the risks for which middle-income countries must plan if they are to kick their fossil-fuel habit.", "zh": "帮助中等收入能源出口国改掉化石燃料习惯 开普敦—石油和天然气市场的持续动荡令许多发达国家的人感到震惊。 但它对依赖生产化石燃料的发展中国家的影响要严重得多。 随着时间的推移，随着世界越来越多地转向更便宜和更清洁的能源，化石燃料的利润可能会下降，迫使能源出口国寻找其他收入来源。 这对合计分别占全球石油和天然气产量 48% 和 52% 的“中等收入”发展中国家意味着什么？ 多年来，石油和天然气支撑了尼日利亚、墨西哥、加纳和阿根廷等国家的经济，但对石油和天然气的依赖也导致了一系列问题，包括危害公众健康的环境污染、过度依赖化石燃料出口制约其他部门的发展等。 但要摆脱对化石燃料的依赖并不容易。 中等收入能源出口国比发达出口国更穷，因此可用于支持工人和社区完成清洁能源转型的资源更少。 世界上将近一半的化石燃料工人生活在非洲、亚洲或南美洲，他们将需要寻找新工作 — — 以及所需的培训。 此外，这些国家的石油和天然气行业间接雇佣了更多的人，包括合同工，他们没有与正式工和工会工人相同的保护。 但工人失业只是中等收入国家要想改掉使用化石燃料的习惯必须应对的风险之一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "继续整治“四风”问题，坚决反对特权思想和特权现象。 重点强化政治纪律和组织纪律，带动廉洁纪律、群众纪律、工作纪律、生活纪律严起来。 坚持开展批评和自我批评，坚持惩前毖后、治病救人， 运用监督执纪“四种形态”，抓早抓小、防微杜渐。 赋予有干部管理权限的党组相应纪律处分权限，强化监督执纪问责。 加强纪律教育，强化纪律执行，让党员、干部知敬畏、存戒惧、守底线，习惯在受监督和约束的环境中工作生活。 （六）夺取反腐败斗争压倒性胜利。 人民群众最痛恨腐败现象，腐败是我们党面临的最大威胁。 只有以反腐败永远在路上的坚韧和执着，深化标本兼治，保证干部清正、政府清廉、政治清明，才能跳出历史周期率，确保党和国家长治久安。 当前，反腐败斗争形势依然严峻复杂，巩固压倒性态势、夺取压倒性胜利的决心必须坚如磐石。 要坚持无禁区、全覆盖、零容忍， 坚持重遏制、强高压、长震慑，坚持受贿行贿一起查，坚决防止党内形成利益集团。 在市县党委建立巡察制度，加大整治群众身边腐败问题力度。不管腐败分子逃到哪里，都要缉拿归案、绳之以法。", "en": "We should continue to address the practice of formalities for formalities’ sake, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance, and oppose mindsets and acts of privilege seeking. We will focus on strengthening the enforcement of political and organizational discipline, and use this to prompt stricter observance of discipline on upholding integrity, on interacting with the people, and regarding work and life. We will continue to carry out criticism and self-criticism in keeping with the principle of learning from mistakes to prevent recurrence and treating the illness to save the patient. We will conduct four forms of oversight over discipline compliance, identify problems early and correct them while they are nascent. Party organizations with the power to supervise officials will be given corresponding power to take disciplinary action as called for, and accountability for overseeing discipline compliance will be tightened up on. We will raise Party members’ awareness of discipline and strengthen discipline enforcement, and demand that Party members and officials hold discipline in awe and respect, do not cross the line, and become used to working and living under oversight and constraints. 6. Securing a sweeping victory in the fight against corruption The people resent corruption most; and corruption is the greatest threat our Party faces. We must have the resolve and tenacity to persevere in the never-ending fight against corruption. Only by intensifying efforts to address both the symptoms and root causes of corruption—by making sure that officials are honest, government is clean, and political affairs are handled with integrity—can we avoid history’s cycle of rise and fall and ensure the long-term stability of the Party and the country. Currently, the fight against corruption remains grave and complex; we must remain as firm as a rock in our resolve to build on the overwhelming momentum and secure a sweeping victory. We will continue to see that there are no no-go zones, no ground is left unturned, and no tolerance is shown for corruption. We will impose tight constraints, maintain a tough stance and a long-term deterrence, punish both those who take bribes and those who offer them, and prevent interest groups from arising within the Party. We will institute a system of disciplinary inspection for city and county level Party committees in an intensified effort to address corruption that occurs on the people’s doorsteps. Wherever offenders may flee, they will be brought back and brought to justice."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Other BRI countries will probably also ask for debt forgiveness and write-offs, the costs of which will ultimately be borne by Chinese savers. The BRI may well have additional hidden costs for China down the road. For starters, it is extraordinarily difficult to make money on infrastructure projects. There is a widespread belief that infrastructure investment powers economic growth, but the evidence for this is weak. In fact, China itself built much of its current infrastructure after its growth had taken off. In the 1980s and 1990s, for example, China grew much faster than India despite having a shorter railway network. According to the World Bank, in 1996 China had 56,678 kilometers (35,218 miles) of rail lines, and India had 62,915 kilometers. Chinese growth was not jump-started by infrastructure, but by reforms and human capital investments. If growth fails to materialize in BRI countries, Chinese companies may end up bearing the costs. Furthermore, many of China’s BRI partner countries are risky – including Pakistan, a major recipient of investments under the scheme. In addition to its high political, economic, and default risks, the country also scores poorly on education indicators. According to one report, Pakistan ranked 180th among 221 countries in literacy. This is a potential red flag for Chinese investments in Pakistan, because research suggests that investments in physical infrastructure promote growth only in countries with high levels of human capital. China itself benefited from its infrastructural investments because it had also invested heavily in education. Nor should the BRI be compared to the Marshall Plan, the US aid program to help rebuild Western Europe after World War II, as an example of how large-scale investment projects can boost growth. The Marshall Plan was so successful – and at a fraction of the BRI’s cost – because it helped generally well-governed countries that had been temporarily disrupted by war. Aid acted as a stimulus that triggered growth. Several of the BRI countries, by contrast, are plagued by economic and governance problems and lack basic requirements for growth. Simply building up their infrastructure will not be enough. Finally, the BRI will probably further strengthen China’s state sector, thereby increasing one of the long-term threats to its economy.", "zh": "其他BRI国家可能也会要求减免和注销债务，而其成本最终将由中国储蓄者承担。 在继续推进的过程中一带一路可能会为中国带来额外的隐性成本。 首先，在基础设施项目上赚钱是非常困难的。 人们普遍认为基础设施投资可以推动经济增长，但这方面的证据还很薄弱。 事实上，中国本身就是在其增长起飞之后才建立了大部分现有基础设施。 比如在1980和90年代，尽管铁路网络总里程较短，但中国的增长速度远高于印度。 根据世界银行的数据，1996年中国有总长56678公里的铁路线，印度则有62915公里。 中国的增长不是由基础设施来启动了，而是改革和人力资本投资。 如果增长无法在一带一路国家实现，成本可能最终只能由中国企业承担。 此外，中国的许多一带一路合作伙伴国家 — — 包括巴基斯坦这个该计划下的主要投资接收国 — — 都存在风险。 除了极高的政治、经济和违约风险之外，该国在教育指标方面的评分也很低。 根据一份报告，巴基斯坦的识字率在221个国家中排名第180位。 这也是中国在巴基斯坦投资的潜在危险信号，因为研究表明对有形基础设施的投资只会为那些人力资本水平较高的国家带来增长。 中国本身也从基础设施投资中受益，因为它也在教育方面投入了大量资金。 同时也不应将一带一路与马歇尔计划相提并论，马歇尔计划是二战后美国帮助重建西欧的援助计划，也是大规模投资项目如何促进增长的一个案例。 而马歇尔计划之所以如此成功 — — 而且花费成本跟一带一路相比较小 — — 因为它帮助的是那些因战争而暂时受到破坏的治理良好国家。 援助在此只是刺激增长的引子。 相比之下一些一带一路国家深陷经济和治理问题的泥沼，缺乏实现增长的基本要素。 仅仅帮它们建立基础设施是不够的。 最后一带一路可能会进一步强化中国的国有部门，使得其中一种长期威胁该国经济的因素进一步凸显。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, since early September, the potential benefits of cooperation now include avoiding an embarrassing credit-rating downgrade next year if medium-term fiscal reform does not materialize. I suspect that some will be quick to dismiss the consequences of a Moody’s downgrade. And it certainly is tempting to do so. After all, the global financial crisis badly damaged the credibility of ratings agencies as a whole. Moreover, one would be hard pressed to identify any meaningful hit to the US from the decision by another major agency, Standard & Poor’s, to downgrade America’s sovereign rating in August 2011. On the contrary, rather than spiking higher following S&P’s unprecedented move, US market interest rates continued to fall, reaching record-low levels. This seemingly contradictory fall in financing costs reflected an abundance of foreign capital seeking to invest in the US, including money fleeing from Europe. The absence of any adverse impact on government finances may thus lead some to dismiss the impact of a potential Moody’s downgrade in 2013. Yet, those of us who are exposed on a daily basis to the inner workings of financial markets would caution against too upbeat an attitude toward a second downgrade by a major ratings agency. Moreover, the potential impact certainly is not linear. Owing to the way that investment contracts are written and guidelines specified, there is a meaningful difference between a single and multiple rating downgrades. Were Moody’s to follow S&P in stripping the US of its triple-A rating, the most likely outcome is that the universe of global investors who are both able and willing to increase their holdings of US government securities would shrink over time. Fortunately for the US, the immediate adverse impact on borrowing costs would be alleviated, if not nullified, by investors’ lack of readily available alternatives to US government bonds, as well as a Federal Reserve that has been buying large volumes of US Treasuries. But this is not a long-term risk worth taking. Historically, it has taken countries many years of difficult fiscal-policy efforts to regain a triple-A status. And, while no one can be certain about where the limits lie, there are both theoretical and operational bounds to how many government bonds can (and should) be placed on the balance sheet of a modern, well-functioning central bank.", "zh": "此外，从9月上旬开始，合作的潜在好处有增加了一项：避免在无法实现中期财政改革的情况下被调降信用评级搞得灰头土脸。 我认为，一些人很快就会对穆迪降级的后果不屑一顾。 显然，这么做具有相当充分的理由。 毕竟，全球金融危机大大伤害了评级机构的整体信誉。 此外，另一家主要评级机构标准普尔在2011年曾降低过美国主权评级，结果并没有产生有意义的后果。 相反，美国市场利率并没有随着标普前所未有的动作而大幅走高，反而继续下降，创出了历史新低。 这一看似反常的融资成本下降反映出有大量外国资本正在寻求美国的投资，其中就包括从欧洲逃离的资金。 既然标普的动作没有对政府融资造成负面影响，那么有人就会认为穆迪在2013年的降级动作也是如此。 但是，对于我们这些天天暴露在金融市场内部运转情况风险的人来说，对主要评级机构第二次降级的影响过于乐观是值得引起警惕的。 此外，潜在影响显然不是线性的。 投资合同的具体条款和准则决定了单起降级和多���降级的意义具有重大差别。 如果穆迪步标普的后尘，剥夺美国的AAA评级，那么最后可能的结果是有能力也愿意增加美国政府证券持有量的全球投资者会逐渐减磅。 对美国来说，幸运的是融资成本的即期负面影响会因为投资者缺乏能够替代美国国债的现成投资目标以及美联储大量购买美国国债而有所减轻（即使不是完全消除的话 ） 。 但从长期看就难说了。 历史表明，重新获得AAA地位需要为此付出多年的艰辛财政政策努力。 不管从理论上还是操作上，运转正常的现代央行资产负债表上可以（以及应该）出现多少国债是存在界限的。 尽管没人可以这一界限在哪里。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But it will merely make matters worse if politicians do not use the time to implement effective reforms. There is no politically painless way out of the debt trap. Indeed, the first step in that process is to face up to losses, both in accounting and in real terms. In the short run, even efforts to spur technological progress and innovation, which might generate recovery through new profits, are likely to have a negative overall impact on employment, owing to the creative destruction of obsolete industries. Recognizing this, some argue that the way to force reform is to allow interest rates to reflect credit risks. For China, whose net international investment position at the end of last year was a surplus of $1.8 trillion , or 17% of GDP, it will be possible to implement internal debt restructuring through debt/equity swaps at the project level. Far-reaching governance and structural reforms in the state and private sectors should follow. According to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the central and local governments’ net assets amounted to ¥93 trillion, or 164% of GDP, at the end of 2013. Because SOEs and local governments accounted for more than half of the credit issued through the banking system, proper debt restructuring of state-owned assets would strengthen the projects they were funding, by allowing private or professional management teams to improve overall returns.", "zh": "可是，如果政策执行者不能善用这段宝贵的时间来实施有效的结���改革，情况将会变得更糟。 跳出债务陷阱必然会带来政治痛苦。 事实上，这一过程的第一步是直面损失，包括会计意义上的损失和实质性的社会及经济损失。 在短期，刺激技术进步和创新的措施虽然有利于创造新利润及复苏，但对就业的总影响也不一定是正面，因为创新也有可能对传统行业带来创造性的破坏。 认识到这些复杂的挑战，一些人认为强推结构改革之道在于让利率体现信用风险。 对中国来说，其去年年底的净国际投资头寸，也就是净对外资产，为盈余1.8万亿美元或GDP的17 % ， 这意味中国经济整体对外没有资不抵债的问题。 通过国内项目层次的债务/股权互换，也就是实施内部债务及股权结构重组来避免债务通缩是有可能的。 当然财务重组后，应该对国有及民营行业都进行更深入的治理和结构改革。 根据中国社会科学院的研究，2013年底中国中央和地方政府净资产为93万亿元，占GDP的164 % 。 国有企业和地方政府占了银行系统发行的信用总量的一大半。 因此，国有资产及债务结构的重组可以让民营投资者及职业管理团队通过改善总回报来增强资金的效率及项目的成功率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Had Argentina not privatized, its budget would have been roughly in balance. The US is starting on its privatization venture with a fiscal deficit of 4% of GDP. Privatization advocates insist, however, that investments in stocks would yield sufficiently higher returns to provide individuals the same retirement income as before, with the surplus used to fill the gap. But if markets are working well, then returns will be higher only because risk is higher. There is still no free lunch in economics. With higher risk, there is a chance that, 40 years from now, many individuals will find themselves with less than they need to retire. But if one really thinks that free lunches exist, there is still no reason to privatize: government could get the additional returns by investing in the stock market itself. Indeed, President Clinton proposed doing just that. With increased transaction costs, worsening solvency for the system, increased budget deficits, and decreasing benefits and security for retirees, why the drive for privatization? One reason is the interest financial markets have in grabbing a piece of all those transactions costs. A second is the Bush administration’s ideological hostility to the modest amount of wealth redistribution implied by the public system. America’s Social Security program has been so successful in reducing poverty because the poor get back a little more than they contribute, and the rich get back a little less. Even with Social Security’s mildly redistributive effect, poverty and inequality in America are increasing. Privatization will only make matters worse.", "zh": "要是阿根廷没有进行私有化，它的预算还能大致持平。 美国正在以占GDP4%的财政赤字开始了私有化冒险之举。 然而，私有化拥护者们坚持，投资股票将会产生更高效率的回报，为个人提供与以前一样数目的退休工资，还有盈余可以填补开销与预算差距。 但是如果市场行情看好，那么回报就会更高。 但这只是因为风险更高了。 在经济中，依然没有免费午餐。 随着风险加剧，在今后的40年中，许多人有可能将会发现他们退休时所拥有的将少于退休所必需的。 但若有人真的相信免费午餐的存在，仍然没有私有化的理由：政府可以通过自己在股票市场投资来获取额外回报。 事实上，克林顿总统提议的正是这个。 随着交易成本上升，体系偿付能力恶化，预算赤字增加，以及退休者福利保障不断下降，为什么还要实施私有化呢？ 原因之一是金融市场能在这些交易成本中攫取一份利益。 原因之二是布什政府对公共体系所包含的财富重新分配充满意识形态上的敌意，尽管这笔财富数目平平。 美国的社会保障计划已经成功减少了贫穷人数，因为贫穷人口的所得多于付出，而富人所得却减少了一点。 即使在社会保障体系温和的再分配的效果下，美国的贫穷和不平等正在加剧，私有化只会令其雪上加霜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After an “age” of excessive leverage, debt creation, and credit entitlement that culminated in the 2008 global financial crisis, America still faces the tricky challenge of allocating cumulative losses that continuously inhibit investment, jobs, and competitiveness. Until now, Congress’s excessive political polarization has translated into an approach that has pushed more of the burden of adjustment onto those who are less able to bear it. In an ideal world, America’s next president would rapidly embark on a two-step approach to restoring job dynamism and financial soundness. First, he would devise a comprehensive set of economic-policy initiatives that are both feasible and desirable – and, again, the scope for major differences here is limited. Second, he would accompany this with an explicit set of social policies – and here the potential differences are profound – that addresses the need for equitable burden-sharing. This is not really an election about such hotly-debated issues as outsourcing, tax increases versus entitlement reforms, government control of production versus unfettered private sector activity, or job creators versus free riders. It is much more about the accompanying concepts of social fairness, entitlement, equality and, yes, standards of behavior for a rich and civilized society. This is an election about social responsibility – a society’s obligation to support those who are struggling, through no fault of their own, to find jobs and make ends meet. It is about protecting the most vulnerable segments of society, including by providing them access to proper health coverage.", "zh": "在经历了过度杠杆化、债务创造和信贷泛滥、并在2008年全球金融危机爆发前达到顶峰的“时代”后，美国仍然面临着一项艰巨的挑战 — — 如何分配持久抑制投资、就业和竞争力的累积损失。 到目前为止，国会的过度政治极端化已经产生了让承受能力较弱者经受更多调整负担的效果。 在理想世界中，美国新总统应快速实施两步走计划以重塑就业活力、重振金融稳定性。 首先，他应该设计可行而令人满意的全面经济政策计划组合 — — 在这方面，做出重大不同的空间是有限的。 其次，对于这些经济政策，应辅之以明确的社会政策组合 — — 在这方面，潜在改变空间极大 — — 以满足公平负担共担的需要。 其实，此次选举绝非选择外包和增税还是福利改革；选择政府控制生产还是自由放任私人部门活动；选择就业创造还是免费搭车等热门���题。 此次选举中兹事体大者在于它所伴随的社会公平、福利、平等呢个性以及富庶文明社会行为准则等概念。 这是一场事关社会责任的选举。 所谓社会责任，即社会支持因并非由其自身造成的错误而承受寻找工作、实现收支平衡压力的群体的义务。 这场选举事关通过让他们获得健康保险保护社会最脆弱群体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "宋原希的脸色涨成猪肝色，搂住夏叶华的胳膊焦急的开口：“阿姨，我们不是说好了不说出去的吗？ 你怎么又说了！” 夏叶华戳了一下她的鼻子，“如果不是我看到你拿着手机聊天笑的那个傻样，我都不知道你恋爱了！你到底当不当我是你干妈？这么大的事儿竟然不告诉我！我告诉你，网恋这种事儿，坚决不靠谱！” “年轻人……你问问你嫂子，网上有真的感情吗？” 一句话落下，两个人全部齐刷刷看向乔恋。 乔恋愣了愣，整个人已经呆住了。 网络上，有真感情吗？ 她曾经觉得，有。 乔恋垂下头，淡淡的开口：“网上的东西都是虚假的，不能当真。” 一句话落下，整个房间里的氛围，忽然发生了变化。 一股冷气流，直逼过来，让所有人都不自觉闭上嘴巴，看向从阳台上走进来、全身冰冷的沈凉川。 他手里还拿着手机，显然刚刚打完电话。 他的眼神，却冰冷的定格在乔恋的身上。 她刚刚说……网络上的东西都是虚拟的，不能当真。 呵。 这是多么讽刺的一句话？ 因为，他不仅当真了，还念念不忘了整整八年。 人的一生，能有几个八年？ 他倏忽间攥紧了拳头，只觉得眼前的一切都讽刺的厉害，像是无情的嘲讽着他的自作多情。", "en": "Song Yuanxi’s face turned beet red and she grabbed Xia Yehua’s arm, saying anxiously, “Auntie, did we not agree not to talk about this matter with others? Why are you talking about it now!” Xia Yehua poked Yuanxi’s nose and said, “If I hadn’t seen the foolish expression you had on your face when you were chatting on your phone, I would not have even known that you were in love. Do you really see me as your stepmother? If so, why wouldn’t you tell me about such a huge thing. I’m telling you, online romance is completely unreliable!” “Teenagers… Well, how about you ask your sister-in-law whether true love can be found over the Internet?” As she finished speaking, both of them stared at Qiao Lian simultaneously. Qiao Lian froze; her entire body was stunned. Could true love really be found on the Internet? She had even argued with her mom over this issue; she had stood her ground then. She had even travelled a great distance to Beijing to find him. But ultimately… Qiao Lian lowered her head and said softly, “Everything you find on the Internet is simulated and you shouldn’t take them seriously.” As she finished speaking, the atmosphere in the room suddenly shifted. A cold breeze was blowing directly at her, causing everybody present to subconsciously close their mouths. They had seen Shen Liangchuan walking from the balcony, and his entire body was completely frigid. He was still holding a cell phone in his hands. Clearly, he had just finished answering a call. However, his gaze was coldly directed at Qiao Lian’s body. She had just said that… everything on the Internet was simulated and couldn’t be taken seriously. Heh. Why was this sentence so ironic? That’s because not only had he treated an online relationship seriously, but he had also never forgotten it for eight long years. How many eight-year groups could a person live through in his entire lifetime? He swiftly clenched his fists tightly. He found everything he was currently seeing intensely ironic, like the world was mocking him for imagining that his romantic feelings would be reciprocated."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The consequence of the international community’s increasing balkanization is that consensus-oriented conferences tend to end in impasses. These failures do not mean that most people around the world do not see eye-to-eye on these issues, or that they are unprepared to make timely, even courageous, decisions. Unfortunately, ordinary people’s sentiments rarely triumph when governments meet. The conclusion is unavoidable: it is the quest for absolute consensus – unanimity – that is undermining progress on major global concerns. Consensus-oriented negotiations can work when a treaty is being struck between victors and vanquished –ampnbsp;the strong and the weak. After World War I, the Allied Powers tried to promote international peace by creating the League of Nations. But the League’s unanimity requirement effectively gave all members veto power, and the United States Senate’s refusal to ratify its Covenant condemned the effort to a premature death. The League’s abject failure to prevent World War II resulted in a second effort to build international comity after the fighting ended. The new UN was much better structured than its predecessor, and the world gained an institution that fosters debate and deliberative decision-making much more vigorously than is possible in consensus-driven organizations. But a shift that contradicts the UN Charter’s spirit has occurred. In an effort to avoid resolutions or measures that expose their disagreements, the world’s great powers have adopted the habit of organizing worldwide debates and conferences that revert to decision-making by consensus. According to the UN Charter, the primary focus of the General Assembly and the Security Council is to promote international security. But the UN has become the “general operator” for global conferences, acting as administrator and furnisher of services and facilities (such as locations and interpreters) for events that are not officially part of its core operations. As a result, the UN is increasingly taking the blame for these conferences’ failures, which not only leave the issues unresolved, but also undermine the UN’s authority. The Rio+20 conference, which will examine the progress made since the first “Earth Summit” in Rio de Janeiro 20 years ago, will take place there this June. Designed with a wide range of objectives, including a focus on both the green economy and sustainable development, the conference seems destined to fail. Without consensus, no action can be taken, and consensus will be impossible.", "zh": "国际社会日益分崩离析的后果是以共识为目标的会议往往以僵局而告终。 这种失败并不意味着世界多数民众在这些问题上没有共同点，也不意味着他们无法做出及时、甚至是勇敢的决策。 令人遗憾的是，在政府会晤时，普通民众的态度很少占据上风。 由此不可避免地可以得出结论：导致在全球重大问题上无法取得进展的正是力求达成绝对共识（一致）的态度。 以绝对共识为目标的谈判只有在战胜方和战败方（也就是强者和弱者）的谈判中才可能实现。 一次大战后，盟军试图以建立国际联盟的方式来促成国际和平。 但国联的一致性要求实际赋予了所有成员国否决权，而美国参议院拒绝批准其《公约》导致那次努力过早陷入夭折。 联盟在防止二战努力彻底失败在战后启动了重建国际秩序的第二次努力。 新的联合国比其前身结构更加合理，而世界也因此拥有了能积极促进讨论和慎重决策的机构，这在以共识为导向的机构中是不可想象的。 但近年来发生了与《联合国宪章》背道而驰的变化。 为避免将相互间分歧公之于众的决议或措施，世界大国已经习惯于组织世界范围的会议及讨论，重新恢复了以共识为基础的决策机制。 《联合国宪章》规定促进国际安全是联大和安理会的主要任务。 但联合国已经成为全球会议的“总体运作者 ” ， 并为实际不属于其核心任务的各式会议扮演着管理者及服务和设施（如会议地点和口译人员）提供者的角色。 结果导致联合国越来越多地为这些会议的失败而承担指责，这样做不仅不能解决问题，而且还导致联合国的权威遭到削弱。 将要审核20年前里约热内卢首次“地球峰会”所取得进展的里约20+会议将于今年6月在里约举办。 因为原定要讨论各式各样的目标，包括对绿色经济和可持续发展的重点关注，此次会议似乎注定无法取得成功。 如果达不成一致意见就无法采取行动，共识也就更加没有可能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One such skeptic is Britain’s opposition Labour Party leader, Jeremy Corbyn, who could soon be his country’s prime minister and who now demands “credible evidence” of Iranian responsibility. Corbyn, of course, tends to support any opponent of America, from Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro to Russian President Vladimir Putin (he initially refused to accept that Russia was involved in the poisoning of a Russian defector in the English city of Salisbury in 2018). Where Corbyn leads, others on the far left will doubtless follow. If credibility is the issue, why not ask that lawyerly question “cui bono” – who benefits? Iran might seem the likeliest candidate. Its economy has been squeezed ever more tightly by US sanctions following Trump’s decision a year ago to withdraw the US from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal – officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Those sanctions have reduced Iran’s oil exports to a relative trickle of 400,000 barrels per day (bpd), compared with 2.5 million bpd in April 2018. Meanwhile, the European Union’s attempts to provide Iran with a financial escape route from the sanctions have proved futile, owing to the threat of punitive US action against European banks. On June 17, Iran underlined its dismay at the lack of European support by threatening to exceed within days the JCPOA’s limit on the country’s uranium enrichment. That would mean the death of the deal – and would heighten the risk that Iran will strive to acquire nuclear weapons.", "zh": "怀疑派之一是英国反对党工党领导人杰里米·科尔宾（Jeremy Corbyn ） ， 他有望不久后出任英国首相，现在要求“可信的证据”证明伊朗的责任。 当然科尔宾会支持一切反对美国者，包括委内瑞拉总统马杜罗和俄罗斯总统普京（他一开始也拒绝接受俄罗斯卷入了2018年英国城市萨利斯伯里（Salisbury）毒杀俄罗斯叛逃者的案件 ） 。 在科尔宾的领导下，其他极左翼肯定也会跟进。 如果问题出在可信度的话，何不问一个律师式的问题 — — “谁得利 ？ ” 伊朗似乎是最有可能的候选者。 其经济受到了美国严厉制裁的扼杀 — — 一年前，特朗普决定让美国退出2015年伊朗核协议，即官方所称的联合全面行动计划（JCPOA ） 。 这些制裁让伊朗石油出口量下降到微不足道的每天40万桶，而在2018年4月，这一数字高达250万桶。 与此同时，欧盟试图向伊朗提供摆脱制裁的金融路径，但因为美国威胁要惩罚欧洲银行而无功而返。 6月17日，伊朗在缺少欧洲支持下的沮丧尽显无疑，它威胁将在几天内超过JCPOA对其铀丰度的限制。 这意味着交易失败 — — 也突显出伊朗将力争获得核武器的风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In other words, what Working Group II reported was plain wrong. Elsewhere in the 2007 assessment, Working Group II claimed that “up to 40% of the Amazonian forests” were at imminent risk of being destroyed by global warming. The basis for this claim was a single report from the World Wildlife Fund that itself cited only one study, which didn’t even look at climate change, but rather at the impact of human activities like logging and burning. In similar fashion, Working Group II claimed that “by 2020, in some [African] countries, yields from rain-fed agriculture could be reduced by up to 50%.” Much quoted since, this alarming statistic turns out to have been based on a single, unreferenced bullet-point from a report by an environmental think tank. There are numerous other examples of similar shenanigans by Working Group II. Yet, aside from a grudging admission that its predictions about Himalayan glaciers were “poorly substantiated,” the IPCC has yet to acknowledge – much less apologize for – any of the lapses. If the IPCC is to do to its job properly, it must own up to all of its missteps and clean house. Nobody expects it to be infallible. But neither should we tolerate its attempts to scare policy-makers rather than inform them.", "zh": "换句话说，第二工作小组的报告是完全错误的。 在 2007 年评估报告的其他部分，第二工作小组声称“亚马逊地区有 40 ％的森林”有被全球变暖摧毁的危险。 然而这一结论却只是基于世界自然基金会的一份报告，而这个报告只引用了一个单一的研究，那份研究甚至跟气候变化无关，仅仅是描述了人类砍伐和焚烧所带来的影响而已。 用类似的方式，第二工作小组声称“到 2020 年，在（非洲）某些国家，由雨水灌溉的农业的所产生的收益将减少 50 ％ 。 ” 尽管被引用的频率很高，但这一骇人听闻的统计数字原来只是基于一份由某环境研究智库所做的一份报告中的单一的，连参考资料都没有的重点提要部分。 类似的手法在第二工作小组的报告中还有很多很多，不胜枚举。 然而除了勉强承认其关于喜马拉雅冰川的预测是“有悖事实”之外， IPCC 没有承认任何其他的错漏 — — 更遑论为此而道歉了。 如果 IPCC 真的想做到称职胜任，它就必须坦承其所有的失误，并进而改正。 毕竟没人指望它的工作能毫不出错。 但我们所不能容忍的，是它不是向政策制定者陈述事实，而是靠恐吓来达到自己的目的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "African Women on Top TORONTO – Africa has a long history of female leadership. Yet leadership can be a challenging aspiration for the continent’s young women, owing to enduring barriers to success. If African countries – and Africa’s women – are to meet their potential, this must change. Women were leaders on the frontlines of Africa’s decolonization struggle. Queen Anna Nzinga, the monarch of the Ndongo and Matamba Kingdoms in what is now Angola, spent decades fighting to protect her people from the Portuguese and their expanding slave trade. In 1900, Yaa Asantewaa, queen mother of the Ashanti Empire (part of modern-day Ghana), led a rebellion against British colonialism. Nearly three decades later, women in southeastern Nigeria organized a revolt, known as the Aba Women’s Riots, against British colonial policies. More recently, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf – a Nobel Peace Prize laureate – led her country to reconciliation and recovery following a decade-long civil war, managing a devastating Ebola epidemic along the way. Former Rwandan Minister of Health Agnes Binagwaho has dedicated her career to achieving equitable access to health care in her country and beyond. As a young teenager, Kakenya Ntaiya agreed to undergo female circumcision (a traditional Maasai rite of passage) in exchange for the opportunity to get an education. After earning a PhD in education, she founded Kakenya’s Dream, which focuses on educating girls, ending harmful traditional practices, and uplifting rural communities in Kenya. Yet barriers to women’s leadership in Africa today remain systemic, widespread, and they begin early. They start at home, where girls are expected to take on more responsibility, including chores like childcare, cooking, and laundry. This, and other factors, undermines African girls’ educational attainment: 47% either do not complete school or never attend at all. Girls’ paths are no easier when they grow up. From limited land rights to the enduring expectation that they perform the majority of unpaid household labor, women in Africa face major economic, legal, and cultural barriers to advancement.", "zh": "顶尖非洲妇女 多伦多—非洲有着悠久的女性领导历史。 但对非洲年轻女性来说，成为领导人是一个颇具挑战性的志向，因为一路充满着阻碍。 如果非洲国家 — — 以及非洲妇女 — — 想要实现潜力，这一点必须有所改变。 妇女是站在非洲反殖民地斗争最前沿的领袖。 恩东戈（Ndongo）和马坦巴（Matamba）王国（即现在的安哥拉）的安娜·恩津加女王（Queen Anna Nzinga）为保护人民免收葡萄牙人及其不断扩张的奴隶贸易的戕害而奋斗了几十年。 1900年，阿山地帝国（Ashanti Empire，现为加纳的一部分）王太后雅·阿桑蒂瓦（Yaa Asantewaa）领导人民奋起反抗英国殖民主义。 近三十年后，尼日利亚东南部的妇女们发动了一场革命，即著名的阿巴妇女暴动（Aba Women’s Riots）反对英国殖民政策。 在晚近一些，诺贝尔和平奖得主瑟利夫（Ellen Johnson Sirleaf）总统领到她的国家走向和解，在经历了十年的内战后开始恢复，并在此期间战胜了灾难性的埃博拉疫情。 卢旺达前卫生部长艾格尼斯·比纳格瓦胡（Agnes Binagwaho）献身于卢旺达和国际医疗平等事业。 花季少女卡肯雅·恩泰亚（Kakenya Ntaiya）甘愿用割礼（马赛族的传统成人仪式）换取受教育的机会。 在获得了教育学博士学位后，恩泰亚成立了卡肯雅之梦组织（Kakenya’s Dream ） ， 致力于女童教育、消灭有害传统风俗以及提升肯尼亚农村社会。 但如今非洲女性领导的障碍仍然具有系统性、普遍性，并从很早就开始存在。 它们开始于家庭，女童被要求承担更多责任，包括带小孩、做饭和洗衣服等家务。 这和其他因素一起拖累了非洲女童的就学率：47%的非洲女童无法完成学业或从未上过学。 长大后，女童的道路也没有变得更加平坦。 她们只拥有有限的土地权利，还被要求承担大部分免费的家务劳动，因此，要想取得进步，她们面临着巨大的经济、法律和文化障碍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Giddy Markets and Grim Politics CAMBRIDGE – Economic growth worldwide picked up in 2017, and the best guess is that the global economy will perform strongly in 2018 as well. At the same time, a rising tide of populism and authoritarianism poses a risk to the stable democratic institutions that underlie long-term growth. And yet headlines seeming to portend political instability and chaos have not prevented stock markets from soaring. What gives? First, the good news. Surely the largest single factor in the synchronized global upswing is that the world economy is finally leaving behind the long shadow of the 2008 financial crisis. Part of today’s good fortune is payback for years of weak demand. And the rebound is not over, with business investment finally picking up after a decade of slack, thereby laying a foundation for faster growth and higher productivity gains in the future. True, economic growth in China is slowing somewhat as authorities belatedly try to contain a credit bubble, but many other emerging markets – notably including India – are set to grow faster this year. Rising stock and housing markets may fuel inequality, but they also drive increased consumer spending. Investors and policy wonks are also cheered by the resilience of central bank independence in the major economies. US President Donald Trump has not only largely spared the Federal Reserve the not-so-tender mercies of his wee-hour tweets; he has also nominated highly qualified individuals to fill Fed vacancies.", "zh": "飘忽的市场和糟糕的政治 发自剑桥 — — 全球经济增长在2017年有所上扬，因此人们寄望2018年的经济也能表现强劲。 与此同时，民粹主义和专制主义的兴起给实现长期增长所依赖的稳定民主体制带来了风险，但那些似乎预示着政治动荡和混乱的头条新闻报道却并未阻止股市的飙升。 这是为什么？ 首先是好消息。 全球同步增长的最大单一因素就是世界经济终于摆脱了2008年金融危机的阴影。 当前的一部分好光景来自于多年来需求疲软的反弹。 而且这波反弹还未结束，企业投资在经历了十年的萧条之后终于回暖，为未来更快的增长和更高的生产效率提升奠定了基础。 诚然，由于当局试图遏制信贷泡沫，中国的经济增长有所放缓，但许多其他新兴市场 — — 特别是印度 — — 将在今年实现更加快速的增长。 不断上涨的股市和房地产市场可能会助长不平等状况，但也会推动消费者支出增加。 各主要经济体中央行独立性的恢复也令投资者和政策分析员们感到振奋。 美国总统特朗普不仅在自己时常出言不逊的推特中放过了美联储，还提名了高素质人才来填补其职位空缺。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Euro’s First 20 Years CAMBRIDGE – Since its introduction two decades ago, the euro has faced serious challenges. So far, it has survived intact. Yet, on the common currency’s 20th anniversary, it is worth identifying problems that have been encountered and, one hopes, to learn from past mistakes. A first critical problem was inherent in the application of a common currency to a large and varied set of countries: They did not meet the criteria for an “optimum currency area,” as American economists pointed out. In particular, the members lacked cyclical synchronization. It is much harder to go without monetary independence if your economy’s needs are not aligned with those of the other countries in the union. In 2004-2006, for example, Ireland needed a tighter monetary policy than the European Central Bank was prepared to set, given a housing bubble and economic overheating; but it had ceded the authority to revalue its currency or raise interest rates. Likewise, in 2009-2013, when Ireland needed an easier monetary policy than the ECB’s, given a steep recession, it was unable to devalue its currency, print money, or lower its interest rate. A second mistake was that some peripheral eurozone countries maintained large current-account deficits during the euro’s first decade. At the time, these countries’ large net capital inflows were viewed as a sign of efficiency-improving financial integration. In retrospect, the imbalances, attributable in part to a rise in the periphery’s unit labor costs relative to Germany’s, were less benign.", "zh": "欧元的第一个20年 坎布里奇—自二十年前被引入以来，欧元面临了严重的挑战。 到目前为止，它安然无恙地活着。 但是，在这一共同货币迎来20周年之际，有必要看看他遇到了什么问题，最好还能从过去的错误中汲取教训。 第一个关键问题是将共同货币应用于大量不同的国家必然引起的问题。 美国经济学家指出，它们并不满足一个“最优货币区”标准。 特别是，成员国之间缺乏周期同步性。 如果你的经济的需要与联盟中的其他国家不一致，那么失去了货币独立性将让你举步维艰。 比如，2004—2006年需要比欧洲央行准备实施的更加紧缩的货币政策，因为爱尔兰出现了住房泡沫和经济过热；但它已将重估货币或提高利率的权力让渡。 类似地，2009—2013年，爱尔兰需要比欧洲央行制定的更加宽松的货币政策，因为经济出现了衰退，但它无法贬值货币、印钞或降低利率。 第二个错误是一些外围欧元区国家在欧元的第一个十年中保持了庞大的经常项目赤字。 当时，这些国家的巨量资本净流入被视为金融一体化增进效益的信号。 事后看来，失衡绝非良性。 导致失衡的部分原因在于外围单位劳动力成本相对德国有所升高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "解决台湾问题、实现祖国完全统一，是全体中华儿女共同愿望，是中华民族根本利益所在。必须继续坚持“和平统一、一国两制”方针，推动两岸关系和平发展，推进祖国和平统一进程。 一个中国原则是两岸关系的政治基础。体现一个中国原则的“九二共识”明确界定了两岸关系的根本性质，是确保两岸关系和平发展的关键。 承认“九二共识”的历史事实，认同两岸同属一个中国，两岸双方就能开展对话，协商解决两岸同胞关心的问题，台湾任何政党和团体同大陆交往也不会存在障碍。 两岸同胞是命运与共的骨肉兄弟，是血浓于水的一家人。 我们秉持“两岸一家亲”理念，尊重台湾现有的社会制度和台湾同胞生活方式，愿意率先同台湾同胞分享大陆发展的机遇。", "en": "Resolving the Taiwan question to realize China’s complete reunification is the shared aspiration of all Chinese people, and is in the fundamental interests of the Chinese nation. We must uphold the principles of “peaceful reunification” and “one country, two systems,” work for the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, and advance the process toward the peaceful reunification of China. The one-China principle is the political foundation of cross-Straits relations. The 1992 Consensus embodies the one-China principle and defines the fundamental nature of cross-Straits relations; it thus holds the key to the peaceful development of relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. Recognize the historical fact of the 1992 Consensus and that the two sides both belong to one China, and then our two sides can conduct dialogue to address through discussion the concerns of the people of both sides, and no political party or group in Taiwan will have any difficulty conducting exchanges with the mainland. Blood is thicker than water. People on both sides of the Taiwan Straits are brothers and sisters; we share the bond of kinship. Guided by the conviction that we are all of the same family, we respect the current social system and way of life in Taiwan and are ready to share the development opportunities on the mainland with our Taiwan compatriots first."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Obamacare Survived CAMBRIDGE – Since the United States’ Affordable Care Act (ACA) – or “Obamacare” – was enacted in 2010, Republicans have been promising to “repeal and replace” it. When the 2016 presidential and congressional elections delivered all three branches of the US government to the party, the time to fulfill that promise seemed to have arrived. Yet the anti-Obamacare crusade has just been dealt a crushing blow, owing to the refusal of some Republican senators to vote for the replacement legislation. Republicans blame their failure on the Democrats’ refusal to cooperate. But why should the Democrats help to dismantle their biggest legislative achievement of the last decade (if not longer)? The major flaws in Obamacare are not, as has been argued, unintended consequences of a poorly designed policy, which thus must be replaced; instead, they stem from Republican demands. In any case, Republicans have majorities in both houses of Congress, so they don’t actually need the Democrats’ support to pass legislation. Likewise, President Donald Trump’s unprecedented lack of experience and general incompetence cannot be at fault, as he isn’t indispensible to the repeal and replace process. The truth is that the blame belongs squarely on the shoulders of congressional Republicans. Since 2010, they voted more than 50 times to repeal the ACA. Those votes may have been merely symbolic, given Obama’s veto power; nonetheless, the striking fact remains that the Republicans never bothered to try to formulate an alternative in the event that one of their own would one day become president. In fact, they couldn’t formulate a workable alternative to Obamacare, because some within their ranks refuse to accept the basic laws of arithmetic. According to the estimates produced by the Congressional Budget Office, which has a very good track record, the Republicans’ proposed health-care legislation would have caused more than 20 million Americans to lose insurance coverage. But many Republicans continue to insist that they can somehow slash spending and eliminate rules and requirements, including the “individual mandate” (the requirement that all Americans have health insurance) that underpins Obamacare, without affecting current coverage levels. Of course, there are Republicans who acknowledge the facts.", "zh": "奥巴马医保为什么能活下来 坎布里奇—自美国平价医疗法（ACA ） ， 即“奥巴马医保”于2010年实施以来，共和党一直承诺要“取消并取代”它。 2016年的总统和议会选举让美国政府的三大机关全都落入共和党之手，实现这一承诺的良机按理说已经到来。 但反奥巴马医保运动却遭受重创，因为一些共和党参议员拒绝投票支持取代它的法案。 共和党将它们的失败归咎于民主党拒绝配合。 但民主党为什么要帮共和党取消他们在过去十年（乃至更长时间）里所获得的最大的立法成就？ 奥巴马医保的最大缺陷并不是有人所谓的政策设计漏洞所造成的意外后果（因此必须用别的政策取而代之 ） ； 相反，这些缺陷来自共和党的要求。 说到底，共和党拥有国会两院的多数地位，因此他们其实不需要民主党的支持就可以通过法案。 类似地，总统特朗普登峰造极的缺少经验和无能也不是借口，因为他并不是取消和取代过程的必要条件。 真相是这完全应该归咎于国会共和党。 自2010年以来，他们进行了50多次投票要取消ACA。 这些投票有的只是象征性的（因为奥巴马拥有否决权 ） ； 但重要的事实仍然是，共和党一直在酝酿替代方案，等到共和党成为总统时就可以取ACA而代之。 事实上，他们不可能制定出有效的奥巴马医保替代方案，因为一些共和党人拒绝承认基本算术。 根据国会预算办公室的测算 — — 其具有相当好的历史记录 — — 共和党提出的医保立法将导致2,000多万美国人失去医疗保险。 但许多共和党人仍然坚持他们可以设法削减支出，取消规则和要求，包括奥巴马医保的基石 — — “个人强制保险 ” ， 而不会影响到当前的医保覆盖水平。 当然，也有承认事实的共和党人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "展望2035年，我国将基本实现社会主义现代化。经济实力、科技实力、综合国力将大幅跃升，经济总量和城乡居民人均收入将再迈上新的大台阶，关键核心技术实现重大突破，进入创新型国家前列。基本实现新型工业化、信息化、城镇化、农业现代化，建成现代化经济体系。基本实现国家治理体系和治理能力现代化，人民平等参与、平等发展权利得到充分保障，基本建成法治国家、法治政府、法治社会。建成文化强国、教育强国、人才强国、体育强国、健康中国，国民素质和社会文明程度达到新高度，国家文化软实力显著增强。广泛形成绿色生产生活方式，碳排放达峰后稳中有降，生态环境根本好转，美丽中国建设目标基本实现。形成对外开放新格局，参与国际经济合作和竞争新优势明显增强。国内生产总值达到中等发达国家水平，中等收入群体显著扩大，基本公共服务实。现均等化，城乡区域发展差距和居民生活水平差距显著缩小。平安中国建设达到更高水平，基本实现国防和军队现代化。人民生活更加美好，人的全面发展、全体人民共同富裕取得更为明显的实质性进展。", "en": "Looking ahead to 2035, China will basically achieve socialist modernization. Economic strength, technological strength, and comprehensive national power will greatly increase. The total economic output and per capita income of urban and rural residents will reach new heights. Key core technologies will achieve major breakthroughs, propelling China into the forefront of innovative countries. China will basically achieve new industrialization, informatization, urbanization, and agricultural modernization, and build a modern economic system. China will basically achieve modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, ensuring that the rights of the people to equal participation and equal development are fully protected. China will basically establish a rule of law country, rule of law government, and rule of law society. China will become a strong cultural country, strong education country, strong talent country, strong sports country, and a healthy China. The national quality and social civilization will reach new heights, and the national cultural soft power will significantly increase. A green production and lifestyle will be widely adopted, with carbon emissions peaking and then gradually decreasing. The ecological environment will fundamentally improve, and the goal of building a beautiful China will be basically achieved. A new pattern of opening up will be formed, and China's participation in international economic cooperation and competition will significantly increase. The gross domestic product will reach the level of moderately developed countries, and the middle-income group will significantly expand. Basic public services will be equalized, and the development gap between urban and rural areas and the gap in living standards of residents will significantly narrow. The construction of a safe China will reach a higher level, and the modernization of national defense and the military will be basically achieved. People's lives will be better, and substantial progress will be made in comprehensive human development and common prosperity for all."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Today, many benefits for humanity depend on the seas from the Pacific to the Indian Oceans remaining fully open. But what, exactly, does that mean? If we distill the spirit that we have infused into international law over the ages and reformulate it as three principles, the rule of law at sea becomes a matter of common sense. First, states should make and clarify their claims based on international law. Second, states should not use force or coercion in trying to realize their claims. And, third, states should seek to settle disputes by peaceful means. All three of these very simple – almost self-evident – principles must be emphasized, because all governments in Asia and the Pacific must uphold them rigorously. Consider Indonesia and the Philippines, countries whose leaders have peacefully reached agreement on the delimitation of their overlapping exclusive economic zones. Likewise, my government strongly supports the Philippines’ call for a resolution to the territorial dispute in the South China Sea that is truly consistent with the three principles of international maritime law, just as we support Vietnam’s efforts to resolve conflicting territorial claims through dialogue. Rather than attempting to consolidate changes to the status quo by piling one fait accompli upon another, the region’s governments should make a firm pledge to return to the spirit and provisions of the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, to which all parties concerned previously agreed. In today’s world, countries should not fear that coercion and threats will replace rules and laws.", "zh": "如今，许多人道利益取决于从印度洋到太平洋的海路的完全开放。 但是，这又意味着什么？ 如果我们提取千百年来我们在国际法中所注入的精神病总结出三条原则，那么海洋法治精神就成为了常识问题。 首先，各国应该基于海洋法主张并论证它们的权利。 其次，各国不应该试图使用武力或吞并手段来实现它们的主张。 第三，各国应该寻求通过和平途径解决争端。 这三条原则都非常简单 — — 几乎可以说不言自明 — — 它们必须予以强调，因为亚洲和太平洋地区的所有国家政府都必须严格遵守它们。 以印尼和菲律宾为例，两国领导人和平地就各自专属经济区重叠的问题形成了一致。 类似地，我的政府强烈支持菲律宾呼吁就南海领土纠纷形成于国际海洋法的三大原则真正相符的解决方案，正如我们支持越南通过对话解决领土主张冲突的努力。 亚太地区各国政府不能试图通过让某一既成事实凌驾于另一既成事实而巩固现状的改变，而应该切实承诺回归所有相关各方都同意的2002年《南海各方行为宣言 》 （ Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea）的精神和条款。 当今世界，各国不应该害怕吞并和威胁将取代规则和法律。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Escaping the New Normal of Weak Growth MILAN – There is no question that the recovery from the global recession triggered by the 2008 financial crisis has been unusually lengthy and anemic. Some still expect an upswing in growth. But, eight years after the crisis erupted, what the global economy is experiencing is starting to look less like a slow recovery than like a new low-growth equilibrium. Why is this happening, and is there anything we can do about it? One potential explanation for this “new normal” that has gotten a lot of attention is declining productivity growth. But, despite considerable data and analysis, productivity’s role in the current malaise has been difficult to pin down – and, in fact, seems not to be as pivotal as many think. Of course, slowing productivity growth is not good for longer-term economic performance, and it may be among the forces holding back the United States as it approaches “full” employment. But, in much of the rest of the world, other factors – namely, inadequate aggregate demand and significant output gaps, rooted in excess capacity and underused assets (including people) – seem more important. In the eurozone, for example, aggregate demand in many member countries has been constrained by, among other things, Germany’s large current-account surplus, which amounted to 8.5% of GDP in 2015. With higher aggregate demand and more efficient use of existing human capital and other resources, economies could achieve a significant boost in medium-term growth, even without productivity gains.", "zh": "摆脱增长萎靡的新常态 米兰—毫无疑问，自2008年金融危机所引发的全球衰退以来，复苏反常地漫长而低迷。 一些人仍在期待增长能够上扬。 但是，危机爆发过去八年后，全球经济正在经历的与其说是慢复苏，不如说是新低增长均衡。 这是怎么发生的呢？ 我们又能对此做些什么？ 对于这一“新常态 ” ， 一个收获大量关注的潜在解释是生产率增长放缓。 但是，尽管我们拥有大量数据和分析，但生产率在当前经济萎靡中的角色仍然难以定论 — — 事实上，它似乎不如许多人所认为的那样重要。 当然，生产率增长放缓对长期经济表现是不利的，并且是美国在接近“充分”就业之际拖其后腿的因素之一。 但是，在世界其他地方，其他因素 — — 即源自产能过剩和资产（包括人力）利用率不足的总需求不足和巨大的产出缺口 — — 似乎更加重要。 比如，在欧元区，许多成员国的总需求一直受到德国巨大的经常项目盈余（2015年占GDP的8.5 % ） 等因素的制约。 如果总需求增加，现有人力资本和其他资源得到更高效的运用，那么即便生产率不提高，各经济体的中期增长也有望获得巨大提振。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given that Foshan’s ratio of bank credit to GDP in 2011 was only 85% – much lower than Shanghai’s 184% and Beijing’s 221% – the city could use land as collateral to borrow money to expand investment. A tight national credit policy, though potentially useful in some highly indebted areas, would impede such growth-enhancing activities in Foshan. More generally, most of the structural tools needed to strengthen market allocation – including planning, zoning, environmental standards, property rights, and bankruptcy procedures – are implemented at the local level. And, adding yet another layer of variability, local economies may experience “creative destruction” as their growth models change, potentially causing temporary slowdowns that drag down overall growth. Against this background, the best way to sustain China’s economic transition and prevent a hard landing is to implement looser monetary and credit policies that enable the most productive cities, companies, and industries to generate new added value. With the risks of inflation and asset bubbles being mitigated by lower oil prices and excess capacity, now is a good time to initiate this policy shift. Of course, China will probably face some short-term headwinds, so the positive effects of this shift will take some time to emerge. As the central government consolidates its power through fiscal reform and an anti-corruption campaign, orchestrating the next phase of structural reforms at the local level will require deft coordination. After decades of high-speed growth and policy experimentation, cyclical overshoots – reflected in excess capacity, ghost towns, and local-debt overhangs – are no surprise. Now it is time to address them. Only by confronting these structural issues can China complete its shift to its new, more developed, and more equitable “normal.”", "zh": "可是，2011年，佛山的银行信用占GDP之比只有85 % — —远低于上海的184%和北京的221 % — —因此佛山在客观条件上应该比其它高负债地区更有条件使用土地作为抵押贷款来扩大投资。 全国性地收紧信用政策，尽管对高负债地区来说或许有必要，但却可能会阻碍像佛山这类高生产力城市的经济增长。 更普遍、更重要的一个问题 是，大部分强化市场配置所需要的结构性工具 — — 包括长期规划、区域规划、环境标准、产权和破产程序 — — 都是在地方层面实施的。 此外，地方经济可能在增长模式改变的阶段需要经历一个“创造性的破坏过程 ” ， 这就带来了新的动荡因素，可能导致暂时性的经济减速，拖累总体经济的增长，并对短期流动性提出更多的要求。 在这样的背景下，维持中国经济转型、防止硬着陆的最好办法是实施宽松的货币和信用政策，让生产率最高的城市、公司和行业创造新的增加值，并同时推出通常有紧缩效应的结构性改革。 如今，通胀和资产泡沫的风险被油价下跌和过剩产能所遏制，正是实施这一相对宽松的货币及财政政策的良机。 当然，中国可能会面临一些短期调整的冲击，因此这一政策转变的积极效果需要一些时间才能显现。 中央政府通过财政改革和反腐运动已经巩固了对整体宏观经济的掌控，但在地方层面组织实施下一阶段的结构改革，则需要巧妙的协调各种改革及宏观政策的匹配。 在经历了几十年的高增长和成功政策实验后，周期性超调 — — 体现在过剩产能、鬼城和地方债务积压等现象上 — — 已见怪不怪。 如今，是纠正这些问题的时候了。 只有直面这些结构性问题，中国才能完成向更发达、更平等、更可持续的“新常态”的转型。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China in the Debt-Deflation Trap HONG KONG – In the wake of a global stock-market sell-off triggered by economic turmoil in China, the US Federal Reserve has just decided to postpone raising interest rates. Indeed, China is facing the huge challenge of dealing with the risk of a global debt-deflation trap. In 1933, Irving Fisher was the first to identify the dangers of over-indebtedness and deflation, demonstrating their contribution to the Great Depression in the United States. Forty years later, Charles Kindleberger applied the theory in a global context, emphasizing the problems that arise in a world lacking coordinated and consistent monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policies, as well as an international lender of last resort. In 2011, Richard Koo used Japan’s experience to highlight the risks of a prolonged balance-sheet recession, when over-stretched debtors deleverage in order to rebuild their balance sheets. The debt-deflation cycle begins with an imbalance or displacement, which fuels excessive exuberance, over-borrowing, and speculative trading, and ends in bust, with procyclical liquidation of excess capacity and debt causing price deflation, unemployment, and economic stagnation. The result can be a deep depression. In 2000, the imbalance was America’s large current-account deficit: the world’s largest economy was borrowing heavily on international capital markets, rather than lending, as one might expect.", "zh": "中国如何避免债务通缩陷阱？ 香港—中国经济近期的下滑及波动触发了全球股市抛售潮，在此形势下，美联储刚刚宣布了暂缓升息。 事实上，中国正面临巨大挑战：应对全球范围的过度负债风险及避免因被迫减债而导致的通缩陷阱。 1933年，欧文·费雪（Irving Fisher）第一个指出过度负债和随后被迫减债而导致的通缩危险，并说明了它们在触发美国大萧条中所起的“作用 ” 。 四十年后，查尔斯·金德尔伯格（Charles Kindleberger）将这一理论用到了全球金融体系中，强调了在全球范围由于缺乏协调一致的货币、财政和监管政策以及缺乏国际最后贷款人时全球经济可能出现的问题。 2011年，辜朝明（Richard Koo）用日本案例强调了资产负债表衰退的长期风险，在这类衰退中，过度负债的债务人为了重建更健康的资产负债表而不得不在相当长的一段时间采取去杠杆的措施。 债务通缩周期始于不断加剧的过度繁荣、过度借贷和不断加码的投机性交易，也就是失衡，之后是泡沫破灭，而过剩产能和债务的顺周期特点导致流动性紧缩、物价通缩、失业及经济停滞、甚至是深度萧条。 2000年，失衡反映在美国的巨额经常项目赤字：世界第一大经济体在国际资本市场上大量借入资金而非借出资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "微源股份是一家专注于高性能模拟芯片产品研发、设计和销售的集成电路设计企业。 公司多年聚焦模拟芯片领域，致力于为客户提供超低功耗、高效率、高集成度、高可靠性的电源管理芯片产品，同时可搭载公司信号链芯片产品为客户提供更为完整、高效的解决方案。 2021年度，发行人芯片产品出货量逾14亿颗，是国内重要的模拟芯片供应商。 公司深度挖掘客户差异化需求，并在“更优异的性能、更可靠的品质、更简便的设计、更低的应用成本”为核心的设计理念下，逐步形成了完备的产品线，产品型号超过1,000种，涵盖电池管理、PMU、电源转换、接口保护、P-Gamma、LevelShifter、运放和协议芯片等产品系列，覆盖了智能家居、汽车电子、智能便携、医疗健康、屏幕显示、无线通讯等众多下游市场领域，并已应用于京东方、华星光电、惠科、小米、OPPO、三星、彩虹、创维、索尼、哈曼等各行业知名企业的产品中。 PMU是模拟芯片设计企业在电源管理领域技术水平和综合实力的重要体现。 凭借在模拟芯片领域深厚的技术储备和长期的经验积累，公司PMU产品竞争优势明显。 尤其在高技术门槛、低本土化率的屏电源PMIC领域，公司技术水平已达国际先进、国内领先，是极少数能在该领域突破境外技术垄断并与全球知名企业直接竞争的境内公司之一，且在部分产品指标上完成超越，推动了该领域在中国境内地区的行业发展与技术进步。 公司的技术水平已得到业内的广泛认可，屏电源PMIC产品曾多次荣获由ASPENCORE等业内知名机构颁布的“中国IC设计成就奖-年度最佳电源管理IC”、“全球电子成就奖-年度电源管理/电压转换器”等荣誉奖项。 此外，公司亦可结合自主研发的P-Gamma、LevelShifter、背光驱动和运放芯片，为客户提供更全面、更系统的显示屏电源管理。", "en": "Weiyuan Corporation is an integrated circuit design company specializing in the research, development, design, and sales of high-performance analog chip products. The company has been focusing on the field of analog chips for many years, dedicated to providing customers with ultra-low power consumption, high efficiency, high integration, and high reliability power management chip products. At the same time, the company's signal chain chip products can be combined to provide customers with more complete and efficient solutions. In 2021, the company's chip product shipments exceeded 1.4 billion, making it an important analog chip supplier in China. The company deeply explores customer differentiated needs and gradually forms a complete product line with more than 1,000 models, covering battery management, PMU, power conversion, interface protection, P-Gamma, LevelShifter, operational amplifiers, and protocol chips. These products cover many downstream market areas such as smart homes, automotive electronics, smart portables, medical health, screen displays, and wireless communications. They have been applied in products of well-known companies in various industries such as BOE, Huaxing Optoelectronics, Huike, Xiaomi, OPPO, Samsung, Rainbow, Skyworth, Sony, and Harman. PMU is an important embodiment of the technical level and comprehensive strength of analog chip design companies in the field of power management. With its deep technical reserves and long-term experience accumulation in the field of analog chips, the company has obvious competitive advantages in PMU products. Especially in the field of high-tech threshold and low localization rate of screen power PMIC, the company's technical level has reached international advanced and domestic leading levels. It is one of the few domestic companies that can break through foreign technical monopolies and directly compete with global well-known companies in this field. It has surpassed some product indicators and promoted the industry development and technological progress in this field in China. The company's technical level has been widely recognized in the industry. The screen power PMIC products have won the \"China IC Design Achievement Award - Best Power Management IC of the Year\" and \"Global Electronics Achievement Award - Power Management/Voltage Converter of the Year\" and other prestigious awards issued by well-known industry organizations such as ASPENCORE. In addition, the company can also provide customers with more comprehensive and systematic display screen power management by combining its independently developed P-Gamma, LevelShifter, backlight driver, and operational amplifier chips."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Internet has opened a window on all of the royal family’s plots, ambitions, and double-dealings. The Al Saud resembles a family business, established in 1932. Ibn Saud managed to conquer and unite the vast territory of the Arabian Peninsula, give it his family name, and alienate, divide, and control his cousins and brothers in order to establish a clear and undisputed line of succession through his sons. After Ibn Saud’s death, his sons, though never entirely united, maintained enough coherence to keep the store running. That is no longer true of the thousands of princes that they produced. As the older generation dies off, the new generation has fallen to fighting in front of the customers. Indeed, with the ratio of royals to commoners now at one to a thousand (compared to one to five million in the United Kingdom), the challenge of managing princely privileges, salaries, and demand for jobs has never been more intense. Royal perks include lifetime sinecures and domination of the civil service, which enable the princes to award contracts and receive commissions on top of their salaries. So the Saudi regime is divided, its legitimacy is questioned, and sectarian tensions are growing. Moreover, while oil-export revenue is booming, the neighborhood is in revolutionary flames. In the short term, the iron-fisted Naif, as Crown Prince, will push the Kingdom into greater repression, in part by strengthening the hardline Wahhabi clerics’ place in the country’s power nexus.", "zh": "互联网打开了一扇窗，让人们得以一窥皇室的阴谋、野心和口是心非。 沙特类似于一个家族产业。 1932年，伊本·沙特设法征服并统一了阿拉伯半岛的广袤领土，为家族设立了名号，对兄弟和从兄弟采取分而治之的策略，以期建立一套明晰的、毫无争议的、由其子孙接班的权力大统。 伊本·沙特死后，他的儿子虽然从来不曾真心团结过，但仍足以凝聚在一起守住伊本的祖业。 但对于他们的数以千计的王子来说，情况已有所不同。 随着老一代相继去世，新一代已经陷入了内斗的局面。 事实上，如今沙特贵族-平民比例大约为1:1000（而英国的比例为1:500万 ） ， 如何治理王子特权和收入已经成为一项挑战，而王子们对职位的要求也越来越高。 王室特权包括终身政府闲职以及政府部门各个要职，以便王子们在薪水之外大肆招揽合同、收取佣金。 沙特政权已经分裂了，因此其正统性也受到了质疑，宗派之争正在抬头。 此外，虽然石油出口收入在大涨，但周边国家已被革命之火所席卷了。 从短期看，铁腕人物奈伊夫成为王储将进一步增加沙特王国的高压，比如巩固强硬的瓦哈比派牧师在沙特权力网中的地位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And since 1963, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has required RCT-based evidence before allowing commercial use of new pharmaceuticals. Much of the world now is either vaccinated or eagerly awaiting doses, because people implicitly trust the science and the reliable, transparent, publicized experiments that underpin it. But RCTs are not limited to the medical sciences. Since the mid-twentieth century, many social experiments also have followed this process. One such experiment grew out of the political debate over existing and alternative welfare programs. Sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity, the “New Jersey Income Maintenance” experiment explored the behavioral effects of income-supplementation programs, yielding insights that still influence the design of public policy today. Unlike medical trials, however, social experiments – large-scale, publicly funded public-policy RCTs – have not become the gold standard. In many cases, critics argue that such experiments are inherently unfair. For example, why should some people or activities benefit from a lower income-tax rate than others? But such concerns are often misplaced. We need far more social experiments, and governments should conduct such experiments routinely as an essential part of the policymaking process. Economists’ embrace of the experimental approach in recent years – in the lab, online, in firms, and in remote places – has led to many scientific breakthroughs, duly recognized with several Nobel prizes.", "zh": "自 1963 年以来，美国食品和药物管理局 (FDA) 在允许新药物的商业用途之前都要求基于 RCT 的证据。 如今，世界上的大部分地区要么接种了疫苗，要么急切地等待接种疫苗，因为人们无需明言信任科以及作为科学的基础的可靠、透明、公开的实验。 但 RCT 不仅限于医学。 20世纪中叶以来，许多社会实验也遵循了这个过程。 一项这样的实验源于对现有和备选福利计划的政治辩论。 由经济机会办公室（Office of Economic Opportunity）发起的“新泽西收入维持”实验探索了补充收入计划对行为的影响，产生了至今仍影响公共政策设计的洞见。 然而，与医学试验不同的是，社会实验 — — 大规模的、公共资助的公共政策RCT — — 还没有成为金标准。 在许多情况下，批评者认为这样的实验本质上是不公平的。 例如，为什么某些人或活动可以受益于比其他人或活动更低的所得税率？ 但这种担忧往往是错误的。 我们需要更多的社会实验，政府应该定期进行此类实验，作为决策过程的重要组成部分。 近年来，经济学家们所采取的实验方法 — — 在网上、公司和偏远地区 — — 取得了许多科学突破，实至名归地赢得了多个诺贝尔奖。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Automatic Savers People are fascinated by wealth. They enjoy watching the wealthy, savoring the thought of their fine homes, luxurious vacations, fancy cars, and gourmet dining. But if you infer from this that people spend a lot of time planning the lifetime accumulation of their own wealth, you would be wrong. Most people do not seem to think very hard about how much to save from their income, or about how big the differences in their wealth could be in their later years if they just adjusted their saving rate today. Most people just pay off their mortgage, make the mandatory contributions to their state or private pension (if they have one), and keep some money for short-run contingencies. That’s about it. The economist Frank Ramsey, in a famous article published in 1928, said that people have a “weakness of the imagination” about how their actions today affect their own future. He said that if people thought about it correctly, they might well conclude that they should save half their income. That way, the accumulated wealth might make them very happy in their later years. But, mostly, they don’t even think about that possibility. Richard Thaler, a contemporary economist, spoke in 1980 of an “endowment effect.” Even though people may admire other things, they act as if they are mostly happy enough with whatever they already have, and lack the will to consider real change. One of the biggest challenges governments face is humans’ apathy about future saving. Thoughtful leaders recognize that the problem is there and tangible, not to be ignored. Yet it is hard to fit solutions into either a traditional liberal or traditional conservative political philosophy. Since 1955, Singapore has taken a direct approach: a compulsory national saving plan, which generates very high saving rates. The contribution rate for the Central Provident Fund is now 34.5% for people with higher incomes. The United States has no compulsory saving plan, and it has an abysmally low – in fact, negative – personal saving rate. But the government is loath to consider a mandatory saving plan. Instead, it is taking steps to overcome the individual inertia that inhibits saving. The US Pension Protection Act of 2006 encourages employers to enroll employees automatically in a personal saving plan for old age.", "zh": "自动储蓄 财富让人入迷。 人们喜欢看富有之人，心里想着他们的豪宅、豪华度假、精致汽车以及美食。 但是如果你从这一点得出结论说人们花大量时间对自己财富的终生积累做出规划，那么你就错了。 大多数人好像并不认真思考他们应该从收入中拿出多少用于储蓄，或者如果他们仅仅是现在调整储蓄水平，他们老来财富的差别可以有多大。 大多数人仅仅是偿还房屋按揭贷款，交纳法定的国家或者私人养老金(如果他们有的话 ) ， 再有存一些钱用于不时之需。 大体就是如此。 经济学家拉姆茨在其1928年发表的一篇著名文章中说到，人们对于他们今天的行为如何影响其自身的未来“缺乏想像 ” 。 他说，如果人们正确考虑这一问题，他们就会得出结论说他们应当把收入的一半用于储蓄。 这样，积累下来的财富会让他们老来十分幸福。 但是，在大多数情况下，他们甚至根本就不考虑这一可能性。 当代经济学家泰勒在1980年谈到“基金效应 ” 。 即使人们可能崇尚其他东西，但是他们做起事来好像是安于现状，并且缺乏考虑真正改变的意志。 各国政府面对的最大的挑战之一就是人们对于未来储蓄无动于衷。 深谋远虑的政治人物认识到这一问题确实存在，无法忽略。 但是却难以把解决方案适用于传统的自由派或者传统保守派理念之中。 从1955年以来，新加坡采取了直接措施，也就是强制性的全国储蓄计划，这一计划具有很高的储蓄利息。 对于高收入人士，交纳中央节俭基金的比例达到34.5 % 。 美国没有强制性的储蓄计划，而且其个人储蓄水平极为低下，实际上是负数。 但是美国政府却不愿意考虑强制性储蓄计划。 相反，它却采取措施克服阻碍储蓄的个人惰性。 美国2006年养老金保护法案鼓励雇主将雇员自动吸纳到老年个人储蓄计划之中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Tyranny of King Cotton Americans like to think that if poor countries simply open up their markets, greater prosperity will follow. Unfortunately, where agriculture is concerned, this is mere rhetoric. The United States pays only lip service to free market principles, favoring Washington lobbyists and campaign contributors who demand just the opposite. Indeed, it is America’s own agricultural subsidies that helped kill, at least for now, the so-called Doha Development Round of trade negotiations that were supposed to give poor countries new opportunities to enhance their growth. Subsidies hurt developing country farmers because they lead to higher output – and lower global prices. The Bush administration – supposedly committed to free markets around the world – has actually almost doubled the level of agricultural subsidies in the US. Cotton illustrates the problem. Without subsidies, it would not pay for Americans to produce much cotton; with them, the US is the world’s largest cotton exporter. Some 25,000 rich American cotton farmers divide $3 to $4 billion in subsidies among themselves – with most of the money going to a small fraction of the recipients. The increased supply depresses cotton prices, hurting some 10 million farmers in sub-Saharan Africa alone. Seldom have so few done so much damage to so many. That damage is all the greater when we consider how America’s trade subsidies contributed to the demise of the Doha Round.", "zh": "棉花国王的专制统治 美国人喜欢认为只要贫困国家开放本国市场，经济繁荣就会接踵而至。 令人遗憾的是，只要涉及到农业问题，这只能是一种夸夸其谈。 美国对自由市场原则的支持仅限于说说而已，而一事当前还是站在要求恰好相反的华盛顿说客和竞选赞助者们一边。 实际上，至少到目前为止，恰恰是美国自己的农业补贴在扼杀所谓的多哈发展回合贸易谈判中起到了重要作用，而多哈谈判原本的目的是为贫困国家发展经济创造全新的机会。 补助会增加农产品的产量，压低全球价格，从而对发展中国家的农民造成伤害。 摆出一副致力于全球自由市场姿态的布什政府却在实际上把美国的农业补贴数额几乎翻了一番。 棉花就很能说明问题。 如果没有补贴，美国人种棉花根本得不偿失。 而有了补贴，美国就成了全世界最大的棉花出口国。 25，000名富得流油的美国棉农把高达30到40亿美元的补贴瓜分殆尽，这笔财富的绝大部分流入了一小部分人的腰包。 增加的产量压低了棉花的价格，仅在非洲撒哈拉沙漠以南地区就有1000万棉农受到影响。 这么少人对这么多人利益造成损害的情况实属罕见。 如果考虑到美国的贸易补贴对多哈谈判的最终失败起了重要作用，这种伤害就更让人触目惊心。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turkey, Europe and Middle-East Security Many factors contributed to the French and Dutch objections to the proposed EU Constitution. One – usually unstated – factor is a fear of Turkish membership in the Union. That membership drive, however, has already transformed Turkey. In order to prepare for EU accession, Turkey has undertaken vast and serious legal, political, and economic reforms. Turkey’s bureaucrats, politicians, and citizens united to fulfill the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership and tolerated the pain of the IMF-directed structural-adjustment programs. The looming accession process will be even more painful, but Turkey’s people are firmly resolved to face this challenge. Turkey’s transformation has already put an end to the Cold War-style security-state apparatus that ruled the country for half a century, and has changed the framework of the country’s domestic and foreign policy. By modernizing and democratizing at home, Turkey’s politicians gained self-confidence in their ability to conduct a successful regional policy. As a result, Turkey’s leaders are now willing to pursue active diplomacy in the Middle East in an effort to minimize problems with neighboring countries. Of prime importance is the fact that Turkey is emerging as a role model for those across the Middle East who are seeking reform and modernization. This influence does not imply a hegemonic relationship, but rather points to an alternative path for reform and economic development that other primarily Muslim countries might take. The EU is associated with peace, democracy, and economic development, while the Middle East is characterized by instability, authoritarianism, and economic backwardness. Turkey’s reform process shows that the latter is not an unavoidable destiny for the countries of the region. In this respect, Syria and Iran appreciate Turkey’s EU membership process. They consider a European Turkey an opportunity to develop their own relations with the EU. Turkey also shows that the supposed clash between democracy and security – and, indeed, between democracy and Islam – can be reconciled. Other Muslim states seem to grasp this: recently, a Turk was chosen for the first time and by a majority vote to be Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Countries. Turkey’s other major contribution comes through constructive diplomatic engagement in the region. The Turkish government has adopted an active role as a promoter of peace and has reconfigured its policies toward a number of regional problems.", "zh": "土耳其、欧洲与中东安全 法国和荷兰对提议中的《欧盟宪法》的反对有多种原因。 有一个—通常没有言明的—因素是对土耳其欧盟成员国身份的恐惧。 然而，这种入盟的动力已经改变了土耳其。 在准备加入欧盟的过程中，土耳其在法律、政治和经济方面实施了广泛而严肃的改革。 土耳其的官僚、政治家和公民团结一致，努力达到针对欧盟成员的哥本哈根标准，并一起承受着IMF指导下的结构调整计划所带来的阵痛。 接下来的入盟进程会更加痛苦，但土耳其人民已经下定决心面对挑战。 土耳其的变革已经终结了统治该国长达半个世纪的冷战型的国家机器，并改变了该国内外政策的框架。 通过国内的现代化和民主化，土耳其的政治家们对实施成功的区域政策的能力充满了自信。 其结果是土耳其的领袖们现在愿意追求积极的中东政策从而将该国与邻国之间的问题最小化。 最为重要的是土耳其正成为所有正在寻求改革与现代化之路的中东国家的楷模。 这种影响并不意味着一种霸权关系，而是为以穆斯林为主导的国家指明了另一条进行改革和发展经济的道路。 欧盟是与和平、民主和经济发展相关联的，而中东地区却总具有局势动荡、独裁主义和经济落后的特点。 土耳其的改革进程证明后者并不是该地区不可避免的宿命。 在这方面，叙利亚和伊朗都对土耳其的入盟进程表示赞赏。 它们认为一个欧洲的土耳其也是发展它们自身与欧盟关系的契机。 土耳其也证明民主和安全之间—特别是民主和伊斯兰之间的冲突是可以化解的。 其他穆斯林国家也似乎明白了这一点：最近，一位土耳其人第一次以多数票当选为伊斯兰国家组织的秘书长。 土耳其的另一个重要贡献来自于在该地区的建设性外交接触。 土耳其政府已经扮演起了一个和平推动者的角色，并已经重新制定了在一些地区性问题上的政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But there was no question now. We were stretched out on the back of some kind of underwater boat that, as far as I could judge, boasted the shape of an immense steel fish. Ned Land had clear views on the issue. Conseil and I could only line up behind him. “But then,” I said, “does this contraption contain some sort of locomotive mechanism, and a crew to run it?” “Apparently,” the harpooner replied. “And yet for the three hours I’ve lived on this floating island, it hasn’t shown a sign of life.” “This boat hasn’t moved at all?” “No, Professor Aronnax. It just rides with the waves, but otherwise it hasn’t stirred.” “But we know that it’s certainly gifted with great speed. Now then, since an engine is needed to generate that speed, and a mechanic to run that engine, I conclude: we’re saved.” “Humph!” Ned Land put in, his tone denoting reservations.", "zh": "现在不容犹豫了。我们现在是躺在一只潜水船的脊背上，按照我可能的判断，这船似乎有点像一条巨大的钢鱼。对这，尼德·兰也早有他的看法：我们——康塞尔和我——只能同意他。 “那么，这只船里面是不是有一套驾驶机器和一批驾驶人员？\"我说。 “当然有，”鱼叉手答，“不过，我上这浮动小岛已三小时了，它还没有一点动静。” “这船一直没有走动吗？” “没有走动，阿龙纳斯先生。它只是随波飘荡，而不是“它自己动。” “可是，我们都知道，它移动的速度很大。正因为它有这样的速度，所以就必然有一套机器，和一批操纵机器的人，所以，我的结论是……我们是得救了.” “晤！”尼德·兰带着保留的语气说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In addition, a recent study comparing outcomes for patients whose prostate gland was surgically removed to those for patients who underwent only observation found no differences in survival rates between the two groups. Because the average age at diagnosis is 71-73, men are likely to die from other causes before prostate cancer claims their life. And there is no credible evidence that low-grade prostate cancer uniformly progresses to higher-grade cancers, so early treatment is not essential. Moreover, cancer treatment often carries serious side effects – including urinary incontinence, erectile dysfunction, and, in those who undergo radiation, inflammation of the lower rectum or bladder, as well as underreported effects like fecal incontinence – that can negatively affect patients’ quality of life. Given that many patients diagnosed with prostate cancer as a result of the PSA test would never suffer any symptoms, such consequences are difficult to justify. Yet many refuse to give up screening. Given this, an active surveillance program could be the best way to address the most serious consequence of excessive screening: premature, overly aggressive treatment. In an active surveillance program, a patient diagnosed with a PSA-prompted biopsy delays treatment. Instead, he is closely monitored with various follow-up tests. Only when signs indicate that the cancer is becoming dangerous is treatment initiated. While this approach is still being studied, the results so far appear promising: men who participate in active surveillance programs are 14 times more likely to die of a cause unrelated to prostate cancer. As evidence tilts the balance away from widespread PSA testing, a new screening test or biomarker is urgently needed that can distinguish effectively between potentially life-threatening prostate cancers and less dangerous forms. Likewise, less risky treatments are crucial. Active surveillance programs are an encouraging prospect for minimizing the negative consequences of PSA testing. But, without vastly improved screening practices, prostate cancer screening is unlikely to help – and can even do serious harm.", "zh": "此外，一项最近的研究比较了手术切除前列腺患者和只接受观察的患者的治疗结果，结果发现两组患者的存活率并没有区别。 由于患者的平均诊断年龄是71—73岁，因此很可能在前列腺癌夺走生命之前就因其他原因逝世了。 也没有可信证据表明早期前列腺癌会毫无例外地转变为晚期癌症，因此早期治疗并不是必须的。 此外，癌症治疗通常会导致严重的副作用 — — 包括尿失禁、勃起功能障碍 、 （ 接受化疗的病患的）低位直肠和膀胱炎症以及大便失禁等被低估的副作用 — — 这些副作用会极大影响患者的生活质量。 由于许多因PSA测试而被诊断为前列腺癌的患者原本不会出现任何症状，因此筛查的必要性很难证实。 但很多人还是不愿意放弃筛查。 出于此，积极的监督措施也许是纠正过度筛查最严重后果 — — 过早、过于激进的治疗 — — 的最佳方式。 在积极监督措施中，因PSA过高而被诊断需进行活体组织检查的患者将推迟治疗，而替之以通过各种后续测试进行密切监视。 这一方法仍在研究中，但目前的结果颇令人鼓舞：参与积极监督措施的男性因与前列腺癌无关原因而死亡的可能性要高14倍。 由于证据不利于普��PSA测试，因此急需新的筛查测试和生物标记。 它们应能有效区别具有潜在生命危险的前列腺癌和危险性较小的前列腺癌。 同样，低风险治疗也很关键。 积极监督措施是令人鼓舞的最小化PSA测试负面作用的办法。 但是，除非筛查能够有重大进步，否则前列腺癌筛查称不上有益，甚至可能有害。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Survival Strategy for the Eurozone NEW YORK – After the Greek and Irish crises and the spread of financial contagion to Portugal, Spain, and possibly even Italy, the eurozone is now in a serious crisis. There are three possible scenarios: “muddle through,” based on the current approach of “lend and pray”; “break-up,” with disorderly debt restructurings and possible exit of weaker members; and “greater integration,” implying some form of fiscal union. The muddle-through scenario – with financing provided to member states in distress (conditional on fiscal adjustment and structural reforms), in the hope that they are illiquid but solvent – is an unstable disequilibrium. Indeed, it could lead to the disorderly breakup scenario if institutional reforms and other policies leading to closer integration and restoration of growth in the eurozone’s periphery are not implemented soon. The crisis started with too much private debt and leverage, which became public debt and deficits as crisis and recession triggered fiscal deterioration and private losses were mostly socialized via bailouts of financial systems. Then, distressed sovereigns that had already lost market access – Greece and Ireland – were bailed out by the International Monetary Fund and the European Union. But no one will bail out these super-sovereigns if the sovereigns prove to be insolvent. Thus, the current strategy of kicking the can down the road will soon reach its limits, and a different plan will be needed to save the eurozone. The first institutional reform takes the form of a larger envelope of official resources, which would mean a quasi-fiscal union. Official resources currently are sufficient to bail out Greece, Ireland, and Portugal, but not to prevent a self-fulfilling run on the short-term sovereign and financial liabilities of Spain and other potentially distressed eurozone members. So, even if these countries were to implement the necessary fiscal and structural reforms, an increase of official resources would nonetheless be needed. Because nervous investors don’t want to be last in line in case of a run, a disorderly rush to the exits is likely when official resources are insufficient.", "zh": "欧元区求生指南 纽约 — — 继希腊、爱尔兰分别爆发危机之后，财政瘟疫传染到了葡萄牙、西班牙甚至意大利，欧元区已陷入严重危机之中。 前景有三种可能：一是“蒙混过关 ” （ 继续现在的“贷款加祈祷 ” ） ；二是“分崩离析 ” （ 债务重组陷入无序状态，某些脆弱的成员国退出货币联盟 ） ； 三是“加强一体化 ” （ 预示着某种形式的财政联盟 ） 。 蒙混过关 — — 向困境中的成员国提供融资，附带财政调整和结构改革等条件，寄希望于它们仅仅是周转困难而非无力偿债 — — 只是一种不稳定非均衡状态。 说真的，如果体制改革和其他政策不能加强一体化程度，并很快恢复欧元区边缘国家的经济增长势头，这种非均衡状态就会转变为无序的分崩离析。 危机的起因是私人部门过度负债和过高杠杆率，随着危机和衰退削弱财政状况，随着大部分私人亏损经由金融体系脱身计划而被摊派给全社会，私人债务危机演变为公共债务和公共赤字危机。 再后来，若干受到重创的政府（希腊和爱尔兰）丧失了市场融资能力，从国际货币基金（IMF）和欧盟得到救助。 但是，如果欧洲各国政府普遍陷入无力偿债的境地，又有谁来帮那些超政府机构脱身呢？ 所以，眼下得过且过的办法很快会撞上南墙，到时候就需要另一套方案来拯救欧元区。 机构改革已经迈出了第一步，其形式是建立一个官方资源的大池子，相当于一个准财政联盟。 现有官方资源足够帮希腊、爱尔兰和葡萄牙脱困，但没办法防止市场对西班牙和其他欧元区问题成员国的短期国债和金融负债挤兑预期的自我实现。 所以，即使这些国家实施了必要的财政和结构改革，仍需要更多的官方资源。 紧张的投资者谁都不想沦为挤兑中的最后一名，如果官方资源不足，很可能出现无序争抢出路的情形。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It's not a science of explanations. We know that these brain areas go along with certain kinds of conscious experience, but we don't know why they do. I like to put this by saying that this kind of work from neuroscience is answering some of the questions we want answered about consciousness, the questions about what certain brain areas do and what they correlate with. But in a certain sense, those are the easy problems. No knock on the neuroscientists. There are no truly easy problems with consciousness. But it doesn't address the real mystery at the core of this subject: why is it that all that physical processing in a brain should be accompanied by consciousness at all? Why is there this inner subjective movie? Right now, we don't really have a bead on that. And you might say, let's just give neuroscience a few years. It'll turn out to be another emergent phenomenon like traffic jams, like hurricanes, like life, and we'll figure it out. The classical cases of emergence are all cases of emergent behavior, how a traffic jam behaves, how a hurricane functions, how a living organism reproduces and adapts and metabolizes, all questions about objective functioning.", "zh": "这不是意识科学。 我们知道这些大脑区域 对应着特定的意识体验， 但是我们不知道为什么会这样。 我想说的是， 神经科学方面的这种研究 正回答着那些 我们想要回答的关于意识、 关于某些特定大脑区域做些什么 以及对应哪种的问题。 但是从某种意义上来说，这些都是简单的问题。 都不是神经科学家想要研究的。 没有真正的关于意识的简单问题。 它没能解开关于这个课题的核心 的真正谜团： 为什么大脑中所有的物理过程 必须伴随着意识？ 为什么会有这种内心的主观电影的存在？ 目前为止，我们对此还没有一点头绪。 也许你会说， 让我们再给神经科学几年时间。 它会被证明是另一种涌现现象， 就像塞车、就像飓风、 就像生命一样，并且我们会弄明白它。 所有涌现现象的经典案例 都是应急行为的表现， 塞车是如何行成的， 飓风是如何作用的， 生物体是如何繁殖、 适应环境和新陈代谢的， 所有这些问题都是关于客观机能的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And if current trends continue, it will have grown by another 170% – from 14,300 to 38,600 millionaires – by 2026. A significant share of these nouveaux riches have acquired their wealth by taking advantage of loopholes in the governance system. Such cronyism has thrived in the absence of clear regulations governing property ownership and conflicts of interest on the part of public officials. One obvious reason is that government employees typically receive exceedingly low salaries; even the prime minister earns only around $750 per month. Against this backdrop, the CPV launched its unprecedented anti-corruption campaign, while publicizing its efforts to fight “interest groups” and thwart state capture. So far, the prosecution of some former high-ranking officials has alleviated public discontent. And the Hanoi summit, together with Trump’s trade war against China, seems to have driven more foreign direct investment into Vietnam, thereby relieving some pressure on the economy, and thus on the government. But in the long run, the Party cannot rely on such windfalls. Moreover, Vietnam’s previous growth was based heavily on speculation in real estate and stocks, rather than on manufacturing, technology, and other high-value-added industries. But if the country wants to move up the global value chain and achieve more sustainable growth, deep political reforms are needed. Over the past three years, the CPV’s top thinkers have held a public discussion about introducing more checks and balances into the system.", "zh": "而且如果目前的趋势持续下去，截止2026年越南的百万富翁人数将再次从14，300增长到38，600，从而实现170%的增长。 上述新贵阶层的很大一部分都通过利用治理体系漏洞获取了财富。 这种任人唯亲的现象随处可见，因为缺少有关财产所有权的明确规定，以及公职人员的利益冲突。 一个显而易见的原因是，政府雇员往往拿着极低的薪水；即便官至总理每月的薪酬也仅有750美元左右。 在这样的背景下，越南共产党在宣传打击“利益集团”和挫败国家占领行为的同时，发起了一场前所未有的反腐运动。 迄今为止，公众的不满情绪随着某些前任高官遭起诉而有所缓和。 而河内峰会加之特朗普对中国发动贸易战似乎推动更多外国直接投资流入到越南境内，进而导致经济及政府所承受的压力出现了某种程度的缓和。 但从长远来看，越共不能永远依赖这样的意外收获。 此外，越南此前的经济增长高度依赖房地产和股票投机，而非建立在制造、技术和其他高附加值的行业之上。 但如果该国希望晋级全球价值链并使其经济发展更具持续性，那么就必须进行深度的政治改革。 过去三年来，越共的高层思想家一直就如何在系统中引入更多的制衡因素鼓励进行激烈的公众探讨。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈影帝真的要在他家门外，等他们一个小时？ 高佑明很想要将人迎接进来，可想到忘川的吩咐，只能就这么尴尬的笑着，关上了房门。 他回头，进入卧室，“忘川，你这也太大牌了。” 经纪公司来找忘川的人，这些日子层出不穷，无非就是因为她比较神秘，有足够的关注度，想要签下她。 乔恋都拒绝了。 可是现在来的……是宋城，是沈影帝啊！ 乔恋比高佑明更头疼！ 这一关可怎么过啊。 她咬住了嘴唇，叹了口气。 看了看时间，来不及纠结了，“先直播吧。” 外面那群人，是在给她施加压力呢。 真让他们等上一个小时……恐怕这些大爷们，一个个都不会干。 直播完，说不定这群人就自己走了呢！ 想到这里，乔恋放下心来。 他们现在直播的这个，是个电子竞技的游戏比赛，一个队伍叫“君临天下”，是个老牌战队，曾经在一次排位赛中拿到第一的名次。 另外一个队伍叫“无尸不欢”，是个新兴起的队伍，据说其中的队员，年纪最大的也才18岁，是今年突起的黑马。 无尸不欢的队长，名叫“尸长”，喜欢玩攻击类人物，操作特别厉害，带领着他们的队伍，一步一步走到这最后的半决赛。 今天，他们争夺的就是四进二的排位赛。 高佑明与乔恋盯着他们打比赛的场面，开始直播。 两个人你一言，我一语，说的热切。 而随着战事的焦灼，战场也开始呈现出白热化。", "en": "Did Best Actor Shen really intend to wait outside his home for an entire hour? Gao Youming truly wanted to invite them inside. However, after recalling Wang Chuan’s instructions, he could only smile awkwardly before closing the door. He turned around and entered the bedroom. “Wang Chuan, you’re acting too much like a diva.” Many management companies had sent people to find Wang Chuan, most likely due to her mysterious identity and heightened popularity. They wanted to convince her to join their roster of performers. However, the people that were here now… were Song Cheng and Best Actor Shen! Qiao Lian felt even more frustrated than Gao Youming at this stunning development! She bit her lip and sighed. She looked at the time. There was no more time to dilly-dally. “Let’s start streaming first,” she said. If she really made them wait for an hour… these high-profile entertainment figures might not agree to waiting patiently after all. Perhaps they would even decide to leave before the livestream ended! After thinking of this, Qiao Lian calmed down considerably. They were currently livestreaming an eSports competitive match. One of the teams was called ‘Sovereigns Ruling The World’, which was comprised of veteran players, and they had come in first in a previous ranked match. The other team was called ‘We Love The Dead’. It was a relatively new group, comprised of younger players. The oldest player in the group was only 18 years old, and he also happened to be one of this year’s underdog players. The captain of ‘We Love the Dead’ had the username ‘Zombie Leader’. He liked playing aggressive characters and he was very good at controlling them. He had led his team to victory after victory, culminating in the team’s participation in the semi-finals. Today, they were fighting for one of the two spots in the finals. Gao Youming and Qiao Lian stared at the match taking place before their eyes, and started the livestream. Qiao Lian carried on at a suitable moment, “As the match progresses, we can see that both teams have started their first head-to-head brawl.” The two eSports casters complemented each other nicely and their fervent passion shone through when they spoke. As time passed, the competition started to heat up."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In early May, Saudi Arabia’s longstanding oil minister, Ali al-Naimi, was replaced by Khalid al-Falih, an ally of Mohammad’s. The reshuffle is an indication of Mohammad’s determination to use oil prices as a weapon against Iran and its ally, Russia. As the world’s swing producer, with boundless reserves of cheaply extractable oil, Saudi Arabia can flood or throttle the market at will. And for now, the Saudis are flooding the market. They are seeking to rein in Iran and Russia, both of which need higher oil prices to sustain economic growth. And they are hoping to bankrupt the US shale-oil producers that have reduced America’s dependence on Middle Eastern oil. As Mohammad recently declared, the Kingdom doesn’t care about oil prices; “$30 or $70 – they are all the same to us.” Iran and Russia, by contrast, need a barrel of oil to be worth at least $70. The US oil industry has proved more adaptable and resilient than expected; cheaper shale fields have opened even as old ones have closed. But the Saudi oil offensive has helped convince Iran and Russia to drag Assad, kicking and screaming, to the negotiating table. Mohammad’s new economic plan, Vision 2030, unveiled in May, is another front in the economic war, designed to show that Saudi Arabia is immune to the domestic economic pressures afflicting Iran and Russia. The plan calls for economic diversification and envisages the establishment of a huge sovereign wealth fund to cushion the impact of lower oil revenues that the ruling class has traditionally used to purchase social peace. The Saudi strategy is not without its costs. Gulf remittances of around $10 billion a year to Egypt (itself under increasing economic pressure and a dizzying fall in tourist receipts after recent terrorist attacks) have been scaled back to around $3 billion. And funding to Lebanon has been cut almost completely. And yet the long-term outcome of this cold war is not hard to predict. Iran and Russia can never be more than foothold powers in the Arab world. The Shia might be able to maintain influence in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon (through Hezbollah), but they will be unable to compete more broadly. Some 90% of Arabs are Sunni Muslims, and thus potential Saudi allies.", "zh": "5月初，默罕默德的盟友哈立德·法利赫取代长期任职的阿里·纳伊米出任沙特的石油部长。 上述权力更迭预示着默罕默德决心利用石油价格作为武器对伊朗及其盟国俄罗斯发动进攻。 作为世界影响力最大的生产国，拥有可以廉价开采的无限石油储备的沙特可以随意淹没或挤压石油市场。 而现在，沙特人正在淹没市场。 他们试图遏制伊朗和俄罗斯，两者都需要较高的油价才能维持经济增长。 沙特还希望击垮减少美国对中东石油依赖的页岩油生产商。 默罕默德最近宣布沙特王国不关心油价 ； “ 30美元还是70美元对我们来说都一样 。 ” 相比之下，伊朗和俄罗斯则需要每桶油售价至少在70美元以上。 事实证明美国石油业比预期更有弹性、适应性也更强；尽管老的页岩油井关闭，但新的更廉价的页岩油井却正在开张。 但沙特这一轮石油攻势已经帮助说服伊朗和俄罗斯将又踢又叫的阿萨德拉回到谈判桌上。 默罕默德的新经济计划2030年远景规划于5月出台，是旨在向外界展示沙特阿拉伯不受困扰伊朗和俄罗斯的国内经济压力影响的另一条战线。 该计划要求经济多样化，并设想成立巨额主权财富基金来减轻统治阶级传统上用于购买社会和平的油价降低的影响。 沙特的战略也不是没有成本的。 海湾每年对埃及约100亿���元的汇款（埃及国内正承受着越来越大的经济压力以及恐怖袭击后旅游人数令人目不暇接的减少）已经缩减到约30亿美元。 而对黎巴嫩的资金援助几乎已经完全取消。 但这次冷战的长期结果其实不难预测。 伊朗和俄罗斯永远只能在阿拉伯世界勉强立足。 什叶派或许可以在伊拉克、叙利亚和黎巴嫩（通过真主党）保持影响力，但他们无法在更大的范围内展开竞争。 约90%的阿拉伯人都是逊尼派穆斯林，因此都是沙特的潜在盟友。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Don’t Fear the Scooter TEL AVIV – Electric bicycles and scooters are taking a lot of heat. Concerns about traffic fatalities, terrorized pedestrians, and urban lawlessness have led a growing chorus of politicians and media commentators to conclude that the technology should be banned outright. But these critics are missing the point. Small, portable, electric transportation options are a tremendous opportunity to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions, avoid traffic jams, and relieve human frustration. A scooter that averages ten miles (16 kilometers) per day produces 3,500 grams less carbon dioxide than a car traveling the same distance. If 10,000 people were to switch from cars to scooters, their combined CO2 emissions would decline by 35 metric tons per day; if five million people did so, they would produce a mere 370 metric tons per day, or just 2% of that generated by the equivalent number of cars. The problem, of course, is that transportation managers, and the politicians who set their budgets, have not yet made the policy and infrastructure adjustments to accommodate such a transportation revolution. For lessons on maximizing the benefits of this technology without compromising public safety, they can look to Tel Aviv, which is now home to more than 5,000 rental electric scooters. To help the city’s transportation and police departments formulate the best policies for managing them, my graduate students and I have delved into the usage data. For starters, we find that while electric two-wheelers can indeed be dangerous, the hazard is primarily to the rider. Since 2014, the number of riders in Israel who died in accidents has increased from one per year to 19. And last year, an additional 414 people were hospitalized as a result of reported accidents involving scooters, almost a quarter of them under the age of 16. Of the cases involving head injuries, 95% involved riders who were not wearing helmets; and most were the result of riders being forced into the street, owing to a lack of proper bike lanes and a prohibition against riding on the sidewalk. These findings suggest that most accidents and injuries are preventable, either through enforcement or proper infrastructure. In Israel, the number of citations filed against riders (most of them for riding on the sidewalk) increased from 12,356 in 2015 to 30,178 last year.", "zh": "别害怕滑板车 特拉维夫—电动自行车和滑板车正在承受巨大的压力。 交通事故死亡、行人恐慌和城市不法行为所带来的忧虑已经导致越来越多的政界人士和媒体评论员认为应当彻底禁止应用这项技术。 但这些批评人士并没有抓住要害。 小型、便携、电动交通工具为减少温室气体排放、避免交通拥堵和缓解人们的沮丧情绪带来了巨大的机遇。 一辆日均行驶10英里（合16公里）的滑板车比行驶同样里程的汽车所排放的二氧化碳量少3，500克。 如果10万人从驾驶汽车转向滑板车，每天将能减少35吨的合计二氧化碳排放量；如果人数达到500万，其每天产生的二氧化碳排放量仅为370吨，换言之，仅仅相当于同等数量汽车排放量的2 % 。 当然，问题在于，制定预算的交通管理者和政界人士尚未做出必要的政策和基础设施调整来适应这样一场交通革命的需求。 如何在不影响公共安全的前提下最大限度地发挥技术优势，他们可以参考现在拥有超过5，000辆出租电动滑板车的特拉维夫。 为协助城市交通和警察部门制定最佳管理政策，我和我的研究生们对使用数据进行了深入的研究。 首先，我们发现尽管电动两轮车确实危险，但危险主要针对驾驶者。 自2014年以来，以色列死于交通事故的骑手从每年1人增加到19人。 而去年，又有414人因滑板车事故而住院，其中近1/4的人在16岁以下。 在涉及头部损伤的案例中，有95%的骑手没有佩戴头盔；而且多数事故起因是由于没有合适的车道且禁止在人行道上行驶，骑手被迫进入主路。 上述研究结果表明，无论通过推行法规还是修建恰当的基础设施，多数事故和伤害都是可以避免的。 在以色列，针对骑手所发出的传票（多数是因为在人行道上骑行）从2015年的12,356条增加到了去年的30,178条。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He pinched her chin playfully and his hand dropped away from her. One black eyebrow went up as he bent a cool long look on her. “Scarlett, understand this. If you and your bed still held any charms for me, no looks and no entreaties could keep me away. And I would have no sense of shame for anything I did, for I made a bargain with you — a bargain which I have kept and you are now breaking. Keep your chaste bed, my dear.” “Do you mean to tell me,” cried Scarlett indignantly, “that you don’t care —” “You have tired of me, haven’t you? Well, men tire more easily than women. Keep your sanctity, Scarlett. It will work no hardship on me. It doesn’t matter,” he shrugged and grinned. “Fortunately the world is full of beds — and most of the beds are full of women.” “You mean you’d actually be so —” “My dear innocent! But, of course. It’s a wonder I haven’t strayed long ere this. I never held fidelity to be a Virtue.” “I shall lock my door every night!” “Why bother? If I wanted you, no lock would keep me out.”", "zh": "他顽皮地在她脸上拧了一把，这才放下手来，他竖着一双浓眉，低着头冷冷地对着她端详了老半天。 “思嘉，你要明白。如果你和你的床对我还有什么魅力的话，你无论是枷锁，还是恳求，都是拦不住我的。我无论做什么事都不用怕难为情，因为我和你订了契约的——我一直遵守这个契约，而你却在毁约了。得了，去保持你的贞节吧，亲爱的。” “你的意思是不是，”思嘉气愤地喊道，“你不管——” “你对我厌倦了，是不是？唉，男人比女人更容易厌倦。你就保持圣洁吧，思嘉。这不会给我带来什么难处。没有关系，”他耸了耸肩膀，笑了。“幸亏世界上到处都有床——并且大部分的床上都睡满了女人。” “难道你真是要——” “我的小天真儿！不过，那是当然的喽，在这之前，我并没有走过多少邪路，这也真奇怪。我从来不认为贞节是一种美德。” “我每天晚上都要把门锁上！” “何必费事呢？我要是想要你，什么锁也没有用。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How Africa’s Economies Can Hedge Against COVID-19 JOHANNESBURG – In 2018, 44 countries signed the African Continental Free Trade Area at an extraordinary summit in Kigali. There are now 54 signatories. The agreement will create a tariff-free economic environment to spur business growth, boost intra-continental trade, spark industrialization, and create jobs. To mitigate the economic fallout from COVID-19, African Union (AU) member countries and the continent's institutions should implement the AfCFTA swiftly. The AfCFTA paves the way for Africa – with 1.2 billion people and a cumulative GDP of $2.5 trillion – to become the world’s largest common market. But with the coronavirus hitting the global economy, a worldwide recession is looming. The crisis is bound to have destabilizing effects on our fragile economies as the health crisis worsens. Africa must be prepared. Although the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting Africa the least, the majority of African countries have chosen to pre-empt the crisis by restricting non-essential travel and gatherings and closing schools and universities. It is impossible to know whether these measures will stem the health contagion, but Africa will no doubt experience economic contagion. Africa’s main partners in Europe, and possibly China, are already suffering, and the continent's economy is still largely extroverted – and thus highly dependent on global demand, especially for raw materials. The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa estimates that losses in export earnings are expected to reach $101 billion, including $65 billion for oil-producing countries. Health spending could burden state budgets on the continent by at least $10 billion. There are also fears of food shortages and breakdowns in the pharmaceutical supply chain. Two-thirds of African countries are net food importers, and the situation for medicines is similar. As for the health crisis, the recurring threat of Ebola has given some African states experience in slowing a pandemic. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo and in West Africa, where the 2014-16 Ebola pandemic hit Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, the response to COVID-19 is being organized rapidly. National health institutions have reinforced their institutional capacities.", "zh": "非洲经济体如何才能缓冲新型冠状病毒疫情？ 发自约翰内斯堡—2018年，在卢旺达首都基加利举行的一场意义非凡的峰会上，44个国家签署了《非洲大陆自由贸易区协议 》 。 如今条约的签约国已达54个，而这将创造一个无关税经济环境以刺激商业增长、促进洲内贸易，推动工业化并创造就业机会。 为减轻新型冠状病毒疫情所带来的经济影响，非洲联盟成员国和非洲大陆上的各类机构应迅速将非洲自由贸易区落到实处。 自贸区为拥有12亿人口，GDP合计达2.5万亿美元的非洲铺平了道路，使其有机会成为全球最大的共同市场。 但随着新型冠状病毒疫情席卷全球经济，全球范围内的衰退即将到来，而随着健康危机的恶化，这场危机势必会动摇这片大陆上那些本已脆弱的经济体。 非洲必须对此做好准备。 尽管目前非洲所受的疫情影响最为轻微，但大多数非洲国家还是选择借助限制非必需旅行和聚会以及关闭各类学校来避免危机。 我们无法知道这些措施能否阻止疫病蔓延，但非洲无疑会遭受一场经济上的传染病。 非洲在欧洲的主要合作伙伴（或许还有中国）都处在受灾状态，而非洲大陆的经济依然在很大程度上属于外向型 — — 因此高度依赖于全球需求，尤其是对原材料的需求。 联合国非洲经济委员会估计当前疫情导致的出口收入损失将达到1010亿美元，其中包括石油生产国的650亿美元。 医疗卫生支出可能会为非洲大陆带来至少100亿美元的国家预算负担。 人们还担心食品短缺和药品供应链的崩溃，须知有2/3的非洲国家是粮食净进口国，而药品的状况与此类似。 在健康危机方面，挥之不去的埃博拉病毒威胁为一些非洲国家提供了减缓大流行的经验。 刚果民主共和国和西非地区（几内亚，利比里亚和塞拉利昂三国曾于2014~2016年间爆发过埃博拉病毒大流行）迅速组织了针对新型冠状病毒的应对措施。 各国卫生机构也强化了自身机构能力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Europeans, China, and Russia are highly unlikely to join, not only because of financial self-interest, but also because Iran is in compliance with the JCPOA. This is a point made by international inspectors operating under United Nations auspices, as well as by senior US officials, including Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis. To argue, as some in America do, that Iran is not complying with the spirit of the JCPOA is meaningless: “spirit” is a phrase without legal standing. And while it is fair to argue that much of what Iran is doing in the region is a legitimate cause for concern, it is not grounds for reintroducing sanctions under the accord. Renegotiating the JCPOA to extend the duration of several of its constraints, make inspections more intrusive, and expand its coverage to missiles is attractive in the abstract. But it is totally unworkable in practice, as Iran and most (or all) of the other signatories of the JCPOA would reject these demands. The threat to terminate US participation in the JCPOA if such changes are not made will thus prove either empty or self-defeating if carried out. None of this is meant to argue that the JCPOA is a good agreement. Still, Trump’s decision not to certify was unwarranted and ill-advised. The agreement was the result of a collective effort. American unilateralism now could make forging a common front against Iran much more difficult in the future. Trump’s move is also bad for US foreign policy. There must be a presumption of continuity if a great power is to be great. Unpredictability can provide a tactical advantage, but it is also a strategic liability. Here there is an obvious link with North Korea. At some point, the US may determine that diplomacy has a role in managing the North Korean nuclear and missile challenges. But America’s ability to offer a credible diplomatic path will be seriously undermined if others judge that it cannot be trusted to stand by agreements. There is also a more immediate problem: if the US sets in motion a dynamic that causes the JCPOA to unravel, and Iran resumes nuclear activities currently precluded by the accord, a crisis will erupt at a time when the US already has its hands full with North Korea. Despite these considerations, it would also be a mistake to focus just on the US announcement and not also on Iranian behavior.", "zh": "欧洲、中国和俄罗斯都不太可能加入美国的行列，不仅是出于金融自我利益的考虑，还是因为伊朗遵守JCPOA。 这是国际调查员在联合国的主持所做出的结论，并获得包括美国国防部长吉姆·马蒂斯（Jim Mattis）在内的美国高官的承认。 一些美国人指出，伊朗没有遵守JCPOA的精神，这其实毫无意义 ： “ 精神”这个词没有法律地位。 伊朗在域内的所作所为大多确实构成了合理的关注原因，但这并是根据协议重启制裁的理由。 重新谈判JCPOA，延长某些约束条件的期限、让检查更加深入，并将检查覆盖面扩大到导弹绝对很具有吸引力。 但实际上完全不具有可操作性，因为伊朗和其他大部分（或者说全部）JCPOA签署国都将拒绝这些要求。 如果无法实现这样的改变，美国就有可能不再参与JCPOA，这样的威胁纯属虚张声势，即使兑现了也必然会失败。 所有这些都不是说JCPOA是一份好条约。 尽管如此，特朗普决定不认可它仍然是毫无必要、毫无道理的。 该协定是集体努力的产物。 如今，美国单边主义可能导致未来结成反伊朗统一战线变得极端困难。 特朗普的举动对于美国外交政策也十分不利。 一个超级大国之所以是超级大国，一个必要的前提是其政策的连续性。 反覆可能能够带来战术性优势，但必然是战略性负担。 这方面显然与朝鲜也有关。 也许有一天，美国会认为外交能够对管理朝鲜核和导弹挑战起积极作用。 但如果其他国家认为美国在遵守协定方面不可信任，那么其提出可信外交途径的能力就会大大受损。 还有一个更加紧迫的问题：如果美国开启了一个导致JCPOA崩溃的进程，使伊朗重新启动目前根据协议停止的核活动，就会在美国已经与朝鲜完全“翻脸”的情况下，爆发一场危机。 尽管有这样那样的考虑，但只关注美国宣布了什么而不同时关注伊朗的动作，也是不正确的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "构建市场导向的绿色技术创新体系，发展绿色金融，壮大节能环保产业、清洁生产产业、清洁能源产业。 推进能源生产和消费革命，构建清洁低碳、安全高效的能源体系。 推进资源全面节约和循环利用，实施国家节水行动，降低能耗、物耗，实现生产系统和生活系统循环链接。 倡导简约适度、绿色低碳的生活方式，反对奢侈浪费和不合理消费，开展创建节约型机关、绿色家庭、绿色学校、绿色社区和绿色出行等行动。 （二）着力解决突出环境问题。 坚持全民共治、源头防治，持续实施大气污染防治行动，打赢蓝天保卫战。 加快水污染防治，实施流域环境和近岸海域综合治理。 强化土壤污染管控和修复，加强农业面源污染防治，开展农村人居环境整治行动。 加强固体废弃物和垃圾处置。 提高污染排放标准，强化排污者责任， 健全环保信用评价、信息强制性披露、严惩重罚等制度。 构建政府为主导、企业为主体、社会组织和公众共同参与的环境治理体系。积极参与全球环境治理，落实减排承诺。 （三）加大生态系统保护力度。 实施重要生态系统保护和修复重大工程，优化生态安全屏障体系，构建生态廊道和生物多样性保护网络，提升生态系统质量和稳定性。 完成生态保护红线、永久基本农田、城镇开发边界三条控制线划定工作。", "en": "We will create a market-based system for green technology innovation, develop green finance, and spur the development of energy-saving and environmental protection industries as well as clean production and clean energy industries. We will promote a revolution in energy production and consumption, and build an energy sector that is clean, low-carbon, safe, and efficient. We will encourage conservation across the board and promote recycling, take action to get everyone conserving water, cut consumption of energy and materials, and establish linkages between the circular use of resources and materials in industrial production and in everyday life. We encourage simple, moderate, green, and low-carbon ways of life, and oppose extravagance and excessive consumption. We will launch initiatives to make Party and government offices do better when it comes to conservation, and develop eco-friendly families, schools, communities, and transport services. 2. Solving prominent environmental problems We will get everyone involved in improving the environment and address environmental issues at the root. We will continue our campaign to prevent and control air pollution to make our skies blue again. We will speed up prevention and control of water pollution, and take comprehensive measures to improve river basins and offshore areas. We will strengthen the control of soil pollution and the restoration of polluted soil, intensify the prevention and control of agricultural pollution from non-point sources, and take measures to improve rural living environments. We will improve the treatment of solid waste and garbage. We will enforce stricter pollutants discharge standards and see to it that polluters are held accountable. We will improve our systems for credibility assessment based on environmental protection performance, for mandatory release of environmental information, and for imposing severe punishment for environmental violations. We will establish an environmental governance system in which government takes the lead, enterprises assume main responsibility, and social organizations and the public also participate. We will get actively involved in global environmental governance and fulfill our commitments on emissions reduction. 3. Intensifying the protection of ecosystems We will carry out major projects to protect and restore key ecosystems, improve the system of shields for ecological security, and develop ecological corridors and biodiversity protection networks, so as to strengthen the quality and stability of our ecosystems. We will complete work on drawing redlines for protecting the ecosystems, designating permanent basic cropland, and delineating boundaries for urban development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "ISIS 2.0 and the Information War WASHINGTON, DC – In December 2018, US President Donald Trump declared victory over the Islamic State (ISIS), tweeting that “ISIS is largely defeated and other local countries, including Turkey, should be able to easily take care of whatever remains. We’re coming home!” And in the first three months of this year, Trump said or tweeted 16 times that ISIS was either completely defeated or soon would be. But the United States government appears to disagree. In August, the three lead inspectors general from the Department of Defense, Department of State, and the US Agency for International Development submitted a joint report to Congress reviewing Operation Inherent Resolve, the US campaign to defeat ISIS in Syria and Iraq, over the period from April 1 through June 30 of this year. They concluded that, “Despite the loss of physical territory, thousands of ISIS fighters remain in Iraq and Syria and are carrying out attacks and working to rebuild their capabilities.” The ISIS resurgence is partly the result of Trump’s December 2018 decisions to withdraw all US troops from Syria and halve the number in Afghanistan, which prompted Secretary of Defense James Mattis to resign and made America’s regional security partners less able to conduct counterterrorism operations. In Iraq, ISIS is regrouping and building clandestine terrorist cells in key areas of Baghdad, Ninewa, and Al Anbar provinces, and in the Middle Euphrates River Valley. In Syria, the group is mounting strong counteroffensives in Al-Raqqah and Homs province, and is aggressively seeking to establish a safe-haven zone.", "zh": "伊斯兰国2.0和信息战 华盛顿—2018年12月，美国总统唐纳德·特朗普宣布对伊斯兰国（ISIS）取得胜利，并发推文称“伊斯兰国已经基本被击败，而其他区域国家，包括土耳其在内，面对伊斯兰国的残余势力应当可以轻松应对。 我们要回家了 ! ” 而今年头三个月，特朗普16次表态或者发推特，称伊斯兰国要么已经被完全击溃，要么也很快。 但美国政府似乎并不赞同特朗普的观点。 今年8月，美国国防部、美国国务院和美国国际开发署的三位首席检察官向国会提交了一份联合报告，审查从今年4月1日开始至6月30日结束美国打击叙利亚和伊拉克伊斯兰国的内在决心行动。 他们得出结论，尽管丧失了实际领土，但成千上万名伊斯兰国战士仍然留在叙利亚和伊拉克，他们正在发起攻击并竭尽全力重新组织行动。 伊斯兰国死灰复燃部分是由于特朗普在2018年12月决定撤出所有叙利亚美军的结果。 特朗普还命令将驻阿富汗美军人数减半，上述决策促成了国防部长詹姆斯·马蒂斯辞职，并导致美国的区域安全伙伴更加无力开展反恐行动。 在伊拉克，伊斯兰国正在重新集结并在巴格达、尼尼微省和安巴尔省的关键区域及幼发拉底河谷中部建设秘密恐怖机构。 而在叙利亚，该组织正在拉卡省和霍姆斯省展开强有力的反攻，并且正全力寻求建立一个安全避风港。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This is an important achievement, but it should not be taken as a signal to relax. On the contrary, we should ask whether the time has not come to set even more stringent targets. And it is also time to take a more detailed look at where we continue to fall short. When member states sign up to laws in Brussels, they accept an absolute obligation to be bound by them. When they fail to live up to their commitments, they fail in their duty to the consumers and businesses that stand to benefit. Nor should good overall results be permitted to mask problems in particular areas – public procurement, for example, which accounts for between 15% and 20% of Europe’s GDP. Opening up markets and applying European rules properly produces savings for governments and delivers better value for taxpayers’ money. I am, therefore, deeply disappointed that a package of measures adopted in this area in 2004 – aimed at simplifying and modernizing procedures – has not been transposed within the agreed deadline by several member states. I warn those that have not yet acted that I will take whatever steps are necessary to make them act. We cannot continue to commit ourselves to delivering a more competitive Europe while denying ourselves the means to achieve it. But reducing the transposition deficit, while important, is not the end of the game. Getting laws onto national statute books is one thing, ensuring they are properly applied and enforced is another. And while the story is good on transposition, it is less rosy when it comes to how things are working on the ground. Eight member states have managed to reduce the number of infringement cases taken against them by the Commission, but 17 have as many or more than they did this time last year. I appreciate that close cooperation and partnership with member states are required, and I am ready to work with them in whatever way I can to help them to transpose and apply EU law correctly. I prefer to avoid infringement cases, which are costly and time consuming. But member states should know by now that I am not a soft touch. My job is to ensure that the law is enforced without fear or favor, and that is what I will continue to do. The single market is one of the European Union’s greatest achievements.", "zh": "这是一项重要的成就，但它不应该成为我们松懈的信号。 相反，我们应该自问是否到了设立更严格的目标的时候了。 同时还应该借此机会审视我们在哪些方面还继续存在不足。 当各成员国在布鲁塞尔签署通过法律时，它们就接受了实施这些法律的绝对义务。 当它们未能实现承诺时，就辜负了本应从中受益的消费者和公司。 也不能用总体的良好结果来遮掩某些方面的问题—比如，占欧洲GDP15%至20%的公共采购。 开放市场并实施欧洲的法规可以有效地为各成员国政府节省开支并使纳税人的税金实现更好的价值。 因此，我在这里对2004年在这一领域通过的一揽子方案深表失望。 有几个成员国未能在既定的期限内转换这套旨在使流程简单化和现代化的方案。 我警告那些还没有行动的成员国，我将会采用一切必要的手段来迫使他们采取行动。 我们不能够在继续自我承诺建设一个更具竞争力的欧洲但同时却拒绝实现这一目标的手段。 但降低转换赤字固然重要，却不是这场博弈的结束。 使法律写入国内法典是一回事，确保它们得到有效实施和执行则是另外一回事了。 法律转换成效卓越，但在实际操作上情况就不那么漂亮了。 虽然有8个成员国成功地减少了欧盟委员会提起的违反欧盟法律的个案数量，但仍有17个成员国今年在这方面与去年持平以至更甚。 我赞赏各成员国之间建立紧密的合作和伙伴关系，我也准备尽我所能与它们合作从而帮助它们正确地转换和实施欧盟法律。 我倾向于避免陷入成本高昂而旷日持久的违法案件诉讼。 但各成员国现在应该已经了解到我不是个手软的人。 我的责任是确保法律得到不偏不倚的执行，这也是我会继续从事的工作。 单一市场是欧盟最伟大的成就之一。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lives versus Profits NEW YORK – The United States Supreme Court recently began deliberations in a case that highlights a deeply problematic issue concerning intellectual-property rights. The Court must answer the following question: Can human genes – your genes – be patented? Put another way, should someone essentially be permitted to own the right, say, to test whether you have a set of genes that imply a higher than 50% probability of developing breast cancer? To those outside the arcane world of intellectual-property rights, the answer seems obvious: No. You own your genes. A company might own, at most, the intellectual property underlying its genetic test; and, because the research and development needed to develop the test may have cost a considerable amount, the firm might rightly charge for administering it. But a Utah-based company, Myriad Genetics, claims more than that. It claims to own the rights to any test for the presence of the two critical genes associated with breast cancer – and has ruthlessly enforced that right, though their test is inferior to one that Yale University was willing to provide at much lower cost. The consequences have been tragic: Thorough, affordable testing that identifies high-risk patients saves lives. Blocking such testing costs lives. Myriad is a true example of an American corporation for which profit trumps all other values, including the value of human life itself. This a particularly poignant case. Normally, economists talk about trade-offs: weaker intellectual-property rights, it is argued, would undermine incentives to innovate. The irony here is that Myriad’s discovery would have been made in any case, owing to a publicly funded, international effort to decode the entire human genome that was a singular achievement of modern science. The social benefits of Myriad’s slightly earlier discovery have been dwarfed by the costs that its callous pursuit of profit has imposed. More broadly, there is increasing recognition that the patent system, as currently designed, not only imposes untold social costs, but also fails to maximize innovation – as Myriad’s gene patents demonstrate.", "zh": "生命与利润之争 发自纽约 — — 美国最高法院最近开始审议一起案件 — — 该案件突显出了由知识产权所引发的深层次问题。 最高法院必须回答下面这个问题：人类基因 — — 也就是你我的基因 — — 能被别人申请专利吗？ 换句话说，法律是否应该允许某人持有某种专利，类似检测他人体内是否拥有一组显示其有高于50%的概率罹患乳腺癌的基因。 对那些知识产权的门外汉来说，答案是很显然的：不可以。 你拥有自己的基因。 一个公司也许最多能拥有以基因测试为基础的知识产权；而且因为用来发展该测试的研发工作可能花费巨大，公司可以适当地对测试收费。 但美国犹他州的麦利亚德基因公司（Myriad Genetics）主张公司应该拥有更多的权利。 它声称拥有所有检测与乳腺癌相关的两个关键基因是否存在的专利，并且开始无情地强制执行这种权利，尽管其测试效果还不如耶鲁大学愿意提供的另一套成本更低的测试。 其后果是悲剧性的：对高危病人进行彻底且负担得起的测试可以挽救生命。 反之对这种测试的限制则是以生命为代价的。 麦利亚德是典型的将利润置于其它所有价值观 — — 包括人的生命 — — 之上的美国公司。 这是一个尤其尖锐的案件。 通常，经济学家们会谈论权衡：他们认为较弱势的知识产权保障会减弱对创新的激励。 然而讽刺地是，就算麦利亚德公司没有研究出这种测试来，由于公共资助的对整个人类基因组解码的国际性努力 — — 这是现代科学的非凡成就，人们迟早都会有所发现。 而麦利亚德公司只不过是把这个发现稍微提早了一点，却因其无情追求经济利润所的行为削弱了这两个基因的社会效益。 更宏观地说，人们越来越意识到专利体系 — — 就其目前的设计，不仅产生了数不清的社会成本，还不能使创新最大化 — — 就像麦利亚德公司的基因专利案所显示的一样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, globalization’s tendency to produce macroeconomic imbalances and financial fragility, its adverse impact on equality and social peace in many countries, and its weak political legitimacy will continue to generate tension and periodic crises. Two other developments will greatly aggravate these weaknesses. The first is that the United States and other advanced countries are unlikely to recover their previous economic dynamism even after financial stability is restored. Rich-country households have suffered a momentous loss of wealth (amounting to tens of trillions of US dollars). This implies that consumption growth will remain muted for some time. With public debt rising very rapidly, and in some countries projected to exceed 100% of GDP, governments will not be in a position to take up the slack. The restructuring of economies away from finance will necessarily take some time. Stagnation rather than growth will be the name of the game. Second, global leadership is likely to remain in very short supply. The US will be crippled by its high debt, under-performing economy, and discredited economic model. The European Union will be preoccupied with its own internal integration process. And China, where income per person is one-eighth the level of the US (adjusted for purchasing power parity), is simply too poor to become the new hegemony. History teaches that global economic order is difficult to establish and maintain in the absence of a dominant economic power. The interwar period, which suffered from a similar crisis of leadership, produced not only a collapse of globalization, but a devastating armed conflict on a global scale.", "zh": "结果，全球化造成的宏观经济不平衡和金融涣散的趋势，其对许多国家平等和社会和平的负面影响及其脆弱的合法性将继续制造紧张局势和周期性的危机。 另外两大趋势会愈加暴露弱点问题。 首先是美国和其他发达国家即便恢复金融稳定，也很难再恢复它们从前的经济活力。 富国家庭遭受了重大的财产损失（总额高达数十万亿美元 ） 。 这意味着消费增长将在一段时期内保持低迷。 随着公共债务快速增长，甚至在某些国家预计超过100%GDP，政府恐怕没有能力充分利用闲散的人力物力。 远离金融的经济重组肯定需要些时日。 这场游戏的名字不是增长而是停滞。 其次，全球领导力可能异常短缺。 高负债率、经济低迷和经济模式声名狼藉可能削弱美国的实力。 欧盟将主要关注其内部整合事务。 而中国的人均收入只有美国的八分之一（经过购买力平价调整 ） ， 它因为太过贫困而无法成为新的霸主。 历史告诉我们，没有占主导地位的经济强国，就难以建立和维护全球经济秩序。 出现过类似领导危机的战争间歇期不仅导致了全球化崩溃，而且在世界范围内造成了毁灭性的武装冲突。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Private-Sector Solution to the Refugee Crisis BRUSSELS – International development is not just about alleviating poverty; it is also about delivering security, stability, and economic opportunities to poor and fragile communities, thereby preventing citizens from having to flee their home country in search of a better life. For a West eager to stem the flows of refugees and migrants from Africa and the Middle East, supporting development is a much more effective approach than building walls and razor wire fences. But too often development is forced to take a back seat in policymaking. The so-called War on Terror that began in 2001 has evolved into multiple brutal conflicts that are destabilizing the entire Middle East, eroding people’s freedoms, undermining their safety, and transforming the very nature of their societies. This is driving people from their homes, and often from their countries. The ongoing conflict in Syria, in particular, has already displaced some five million people. It is, of course, sensible to say that refugees should stay in the first safe country they can reach. But many, nonetheless, clamor to escape the instability of their region altogether. They dream of a life of security and opportunity in Europe, and are willing to go to great lengths to obtain it – even embarking on a life-threatening journey across the Mediterranean Sea. For Europe, turning our backs on these refugees is not an option – desperate people will continue to march toward safety and hope – though many continue to believe that it is.", "zh": "难民危机的公私合作方案 布鲁塞尔—国家发展并只是为了减轻贫困；也是为了向贫穷和脆弱社区提供安全、稳定和经济机会，从而让公民免于为了追求更好的生活而逃离祖国。 对于想要阻止来自非洲和中东的难民和移民流的西方来说，支持发展是比建造高墙和倒刺铁丝网更有效的方针。 但发展往往被迫在决策清单中叨陪末座。 始于2001年的所谓的反恐战争最终演变成动摇整个中东、危害人民的自由、破坏人民的安全、改变他们的社会的性质的残酷的冲突。 这导致人们逃离家园，往往同时也逃离祖国。 特别是没完没了的叙利亚冲突，已经造成大约五百万人流离失所。 当然，说难民应该驻留在他们所到达的第一个安全的国家不无道理。 但是，许多难民想要的是逃离整个地区的动荡。 他们梦想在欧洲过上安全和有希望的日子，并为了实现这一梦想不辞千辛万苦 — — 甚至冒着生命危险横渡地中海。 对欧洲来说，对这些难民关上大门不是选项 — — 绝望的人群将继续涌向安全和希望 — — 尽管许多人仍然相信就应该这么做。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The only way to halt the current Ebola outbreak, and prevent similar epidemics, is to address the fundamental social and political vulnerabilities that have allowed the virus to flourish. The key is to place people at the center of development efforts, by increasing investments in health care, education, and other public services. At the same time, a strong effort must be made to bolster job creation. With a reliable support structure and adequate economic opportunity, households – and, in turn, countries – become more resilient. Those at the forefront of the fight against Ebola – including the United Nations Development Program – have been mobilizing communities against the disease, supporting medical teams, and helping survivors and families of the infected cope with the tragedy. While these efforts could not be more important, they must be backed by a longer-term strategy to strengthen these fragile countries’ defenses. Ebola will be defeated, but the vulnerabilities that this outbreak has exposed should spur a fundamental shift in focus among policymakers. The development approach that dominates global thinking today emphasizes economic growth and state-building over social progress. But the only way to boost a society’s resilience and ability to trust impersonal institutions is to give the people who comprise it the tools – and confidence – they need to prosper.", "zh": "阻止当前埃博拉疫情并防止类似流行病的唯一途径是根治诱发病毒传播的最基本的社会和政治弱点。 关键是要通过增加医疗、教育和其他公共服务投资将民众置于发展工作的核心位置。 同时必须竭尽全力创造更多就业机会。 可靠的支撑结构和充分的经济机会可以增强家庭和国家的适应能力。 那些身处抗击埃博拉前沿的力量 — — 包括联合国发展计划署 — — 一直在动员社会群体对抗疾病并支持医疗团队，同时协助幸存者及感染患者家属面对这场悲剧。 虽然上述工作的重要性已经无以复加，我们必须制定长期战略加强这些脆弱国家的防御能力。 埃博拉病毒将被打败，但这场爆发所暴露出的问题应推动执政者从根本上转变工作重点。 今天主导全球思维的发展理念强调经济增长及政府建设高于社会进步。 但增强社会适应性和对机构信任度的唯一方法是将繁荣所需的相关工具和信心交给民众。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fully realizing the promise of virtual health care means leveraging digital connectivity to reach those previously excluded. Third, which approaches to virtual health services have shown the most promise? Countries with flexible regulatory regimes have had the best results during the pandemic. One key policy change that some countries quickly adopted was to remove the requirement that new patients have an in-person consultation before receiving virtual care. We also know that data and artificial intelligence have been and will remain strong enablers of virtual health care. Real-time monitoring, analysis, and decision-making are possible only if data are appropriately managed at scale. But data-driven approaches raise important concerns regarding privacy, data storage, and information use that must be carefully considered within the context of human rights and ethical standards. To help governments navigate these concerns, the WHO’s global strategy provides a regulatory framework for ensuring appropriate use of health data, defines key concepts such as health data as a global public good, and outlines principles for equitable data-sharing. Finally, how should we move forward? By carefully studying the pandemic’s impact on virtual health services, we can identify best practices, build on what worked, and reform as needed. We can provide practical tools to preserve and expand the progress made in virtual health, manage the aftermath of the pandemic-induced surge in demand for these services, and usher in a transformative and equitable future.", "zh": "完全实现虚拟医疗保健的承诺意味着利用数字连通来覆盖以前被排除在外的人。 第三，哪些虚拟医疗服务方法最有希望？ 具有灵活监管机制的国家在疫情期间取得了最好的结果。 一些国家迅速采用的一项关键政策变化是取消了新患者在接受虚拟看护之前必须进行面对面咨询的要求。 我们还知道，数据和人工智能已成为并将继续是虚拟医疗保健的强大推动者。 只有对数据进行适当的大规模管理，才能进行实时监控、分析和决策。 但数据驱动的方法引起了对隐私、数据存储和信息使用的重要关注，必须在人权和道德标准的背景下仔细考虑这些问题。 为了帮助各国政府解决这些问题，世卫组织的全球战略提供了一个监管框架，确保健康数据的适当使用，将健康数据等关键概念定义为全球公共产品，并列举了平等数据共享的原则。 最后，我们应该如何前进？ 通过仔细研究疫情对虚拟医疗服务的影响，我们可以确定最佳实践，在有效做法的基础上，根据需要进行改革。 我们可以提供实用工具来保持和扩大在虚拟健康方面取得的进展，管理疫情引起的这些服务需求激增的后果，迎接一个变革的、平等的未来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Trump Make a Deal with China? HONG KONG – Trade negotiations between the United States and China are closing in on the March 1 deadline, after which the bilateral tariff war will resume – beginning with an increase from 10% to 25% on $200 billion worth of Chinese products. While global financial markets are fluctuating wildly, investors seem to assume that too much is at stake for the US and China to fail to reach a deal. Their optimism could prove short-lived. To be sure, there has been considerable progress on several key issues, such as technology transfer, protection of intellectual-property rights, non-tariff barriers, and implementation mechanisms. But to defuse tensions between the US and China in any sustainable way will require a more comprehensive approach, based on a fundamental shift in mindset. Over the last 40 years, Sino-US engagement has been largely cooperative, reflecting a holistic approach that takes into account the interests of the entire global system. US President Donald Trump’s administration, however, does not seem to believe that engagement with China (or anyone else for that matter) can benefit both sides. As Trump’s “America First” agenda shows, the US is now playing a zero-sum game – and it is playing to win. For example, the US has threatened to punish or desert its closest allies unless they increase their defense spending. Under pressure from the Trump administration, South Korea just agreed to increase its contributions to US forces in Korea by 8.2%, to $923 million, in 2019.", "zh": "特朗普能与中国达成贸易协议吗？ 香港—美国与中国之间的贸易谈判正在接近3月1日的最后期限，过了这个期限，双边关税战将重新拉开，首先是美国对价值2,000亿美元的中国产品关税从10%提高到25 % 。 全球金融市场波动剧烈，投资者认为美国和中国之间纠葛太多，不得不达成协议。 希望他们的乐观不会昙花一现。 平心而论，在不少关键问题上，如技术转移、知识产权保护、非关税壁垒以及实施机制等，进展很大。 但持续性地消弭中美之间的紧张需要更全面的方针，特别是在观念与思维方式方面需要有一个根本性的转变。 在过去40年中，中美关系基本由合作主导，这体现了双方考虑整个全球体系利益的大局观。 但美国总统特朗普政府并不认为与中国（或者其他任何国家）合作能够实现双赢。 特朗普的“美国优先”策略表明，美国正在玩一个零和博弈，并且以赢为目标。 比如，美国不断威胁惩罚或孤立其最紧密的盟友，除非它们提高防务支出。 在特朗普政府的压力下，韩国刚刚同意在2019年将美国驻韩军队费用出资额增加8.2%至9.23亿美元。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "统筹考虑各类机构设置，科学配置党政部门及内设机构权力、明确职责。 统筹使用各类编制资源，形成科学合理的管理体制，完善国家机构组织法。 转变政府职能，深化简政放权，创新监管方式，增强政府公信力和执行力，建设人民满意的服务型政府。 赋予省级及以下政府更多自主权。在省市县对职能相近的党政机关探索合并设立或合署办公。 深化事业单位改革，强化公益属性，推进政事分开、事企分开、管办分离。 （六）巩固和发展爱国统一战线。 统一战线是党的事业取得胜利的重要法宝，必须长期坚持。 要高举爱国主义、社会主义旗帜，牢牢把握大团结大联合的主题，坚持一致性和多样性统一，找到最大公约数，画出最大同心圆。 坚持长期共存、互相监督、肝胆相照、荣辱与共，支持民主党派按照中国特色社会主义参政党要求更好履行职能。 全面贯彻党的民族政策，深化民族团结进步教育，铸牢中华民族共同体意识， 加强各民族交往交流交融，促进各民族像石榴籽一样紧紧抱在一起，共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展。", "en": "We will adopt a comprehensive approach to the setup of Party and government institutions, and ensure that powers are designated properly and functions and duties are defined clearly both for the institutions themselves and their internal bodies. We will use various types of staffing resources in a coordinated way, develop a sound system of administration, and improve the organic law for state institutions. The government needs to transform its functions, further streamline administration and delegate powers, develop new ways of regulation and supervision, and strengthen its credibility and administrative capacity, building itself into a service-oriented government able to satisfy the needs of the people. More decision making power should be given to governments at and below the provincial level, and ways should be explored to merge Party and government bodies with similar functions at the provincial, prefectural, and county levels or for them to work together as one office while keeping separate identities. We will deepen the reform of public institutions to see that they focus on serving public interests, relieve them of government functions, keep them away from business activities, and let them run their own day-to-day operations while maintaining supervision over them. 6. Consolidating and developing the patriotic united front The united front is an important way to ensure the success of the Party’s cause, and we must maintain commitment to it long term. We must uphold the banner of patriotism and socialism, strive to achieve great unity and solidarity, balance commonality and diversity, and expand common ground and the convergence of interests. In handling its relationships with other Chinese political parties, the Communist Party of China is guided by the principles of long-term coexistence, mutual oversight, sincerity, and sharing the rough times and the smooth, and it supports these parties in performing their duties in accordance with the requirements of the Chinese socialist system for their participation in governance. We will fully implement the Party’s policies concerning ethnic groups, heighten public awareness of ethnic unity and progress, and create a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation. We will encourage more exchanges and interactions among different ethnic groups, helping them remain closely united like the seeds of a pomegranate that stick together, and work jointly for common prosperity and development."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Goodluck Nigeria LAGOS – The bombs that exploded in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, as the country was celebrating its golden jubilee earlier this month are a disturbing portent of the unprecedented political territory that the country is entering. The death last May of Umaru Yar’Adua, Nigeria’s president, upended the informal agreement between members of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to rotate power between northern Muslims and their southern, mainly Christian counterparts. Yar’Adua’s deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, from the oil-rich Niger Delta in the south, overcame resistance from members of the late president’s cabinet and was sworn in as Yar’Adua’s successor, as stipulated by the constitution. In September, he told Nigerians of his intention to run for another presidential term in 2011. President Jonathan’s announcement triggered furious protests from his northern rivals, including Ibrahim Babangida, a former military dictator who reminded him that Olusegun Obasanjo, a southerner, had served as president from 1999, when military rule ended, to 2007, with northern support. Yar’Adua had completed only three years of his first four-year term when he died, and it was expected that all southerners, including Jonathan, would unite behind another northerner for next year’s vote.", "zh": "祝你好运，尼日利亚 发自拉各斯 — — 本月早些时候，在尼日利亚欢庆建国50周年之际，首都阿布贾的炸弹袭击事件却犹如一个令人不安的预兆，预示着这个国家即将卷入一场史无前例的政治风暴当中。 尼日利亚总统奥马鲁·亚拉杜瓦在去年5月的突然离世打乱了执政的人民民主党党内的非正式协议，该协议约定党内的北方穆斯林派和南部基督教派之间轮流执政。 而古得勒克·乔纳森，这位来自石油资源丰富的南部尼日尔三角洲的总统副手，则成功地压制住了已故总统内阁的反对之声，依照宪法的规定宣誓成为接班人。 今年9月，他还公开向国民宣布自己将参加2011年的总统竞选以求连任。 新总统的这一声明激起了其北方政敌的强烈反对，其中包括易卜拉欣·巴班吉达。 这位前军事独裁者提醒乔纳森：当年自南方的奥卢塞贡·奥巴桑乔在北方派系的支持下，在1999年军事独裁结束时当选为总统，一直干到2007年任满结束。 如今来自北方的亚拉杜瓦在其法定4年总统任期内只做了三年就去世了，因此所有人都预料包括乔纳森在内的全体南方派党员将团结在另一位北方派党员的领导下，为后者明年竞逐大选呐喊助威。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There may be many reasons for this, but Gordon describes one possibility: The underlying pace of innovation has slowed, leading to lower expected returns on investment and thus forcing down interest rates. And it is the investment needed to translate new knowledge into actual innovation that links the supply and demand sides and generates growth. Both of these theories can be connected with Piketty’s arguments about the dynamics of capital accumulation. Implicit in Piketty’s thesis is that capital can be substituted for labor relatively easily. When capital grows faster than labor and GDP, the rate of return will fall over time, but proportionately less than growth in the amount of capital. The result is a redistribution of income from labor to those who own capital. Summers actually proposed a new form of the production function, whereby the progress of intelligent machines makes capital a perfect substitute for segments of the labor force. An increasing concentration of income at the top, combined with top earners’ high propensity to save, then leads to the chronic shortfall of aggregate demand that characterizes secular stagnation. Stiglitz makes the case that policy bias also contributes to income concentration. Gordon’s thesis is more about a kind of “satiation” in rapid technological progress, which depresses expected returns and thus helps to explain the chronic lack of sufficient investment. But, at the end of his book, he makes median income the real indicator of economic performance.", "zh": "对于这一点，可能的原因有很多，但戈登描述了其中一种可能：作为基础的创新速度放慢了，这导致投资预期回报降低，从而拉低了利率。 而将新知识转化为连接供给侧和需求侧并产生增长的实际创新需要的正是投资。 这些理论都可以和皮凯蒂的资本积累动态的观点联系起来。 皮凯蒂的著作的隐含之义是资本可以相对容易地被劳动力替代。 当资本增长快于劳动力和GDP时，回报率就会随时间而下降，但下降比例小于资本量的增长。 结果是收入从劳动力手中再分配给资本所有者。 萨默斯实际上提出了一个新形式的生产函数，其中智能机器的进步让资本成为细分劳动力的完美替代品。 收入日益向顶层集中，而顶尖收入者储蓄率很高，这就导致了以总需求长期短缺为特征的长期停滞。 斯蒂格利茨指出了政策偏见也对收入集中起到了推波助澜的作用。 戈登的著作更加注重某种对告诉技术进步的“满足 ” （ satiation ） ， 这种满足抑制了预期回报，从而有助于解释长期投资不足。 但是，在其著作的最后，他将中位收入作为经济表现的真正指标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "力气比吕树大的暴徒竟然在一拳相敌之下，输了！ 这就是李弦一教给吕树的运力诀窍，这就是吕树每天汗流浃背也要形成自己本能的战斗技巧！ 就这一刻而言，虽然吕树在星图修行上仍旧是E级，可他身体力量已经确确实实跨入了D级的初期门槛儿！而逃犯虽然有跨入C级的迹象，可他D级也不过是刚刚觉醒而已！ 一个有技巧，一个无技巧，高下立判！ 与此同时，尸狗小剑也从胸腔之内嘶吼亢奋着喷涌而出，闪电般斩向了天罗地网，黑玉剑身在黑暗里一闪而过显露痕迹，不是哑光色，而是带着血液的透亮晶莹！ 这剑光没有伤人的意思，只是在身周划了一个巨大的圆弧，生生逼退了所有想要上前的觉醒者之后再次回归吕树的星图静静悬立，然后他再也没有恋战，吕树一脚将逃犯踹回人群里便转身没入黑暗的小路里，轻松跃上楼房消失不见。 所有人震惊的看着暴徒在地上挣扎起身想要继续逃跑，求生欲望何其执着，只是原本再次觉醒的预兆已经消散，是被彻底打散了！ 直到此时，那一抹晶莹剑光飞走的惊鸿一瞥还留在他们的脑海里。", "en": "The criminal, who was stronger than Lu Shu, actually lost to Lu Shu’s blow! This was the technique Li Xianyi imparted to Lu Shu. This was the primary ability and reflex Lu Shu trained hard every day for! From this moment on, even though Lu Shu was a Class E in terms of his celestial map cultivation, his body’s physique and strength had already tread onto that of a class D’s! And although the criminal had symptoms of a Class C, he had only recently awakened into a Class D! One of them had proper technique, the other not. The results were evident immediately! At the same time, corpsedog emerged from Lu Shu. It sped towards the Heavenly Network with its jade structure shining in the night sky. It wasn’t a bright light, but a crimson and bloody shine! The sword did not have any malicious intent. It only drew a large circle to prevent the metahumans from advancing upon Lu Shu. After that, it returned to Lu Shu’s celestial map. Lu Shu kicked the criminal towards the group of men from the heavenly network and disappeared into the alley. Everyone was stunned as the criminal struggled to even get up, seemingly plotting another escape. His original awakening glow had disappeared, probably from the beating he received. That scene of the flying sword was etched vividly in the men of the heavenly network."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There, I was exposed to people from all sorts of faiths and cultures, and that experience proved to be fundamental to the development of my character. Because of that feeling, I was able to contrast the stereotypes I'd been taught as a child with real life experience and interaction. I don't know what it's like to be gay, but I'm well acquainted with being judged for something that's beyond my control. Then there was \"The Daily Show.\" Inspiration can often come from an unexpected place, and the fact that a Jewish comedian had done more to positively influence my worldview than my own extremist father is not lost on me. One day, I had a conversation with my mother about how my worldview was starting to change, and she said something to me that I will hold dear to my heart for as long as I live. She looked at me with the weary eyes of someone who had experienced enough dogmatism to last a lifetime, and said, \"I'm tired of hating people.\" In that instant, I realized how much negative energy it takes to hold that hatred inside of you. Zak Ebrahim is not my real name. I changed it when my family decided to end our connection with my father and start a new life. So why would I out myself and potentially put myself in danger? Well, that's simple. Instead, I choose to use my experience to fight back against terrorism, against the bigotry. I do it for the victims of terrorism and their loved ones, for the terrible pain and loss that terrorism has forced upon their lives. For the victims of terrorism, I will speak out against these senseless acts and condemn my father's actions. And with that simple fact, I stand here as proof that violence isn't inherent in one's religion or race, and the son does not have to follow the ways of his father. I am not my father.", "zh": "我见识到有着不同信仰， 来自不同文化的人们， 这样的经验 对我的人格发展 是至关重要的。 因为这样的感受，我能够 用真实生活和交际经历来 抵挡从孩童时期就被灌输的成见。 我不知道作为同性恋者的感受， 但我熟知那种被 无法掌控的事物所评断的感受。 接着，有个\"每日秀\"的节目出现了。 鼓舞人心之事 往往来自你无法预知的地方， 事实上，一个犹太裔喜剧明星 积极地影响我的世界观， 比我那极端的亲生父亲 多得多。 某天，我和母亲谈到 我的世界观正在改变， 她对我说， 我将在生命里 一直带着尊重的心。 她用疲倦的眼神看着我， 她受够了 被教条主义侵占的人生， 说到：\"我不愿憎恨他人了。\" 瞬间，我意识到，在内心里承受憎恨 需要多么巨大的负能量。 扎克‧伊博黑姆不是我的本名。 当我的家人决定 和我父亲断绝关系时 我改了这个名字 以开始新的生活。 那么，我为什么要 出现在公众视线前 将自己置于可能的危险境地呢？ 嗯，这很容易解释。 而是选择通过自己的经验 来抵抗恐怖主义， 来反对偏见。 我为了那些恐怖袭击的受害者 以及他们的亲人而这样做， 为了那些被恐怖主义活动所造成的 生命的苦痛和损失而这样做。 为了那些遭受恐怖袭击的 受害者，我站出来 反对这些毫无意义的袭击行动， 谴责我父亲的行为。 就是这样简单的原因， 我站在这里证明 暴力不是宗教或种族与生俱来的， 儿子并不需要走上 和父亲相同的道路。 我不是我的父亲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "促进双向开放合作。发挥互联网在促进国际国内要素有序流动、资源高效配置、市场深度融合中的作用，建立企业全球化发展信息服务体系，提供全球政策法规、财税、金融、投融资、风险评估等信息服务，支持企业全球化发展。有序扩大网信开放领域，有效引进境外资金和先进技术，强化互利共赢。服务“一带一路”建设。坚持共商共建共享，促进网络互联、信息互通，推动共建网上丝绸之路，推进数字经济、信息技术等合作，促进沿线国家和地区政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通。支持港澳地区网络基础设施建设和信息经济发展，发挥港澳地区在推进“一带一路”建设中的重要作用。推动全球互联网治理体系变革。坚持尊重网络主权、维护和平安全、促进开放合作、构建良好秩序，积极参与全球网络基础设施建设，打造网上文化交流共享平台，推动网络经济创新发展，保障网络安全，推动建立多边、民主、透明的全球互联网治理体系。主动提出中国方案，加快共同制定国际信息化标准和规则。", "en": "Promote two-way opening and cooperation. Harness the role of the internet in facilitating the orderly flow of international and domestic factors, efficient allocation of resources, and deep integration of markets. Establish an information service system for the global development of enterprises, providing information services on global policies, regulations, taxation, finance, investment and financing, risk assessment, etc., to support the global development of enterprises. Expand the scope of internet openness in an orderly manner, effectively introduce foreign funds and advanced technologies, and strengthen mutual benefit and win-win outcomes. Serve the construction of the Belt and Road initiative. Adhere to the principles of consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits, promote internet interconnection and information exchange, advance the construction of the Digital Silk Road, promote cooperation in the digital economy, information technology, and facilitate policy communication, infrastructure connectivity, trade facilitation, financial integration, and people-to-people connectivity among countries and regions along the route. Support the construction of network infrastructure and the development of the information economy in Hong Kong and Macau, and leverage the important role of Hong Kong and Macau in promoting the Belt and Road initiative. Promote the reform of the global internet governance system. Uphold the principles of respecting cyber sovereignty, maintaining peace and security, promoting open cooperation, and building a sound order. Actively participate in the construction of global internet infrastructure, create an online platform for cultural exchange and sharing, promote innovative development of the digital economy, ensure cybersecurity, and promote the establishment of a multilateral, democratic, and transparent global internet governance system. Take the initiative to propose the Chinese solution and accelerate the joint formulation of international information standards and rules."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Expansions Don’t Die of Old Age LONDON – The US economy has entered its 11th year of uninterrupted expansion, breaking the previous record for the longest period of growth in American history without a recession. But far from celebrating, many economists conclude from this unprecedented performance that a recession is now overdue, if not immediately then surely before the 2020 presidential election. Fortunately for the US economy, but sadly for President Donald Trump’s opponents, the idea that economic expansions have some kind of natural lifespan and then die of old age has neither empirical nor theoretical support. History shows that US expansions since the end of World War II have varied in length from 12 months to 120 months, with no sign of mean reversion. Moreover, it can be argued that the 18-year period from 1982 to 2000 was really one continuous economic upswing, interrupted only briefly by the spike in oil prices caused by Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. And there are clearer instances of advanced economies that have avoided recessions for much longer than the ten-year record the United States has just surpassed. Australia is now in its 28th year without a recession, and the United Kingdom experienced 17 years of uninterrupted growth from 1992 to 2008. Unlike the US, both Australia and the UK are more recession-prone because of their dependence on commodities, finance, and property speculation. Economic principles are equally unhelpful to advocates of the “overdue recession” theory. The normal condition of any reasonably well-managed market economy since the invention of active demand-management policies in the 1940s is to continue expanding at around its trend rate of growth (roughly 2% in the US). In the postwar period, recessions have generally resulted from three causes: substantial monetary or fiscal tightening in response to inflationary pressures; some kind of financial crisis, such as the subprime mortgage collapse of 2008 and the technology bust of 2000; or a massive external shock that vastly increased energy prices. Until one of these events occurs, we can be fairly confident that the US expansion will not just “die of old age.” Why, then, are so many economists now worried about a US recession and convinced that financial markets are underestimating the downside risks to economic growth?", "zh": "扩张不会仅仅因为时间长而结束 伦敦 — — 美国经济已经进入连续扩张的第11年，这打破了美国在不发生经济衰退的情况下最长的增长期记录。 但许多经济学家不但不感到庆幸，反而从这一前所未有的靓丽表现中得出结论，那就是经济衰退随时可能发生，即使不是立刻爆发，也逃脱不了在2020年总统大选前爆发的厄运。 但经济扩张具有特定自然寿命而且将于老年期自然死亡的说法既缺乏经验也缺乏理论支撑，这对美国经济是一种幸运，但对唐纳德·特朗普总统的对手而言却是一种不幸。 历史表明，二战结束后的美国经济扩张时长从12个月到120个月不等，而且没有迹象表明正出现均值回归的过程。 此外，可以认为1982~2000年实际是一次持续经济增长，仅仅因为伊拉克入侵科威特而造成的油价飙升而短暂中断过。 此外还有更明确的事例表明，有发达经济体成功避免经济衰退的时长远超美国刚刚创下的10年期记录。 澳大利亚目前已经进入没有经济衰退的第28个年头，而英国的经济增长从1992到2008年这17年间也从未中断过。 与美国不同，因为更加依赖商品、金融和房地产投机，澳大利亚和英国更容易陷入到经济衰退当中。 对“衰退逾期”理论的倡导者而言，经济原则同样是不利的。 自20世纪40年代积极需求管理政策发明以来，任何管理有方的市场经济的正常状况是能够实现在趋势增长率附近持续扩张（美国的趋势增长率维持在2%左右 ） 。 战后经济衰退主要有三种原因引起：为应对通胀压力而推行大规模货币或财政紧缩政策；爆发某种类型的金融危机，比如2008年的次贷和2000年的技术泡沫崩溃；或者因为大规模外部冲击大幅提升了能源价格。 但在上述某一事件发生之前，我们可以信心满满地认为美国的经济扩张不会仅仅因为“时间长而止步 。 ” 那么，究竟为什么那么多经济学家担心美国经济陷入衰退，并坚信金融市场正在低估经济增长下行的风险呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even if other countries are unable to extricate themselves from US networks of interdependence in the short term, incentives to do so will strengthen in the longer run. In the meantime, there will be costly damage to the international institutions that limit conflict and create global public goods. As Henry Kissinger has pointed out, world order depends not only on a stable balance of power, but also on a sense of legitimacy, to which institutions contribute. Trump was right to respond to Chinese economic behavior, but he was wrong to do it without regard for the costs imposed on US allies and international institutions. The same problem weakens his policies toward Iran and Europe. Alliances like NATO stabilize expectations, and the existence of institutions like the United Nations, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and the International Atomic Energy Agency enhances security. Open markets and economic globalization can be disruptive, but they also create wealth (albeit often unequally distributed). Maintaining financial stability is crucial to the daily lives of millions of Americans and foreigners alike, even though they may not notice it until it is absent. And regardless of what a nativist populist backlash does to economic globalization, ecological globalization is unavoidable. Greenhouse gases and pandemics do not respect political borders. The laws of populist politics, which have dictated Trump’s denial of the science and his withdrawal of the US from the 2015 Paris climate agreement, are incompatible with the laws of physics. States will increasingly need a framework to enhance cooperation on the use of the sea and space, and on combating climate change and pandemics. Referring to such a framework as a “liberal international order” confuses choices by conflating promotion of liberal democratic values with the creation of an institutional framework for promoting global public goods. China and the US disagree about liberal democracy, but we share an interest in developing an open, rules-based system to manage economic and ecological interdependence. Some defenders of the Trump administration argue that his unorthodox style and willingness to break rules and spurn institutions will produce major gains on issues like North Korea’s nuclear weapons, China’s coerced technology transfer, or regime change in Iran.", "zh": "即使其它国家无法在短期内摆脱美国所构建的相互依存网络，从长远来看，它们这样做的动机也会增强。 与此同时，缓解冲突和提供全球公共物品的国际机构将遭受代价高昂的损害。 正如亨利•基辛格(Henry Kissinger)所指出的那样，世界秩序不仅取决于稳定的权力平衡，同样也取决于各机构所共同构建的合法性意识。 特朗普对中国的经济行为作出回应是正当的，但他不顾美国的同盟及国际机构所需付出的代价而一意孤行则是错误的。 这样‘独断’的执政手段同样削弱了他在伊朗和欧洲地区的政策效应。 像北约这样的联盟稳定了人们的期望，而联合国、核不扩散条约和国际原子能机构的存在则增强了国际安全度。 开放的市场和经济全球化可能具有破坏性，但它们同时也创造了财富(尽管利益往往分配不均 ) 。 保持金融稳定对数百万美国人和外国人的日常生活都起着至关重要的作用，尽管他们可能直到金融稳定消失后才会注意到这一点。 无论本土主义和民粹主义者如何抵制经济全球化，生态全球化已是不可避免的。 温室气体和流行病是全球共同议题，并不以政治边界为界。 民粹主义者的政见与特朗普对科学的轻视及美国退出2015年巴黎气候协议的做法是一致的，却与指引万物的物理规律并不相容。 各国将愈发需要构建一个框架，以加强在利用海陆空领域及应对气候变化和流行病方面的合作。 将这种框架称为\"自由国际秩序\"无疑会产生误解，把促进自由民主价值观与构建全球公共物框架混为一谈。 中国和美国在自由民主问题上存在分歧，但建立一个开放的、有序的体系来管理经济和生态上的依存关系，是符合两国共同利益的。 一些特朗普政府的支持者认为，他的非正统风格和打破规则、摒弃旧制度的意愿，将在朝鲜核武器、中国强制技术转让或伊朗政权更迭等问题上为美国赢得重大收益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "突破大数据关键技术和产品，培育壮大大数据服务业态，完善大数据产业体系。深化大数据应用创新，发展面向工业领域的大数据服务和成套解决方案。鼓励工业企业整合各环节数据资源，基于大数据应用开展个性化定制、众包设计、智能监测、全产业链追溯、在线监控诊断及维护、工控系统安全监控、智能制造等新业务。引导企业加快商业和服务模式创新，构建基于大数据的民生服务新体系，在公共安全、自然灾害防治、环境保护等城市管理领域，拓展和丰富服务范围、形式和内容。开展大数据产业集聚发展和应用示范区创建工作。在重点行业开展应用试点，推进政府、金融、能源等重要行业大数据系统安全可靠软硬件应用。培育数据采集、数据分析、数据安全、数据交易等新型数据服务产业和企业。在依法合规、安全可控前提下加快大数据交易产业发展，开展第三方数据交易平台建设试点示范。组织制定数据交易流通的一般规则和信息披露制度，逐步完善数据交易流通中的个人信息保护、数据安全、知识产权保护等制度，建立数据交易流通的行业自律和监督机制。", "en": "Breakthrough key technologies and products in big data, cultivate and strengthen the big data service industry, and improve the big data industrial system. Deepen the innovation of big data applications, develop big data services and complete solutions for the industrial sector. Encourage industrial enterprises to integrate data resources at all stages and carry out new businesses such as personalized customization, crowdsourced design, intelligent monitoring, full industry chain traceability, online monitoring and diagnosis, industrial control system security monitoring, and intelligent manufacturing based on big data applications. Guide enterprises to accelerate business and service model innovation, build a new system of livelihood services based on big data, expand and enrich the scope, form, and content of services in urban management fields such as public safety, natural disaster prevention and control, and environmental protection. Carry out the creation of big data industrial agglomeration development and application demonstration zones. Conduct application pilots in key industries, promote the secure and reliable software and hardware application of big data systems in government, finance, energy, and other important industries. Cultivate new data service industries and enterprises such as data collection, data analysis, data security, and data trading. Accelerate the development of the big data trading industry under the premise of legal compliance and controllable security, and carry out pilot demonstrations of third-party data trading platform construction. Organize the formulation of general rules for data trading circulation and information disclosure systems, gradually improve systems for personal information protection, data security, intellectual property rights protection, and establish industry self-discipline and supervision mechanisms for data trading circulation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Most people would agree that the complete extinction of a species is a bad thing. Yet, when it comes to the decline of some species (say, disease-susceptible island birds), we may choose not to intervene, not least because, realistically, it would be hard to resist their replacement by evolutionarily “superior” models (such as pathogen-resistant birds). I personally would favor the extinction of the most virulent human pathogens. Nonetheless, conserving as many species as possible makes sense. Since the descendants of today’s living species will go on to comprise all future ecosystems – formed when humans or planetary processes generate novel conditions – there is a clear advantage to having more kinds of them. Indeed, more species function as “spare parts” for the environment, and conservation amounts to a kind of long-term environmental insurance policy. More contentious is the transportation of species to new ecosystems. Gardeners may love to plant exotic species in their backyards, but communities often treat the “foreign” plants that begin to grow in the countryside as invasive – a dangerous departure from the past. Sometimes, those plants are doused in herbicides, usually to no avail. So strong is the resistance to such changes that the United Kingdom waits about 1,000 years before it regards a species, like the rabbit, as native. In Australia, there is a debate over whether the dingo – introduced thousands of years ago – should be counted as indigenous.", "zh": "大部分人会同意，彻底灭绝一个物种是一件坏事。 但对于一些物种的消亡（如容易染病的岛屿鸟类 ） ， 我我们可以选择不去干预，因为现实地说，很难阻止它们被演化上“更高等”的模式（如能抵抗病原体的鸟类）取代。 我个人支持灭绝毒性最强的人类病原体。 尽管如此，保护尽可能多的物种是有意义的。 今天存在的物种的后代将继续组成所有未来生态系统 — — 它们形成于人类或地球过程形成奇特的条件时 — — 因此，拥有更多种类的物种是一个明显的优势。 事实上，更多物种形成了环境的“备用件 ” ， 保护算得上是一种长期环境保险。 争议较大的是将物种转移到新生态系统中。 园丁喜欢在后院种植外来物种，但本地种常常将开始在后院中生长的“外来”植物视为入侵者 — — 对过去的危险的偏离。 有时候，这些植物连除草剂都无从除去。 对这种变化的抵制是如此强烈，以至于英国要等待1,000年左右才会将一个物种，比如兔子，视为本地种。 在澳大利亚，澳洲野狗 — — 几百年前引入 — — 是否应该被认为是本地种仍在争论当中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 2006 alone, China added about 93,000 megawatts of coal- fired electricity generating capacity, and this trend is expected to continue as the country tries to meet its huge energy needs. Even in many developed countries, coal still accounts for a large share of power generation. Coal plants currently provide more than half of America’s electricity supply. Denmark, which houses some of the most efficient coal-fired power plants in the world, equally relies on coal for half of its electricity production. The same is true for Germany, which is home to some of the most efficient pulverized coal combustion units in Europe. Poland uses coal for 98% of its electricity production, and South Africa uses coal for about 50% of its electricity production. Against this picture then, it is hard not to expect developing countries to exploit their abundant coal resources to generate power for their own development, especially given that modern technology can help produce coal cleanly. Some argue that gas might be a better alternative to hydro or coal, but for countries that must import much of their gas the benefits of a stable and reliable source of cheap fuel in the form of coal present a very strong counter-argument to the capital costs of a gas plant. Unlike prices for coal, which is abundant and dispersed geographically, gas prices are subject to significant volatility, and the long-term trend in the face of fossil fuel depletion is uncertain. In contrast, coal prices are more stable, and may remain that way for a long time.", "zh": "仅仅在2006年，中国增加了大约93000百万瓦特的煤炭发电产量，而且这一趋势预计将会随着中国努力满足其巨大的能源需求而继续。 即使在许多发达国家，煤炭依然占据发电量的很大一部分。 美国电力供应的一半以上来自于煤电厂。 丹麦拥有一些全世界最为高效的煤电厂，其煤炭发电占据半壁河山。 德国也是一样，它拥有一些欧洲最为高效的粉煤燃烧电厂。 波兰电力生产的98%使用煤炭，而南非则为大约一半。 因此，在这种背景下，特别是鉴于现代技术可以帮助以清洁的方式产煤，人们很难不料想发展中国家会开发其丰富的煤炭资源来为其自身发展提供电力。 有人认为，天然气或许是水力或者煤炭更好的替代之物。 但是对于必须进口大部分天然气的国家而言，以煤炭作为稳定和可靠的便宜燃料来源益处多多，而天然气电厂需要资本投入，因此煤炭是强有力的反驳。 煤炭储量丰富，分布广泛。 与煤炭价格相比，天然气价格波动巨大，而且，在矿物燃料殆尽的情况下，其长期趋势也不明朗。 比较而言，煤炭价格更为稳定，也可能持续很长一段时间。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to Griesa’s interpretation of pari passu, if Argentina paid the interest that it owed to creditors that accepted the restructuring, it had to pay the vultures in full – including all past interest and the principal. The vultures’ business was enabled in part by litigation over the so-called champerty defense – based on a longstanding English common-law doctrine, later adopted by US state legislatures, prohibiting the purchase of debt with the intent of bringing a lawsuit. Argentina is simply the latest victim in the vultures’ long legal battle to change the rules of the game to permit them to prey on poor countries seeking to restructure their debts. In 1999, in Elliot Associates, LP v. Banco de la Nacion and the Republic of Peru, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals determined that the plaintiff’s intent in purchasing the discounted debt was to be paid in full or otherwise to sue. The court then ruled that Elliot’s intent, because it was contingent, did not meet the champerty requirement. Though some other courts accepted the Second Circuit’s narrow reading of the champerty defense, the vultures were not satisfied and went to the New York state legislature, which in 2004 effectively eliminated the defense of champerty concerning any debt purchase above $500,000. That decision contradicted understandings according to which hundreds of billions of dollars of debt had already been issued.", "zh": "根据葛里萨对权利平等条款的解释，如果阿根廷向接受重组的债券人偿付利息，就必须足额偿付兀鹫 — — 包括之前的所有本息。 兀鹫之所以能如此行事，部分是拜所谓的帮诉辩护（champerty defense）诉讼所赐 — — 其基础是由来已久的英国普通法概念，随后被美国州立法机关所采纳，禁止以打官司为目的购买债券。 阿根廷只是最新的受害者 — — 长期以来，兀鹫一直在进行法律斗争改变游戏规则，以使他们能掠食试图重组债务的穷国。 1999年，在艾略特联合工作四诉秘鲁共和国国民银行案（Elliot Associates, LP v. Banco de la Nacion and the Republic of Peru）中，第二巡回上诉法院裁决原告购买折价债务的意图是为了获得足额偿付，否则原告就会上诉。 因此，法院裁定艾略特公司的意图 — — 因其具有或有性 — — 不符合帮诉条件。 尽管其他一些法院接受了第二巡回法院关于帮诉辩护的狭义解读，但兀鹫并没有就此满足，而是来到纽约州立法机关。 2004年，纽约州立法机关事实上取消了金额超过500,000美元的所有债务购买行为的帮诉辩护。 这一决定有悖于数千亿美元已发行债务所根据的理解。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, by indulging in ongoing territorial conflicts with neighbors such as Japan, India, and Vietnam, China has made itself less attractive to potential partners around the world. Second, the Communist Party of China’s domestic iron grip has deprived China of the benefits of the vibrant civil society that one finds in the West. That said, the scale of China’s economic reach will remain important. The US was once the world’s largest trading power and bilateral lender. But now, nearly 100 countries count China as their largest trading partner, while only 57 have such a relationship with the US. China has lent $1 trillion for infrastructure projects through its Belt and Road Initiative over the past decade, while the US has cut back aid. Moreover, China’s economic success story undoubtedly enhances its soft power, especially vis-a-vis other developing and emerging markets. And its ability to grant or deny access to its domestic market gives it hard-power leverage, which its authoritarian politics and mercantilist practices allow it to wield freely. Where does that leave us in assessing the overall balance of power? Importantly, the US still has at least five long-term advantages. One is geography. The US is surrounded by two oceans and two friendly neighbors; China, by contrast, shares a border with 14 other countries and is engaged in territorial disputes across the region. The US also has an energy advantage. Over the past decade, the shale revolution transformed it into a net energy exporter, whereas China has become ever more dependent on energy imports. Third, the US derives unrivaled financial power from its large transnational financial institutions and the international role of the dollar. Only a small fraction of total foreign-exchange reserves is denominated in renminbi, while 59% are held in dollars. Though China aspires to expand the renminbi’s global role, a credible reserve currency depends on it being freely convertible, as well as on deep capital markets, an honest issuing government, and the rule of law. China has none of these, making the renminbi unlikely to displace the dollar in the near term. Fourth, the US has a relative demographic advantage. It is the only major developed country that is currently projected to hold its place (third) in the global population ranking.", "zh": "但虽然文化交流和援助项目确实可以增强其吸引力，却仍然存在两大障碍：首先，纠缠于与日本、印度和越南等邻国的持续领土冲突的做法使中国对世界各地潜在伙伴的吸引力大打折扣；其次，中国共产党在国内的铁腕统治使该国无法享受到西方国家充满活力的公民社会所带来的好处。 尽管如此，中国经济的触及范围仍将十分重要。 美国曾经是全球最大贸易国和双边贷款人。 但如今有近100个国家将中国视为自身最大贸易伙伴，而只有57个国家与美国保持着这种关系。 过去十年间中国通过其“一带一路”倡议为基础设施项目提供了1万亿美元贷款，而美国却削减了自身援助。 此外中国的经济成功故事无疑强化了其软实力，尤其是相对其他发展中国家和新兴市场而言。 而它批准或否决其国内市场准入的能力也赋予了它一定的硬实力影响力，而其威权政治和重商主义做法则使其能够任意行使这种影响力。 那么这让我们在评估总体力量平衡时处于什么位置？ 重点在于美国仍具备至少五个长期优势。 一个是地理优势。 美国的四面是两大洋和两个友好邻国；相比之下，中国与其他14个国家接壤并在区域各处都存在领土争端。 美国还拥有能源优势。 过去十年间的页岩革命将美国转变为一个能源净出口国，而中国则日益依赖能源进口。 第三，美国从其大型跨国金融机构和美元的国际角色中获得了无可匹敌的金融实力。 在所有外汇储备中只有一小部分是以人民币计价，却有59%是以美元持有的。 尽管中国渴望扩大人民币的全球作用，但一个可靠的储备货币取决于其自由兑换能力以及资本市场厚度，还有发行政府的诚信和法治。 这些条件中国都不具备，因此人民币不太可能在短期内取代美元。 第四，美国拥有相对人口优势。 它是当前唯一一个预计将维持其全球人口排名（第三）的主要发达国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Could Spoil 2020? LONDON – The traditional January game of economic forecasting for the year ahead hardly seems worth playing when the predictions have been the same for a decade. In 2020, it is even more likely than it has been every year since the financial crisis that the global economy will continue growing, interest rates will remain at rock-bottom levels, and stock markets will keep rising. So, instead of predicting the most probable scenario, which is fairly obvious, it is more useful to consider unlikely events that would alter the likely benign scenario. I believe ten risks could cause the most economic and financial trouble in 2020. These are not predictions: continuing global expansion is more probable than any combination of these setbacks. And they are not “surprises,” which, by definition, are impossible to foresee. Rather, they are “known unknowns,” arranged from the lowest risk to the highest, in my view. The smallest risk is the one that many economists predict every year: a global recession, caused by the United States or China. A recession is inevitable, but less likely in 2020 than in any of the previous ten years. While investment and manufacturing worldwide have suffered from the US-China trade war, macroeconomic policies in both countries have boosted housing, services, and public spending. The world economy will continue to benefit this year from a tailwind from last year’s US interest-rate cuts and China’s efforts to support roughly 6% growth. Absent some powerful new shock, recession in 2020 is therefore extremely unlikely.", "zh": "什么可能破坏2020年的前景？ 伦敦—因为10年来的经济预测一直保持不变，明年1月，传统的经济预测游戏几乎不值得参与。 2020年，相比金融危机以来的任何一年，全球经济都更有可能持续增长，利率将继续保持在最低水平，同时股市也将继续攀升。 因此，与其预测最有可能的境况（这种境况已经十分明显 ） ， 还不如想想可能改变这种良性现状的不太可能发生的状况。 我认为，可能造成2020年经济和金融麻烦的共有10种风险因素。 这不是什么预测：持续全球扩张比上述挫折的任何组合可能性更大。 而且它们也不是意外，因为按照定义，意外是不可预测的。 相反，他们属于“已知的未知 ， ” 按照我的观点，下文风险排序从最低到最高。 最微不足道的是，许多经济学家每年都在预测的风险：由美国或中国引发的全球经济衰退。 经济衰退不可避免，但2020年衰退的几率比此前10年中的任何一年都要低。 尽管美中贸易战打击了全球的投资和制造业，但两国的宏观经济政策已经增加了住房、服务和公共开支。 今年，世界经济将继续受益于去年美国降息和中国为支持约6%的经济增长所付出的努力。 如果没有新的强势冲击因素，2020年爆发经济衰退的可能性极低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Excessive risk taking and predatory behavior are still real problems, as we are frequently reminded (for example, by reports about the growing volume of subprime auto loans). In one of the more insidious recent instances of malfeasance, bankers at Wells Fargo simply opened accounts on behalf of customers, unbeknownst to them, so that it could collect additional fees. None of this bothers Trump, of course, who as a businessman has been no stranger to nefarious practices. Fortunately, it appears that Powell recognizes the importance of well-designed financial regulations. But politicization of the Fed should be viewed as just another part of Trump’s battle against what his former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, has referred to as the “administrative state.” That battle, in turn, should be viewed as part of a larger war against the Enlightenment legacy of science, democratic governance, and the rule of law. Upholding that legacy entails employing expertise as needed, and creating, as Edward Stiglitz of Cornell Law School has emphasized, trust in public institutions. A large body of research now supports the idea that societies perform more poorly without such trust. Every few days, Trump does something to rend the fabric of US society and inflame its already-deep social and partisan divisions. The clear and present danger is that the country is growing so accustomed to Trump’s outrages that they now appear “normal.”", "zh": "过度风险承担和金融掠夺行为仍然存在 ， （ 比如有关次级汽车贷款金额不断增长的报道 ） 。 在最近一起更为隐蔽的渎职行为中，美国富国银行的职员竟然在客户不知情的情况下直接为后者开立账户，并以此收取额外的费用。 作为一名商人的特朗普对这类不道德做法并不陌生，当然也毫不介意。 幸运的是，他选择的下一人美联储主席杰罗姆·鲍威尔（Jerome Powell）似乎对精心设计金融监管规则的重要性表示认同。 但是美联储的政治化应该被视为特朗普与他的前首席战略家史蒂夫·班农（Steve Bannon）所称的“行政国家”做斗争的另一部分。 而这场斗争反过来应该被看作是一场更大范围战争的一部分 — — 也就是要反对启蒙运动留下的科学，民主治理和法治遗产。 坚持这一传统需要聘用专业人才，并像康奈尔大学法学院副教授爱德华·斯蒂格利茨（Edward Stiglitz）所强调的那样创造对公共机构的信任感。 如今大量的研究都表明认为一个社会在缺乏这类信任的情况下会运行得更遭。 每隔那么几天，特朗普都会对美国的社会结构动些手脚并激发本已深刻的社会和党派分歧。 而当前最为明显的危险是，这个国家越来越习惯于特朗普的出格行为并将其视之为“正常 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Global Action for Global Recovery WASHINGTON, DC – The global economy has entered a dangerous new phase. There is a path to sustained recovery, but it is narrowing. To navigate it, we need strong political will around the world – leadership over brinksmanship, cooperation over competition, and action over reaction. One of the main problems today is too much debt in the global financial system – among sovereigns, banks, and households, and especially among the advanced economies. This is denting confidence and holding back spending, investment, and job creation. These countries face a weak and bumpy recovery, with unacceptably high unemployment. The eurozone debt crisis has worsened, and financial strains are rising. Political indecision in some quarters is making matters worse. Social tensions bubbling beneath the surface could well add fuel to the crisis of confidence. In these circumstances, we need collective action for global recovery along four main policy lines: repair, reform, rebalancing, and rebuilding. First, repair. Before doing anything else, we must relieve some of the balance-sheet pressures – on sovereigns, households, and banks – that risk smothering the recovery. Advanced countries need credible medium-term plans to stabilize and reduce public debt. But consolidating too quickly can hurt the recovery and worsen job prospects. There is a solution. Credible measures that deliver and anchor savings in the medium term will help create space to accommodate growth today – by allowing a slower pace of consolidation. Of course, the precise path is different for each country, as some are under market pressure and have no choice, while others have more space. It is also important to relieve pressure on household and banks. With respect to the United States, I welcome President Barack Obama’s recent proposals to address growth and employment; actions like more aggressive principal-reduction programs or helping homeowners to take advantage of low-interest rates would also help. And, in Europe, the sovereigns must address firmly their financing problems through credible fiscal consolidation. In addition, to support growth, banks must have sufficient capital buffers. The second issue is reform, with the financial sector a high priority.", "zh": "为了全球复苏，需要全球行动 华盛顿 — — 全球经济步入了一个危险的新阶段。 持续复苏之路雄关漫道真如铁。 为了实现持续复苏，全世界都要拿出坚定的政治意愿 — — 领导力必须压倒边缘政策，合作必须压倒竞争，主动出击必须压倒被动反应。 今日的主要问题是全球金融体系债务过多 — — 国家、银行和家庭都是如此，发达经济体尤是。 债务过多损害了信心，拖累了支出、投资和工作岗位的创造。 这些国家面临疲软而不稳定的复苏，失业率一直维持在极高水平。 欧元区债务危机深化了，财政困境越收越紧。 某些方面的政治上的首鼠两端让情况恶化了。 社会紧张正在悄悄膨胀，这大大加速信心危机。 在这样的情况下，我们需要集体行动来提振全球复苏，主要包括四条政策路线：修复、改革、再平衡和重建。 首先是修复。 只有一直困扰着复苏的资产负债表压力（包括国家、家庭和银行的资产负债表）有所缓解之后，我们才有能力做其他事情。 发达国家需要拿出可信的中期计划来稳定和削减公共债务。 但过快的整合会伤害复苏、恶化就业前景。 我们有解决的办法。 可信的提振并稳定储蓄的中期措施将有助于为今日的增长创造空间，因为这样的措施能减缓整合节奏。 当然，具体做法每个国家各不相同，有的国家承受着巨大的市场压力，别无选择；其他国家的空间则更大一些。 纾解家庭和银行的压力也很重要。 就美国而言，奥巴马总统最近提出了重振增长和就业的方案，此外还有更为积极的债务本金削减计划和协助屋主利用低利率的计划，这些计划都将有所助益，我对此十分欢迎。 在欧洲，各国必须切实通过可信的财政整合解决各自的融资问题。 此外，为了支持增长，银行必须持有充足的资本缓冲。 其次是改革，其中金融部门是重中之重。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Democrats’ Four-Year Reprieve CAMBRIDGE – As Joe Biden eked out a victory in the US presidential election after a few suspenseful days, observers of American democracy were left scratching their heads. Buoyed by polls, many expected a landslide for the Democrats, with the party capturing not only the White House but also the Senate. How did Donald Trump manage to retain the support of so many Americans – receiving an even larger number of votes than four years ago – despite his blatant lies, evident corruption, and disastrous handling of the pandemic? The importance of this question goes beyond American politics. Center-left parties everywhere are trying to revive their electoral fortunes against right-wing populists. Even though Biden is temperamentally a centrist, the Democratic party platform has moved considerably to the left – at least by American standards. A decisive Democratic victory would have been a significant boost to the moderate left’s spirits: perhaps all it takes to win is to combine progressive economic policies with attachment to democratic values and basic human decency. The debate is already on about how Democrats could have done better. Unfortunately, their narrow victory does not yield easy lessons. American politics revolves around two axes: culture and economics. On both sets of issues, we can find those who fault Democrats for going too far and those who fault them for not going far enough. The culture wars pit the country’s socially conservative, predominantly white regions against metropolitan areas where so-called “woke” attitudes have risen to predominance. On one side we have family values, opposition to abortion, and gun rights. On the other, we have LGBT rights, social justice, and opposition to “systemic racism.” Many who voted for Trump viewed Democrats’ support for this year’s street protests against police brutality as condoning violence and tarring the nation as a whole with the broad brush of racism. While Biden was careful to speak against violence, the Democrats became susceptible to charges of moral grandstanding and denigrating the values of the heartland. For others, continued support for Trump merely confirms how entrenched racism and bigotry are, and the Democratic Party’s urgent need to fight them. In terms of economics, many observers, including some centrist Democrats, believe the party turned off conservative voters by moving too far to the left.", "zh": "民主党的四年缓刑 坎布里奇—在经过扣人心弦的几天后，乔·拜登（Joe Biden）在美国总统竞选中小胜。 现在轮到美国民主观察家们伤脑筋了。 令人振奋的民调结果让很多人预计民主党会大获全胜，不但能拿下白宫，还能夺取参议院。 特朗普是如何在赤裸裸的谎言、明晃晃的腐败和疫情控制惨败的情况下仍能保有如此多美国人的支持，获得的选票是反而比四年前更多了？ 这一问题的重要性不仅在于美国政治。 世界各地的中左翼政党都面临着右翼民粹主义的选举竞争。 尽管拜登在性质上属于中间派，但民主党平台已经大大左倾 — — 至少从美国的标准看是如此。 民主党的决定性胜利应能大大提升温和左派的精气神：也许它获胜靠的完全是将进步经济政策与坚持民主价值观和基本人道体面相结合。 关于民主党是否可以做得更好的争论已经出现。 不幸的是，民主党的小胜并不能带来简单的经验。 美国政治围绕两个基本点演进：文化和经济。 在这两个问题上，都是既有指责民主党做得过火的，也有指着民主党做得不够的。 文化战争让美国社会保守派（主要是白人区）与大都会区（所谓的“觉醒”态度已成为主流）对立起来。 一方注重家庭价值，反对堕胎，支持持枪权。 另一方强调LGBT权利，支持社会正义，反对“系统性种族主义 ” 。 许多投票给特朗普的人认为民主党支持今年反对警察暴力的街头示威等同于容忍暴力，用泛种族主义清洗国家。 拜登谨慎发声谴责暴力，但民主党仍被控道德哗众取宠、诋毁核心价值。 也有人认为，继续支持特朗普无非是确认了根深蒂固的种族主义和盲从，民主党急需与这些思想斗争。 在经济上，许多观察者，包括一些中间派民主党人，认为民主党背离了保守派选民，过于左倾。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another shift implicit in Sadat’s strategy was to keep Egypt at a distance from pan-Arabism. Weary of inter-Arab politics, and tired of the high price Egypt had paid for the Palestinian cause, Sadat wanted to move away from Nasser’s pan-Arab ambitions and an excessive focus on the question of Palestine toward an emphasis on Egypt’s role as a power lying at the strategic crossroads between Asia and Africa. Sadat would, of course, continue to champion the Palestinian cause as the heart of an Arab consensus and sometimes as a fig leaf for his own Egypt-focused foreign policy. But, for all practical purposes, Sadat had embarked on a path leading to a separate peace with Israel. One lesson of Sadat’s initiative is that in protracted conflicts where deep emotions and historical hatreds are involved, when almost every conceivable diplomatic formula has been tried and failed, the shock of a visionary, generous, and imaginative step can open new paths. The major problem in the Arab-Isreli conflict, as in many other intricate disputes, has always been the incapacity or unwillingness of leaders to conduct a peace policy that is not supported by their societies’ prevailing, and frequently paralyzing, consensus. Leaders, more often than not, are hostage to the socio-political environment that produces them, rather than its shapers. Sadat gained a privileged place in history and achieved immortality the moment he fled from the comfortable prison of inertia, and from the pantomime solidarity and hollow rhetorical cohesion of Arab summits. The test of statesmanship did not end there. Sadat’s spectacular leap into the future needed to be met by Israel’s prime minister, Menachem Begin, at almost every juncture down a tortuous road to peace. Arguably, only a political “hawk” like Begin, a man with a keen sense of the dramatic and a political romantic with a beady eye to the judgment of history, could have responded in such a way to Sadat’s initiative. That Begin was able to rise to the occasion had much to do with the psychological impact of Sadat’s astonishing initiative. Through his visit to Jerusalem, Sadat made more ordinary the nature of the Arab-Israeli conflict.", "zh": "萨达特所作出的另一个战略上明显的转变是使埃及与泛阿拉伯主义保持距离。 为阿拉伯内部的政治斗争感到疲惫不堪，同时又厌烦了埃及为巴勒斯坦事业所付出的高昂代价，萨达特希望脱离纳赛尔的泛阿拉伯主义理想以及对巴勒斯坦问题的过分关注，转而强调埃及一个作为连接亚洲和非洲的战略交界点的大国的角色。 当然，萨达特依然会继续支持巴勒斯坦的事业，因为这是阿拉伯人内心的共识，并且有时可以作为他自己以埃及为中心的外交政策的遮羞布。 但是，从所有实用的角度，萨达特走上了一条与以色列单独实现和平的道路。 萨达特的倡议带给我们的一个教益是在双方都有着很深的仇恨的延续多年的冲突中，当几乎所有可以想到的外交方式都遭到失败时，一个有先见之明、宽宏大量并且富有想象力的举动所带来的震撼可以开辟新的路径。 阿拉伯与以色列冲突的主要问题，像其他许多错综复杂的争执一样，一直以来都是领导人无力或者不愿意执行不受他们社会中占主导地位并且经常使人失去勇气的意见支持的和平政策。 大多数的领导人都是他们所来自的社会政治环境的人质，而不是去塑造这些社会政治环境。 当萨达特逃离惰性的安逸的牢笼以及阿拉伯峰会外表上的亲密以及口头上空洞的团结时，他赢得了在历史上的独特地位和不朽的声名。 对于一个政治家的才能的测试并不止于此。 萨达特向未来迈出的惊人一步还需要以色列总理贝京在通往和平的曲折道路上的几乎每一个关口的协作。 大概只有一个像贝京这样的政治“鹰派 ” ， 一个对戏剧性有着敏锐触觉的人以及非常在意历史评价的政治浪漫主义者，才会以这样一种方式回应萨达特发出的倡议。 贝京能够及时作出应变很大程度上得益于萨达特令人震惊的倡议所带来的心理影响力。 通过他对耶路撒冷的访问，萨达特把阿拉伯与以色列冲突的性质定性为较为常见的冲突。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There was the book of poems lying beside my bed. He had forgotten he had ever lent them to me. They could not mean much to him then. 'Go on,' whispered the demon, 'open the title-page; that's what you want to do, isn't it? Open the title-page.' Nonsense, I said, I'm only going to put the book with the rest of the things. I yawned. I wandered to the table beside the bed. I picked up the book. I caught my foot in the flex of the bedside lamp, and stumbled, the book falling from my hands on to the floor. It fell open, at the title-page. 'Max from Rebecca.' She was dead, and one must not have thoughts about the dead. They slept in peace, the grass blew over their graves. How alive was her writing though, how full of force. Those curious, sloping letters. The blob of ink. Done yesterday. It was just as if it had been written yesterday. I took my nail scissors from the dressing-case and cut the page, looking over my shoulder like a criminal.", "zh": "那本诗集放在我床头旁。他把借书这档子事忘了。看来那些诗对他无关紧要。“去呀，”魔鬼在我的耳边低语，“把书翻到扉页。你不正想这样做吗？快去把书翻到扉页吧。”“一派胡言，”我争辩道，“我不过是想把书放到行李堆里。”我打了个哈欠，迈着悠闲的步子走到床头柜前，顺手拿起书。床头灯的电线缠住了我的脚，把我绊了个趔趄，书从我的手中掉到地板上，正巧翻到了扉页——“献给迈克斯——丽贝卡。”她已经死了，不应该把死人记挂在心上。死者平静长眠于地下，坟头上青草丛生。可她那奇特的斜体字多么富于生气，多么遒劲有力！那墨迹像是昨天方才留下，那题词仿佛是昨日的杰作。我从化妆盒里取出指甲剪，一边把那页纸剪下来，一边做贼似的向身后张望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To the extent that this narrative is inaccurate, it is aspirational. It is the role of politics to create, sustain, and reshape this shared sense of self, of us (and hence of them). It is an illusion, but a socially created illusion. It is how Bavarians and Venetians in the 1860s, for example, became convinced that they were and had always been Germans or Italians. Likewise, only a new narrative – a new Geist – can persuade the British today that they are really Europeans. Liberals, as the political scientist Drew Westen has explained, often refrain from the narrative of shared identity, perhaps owing to awareness that great crimes are often committed in its name. Hitler redefined the German Volk as the collective victim of an internal enemy that was tainting its blood – a type of narrative that, whether framed in terms of race, religion, or class, underlies genocide wherever it occurs. But it was also a national “person” that Abraham Lincoln invoked in his Gettysburg Address. In just 272 words, Lincoln synthesized America as an ideal based on the proposition that all men are created equal. In this narrative, the Civil War was fought to ensure “that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.”", "zh": "这一叙事从某种程度上说并不正确，但它鼓舞人心。 政治的角色就是创造、维持和改写这一共同自我意识，即“我们”意识 （ “ 他们”意识也随之而定 ） 。 这是一个幻觉，但它是社会创造的幻觉。 19世纪60年代，巴伐利亚人和威尼斯人就是这样认为他们是、并且一直以来都是德国人和意大利人。 类似地，只有新的叙事 — — 新的Geist — — 能够让今天的英国人相信他们是名副其实的欧洲人。 自由派，如政治学家德鲁·威斯腾（Drew Westen）所解释的，常常不提共同身份叙事，也许这是因为他们认识到大罪恶常常也是打着这一旗号犯下的。 希特勒将德语词汇Volk（人民）重新定义为污染民族血液的内部敌人的集体受害者 — — 这就是一种类型的叙事，它可以通过种族、宗教或阶级的幌子构建，成为大屠杀的基础。 但还有一种国家“人 ” ， 由林肯在其葛底斯堡演讲中唤醒。 在这篇只有272个字的演讲中，林肯将美利坚提炼成一个理想，一个基于人人生而平等命题的理想。 在这一叙事中，南北战争是为了保证“民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Citizens themselves sense that the situation will most likely get (much) worse before it improves. Most Greeks are aware that the country needs to be radically transformed. But reforms will be painful, and it might take years before the country shows first signs of recovery. In the meantime, Greek society will suffer from budgetary austerity, cuts in social expenditure, and an overall economic downturn. Despite this bleak picture, Prime Minister George Papandreou’s Socialist government still enjoys support. At this stage, most Greeks do not believe that any other political party could manage the crisis more effectively. But at the same time frustration is mounting in Greece. In the absence of hope, the country seems to be falling into a collective depression. Will this eventually lead to collective social unrest? The country has already witnessed outbreaks of violence in its recent history. Although Greece is still far from a radical outburst, one cannot exclude the possibility of fierce reactions on the streets of Athens or other major cities. It can be argued that such a contingency is something that Greece – or any other country in a similar situation – should cope with on its own. But this line of thinking is short-sighted. A major outbreak of social unrest in Greece or elsewhere could affect the wider EU public in various and unforeseeable ways. Some “friends of Greece” will decide to show active, though peaceful, solidarity with their European compatriots. Others might follow the Greek example and go into the streets, not out of solidarity but out of frustration with conditions in their home country. In the worst case, images of violent protests in one EU country might incite others to violence. Some will hold the EU and the measures “imposed by Brussels” responsible for the outbreaks of social unrest. In such a situation, the crisis will have triggered a social rather than an economic domino effect, which is no less worrisome. The crisis and the reactions to it already have led to misunderstandings and bad feelings throughout the EU, doing more harm than expected. Old stereotypes and inappropriate historical memories have reappeared. The confrontation between Greece and Germany has been particularly nasty.", "zh": "而希腊人自己则感觉情况会在时来运转之前变得非常糟糕。 大多数希腊人都意识到这个国家需要推行一场彻底的改革。 但改革必然会带来阵痛，而且这种阵痛将持续很多年才能迎来复苏。 与此同时，希腊社会将遭受预算紧缩之苦，公共开支遭到削减，整体经济下滑。 虽然事已至此，但总理乔治·帕潘德里欧所领导的泛希腊社会主义运动党（简称：泛希社运）政府却依然会得到民众的支持，因为眼下大多数希腊人已经不相信任何政党能更有效地应对这场危机了。 但与此同时笼罩希腊的挫折感却不断上升。 没有了希望，这个国家似乎陷入到了一种集体的沮丧当中。 那么这会否最终引发群体性骚乱？ 须知这个国家在历史上可不乏类似的暴力事件。 虽然希腊离全面暴动的情况还很远，人们却无法排除可能在雅典或其它主要城市街头爆发的过激行动。 有人会说这种突发事件是应该由希腊 — — 或者其它面对类似情况的国家 — — 独自处理的问题。 但这种想法是极为短视的。 一场发生在希腊或者其它国家的大型骚乱将以各种各样无法预见的方式影响整个欧洲社会。 有些“希腊之友”会决心积极但平静地与他们的欧洲同胞团结一致。 其它人则可能将希腊视为样板并走上街头，这些人虽然不乏团结之心，却已经对国家目前的状况出离愤怒了。 在最坏的情况下，在某一个欧盟国家发生的暴力抗议将刺激其它国家爆发类似事件。 有些人会认为欧盟和“由布鲁塞尔”执行的措施必须为社会动乱负责。 在这个层面上，本次危机所触发的将是一场社会层面上的多米诺效应而非不是经济上的，而这也更令人担忧。 这场危机及其引发的反应已经在欧盟内引起了诸多误解和厌恶情绪，因此也产生了比预期更多的危害。 那些陈词滥调和负面的历史记忆又重新浮现，而希腊和德国之间的冲突尤其激烈。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There will be plenty of gray areas (or orange, to stick to the analogy). A policy that has large positive effects for a big economy might have small negative effects for the rest of the world and yet still be positive overall for global welfare. Such a policy would be permissible for some time, but not on a sustained basis. We are far from having clear agreement on the color of policies today, even with the best data, models, and empirical work. So we must begin a discussion. We could start with background papers from eminent academics and move on to multilateral institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the G-20. There will be a lot of fuzziness initially, but discussion will lead in time to better models and data – and will push policymakers to stay out of the clearly red. Arguably, what I have in mind will eventually require a new international agreement along the lines of Bretton Woods, and some reinterpretation of the mandates of internationally influential central banks. But we already have a basis for discussion. The IMF’s Article IV states: “In particular, each member shall … avoid manipulating exchange rates or the international monetary system in order to prevent effective balance-of-payments adjustment or to gain unfair competitive advantage over other members…” Setting the rules will take time. But the international community has a choice. We can pretend all is well with the global monetary non-system and hope that nothing goes spectacularly wrong. Or we can start building a system fit for the integrated world of the twenty-first century. This article is based on work with Dr. Prachi Mishra at the Reserve Bank of India.", "zh": "有很多灰色地带（或者黄灯，如果继续用交通的比方的话 ） 。 一项政策可能给一个大型经济体带来巨大的正面影响，但对世界其他地区带来微小的负面影响，但对全球福利的影响总体为正面。 这样的政策可以允许维持一段时间，但不能持久。 我们还远远没有就当今政策的颜色形成明确的一致，即使我们已经具备了最好的数据、模型和实证工作。 因此我们必须从讨论开始。 首先我们可以研读著名学者的背景论文，然后在国际货币基金组织（IMF）和G-20等国际机构讨论。 一开始会有很多地方模糊不清，但讨论终将带来更好的模型和数据 — — 并让决策者远离红灯区。 可以说，我所构想的最终需要一个类似于布雷顿森林体系的新的国际协议，以及一些关于具有国际影响的中央银行使命的解释。 但我们已经有了讨论的基础。 IMF章程第四条说 ： “ 特别是，各成员应 … … 避免为了防止有效的收支平衡调整或获得对其他成员的不公平的竞争优势而操纵汇率或国际货币体系 … … 。 ” 制定规则需要时间。 但国际社会可以选择。 我们可以装作全球货币无体系也无所谓，寄希望于不会出现重大纰漏。 我们也可以开始构建一个适合二十一世纪一体化世界的体系。 本文基于与印度储备银行的Prachi Mishra博士合作的工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rather than using the crisis to catalyze change, we essentially rolled over and went back to doing more of the same. Specifically, we simply exchanged private factories of credit and leverage for public ones. We swapped an over-leveraged banking system for experimental liquidity injections by hyperactive monetary authorities. In the process, we overburdened central banks, risking their credibility and political autonomy, as well as future financial stability. Emerging from the crisis, we shifted private liabilities from banks’ balance sheets to taxpayers, including future ones, yet we failed to fix fully the bailed-out financial sector. We let inequality worsen, and stood by as too many young people in Europe languished in joblessness, risking a scary transition from unemployment to unemployability. In short, we didn’t do nearly enough to reinvigorate the engines of sustainable inclusive growth, thereby also weakening potential output and threatening future economic performance. And we are compounding these serial miscarriages with a grand failure to act on longer-term sustainability, particularly when it comes to the planet and social cohesion. Poor economics has naturally spilled over into messy politics, as growing segments of the population have lost trust in the political establishment, business elites, and expert opinion. The resulting political fragmentation, including the rise of fringe and anti-establishment movements, has made it even harder to devise more appropriate economic-policy responses. To add insult to injury, we are now permitting a regulatory backlash against technological innovations that disrupt entrenched and inefficient industries, and that provide people with greater control over their lives and wellbeing. Growing restrictions on companies such as Airbnb and Uber hit the young particularly hard, both as producers and as consumers. If we do not change course soon, subsequent generations will confront self-reinforcing economic, financial, and political tendencies that burden them with too little growth, too much debt, artificially inflated asset prices, and alarming levels of inequality and partisan political polarization. Fortunately, we are aware of the mounting problem, worried about its consequences, and have a good sense of how to bring about the much-needed pivot. Given the role of technological innovation, much of which is youth-led, even a small reorientation of policies could have a meaningful and rapid impact on the economy.", "zh": "我们不仅没有利用这次危机来促进改革，反而放弃责任，仍然沿用以前旧的方法。 具体来讲，我们只是将私营企业信贷置换成了公共部门杠杆。 我们将杠杆过高的银行体系换成了由极度活跃的货币当局推进流动性注入试验。 在此过程中，我们加重了央行的负担，用央行的信誉、政治主权和金融稳定的未来冒险。 后危机时代，我们将银行资产负债表上的私人债务转换成纳税人债务，甚至包括未来的纳税人，却未能强制接受救助的金融体系进行改革。 我们坐视不平等恶化，面对欧洲众多年轻人陷入失业窘境、又从失业过渡到无能力就业的可怕局面无动于衷。 总之，我们为重振包容性可持续发展引擎所做的工作还远远不够，因此削弱了潜在生产能力，并对未来的经济效益造成威胁。 尤其在涉及到环境保护和社会凝聚力的问题上，我们不仅犯下了一系列错误，更大的问题是未能采取行动保障长期可持续发展。 有贫穷的经济自然就会有纷乱的政治，越来越多人已经对政治体制、商业精英和专家意见失去了信任。 由此造成的政治分裂，包括边缘及反体制运动的兴起，进一步加大了制定恰当经济政策的难度。 雪上加霜的是，我们正在对破坏技术创新的监管反弹置之不理，恰恰是这些技术创新动摇了根深蒂固的无效产业，让人们对自己的生活和福祉有更大的自主权。 对Airbnb和Uber等企业的限制在生产和消费领域对年轻人造成了特别沉重的打击。 如果我们不能迅速改变，我们的后代将被迫面对自我强化的经济、金融和政治趋势，他们将被迫背负低增长、高债务、人为抬高资产价格、惊人不平等及党派政治两极分化所带来的负担。 幸运的是，我们意识到了问题的严重性、对这种情况所带来的后果深感忧虑并完全了解解决问题的关键。 鉴于技术创新主要由年轻人主导，就连细微的政策调整也能对经济产生迅速、积极的影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I have known the younger Massoud for more than a decade, watching him mature from a cautious and shy figure into a leader who commands the respect of his fighters and the valley’s civilian population. He began his career working on humanitarian projects in Panjshir as the head of the Massoud Foundation, rather than joining the Afghan government. He never viewed the country as a personal piggybank, as did countless government leaders and mid-level bureaucrats. Instead, Massoud advocated for accountability and equity. And unlike many other Afghan leaders, who held such concepts in contempt and bought homes in the United Arab Emirates and Spain, Massoud spent the last four years living in Panjshir and forging a strong base. Massoud’s desire to stay and fight is lost on other Afghan leaders. Unlike warlords such as Abdul Rashid Dostum and Atta Muhammad Nur, Massoud held firm as the Taliban surged into power. He rebuffed offers from two heads of state to whisk him to safety on private planes. In doing so, he is following the example of his father, who never abandoned his homeland even as he faced the Taliban juggernaut. I spent the harrowing days of Afghanistan’s fall with him. For three weeks, we watched as province after province capitulated to the Taliban and panic gripped the country. But, despite the chaos and uncertainty, Massoud insists the government’s collapse will not lead to his own surrender. Massoud is no stranger to the international community. He studied at the United Kingdom’s prestigious Sandhurst Royal Military Academy and later at King’s College London.", "zh": "我认识小马苏德已经十多年了，看着他从一个敏感害羞的男子成长为一个深得部下和谷地民众爱戴的领导人。 他没有加入阿富汗政府，而是作为马苏德基金会的负责人服务于潘杰希尔地区的人道主义项目。 他从未像无数阿富汗政府领导人和中层官僚那样将国家视为自家的提款机，而是倡导问责和公平。 而且与其他许多对这些理念不屑一顾却忙于在阿联酋和西班牙置办房产的阿富汗领导人不同，马苏德在过去四年间一直生活在潘杰希尔，还建立了一个强大的基地。 马苏德留下来战斗的意愿是其他阿富汗领导人所不具备的。 与阿卜杜勒·拉希德·杜斯塔姆（Abdul Rashid Dostum）和阿塔·穆罕默德·努尔（Atta Muhammad Nur）这些军阀不同，马苏德在塔利班势力猛增时一直坚守岗位，还回绝了两位国家元首用私人飞机把他送到安全地带的提议。 他矢志追随着自己的父亲 — — 即便在塔利班大军压境时也从未放弃过自己的祖国的老马苏德。 我和他一起度过了阿富汗沦陷的那段痛苦时光。 在三个星期内我们看着一个又一个省份向塔利班投降，恐慌笼罩着整个国家。 但尽管存在混乱和不确定性，马苏德依然拒绝因为政府垮台而投降。 马苏德对国际社会并不陌生。 他早年在英国著名的桑德赫斯特皇家军事学院学习，随后就读于伦敦国王学院。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The impressive, viral “Mourning in America” ad issued by the Lincoln Project (“Never Trump” Republicans) in the United States is a good example of punching back effectively. (Of course, countering populist messages is easier when the populists in power have proved to be more corrupt, incompetent, and self-seeking than the so-called elites they replaced.) The fact is that for those seeking to dislodge populists from power, “positive messaging” is for the birds. So, too, are efforts to create an entirely new party or “core” in the anti-populist movement. The democratic opposition in Poland wasted several years trying out three new parties, each of which was supposed to represent a fresh, non-discredited, “positive” alternative to PiS. Yet in the end, it was Civic Platform (PO) – the party of Donald Tusk, a former Polish prime minister and president of the European Council – that almost wrested the presidency from Kaczyński’s grasp. That said, a positive message during the last stretch of an electoral campaign, when power is still up for grabs, can be useful in broadening the anti-populist appeal and reaching independent voters. Often, as was the case in Poland, such an approach means putting a new generation of politicians front and center. This is especially necessary when the main anti-populist opposition party is as well established as PO is.", "zh": "美国林肯计划 （ “ 那些一直拒绝加入特朗普阵营的”共和党人）所发布的令人印象深刻并引起疯狂转发的“美国式哀悼”广告就是有效反击的绝好例子。 （当然，如果事实证明，当权的民粹主义者比他们所取代的所谓精英更加腐败无能和追逐私利，那么抵制民粹主义信息就会变得容易得多。 ） 现实状况是，对那些试图将民粹主义分子赶下台的人而言 ， “ 传递积极信息”是毫无意义的。 试图建立一个全新政党或反民粹主义运动“核心”也是毫无意义的。 波兰民主反对党人浪费了数年时间尝试组建三个新的政党，其中每一个都被视为代表替代法律与正义党的新的、从未有过劣迹的“积极”选择。 但最终，却是 — — 前波兰总理兼欧洲理事会主席唐纳德·图斯克的公民纲领党（PO ） — —差点从卡钦斯基手中夺走总统职务。 也就是说，在竞选活动的最后阶段，在对权力的最后争夺中，传播积极信息可能对扩大反民粹主义号召力和吸引独立选民起到效果。 通常，就像波兰的情况一样，这种方法意味着推出新一代政治领袖。 如果主要反民粹力量像公民纲领党一样深入人心，那么这种方法是尤其必要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I helped prepare Reagan for the candidate debates, and develop the tax policies that led to lowering marginal rates, indexing tax brackets to inflation, accelerating depreciation, and introducing tax-deferred saving (partly based on my research on the effects of taxes on saving). These were historic improvements in the tax code. But an overdue defense buildup and difficulty in reducing other spending led to budget deficits that seemed large at the time; today, they are dwarfed, adjusted for the business cycle, by the Obama, Trump, and now Biden deficits. After I returned from the White House, George led a small group to advise California Governor Pete Wilson on fiscal and other issues. When Los Angeles was crippled by a devastating earthquake in 1994, George solicited ideas. I suggested that Wilson use emergency powers to waive the approvals that took years to process following the 1989 earthquake in the Bay Area. Our team honed the plan, which included financial incentives for speed and fines for delay, and Wilson ran with it. The freeways were rebuilt in weeks, not years, preventing LA’s notorious traffic gridlock from becoming economically ruinous. We later gave the same advice to Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger in a less severe situation. That was quintessentially George: work on problems from world peace to road repair, find solutions, and do what you can to make things better.", "zh": "我协助筹备了里根的候选人辩论，并且制定了降低边际税率、挂钩税率等级和通胀、加速折旧以及引入税收递延储蓄（部分基于我对税收对储蓄影响效果的研究）等项税收政策。 这些都是税法改革的历史性成果。 但早该完成的国防建设和削减其他开支时所面临的困难却导致了当时看似庞大的预算赤字结果；今天，即使在根据商业周期进行调整后，当时的赤字相比奥巴马、特朗普和现在拜登的赤字也相形见绌。 我从白宫卸任后，乔治领导了一个建言加州州长皮特·威尔逊处置财政和其他问题的小组。 当1994年洛杉矶被一场毁灭性的大地震所摧毁时，乔治四处征集想法。 我建议，威尔逊动用紧急权力，豁免1989年湾区地震后耗时数年才走完的审批流程。 我们的团队完善了这项计划，将快速推行的经济奖励和延误罚款纳入其中，而且得到了威尔逊的赞同。 当时仅耗时数周，而非数年就重建了高速公路，从而防止了洛杉矶臭名昭著的交通堵塞在经济上产生破坏性后果。 后来，我们又在形势不那么严峻的情况下像州长阿诺德·施瓦辛格提出了同样的建议。 这就是典型的乔治：解决从世界和平到公路修缮的种种问题，找到解决办法，并竭尽所能改善局面。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since the second quarter of 2021, much of the world has been experiencing materially above-target inflation (far above 2%), and though most central banks were late in tightening their monetary policies, medium- and long-term (five years and over) inflation expectations remain anchored. Today’s above-target inflation therefore should be squeezed out of the system within two years of monetary policy becoming restrictive, with the policy rate exceeding the neutral rate (typically taken to be 2.5%) and quantitative easing giving way to QT. Consider the eurozone’s current situation. The ECB’s forecast, released on December 15, 2022, puts inflation at 8.4% in 2022, 6.3% in 2023, 3.4% in 2024, and 2.3% in 2025. The additional two years of materially above-target inflation are consistent with the fact that the Main Refinancing Operations rate is still in neutral territory (at 2.5%) and QT has not yet started. The ECB’s forecasts for real GDP growth are 3.4% in 2022, 0.5% in 2023, 1.9% in 2024, and 1.8% in 2025, implying that stagflation is projected only for 2023. But this may be too optimistic. Additional conflict-driven stagflationary episodes are likely. Though the possibility of the Ukraine war going nuclear is not part of my own baseline scenario, it is a growing risk. Russian recourse to tactical nuclear weapons would deepen and extend the duration and scope of the conflict, not least by prompting additional open-ended economic and financial sanctions. In macroeconomic terms, it would amount to a further negative supply shock and a stagflationary force that could easily persist for one or two years. Similarly, a Chinese invasion or blockade of Taiwan would have far-reaching global economic consequences. Though there is much uncertainty as to the timing, scale, scope, and duration of any military confrontation between China and Taiwan – not to mention the extent of any US military involvement – many now see a Chinese move against the island as a matter of “when,” not “if.”", "zh": "自2021年第二季度以来全球大部分地区都经历了实质性的高于目标通胀（远高于2 % ） ，而尽管大多数中央银行迟迟未能收紧货币政策，但中长期（五年及以上）通胀预期仍然是锚定的。 因此目前高于目标的通胀应该会在货币政策变为限制性的两年内被挤出经济体系，同时政策利率超过中性利率（通常被认为是2.5 % ） ，量化宽松让位于量化紧缩。 以欧元区目前的情况为例。 欧洲央行在2022年12月15日发布的预测显示2022、2023，2024和2025年的通胀率分别为8.4 % 、 6.3 % ， 3.4%和2.3 % 。 而额外有两年通胀率大大高于目标值的现象是与主要再融资操作利率仍处于中性区域（2.5 % ） 和量化紧缩尚未开始的事实相一致的。 欧洲央行对实际GDP增长的预测是2022年3.4 % 、 2023年0.5 % ， 2024年1.9%和2025年1.8 % ， 这意味着它认为滞涨只存在于2023年。 但这可能太乐观了，因为还可能出现由额外冲突引发的滞胀事件。 虽然乌克兰战争走向核战争的可能性并不在我自己的基线情境中，但这一风险却在持续加大。 俄罗斯动用战术核武器将加深和扩大冲突的持续时间和范围，尤其是激发更多的无限期经济和金融制裁。 在宏观经济方面这将相当于一个进一步的负面供给冲击和滞胀力量，而且随随便便就能持续一两年时间。 同样，中国对台湾的入侵或封锁将产生深远的全球经济后果。 尽管中国和台湾之间任何军事对抗的时间、规模、范围和持续时间都存在极大不确定性（更别提美国的军事介入程度 ） ， 但许多人如今认为中国对该岛的行动只是“何时”而非“是否”的问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Megaupload allowed its 180 million registered users to upload and download movies, television shows, and music, and some of the money earned by Dotcom (from advertising and subscriptions) was on display at his mansion near Auckland, where he kept his Rolls-Royce and other exotic cars. Dotcom’s lawyer claims that Megaupload was merely providing storage for its subscribers’ files, and had no control over what they were storing. But Megaupload offered cash rewards to users who uploaded files that proved popular with other users. Last month, the United States considered legislation that aimed at stopping Internet piracy. The bills had been written at the urging of Hollywood studios and the publishing and recording industries, which claim that violations of copyright on the Internet cost the US 100,000 jobs. Opponents said the proposed law would reach far beyond sites like Megaupload, making Google and YouTube liable for copyright infringement – and allowing the government to block (without court authorization) access to Web sites that it deemed to be facilitating copyright infringement. For the moment, Internet activists, together with Google, Facebook, and other major online players, have carried the day, persuading the US Congress to shelve its anti-piracy legislation. But the fight will continue: last month, the European Union and 22 member states signed the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement, which establishes international standards and a new organization to enforce intellectual-property rights. The agreement has already been signed by Australia, Canada, Japan, Morocco, New Zealand, Singapore, and the US. Now it must be ratified by, among others, the European Parliament. I am an author, as well as a reader. One marvel of the Internet is that some of my older works, long out of print, are now far more widely available than they ever were before – in pirated versions. Of course, I am more fortunate than many authors or creative artists, because my academic salary means that I am not forced to rely on royalties to feed my family. Nevertheless, it isn’t hard to find better purposes for my royalty earnings than Kim Dotcom’s environmentally damaging lifestyle. We need to find a way to maximize the truly amazing potential of the Internet, while properly rewarding creators.", "zh": "Megaupload允许1.8亿注册用户上传及下载电影、电视剧和音乐，Dotcom在奥克兰附近的豪宅展示了他所赚取的部分赃款（来自广告和订阅 ） ， 这里还停着他购买的劳斯莱斯和其他外国汽车。 Dotcom的律师辩称Megaupload只提供存储空间存储订阅者的文件，根本无法控制他们的存储内容。 但Megaupload却为上传广受欢迎文件的用户提供现金奖励。 上个月，美国审议了旨在制止互联网盗版行为的立法。 该法案在好莱坞电影公司及出版唱片业的敦促下起草，声称网上侵犯著作权的行为导致美国损失100，000个就业机会。 反对者认为这项法律提案的影响远远超出了Megaupload这一家网站，会迫使谷歌和YouTube对侵犯版权的行为负责 — — 并允许政府在未经法院授权的情况下阻止被其视为推动侵权的网站的接入。 目前来看，互联网活动家连同谷歌、Facebook和其他主要在线企业暂时占据优势，说服美国国会将反盗版法案束之高阁。 但斗争还远没有结束：上个月，欧盟及其22个成员国签署了《反假冒贸易协定 》 ， 确立了贯彻知识产权的国际标准和新建机构。 澳大利亚、加拿大、日本、摩洛哥、新西兰、新加坡和美国已经签署了这份协定。 现在该协定必须在欧洲议会等机构获得通过。 我既是一位作者，也是一名读者。 互联网创造的奇迹在于，我的某些早已停止印刷的旧著现在比以往任何时候都更容易以盗版的形式获得。 当然，我比很多作者或创作艺术家更加幸运，因为我在学校的薪水意味着我无需依靠版税来挣钱养家。 不过，也不难为我的版税收入找到比Kim Dotcom破坏环境的生活方式更好的去处。 我们需要找到办法尽可能发挥互联网令人惊叹的潜力，同时又给予创作者恰当的回报。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It can also lead to unhelpful interventions by well-meaning external actors, which inadvertently strengthen the authoritarian capabilities of captured institutions, rather than the rule of law. To strengthen the rule of law, we first need to focus on strengthening people, not institutions. This involves the difficult, dangerous, and often unglamorous work of grassroots community organizing that empowers citizens to act through informal channels outside of established institutions. Such action includes non-violent protests – marches, boycotts, strikes, and pickets – as well as community initiatives that directly improve people’s lives, such as worker advice centers and community gardens. Such efforts are especially necessary in authoritarian states where institutions are fundamentally broken. But even in established democracies, the recent failure of supposedly strong institutions to prevent the rule of law from being undermined has shown that there is no substitute for an active and organized citizenry. Such engagement cannot be legislated or decreed, or copied and pasted from another jurisdiction. People must build it collectively from the ground up. Building people power starts with opening citizens’ minds to a different type of society and a new way of doing things. In apartheid South Africa, for example, the study groups and adult literacy classes in townships during the 1970s helped to lay the groundwork for the mass movement that emerged in the 1980s under the banner of the United Democratic Front. The UDF would go on to play a leading role in the struggle against apartheid, culminating in 1990 with Nelson Mandela’s release from prison and the unbanning of the African National Congress. Next, like-minded people need to organize themselves, connect with one another in the real world (not just on social media), and become actively involved in issues directly affecting their lives. These issues might at first be local rather than national, and involve less risky actions. Over time, however, people build mutual trust and gain confidence in both themselves and their collective power as a group. Coalitions form, and actions become larger in scope and perhaps more confrontational. Before you know it, a social movement emerges that is bigger than any of the individuals or organizations involved and can unlock people’s power to bring about change. People power can strengthen the rule of law in at least three ways.", "zh": "这还可能引发善意外部主体无益的干预，从而在无意间强化了被俘机构，而非法治的威权能力。 为强化法治，我们首先需要强化民众，而非体制。 这涉及基层社会团体某些艰巨、危险、而且往往不甚光彩的工作，这些工作授权公民通过既有机构以外的非正式渠道采取行动。 此类行动包括非暴力抗议活动（游行、抵制、罢工和纠察 ） ， 以及劳动者咨询中心和社区花园等直接改善民众生活的社会举措。 这样的努力在体制彻底崩溃的威权国家尤为必要。 但即使在根深蒂固的民主国家，被认为强大的体制最近未能阻止法治遭到破坏已经表明没有什么能够取代积极有序的民众组织。 这样的机制不能依赖章程和法规，也不能从其他辖区复制和粘贴。 民众必须从一开始就集体参与。 赋予民众力量始于向不同类型的社会开放民众思想，并让民众接受新的做事方式。 例如，在实行种族隔离制度的南非，20世纪70年代遍布南非乡镇的研究团体和成人扫盲班为20世纪80年代联合民主阵线旗帜下兴起的群众运动奠定了基础。 联合民主阵线之后继续在反对种族隔离的斗争发挥领导作用，高潮是20世纪90年代纳尔逊·曼德拉出狱以及非国大解禁。 随后，志趣相投的民众需要组织起来，在现实世界中（而不仅仅是社交媒体上）建立相互联系，并积极参与直接影响他们生活的主题。 这些问题可能起初具有地方性而非全国性，涉及危险性较小的行动。 但随着时间的推移，人们建立了相互信任，并且对自身和作为团体的集体力量建立了信心。 联盟因此形成，同时行动范围扩大，也许更具对抗性。 不知不觉中，诞生了规模超过其中任何个人或组织、并能释放民众力量推动变革的一项社会运动。 民众力量可以通过至少三种方式来强化法治。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And, indeed, Turkey achieved great success – arguably more than any other Muslim-majority state in the world – in building democracy, maintaining stability, and moving forward economically. This period came to an end for several reasons. A key factor was the increasing prominence and power of more traditional sections of the population from central Anatolia, where many small businesses grew big, enriching a more Islamic-oriented middle class. At the same time, millions of people emigrated from villages to cities, becoming mobilized and politicized as a result. The end of the Cold War – in which Turkey was a frontline state – and the growth of political Islam elsewhere also contributed to a rebirth of Islam in the public arena. Equally significant was the development in the old Islamic party of talented leaders that wanted to break with its backward-looking ways and extremist image. They successfully reconciled Islamic politics with the Turkish lifestyle and modernity in general. Cleverly, they positioned the party as conservative rather than Islamist – a process aided by the corruption, bickering, and incompetence of the existing parties. Indeed, while the socialist left survived by uniting around the CHP, the conservative parties that largely dominated Turkish politics for a quarter-century fell apart. Unwilling to change or work together, and unable to devise ways of appealing to voters, these once-powerful groups simply disappeared, leaving the AKP largely in control of the conservative electoral base. But not completely.", "zh": "而且确实，土耳其在建立民主、维持稳定并且经济发展上获得了巨大的成功，无疑超过世界上其他任何穆斯林占多数的国家。 这一时期结束有几个原因。 一个关键因素是，来自安纳托利亚的人口中更为保守的部份的势力和权力不断增长。 在那里，许多小企业发展壮大，使得更为具有伊斯兰导向的中产阶级变得富有。 与此同时，数以百万计的人从乡村移居到城市，结果变得组织化和政治化。 冷战中，土耳其是一个前线国家。 冷战结束以及其他地方政治伊斯兰的发展也造成了公共领域伊斯兰的复生。 同样重要的是旧的伊斯兰政党的进展。 其富有才华的领导人想要与其后进和极端主义的形象分道扬镳。 他们成功地将伊斯兰政治和土耳其总体上的生活方式和现代化结合起来。 他们的聪明之处是，他们将他们的政党定位为保守政党，而非伊斯兰政党。 现有政党的腐败、争吵以及无能也助长了这一过程。 确实，社会党通过联合在共和人民党周围而得以保全，在过去二十五年中统领土耳其政治的保守派政党土崩瓦解。 这些称雄一时的团体不愿意变革或者合作，也无法制订出吸引选民的方法干脆就消亡了，从而让正义和发展党控制了保守派选民根基。 但是并非完全如此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Over most of this period, prime-age women have been increasing their participation in the workforce, which peaked at 77.3% in 2000 before falling back to 76.4% last month. This aligns with the trend for the overall participation rate, which peaked in the late 1990s and now sits more than two percentage points below its high mark. For my part, I had expected both headline employment and prime-age participation to recover fully from the pandemic. But if the participation rate doesn’t fully recover, this will indicate that the constellation of forces that has been pushing it down over the past several decades is even more powerful than I had previously thought. The long-term increase in joblessness is one of the most important economic and social challenges facing the United States. Joblessness represents a serious potential headwind for economic growth and is well-known to be associated with higher rates of crime and other social ills. For many, paid employment is a source of dignity and fulfillment – a way to contribute to society and to earn success. Ever-lower rates of workforce participation are a slow-burning catastrophe. Whether or not the share of adults participating in the workforce fully recovers from the pandemic, reversing the longer-term decline should be a top priority for policymakers in both political parties. So far, it hasn’t been. But with Republicans’ newfound rhetorical commitment to being a “working-class party,” and with much of President Joe Biden’s social-policy agenda still on the shelf, the table at least is set for this issue to be considered. Will policymakers rise to the challenge? I wouldn’t bet on it. But for the sake of the country’s long-term economic outlook – and of the millions of additional Americans who could be contributing their talents and efforts through paid employment – I hope to be surprised.", "zh": "在此期间的大部分时间里，壮年女性的劳动力参与率一直在增加，在 2000 年达到 77.3% 的峰值，然后在上个月回落至 76.4 % 。 这与总体参与率的趋势一致，后者在 1990 年代后期达到顶峰，现在比其高点低两个多百分点。 就我而言，我曾预计标题就业和壮年参与率都能从疫情中完全恢复。 但如果参与率没有完全恢复，这将表明过去几十年抑制它的力量比我之前想象的还要强大。 失业率的长期增加是美国面临的最重要的经济和社会挑战之一。 失业是经济增长的严重潜在阻力，并且众所周知，它与更高的犯罪率和其他社会弊病有关。 对许多人来说，有偿工作是尊严和成就感的源泉 — — 一种为社会做出贡献并获得成功的方式。 劳动力参与率越来越低就像钝刀割肉。 无论成年人参与劳动力的比例是否从疫情中完全恢复，扭转长期下降趋势应该成为两党政策制定者的首要任务。 到目前为止，还不是。 但是，由于共和党人新打出成为“工人阶级政党”的口头承诺，以及拜登总统的大部分社会政策议程仍处于搁置状态，至少这个问题的谈判桌已经准备好了。 政策制定者会迎接挑战吗？ 我不会打赌。 但为了国家的长期经济前景 — — 以及数百万可能通过有偿就业贡献自己才能和气力的美国人 — — 我希望有所惊喜。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US also spent $50 million on a “jihad literacy” project to inspire Afghans to fight the Soviet “infidels” and to portray the CIA-trained guerrillas as “holy warriors.” After the Soviets left, however, many of those holy warriors ended up forming al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and other terrorist groups. Some, such as Osama bin Laden, remained in the Afghanistan-Pakistan belt, turning it into a base for organizing international terrorism, like the September 11, 2001, attacks in the US. Others returned to their home countries – from Egypt to the Philippines – to wage terror campaigns against what they viewed as Western-tainted governments. “We helped to create the problem that we are now fighting,” then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton admitted in 2010. Yet the US – indeed, the entire West – seems not to have learned its lesson. Clinton herself was instrumental in coaxing a hesitant President Barack Obama to back military action to depose Qaddafi in Libya. As a result, just as President George W. Bush will be remembered for the unraveling of Iraq, one of Obama’s central legacies is the mayhem in Libya. In Syria, the CIA is again supporting supposedly “moderate” jihadist rebel factions, many of which have links to groups like al-Qaeda. Russia, for its part, has been propping up its client, President Bashar al-Assad – and experiencing blowback of its own, exemplified by the 2015 downing of a Russian airliner over the Sinai Peninsula.", "zh": "美国还花了5,000万美元进行了“圣战扫盲”计划，煽动阿富汗人打击苏联“异教徒 ” ， 并将中央情报局所训练的游击队员成为“圣战士 ” 。 但是，苏联人离开后，许多这些圣战士最后组成了基地组织、塔利班和其他恐怖组织。 其中一些人，如本·拉登，滞留在阿富汗-巴基斯坦地带，将那里变成了组织国际恐怖主义的基地，2001年美国9·11袭击事件就是在那里谋划组织的。 也有人回到祖国 — — 包括埃及、菲律宾等 — — 发动针对被他们视为受到西方毒害的政府的恐怖行动。 “我们是我们现在所斗争的问题的幕后推手 ， ” 时任国务卿希拉里·克林顿在2010年时承认。 但美国 — — 实际上是整个西方 — — 似乎并未汲取教训。 克林顿本人费尽心机诱导犹豫不决的奥巴马总统支持推翻卡扎菲的军事行动。 结果，正如小布什将因为伊拉克的分崩离析而被铭记，利比亚的混乱局面也成为奥巴马的一项核心遗产。 在叙利亚，中央情报局再次支持了据说是“温和派”的圣战主义叛军派系，其中许多人与基地组织等恐怖组织有关系。 至于俄罗斯，则一直在支持其被保护人总统巴沙尔·阿萨德 — — 也因此遭到了报复，如2015年班机在西奈半岛坠毁事件。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "乔修暂时还没有解决怎么将影像给导入自己意识里用铭文编辑的程序当中，所以只能在白纸上用手绘的方式把标题写出来，然后选取电影中贝儿与恶魔跳舞时互相对视的那一幕定格住投影在白纸上。 完成了海报的制作，乔修离开了小单间来到了炼金工房摆放成品的房间。 整个房间内都被光照术所点亮，赫尔兰所制造的魔导机械也散发出了微光，魔导机械的铭文投影出了一个女性魔法师的肖像。 她的瞳孔之中被淡蓝色的奥术光辉所充斥，双手涌动着魔力的洪流，身后的背景是大雨磅礴，银白与浅金色相间的长发随着大雨飘动而起。 光是看着这位女魔法师的肖像，就能清楚的感觉到她究竟是一位多么强大的施法者。 “她是谁？” 希里从魔导机械的后面走了出来，她手上正拿着一张白纸，白纸上面正是乔修所画的‘原稿’。 “吉安娜，吉安娜·普罗德摩尔。” 乔修说出了她的名字，这个角色可以说是贯穿了魔兽世界整个故事的女主角，同样也是《炉石传说》这个游戏‘法师’这个职业的代表。", "en": "At present, Qiao Xiu has not solved how to import images into the program edited with inscriptions in his own consciousness. Therefore, he can only write the title by hand-painting on white paper, and then select the movie when Belle and the devil dance to each other. The scene of the scene is fixed on the white paper. After completing the production of the poster, Qiao Xiu left the small room and came to the room where the finished product was placed in the alchemy workshop. The entire room was illuminated by light, and the magical machinery made by Herlan also gave off a glimmer of light, and the inscription of the magical machine projected a portrait of a female magician. Her pupils were filled with light blue arcane radiance, and her hands rushed with the torrent of magic. The background behind it was heavy rain, and the length of silver and light gold rose with the heavy rain. Just looking at the portrait of the female magician, I can clearly see how powerful she is. “Who is she?” Hiri came out from behind the magical guide. She was holding a piece of white paper on her hand. The white paper was the original manuscript painted by Qiao Xiu. “Jiana, Jaina Proudmoore.” Qiao Xiu said her name. This character can be said to be the heroine who runs through the whole story of World of Warcraft. It is also the representative of the game ‘Mage Master’."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The implicit preferred-creditor status is based on central-bank practices that establish that the lender of last resort is the “last in and first out.” It is this seniority that enables the IMF to limit the risk of default so that it can lend to countries at reasonable interest rates when nobody else will. This works when the IMF’s share of a country’s debt is small, and the country has sufficient resources to service it. But seniority is not written in stone: poor economies that are unable to repay even the IMF are eligible for debt reduction under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries program, and 35 have received it since the program was established in 1996. What would happen if, in five years, Italy were heavily indebted to the IMF? What if private debt represented a share so small that no haircut would restore sustainability, forcing multilateral lenders to pitch in with some debt relief? The IMF’s seniority is an unwritten principle, sustained in a delicate equilibrium, and high-volume lending is testing the limit. From this perspective, the proposal to use the IMF as a conduit for ECB resources (thereby circumventing restrictions imposed by European Union’s treaties), while providing the ECB with preferred-creditor status, would exacerbate the Fund’s exposure to risky borrowers. This arrangement could be seen as an unwarranted abuse of Fund seniority that, in addition, unfairly frees the ECB from the need to impose its own conditionality on one of its members. It makes little sense for the international community to assume that unnecessary risk. Let us hope that the IMF’s non-European stakeholders will be able to contain the pressure. The solution for Europe is not IMF money, but its own.", "zh": "默认的优选债权人地位是建立在确定最后贷款人“后进先出”的央行行为的基础上的。 这一优先地位使得IMF得以限制违约风险，从而让其以合理利率在找不到其他贷款者的情况下向各国提供贷款。 这只有在IMF贷款占一国债务比重较低时、且该国有足够资源偿还IMF贷款时才有效。 但这一优先地位并非铁板一块：连IMF贷款都无力偿还的贫困经济体可以获得在重债穷国（Heavily Indebted Poor Countries）计划的框架下进行债务削减的资格，自该计划于1996年实施以来，共有35个国家走过这一程序。 如果5年后意大利成为对IMF的重债国会怎么样？ 如果私人债务的比例是如此之低，以至于损失再大也无法重塑可持续性，逼迫多边贷款人接受某种程度的债务豁免会怎么样？ IMF的优先地位并没有写成白纸黑字，只能在微妙的均衡中得以维持，大额贷款在考验它的极限。 从这一点看，将IMF用作欧洲央行资源管道（从而绕过欧盟条约的限制 ） ， 同时给予欧洲央行有限债权人地位，将增加IMF对高风险借款人的风险暴露。 这一安排可视为对IMF的无保险措施的滥用，也不公平地让欧洲央行逃脱了制约某个成员的需要。 国际社会没有必要假设非必须的风险。 但愿IMF的非欧洲相关利益方能够顶住压力。 欧洲的问题不应该由IMF的资金解决，它们必须自力更生。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "叶薇笑得花枝乱颤，“三哥，我应该拍下来做个纪念的。” “臭丫头。” 叶三少笑骂一声，薇薇十一和小奶包都没事，他总算也安心了。 费了这么大劲，怎么能再出事？ 小奶包欢快地想要抱程安雅，却被她严令喝住，小奶包这才想起来，他妈咪身上有病毒，黑鹰已经说过了，然后他看着爹地妈咪握在一起的手，心头微微一沉。 “爹地，妈咪，你们都……白夜，你快帮他们看看。” 小奶包第一反应就是找白夜，他是天才医生，没有他治不了的病。 “知道了，知道了，别担心。” 白夜笑道。 “病毒？” 一名金发蓝眸的大帅哥眨眨眼睛，“小白，这不是你的强项吧？” 小白？ 白夜手腕扭了扭，笑得潇洒又温和，“杰森，再喊一声小白试一试？” “……靠，老子叫你小白怎么了？本来就是小白，你们还喊黑杰克小铁。”", "en": "Ye Wei laughed extremely carefreely. “Third brother, I should take a photo of this for memento’s sake.” “You damn lass.” Third Young Master Ye scolded her in laughter. With Wei Wei, Eleven, and the young kid all safe, he was relieved. How could anything else give the immense amount of relief after all that he had put in? The young kid wanted to hug Cheng Anya, but she ordered him to stop. The young kid then realized that his mommy carried the virus. Black Eagle had mentioned it, and the young kid’s heart slightly sank when he saw his daddy and mommy hold hands. “Daddy, Mommy, you are all… Bai Ye, please quickly check them up.” The young kid’s first reaction was to look for Bai Ye. As he was a genius doctor, there was nothing he could not cure. “Got it, got it. Don’t worry.” Bai Ye smiled. “Virus?” A handsome dude with gold hair and blue eyes blinked. “Dear stupid, isn’t this your strength?” Stupid? Bai Ye flexed his wrists and broke into a dashing and gentle smile. “Jason, wanna try calling me stupid again?” “…F***! What’s wrong with calling you stupid? You are all along stupid, and how dare you call Black J the Iron.”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Right now, nobody knows the answers to those questions. I'm going to suggest that to integrate consciousness into science, some radical ideas may be needed. Some people say a science of consciousness is impossible. Science, by its nature, is objective. Consciousness, by its nature, is subjective. So there can never be a science of consciousness. For much of the 20th century, that view held sway. Psychologists studied behavior objectively, neuroscientists studied the brain objectively, and nobody even mentioned consciousness. Even 30 years ago, when TED got started, there was very little scientific work on consciousness. Now, about 20 years ago, all that began to change. Neuroscientists like Francis Crick and physicists like Roger Penrose said now is the time for science to attack consciousness. And since then, there's been a real explosion, a flowering of scientific work on consciousness. And this work has been wonderful. It's been great. But it also has some fundamental limitations so far. We saw some of this kind of work from Nancy Kanwisher and the wonderful work she presented just a few minutes ago. Now we understand much better, for example, the kinds of brain areas that go along with the conscious experience of seeing faces or of feeling pain or of feeling happy. But this is still a science of correlations.", "zh": "目前为止，没有人知道这个问题 的答案。 我想说如果要将意识整合 到科学中去，一些激进的想法也许是需要的。 有人说意识科学 是不可能存在的。 科学，从它的本质上来看，是客观的。 意识，从它的本质上来看，是主观的。 所以，不可能会有意识科学。 在20世纪的大部分时间里，这种观点占据统治地位。 心理学家客观地研究行为举止， 神经科学家客观地研究大脑， 但是没有人哪怕是提到意识。 即使30年前，当TED刚开始时， 也很少见到关于意识方面 的科学研究。 大约在20年前， 所有这些都开始改变了。 像弗朗西斯·克里克这样的神经科学家 以及像罗杰·彭罗斯这样的物理学家 都说现在正是科学向意识方面进攻 的时候。 从那以来， 关于意识方面的科学研究 遍地开花。 这项研究很奇妙，很了不起。 但是迄今为止它也还有一些 根本的局限性。 我们看了南希·坎维舍 做的一些这方面的研究以及几分钟之前 她刚刚提交的精彩工作。 现在我们有了更好的理解，例如， 不同的大脑区域对应着不同 的意识体验：人脸识别 或者感受痛苦 或者感受快乐。 但这仍然是关于相关性的科学。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mayday in the UK LONDON – Conservative Brexiteers – who campaigned for the United Kingdom to vote to leave the European Union – continue to blather about building an open, outward-looking, free-trading Britain. But the UK is in fact turning inward. Prime Minister Theresa May, who styles herself as the UK’s answer to Angela Merkel, is turning out to have more in common with Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s far-right National Front, than with Germany’s internationalist chancellor. May set out her vision for Britain’s future at the Conservative Party conference this month. She pledged to trigger the UK’s formal exit process by the end of March 2017, and declared national control over immigration – not continued membership in the EU single market – to be her priority in the upcoming “Brexit” negotiations. That stance puts the UK on course for a “hard Brexit” by April 2019. EU governments rightly insist on freedom of movement as a central pillar of the single market, and May’s nativist lurch has already prompted Merkel and other EU leaders, notably French President François Hollande, to take a tougher line with the UK. The pound has duly plunged on currency markets, anticipating the economic harm of a hard Brexit: costly trade barriers – customs controls, rules-of-origin requirements, import duties, and discriminatory regulation – will divide UK and EU markets and affect nearly half of Britain’s trade. But May has not only set the stage for a complete break with the EU; she has also adopted a deeply illiberal vision for the UK’s future, consisting of economic interventionism, political nationalism, and cultural xenophobia. This unelected prime minister is rejecting former Prime Minister David Cameron’s liberal Conservative manifesto (which won him a parliamentary majority last year), Margaret Thatcher’s embrace of globalization in the 1980s, and Britain’s much longer tradition of liberal openness. After being a near-silent supporter of remaining in the EU during the Brexit campaign, May has now donned the mantle of Brexiteer populism, targeting both “international elites” and Britons with a cosmopolitan outlook.", "zh": "危在旦夕的英国 发自伦敦 — — 虽然推动英国公投脱欧的保守派脱欧主义者一直吹嘘要建立一个开放，外向型且自由贸易的英国，但英国实际上是向内转向。 相比于秉承国际主义立场的德国总理，以英国版默克尔自诩的英国首相特雷莎·梅（Theresa May）似乎与法国极右翼民族阵线领导人玛丽·勒庞（Marine Le Pen）有更多相似之处。 梅在本月的保守党会议上阐述了自己对英国未来的展望。 她承诺在2017年3月底前启动英国的正式退出程序，并宣布将全国性移民管制 — — 而非在欧盟单一市场中继续保留成员国资格 — — 列为近期“脱欧”谈判的首要任务。 这种立场将使得英国在2019年4月驶入“硬脱欧”轨道。 而欧盟各国政府则依然正确地坚持将迁徙自由列为单一市场的中心支柱，梅的本土主义者暴动也促使默克尔和其他欧盟领导人，尤其是法国总统弗朗索瓦·奥朗德（François Hollande ） ， 一起对英国采取更加强硬的路线。 由于预期经济会因“硬脱欧”而受到冲击，英镑已经在货币市场暴跌：耗费甚多的贸易壁垒 — — 海关管制、原产地规则，进口关税和歧视性监管 — — 将把英国和欧盟市场割裂开来并影响近一半的英国贸易额。 但是梅不仅为与欧盟的完全决裂铺平了道路；还对英国的未来采取了包括经济干预主义、政治民族主义和文化仇外心理在内的极端狭隘视角。 前首相大卫·卡梅伦（David Cameron）的自由保守主义宣言（他正是以此在去年赢得了议会多数席位）以及撒切尔夫人（Margaret Thatcher）1980年代拥抱全球化的举措以及英国源远流长的自由开放传统都遭到了这位并非由选举产生的首相的一一否定。 作为一个在脱欧运动期间近乎沉默的留欧支持者，如今的梅已经披上了脱欧民粹主义大衣，专门批评那些“国际化精英”和“具有国际视野的英国人 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "敲门声响起。 乔恋吓了一跳，急忙坐起来，“谁啊？” “太太，是我。” 管家开口道，“先生吩咐我给您送牛奶上来。” 送牛奶？ 乔恋不想被人发现脸上的伤，于是咳嗽了一声，“啊，不用了，我今天一点也不饿！” 可偏偏，这话说完，肚子就“咕咕”叫了两声。 早上喝了一杯牛奶，中午守在剧组外，午饭都没来得及吃，她不饿……才怪！ 乔恋咽了口口水，想了想，将受伤的那边脸对着里面，这才开口：“进来吧！” 管家推门而入，目不斜视，走到乔恋面前，将牛奶递给她。 乔恋接过来，喝了一口，眉头顿时蹙起来，早上走得急，没注意，可是现在才发现，这牛奶味道怎么有点怪怪的？", "en": "“Knock knock!” the sound of someone knocking on her door sounded. Qiao Lian jumped up in shock as she hurriedly sat up and asked, “Who is it?” “Madam, it’s me,” the caretaker said. “Sir has ordered me to send some milk up for you.” Send some milk? Qiao Lian did not want anyone to notice the bruises on her face. Thus, she coughed mildly and said, “Ah, there’s no need. I’m not hungry at all today!” She had only drunk a glass of milk in the morning. In the afternoon, she had been waiting outside the filming site and had not had time to eat lunch. Hence, could she really be not hungry? Yeah, right! Qiao Lian swallowed a mouthful of saliva. She thought for a moment before tilting her face so that the bruised half would face the inside of the room. Only then did she say, “Please enter!” The caretaker pushed open the door and entered. She looked straight ahead and walked until she stood in front of Qiao Lian. She then passed the milk over to her. Qiao Lian accepted the milk and drank a mouthful. Her eyebrows immediately cramped up. As she had been in a hurry that morning, she hadn’t noticed it, but she now realized that this milk tasted weird for some unknown reason."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Next, we applied for admission to NATO and prepared for European Union membership, with all of the institutional reforms that these goals implied. The third phase was one of economic catch-up, which, unlike the first two phases, has not really been successful in Hungary, which today may even be falling back. But, for Central Europe as a whole, the past 20 years have been the best since the Peace of Westphalia, with Slovakia and Slovenia even joining the euro zone. Nevertheless, the 20th anniversary of the collapse of communism is overshadowed by the global financial and economic crisis. And it is now clear that the biggest winners of globalization are no longer the Europeans or the Americans, but the Asians. The world market is being re-divided – peacefully, because territories and markets are separated, so that no power occupies another power’s territory. But Europe must nonetheless recognize the need to distinguish clearly between partners, competitors, and opponents, and to formulate a more sophisticated and articulated policy towards Russia, in particular. For example, we Central Europeans are opponents when we do not accept Russia’s policy of renewing “spheres of interest” and “security zones.”", "zh": "接着我们申请加入北约，并准备申请欧盟成员国资格，所有的体制改革也都围绕着这些目标展开。 第三阶段则和前两个阶段有所不同，我们谋求在经济上追赶欧洲其他国家，但这个阶段进行得不但不太成功，如今甚至有点倒退。 但对于整个中欧来说，过去20年堪称是自威斯特伐利亚和约签订以来最好的时期，斯洛伐克和斯洛文尼亚甚至成功地加入了欧元区。 然而，当下的全球金融和经济危机却给欧洲共产主义瓦解的20周年纪念日蒙上了阴影。 很显然这场全球化运动的最大赢家已经不再是欧洲人或美国人，而是亚洲人。 世界市场也正被和平地重新划分，之所以说是“和平 ” ， 则是因为一个国家的领土在全球化之下早已和它的市场分离，再没有任何一方需要为打入另一方的市场而占领别国的领土了。 但即便如此，欧洲人依然有必要去明确划分谁是伙伴，谁是竞争对手，谁是敌人。 特别是要专门针对俄罗斯去制定一个更为成熟严密的政策：比如说当我们对俄罗斯试图重建前苏联“利益圈”和“防御区”的政策感到不满时，中欧人就应该把自己定义为俄罗斯人的对手。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Africa’s Diaspora to the Rescue DAKAR – There is something dismally familiar about the tide of news reports concerning Africa’s increased suffering – more poverty, malnutrition, civil strife, and death – in the face of the recent global financial crisis. Almost everywhere, the media translates academic conclusions into graphic illustrations of brutality and despair in places such as Guinea and the Democratic Republic of Congo. But there is another, woefully under-reported, side to the story. African countries that were locked out of international capital markets for most of the past five decades have largely been spared the twin woes of financial turmoil and economic downturn. The continent’s economies experienced a slowdown, but not a recession. Indeed, according to McKinsey & Company, Africa was the third-largest contributor to world economic growth in 2009, after China and India. Moreover, several African countries have received ratings from credit agencies, which has opened up global financial centers to them. In some cases, these ratings have proved equivalent to or higher than those of countries such as Turkey or Argentina. Stock exchanges are being established across the continent. Furthermore, countries such as China, India, and Brazil has provided a platform for increased exports and the inception of a model of cooperation based on trade, investment, and technology transfer, rather than “aid.”", "zh": "非洲海外移民拯救非洲 达喀尔 — — 关于此次全球金融危机下的非洲充斥着连篇累牍的熟悉而又令人痛心的报导。 非洲人民所受的苦难越来越深重 — — 贫困、营养不良、内乱和死亡的境况愈来愈严酷。 几乎在每一个地方，媒体都在用几内亚和刚果民主共和国等地充满残暴和绝望气息的生动故事对这个学术结论进行着诠释。 但这个故事还有另外一个侧面，而媒体对这个侧面的报导却严重不足。 过去50年来一直被封锁在国际资本市场外的非洲在很大程度上避开了金融动荡和经济衰退的双重困境。 非洲大陆的经济增长有所放缓，但却并没有陷入大规模的经济衰退。 事实上，根据麦肯锡公司的统计，非洲是2009年世界经济增长的第三大贡献者，非洲的贡献仅次于中国和印度。 此外，有几个非洲国家已经得到信用机构评级，这意味着信用机构的全球金融中心已经对这几个非洲国家开放。 在某些情况下，非洲国家的评级已经超过了土耳其或阿根廷，或者至少也与之相当。 非洲大陆到处都建立了证券交易所。 此外，中国、印度和巴西等国已经建立了平台用于扩大出口，并开创了并非基于“援助 ” 、 而是基于贸易、投资和技术转让的合作模式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Herd Immunity Is Closer Than You Think LONDON – When will the world have vaccinated 80% of all adults, the level presumed by scientists to produce herd immunity against COVID-19? Most people’s answer is 2023 or 2024, which suggests deep pessimism about the progress of vaccinations outside the rich world. That is also why pledges at the recent G7 summit to donate one billion doses to poor countries during this year and in 2022 look to some like generous game-changers. But despair is the wrong sentiment and self-congratulation by the G7 is the wrong reaction. If the current daily rate of vaccinations can be maintained, the world can reach its vaccination goal by January 2022. The first step toward effective action is to convince oneself that a problem is solvable. To that end, the Global Commission for Post-Pandemic Policy, an independent, non-partisan group of 34 high-level doers and thinkers from around the globe, has done the math to come up with a global vaccine countdown. Surprisingly, we found that the challenge is much more manageable than we imagined, and on a timetable much faster than that assumed by the G7 governments. The arithmetic is simple, but first you have to decide whether to regard China, the world’s most populous country, as an inspiration or an exception. According to Our World in Data, China now accounts for 17-20 million of the 33-36 million doses being administered worldwide every day. With China included, the countdown reaches zero in just over 200 days; without China, the time increases to 370 days. That is an important difference, but it amounts to reaching the finish line in July 2022, rather than in January. Even if a higher threshold of 90% becomes necessary, owing to the lower efficacy of Chinese vaccines, we are still nearly there. Let’s look at the numbers. The world’s population is 7.9 billion, an estimated 5.85 billion of whom are adults (74%). If the goal is an immunization rate of 80%, 4.7 billion will need shots, which on a two-dose vaccine regimen means 9.4 billion doses.", "zh": "群体免疫会比想象中更快来临 发自伦敦—世界何时才能为80%的成年人接种疫苗，从而达到科学家们假定实现新冠群体免疫的水平？ 大多数人给出的答案是2023或2024年，这表明人们对富裕世界以外的疫苗接种进度极其悲观。 而这也是为何七国集团峰会计划在今明两年向贫困国家捐赠10亿剂疫苗的承诺会被某些人视为慷慨的翻盘之举。 但绝望其实是种错误的情绪，而七国集团对自身承诺的沾沾自喜则是一种错误反应。 倘若能够维持当前的每日疫苗接种率，全球就能在2022年1月前实现疫苗接种目标。 如果我们要采取某些有效行动，那么第一步就要是让自己确信问题是可以解决的，为此由全球34名顶级实干家和思想家组成的独立无党派团体疫情后政策全球委员会已经计算出了一个全球疫苗倒数时间表。 而出乎意料之处在于我们发现这个挑战要远比想象中更为容易处理，其时间表也比七国集团政府所假设的快得多。 计算方法很简单，但首先你必须决定是把中国这个世界上人口最多的国家视为一个鼓舞人心的案例还是某种例外。 根据数据看世界（Our World in Data）组织的数据，全球每天注射的3300~3600万剂疫苗里中国占了1700~2000万剂。 如果把中国涵盖在内，倒计时只需200多天就能归零；如果不算上中国，时间就会延长到370天。 这是一个重要的差异，但这相当于在2022年7月实现目标而不是2023年1月。 即便因为中国疫苗效力较低而有必要将门槛提高到90 % ， 我们也相当接近目标了。 让我们来剖析一下这些数字，世界总人口79亿，其中大概有58.5亿是成年人（74 % ） 。 如果目标是80%的免疫接种率，那么就有47亿人需要接种，按照接种两剂疫苗的方案这意味着94亿剂疫苗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trade Disruption Is a Symptom of a Deeper Malaise NEW YORK – It’s only a matter of time until the escalating tensions between China and the United States prompt many more economists to warn of an impending global economic recession coupled with financial instability. On August 5, Bloomberg News said that the yield curve, a closely watched market metric, “Blares Loudest US Recession Warning Since 2007.” And Larry Summers, a former US Treasury Secretary who was also closely involved in crisis-management efforts in 2008-09, recently tweeted that “we may well be at the most dangerous financial moment … since 2009.” Many economists argue that resolving US-China trade tensions is the best way to avoid significant global economic and financial disruption. Yet, while necessary, this would be far from sufficient. Don’t get me wrong: the focus on the deteriorating relations between China and America is entirely understandable. After all, their worsening dispute increases the risk of a trade war which, coupled with a currency war, would lead to “beggar-thy-neighbor” (that is, lose-lose) outcomes cascading throughout the global economy. As growth prospects deteriorated, debt and leverage issues would come to the fore in certain countries, adding financial instability to an already damaging economic cocktail. And with the US-China row now extending beyond economics to include national-security and domestic political issues, the best-case scenario on trade is a series of ceasefires; the more likely outcome is escalating tensions.", "zh": "贸易中断是一种更严重的疾病症状 纽约 — — 中国和美国之间紧张局势不断升级促使越来越多经济学家警告即将到来的全球经济衰退仅仅是一个时间问题。 8月5日，彭博新闻称，备受关注的市场指标收益率曲线“发出了自2007年以来最为明确的美国衰退警示 。 ” 而曾在2008~09年间密切参与危机管理工作的前美国财政部长拉里·萨默斯不久前则发推文称“我们很有可能处于自2009年来最危险的金融时刻 。 ” 许多经济学家认为，化解中美贸易关系紧张是避免全球重大经济和金融动荡的最佳方式。 尽管上述是必要条件，但仅有这一条件还远远不够。 不要误会我的意思：关注中美关系的恶化完全可以理解。 归根结底，两国日益恶化的贸易争端扩大了贸易战的风险，再加上货币战，将导致整个全球经济出现“以邻为壑 ” （ 也就是双输）的结果。 随着增长前景不断恶化，债务和杠杆问题将在某些国家脱颖而出，并为已经颇具破坏性的系列经济因素再次加上金融动荡的恶果。 随着美中关系现在超越经济范畴从而涵盖国家安全和国内政治事务，解决贸易问题的最佳可能状况仅仅是达成系列停火；紧张局势升级则是更为可能的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But now, Porter wrote, after the depression and war, “We began to listen to the idea that a hundred million citizens, acting through a central government, could achieve much more than a hundred million acting as separate selfish units. We developed, in short, a new attitude toward the responsibilities of government.” She concluded that the positive effect of “pent-up demand” and government measures can “make sense only when viewed against the background of our changed economic and political philosophy.” The Marshall Plan, which operated from 1947 to 1951, became a symbol of this new attitude. The US gave billions of dollars of aid to rebuild war-ravaged countries in Europe. The plan was widely viewed as reflecting a new kind of enlightenment, a recognition of the importance of supporting people who needed help. Europe would not be allowed to languish, and the stimulus came from abroad. After the war, Keynesian economic theory, which was generally not accepted or understood during the Great Depression, became the basis of a new social compact. It was a theory that was perfectly suited to a generation that had just endured exceptional sacrifices, for it reaffirmed a belief in our responsibility for each other. The effect of economic stimulus is redoubled by this kind of inspirational belief. That is why all of the commitments made and intentions expressed at the upcoming G-20 summit matter. The countries represented must show a generous spirit and make the world economy work for all people. Seemingly peripheral issues, like aid to the developing world and the poor, who suffer the most from a crisis like this one, will be part of the primary story of the renewal of confidence, just as the Marshall Plan was part of that story after World War II.", "zh": "但现在，波特写到 ： “ 现在，我们一亿公民的心声通过一个中央政府来集中体现，这比我们各自为政而产生的效果要好的多。 因此，我们需要对政府职责重新认识了 。 ” 只有在我们的 社会政治观念发生改变之后，她对“压抑的需求”和“政府职责”的积极方面才能体现出来。 1947—1945年的马歇尔计划正是这样改变的标志。 美国拿出数十亿美元重建战后的欧洲。 此举显示出一种全新的理念，那就是关注那些需要救助的人们。 为了防止欧洲的衰败，救助的力量必须来自欧洲大陆之外。 大萧条时代不能接受凯恩斯主义的经济理论，而在二战后以后，凯恩斯主义开始流行起来，经过二战之后，大家都已经付出了超出寻常的牺牲，为了战后的重建，大家仍然需要同舟共济，共同面对问题。 有了这种共识，再加上政府的经济刺激方案，所达到的效果就事半功倍了。 以上所阐述的就是20国领导峰会所要达到的目标。 参加的国家代表必须有着宽阔的胸襟，目的是为了整个人类的经济而努力。 就如同救助那些发展中国家和贫穷人口的那些方案那样，对于那些深陷经济危机的国家来说，重新建立信心是一个最重要的基础，这也就是“马歇尔计划”在二战后所发挥的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "伍江，男，1960年10月生于南京。 教授、博士生导师，国家一级注册建筑师、法国建筑科学院院士。 1983年毕业于同济大学建筑系建筑学专业。 1986年同济大学建筑理论与历史专业研究生毕业，获硕士学位，同年留校任教。 1987年攻读同济大学建筑历史与理论专业在职博士研究生，1993年毕业获博士学位。 历任助教、讲师、副教授、教授。 其间曾获上海市优秀青年教师荣誉称号（1993），陈从周建筑教育奖（1995），倪天增教育奖（1999）。 1993年至1994年赴香港大学做访问学者，1996年至1997年赴美国哈佛大学做高级访问学者。 长期从事西方建筑历史与理论的教学和上海近代城市与建筑的历史及其保护利用的研究，著有《上海百年建筑史》、《上海弄堂》、《历史文化风貌区保护规划编制与管理》等多部专著，发表专业论文50余篇，完成建筑设计工程项目10余项。", "en": "Jiang Wu, male, born in Nanjing in October 1960. Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, National First-Class Certified Architect, Academician of the French Academy of Architecture. In 1983, he graduated from the Department of Architecture of Tongji University, majoring in Architecture. In 1986, he graduated from Tongji University with a Master's Degree majoring in Architectural Theory and History, and stayed as a teacher in the same year. In 1987, he studied as an on-job doctoral student majoring in Architectural History and Theory at Tongji University and graduated with a Doctor's Degree in 1993. He successively serves as Teaching Assistant, Lecturer, Associate Professor, and Professor. He has won the Shanghai Outstanding Young Teacher title in 1993, Chen Congzhou Architecture Education Award in 1995, Ni Tianzeng Education Award in 1999. He worked as a Visiting Scholar at the University of Hong Kong from 1993 to 1994, and as a Senior Visiting Scholar at Harvard University from 1996 to 1997. Wu has long been engaged in the teaching of Western Architectural History and Theory, and the research on the History and Protection and Utilization of Modern Cities and Buildings in Shanghai. And he has published a number of monographs including A Hundred Years of Architecture in Shanghai, Shanghai Lanes, Compilation and Management of Protection Planning for Historical and Cultural Areas. He has also published more than 50 professional papers, and completed over 10 architectural design projects."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet, when viewed in the broader context of the past decade, trade tensions turn out to be a symptom rather than a cause of the world’s underlying economic and financial malaise. In fact, an excessive focus on trade risks is deflecting policymakers’ attention from other measures needed to ensure faster and more inclusive growth in a genuinely stable financial environment. Policymakers must also contend with growing political pressure on central banks, the backlash against the inequality trifecta (of income, wealth, and opportunity), the politics of anger, the growth of anti-establishment movements, the loss of trust in governments and expert opinion, regional economic and geopolitical tensions, the growing risk of financial instability, threats to long-term financial-protection products, and a general sense of economic insecurity. As I argued in The Only Game in Town, all of these recent developments – and also, of course, the growing US-China tensions – are related in a meaningful way to two basic and persistent features of the global economy since the 2008 financial crisis. The first is the prolonged period in which economic growth has been not only too low but also insufficiently inclusive. As a result, growing segments of the population have felt marginalized, alienated, and angry – leading to unexpected election outcomes, the rise of populist and nationalist movements, and, in a few cases, social unrest. The second post-crisis feature is the persistent over-reliance on the pain-numbing but distortionary medicine of central-bank liquidity, rather than a more balanced policy mix that seeks to ease the (mainly structural, but also cyclical) impediments to faster, more inclusive growth. Monetary policy has not been very effective in boosting sustainable growth, but it has lifted asset prices significantly. This has further fueled complaints that the system favors the already-rich and privileged rather than serving the broader population – let alone helping more disadvantaged groups. If both these features persist, the global economy will soon enough come to an uncomfortable binary prospect on the road ahead.", "zh": "但从过去10年的大背景看，贸易局势紧张其实不是世界潜在经济和金融顽疾的原因而仅仅是症状。 事实上，过度关注贸易风险正在分散决策者的注意力，让他们忽视在真正稳定的金融环境中实现更快、更包容性增长的其他举措。 决策者还必须与央行不断增长的政治压力 、 ( 收入、财富和机会）三重不平等所引发的反抗、愤怒政治、反建制运动发展、对政府和专家意见的信任丧失、地区经济和地缘政治紧张局势、金融动荡风险增加、对长期金融保护产品的威胁以及普遍的经济不安全感相对抗。 正如我在全球唯一主导力量一书中所说的那样，所有近期发展 — — 当然还包括不断恶化的美中紧张局势 — — 与2008年金融危机以来全球经济两大基本和长期特征是直接相关的。 首先，是在一段漫长的时期内经济增长不仅速度过慢，而且包容性也十分缺乏。 因此，越来越多的群体感觉自己被边缘化、被孤立，并因此产生愤怒 — — 从而导致出乎预料的选举结果、民粹主义和民族主义运动兴起以及在少数情况下，出现社会动荡。 后危机时代第2项特点是并未采取更加平衡的组合政策尝试缓解（主要是结构性，但同时也是周期性）障碍，实现速度更快、也更具包容性的增长，反而长期过度依赖央行流动性虽能暂时缓解痛苦但却扭曲的治疗。 货币政策在促进可持续发展方面并不十分有效，但却显著提升了资产价格。 这进一步引发了民众的抱怨，认为现有制度偏向既有的富裕和特权阶层，而不是为大多数人服务 — — 更不用说为相对弱势群体提供帮助。 如果上述两大特征持续存在，全球经济将很快就会在未来道路上导致令人不安的二元结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "New Hope on Climate Change The world has taken an important step toward controlling climate change by agreeing to the Bali Action Plan at the global negotiations in Indonesia earlier this month. The plan may not look like much, since it basically committed the world to more talking rather than specific actions, but I am optimistic for three reasons. First, the world was sufficiently united that it forced the United States to end its intransigence. Second, the road map marks a sensible balance of considerations. And, third, realistic solutions are possible, which will allow the world to combine economic development and control of greenhouse gases. The first step at Bali was to break the deadlock that has crippled the global response to climate change since the signing of the Kyoto Protocol a decade ago. This time the world united, even booing the US lead negotiator until she reversed position and agreed to sign the Bali Action Plan. Likewise, the unwillingness of major developing countries such as China and India to sign on to a plan also seems to be ending, though considerable work remains to craft a global agreement to which both rich and poor countries can agree. Doing so requires balancing many concerns. First, we must stabilize greenhouse gases in order to avoid dangerous human interference in the climate system – the key goal of the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the global treaty under which the Bali negotiations took place. Second, we must accomplish this while leaving room for continued rapid economic development and poverty reduction.", "zh": "气候变化中的新希望 本月早些时候，世界各国在印尼举行的全球谈判中达成巴厘行动规划，从而在控制气候变化的道路上迈出了重要一步。 这一规划貌不惊人，因为它基本上只是让各国承诺进行更多的会谈而非确实的行动。 但是出于三点原因我持乐观态度。 首先，各国团结一致迫使美国结束了其顽固立场。 第二，路线图标志着各方考虑的有意义的平衡。 而且第三，现实的解决方案是可能的。 这些方案将会让世界各国把经济发展和控制温室气体结合起来。 巴厘会议采取的第一个步骤就是打破十年前京都议定书签署以来破坏各国对气候变化做出反应的僵局。 这一次世界团结一致，甚至给美国首席谈判代表起哄，直到她转变立场同意签署巴厘行动规划。 同样，尽管为达成一项富国和穷国都可以接受的全球性协议还任重而道远，但是包括中国和印度在内的主要发展中国家似乎也不再不愿同意一项规划。 这样做就要求平衡各方忧虑。 首先，我们必须稳定温室气体排放以便避免气候系统中危险的人为干预。 这是1992年联合国气候变化框架公约的主要目标，而巴厘谈判会议就是在这一全球性协议框架下召开的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Such firms undoubtedly start to clamor for protection against supposedly “unfair” conditions. True, the euro did not prevent risky investment decisions by European financial institutions or the consequences for financial markets of these decisions. But it was never intended to do that. Instead, the euro achieved what it was meant to achieve: the crisis was contained, because it could not inflict damage on foreign-exchange markets within the euro area. After the outbreak of turbulence in financial markets last year, the European Central Bank immediately provided ample liquidity to calm the situation, and has continued to do so ever since. At the same time, the ECB never lost sight of its main goal – maintaining price stability. Indeed, the ECB has successfully anchored inflation expectations right from the start at a level consistent with its definition of price stability. This achievement contrasts starkly with all the critical voices that warned against the experiment of European Monetary Union and even predicted its early failure. It was in the first weeks after the establishment of the ECB in June 1998 that I received a letter by the late Nobel Prize laureate Milton Friedman, who congratulated me on my appointment as member of the Executive Board – which he called “an impossible job.” He was convinced that monetary union in Europe was doomed to fail. Today, however, it is hard to find anybody who does not consider the euro a great success, and the ECB has been so sure-footed that people now take that success for granted. But this was not a matter of good luck. The fundamentals of the euro’s success are hard work, dedicated commitment to the common currency’s unique historical mission, and, not least, a well chosen monetary policy strategy. But this success is no reason for complacency. Major challenges lie ahead. In the context of weakening growth, the Stability and Growth Pact will face a severe new test. And, just as important, reforms aimed at ensuring greater flexibility of markets still lag behind what is needed to exploit fully the advantages of the single monetary policy.", "zh": "这样的公司当然要开始叫嚷针要针对所谓的“不公平”环境采取保护措施。 诚然，欧元没有避免欧洲金融机构作出高风险的投资决定，或避免这些决定给金融市场带来的后果。 但是，欧元本来就没有想要那么做。 相反，欧元取得了它原先想要取得的成果：危机被抑制了，因为欧元不能在欧元区内对外汇汇率造成破坏。 在去年金融市场的动荡开始后，欧洲中央银行立刻提供了充裕的资金来平息事态，至今仍在这样做。 同时，欧洲中央银行从未忘记其主要的目标 – 维持物价稳定。 事实上，欧洲中央银行已经从一开始就按照其对物价稳定的定义水准，成功地稳定了对通货膨胀的预期。 这个成就与所有的曾经批评过欧洲货币联盟的声音，形成了鲜明的对照。 这种声音曾警告欧洲货币联盟所做的实验，甚至预期其早期就夭折。 在1998年6月欧洲央行成立的最初几周内，我收到了诺贝尔奖获得者Milton Friedman的信，他祝贺我被任命为行政理事会成员，这一他称之为“不可能完成的工作 ” 。 他坚信欧洲的货币联盟注定要失败。 可是今天，很难再找到不承认欧元是个巨大成功的人。 欧洲央行一直走得很稳，以至于人们认为它的成功理所当然地来之毫不费力。 但这确实并非运气所致。 欧元的成功的基石是辛勤的努力和对共同货币独特历史使命的孜孜以求，而且，很重要的一点，是选择了恰当的货币政策策略。 但是这个成功不能成为我们自满的理由。 巨大的挑战还在前头。 在愈加疲弱的经济增长的大背景下，稳定和发展协议将面临新的严峻考验。 同样重要的是，旨在保证更大的市场弹性的改革仍然滞后于对于充分利用单一货币政策的优势的需求。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now, I don't know if this theory is right, but it's actually perhaps the leading theory right now in the science of consciousness, and it's been used to integrate a whole range of scientific data, and it does have a nice property that it is in fact simple enough you can write it on the front of a t-shirt. Another final motivation is that panpsychism might help us to integrate consciousness into the physical world. Physicists and philosophers have often observed that physics is curiously abstract. It describes the structure of reality using a bunch of equations, but it doesn't tell us about the reality that underlies it. As Stephen Hawking puts it, what puts the fire into the equations? Well, on the panpsychist view, you can leave the equations of physics as they are, but you can take them to be describing the flux of consciousness. That's what physics really is ultimately doing, describing the flux of consciousness. On this view, it's consciousness that puts the fire into the equations. On that view, consciousness doesn't dangle outside the physical world as some kind of extra. It's there right at its heart. This view, I think, the panpsychist view, has the potential to transfigure our relationship to nature, and it may have some pretty serious social and ethical consequences. Some of these may be counterintuitive.", "zh": "现在，我不知道这个理论是否正确， 但是实际上或许它正处于 意识科学的理论前沿， 并且它已经被用于整合 各方面的科学数据， 它还有一个很好的属性就是它足够简单， 简单到你可以将它写在T恤上。 另外一个最终动机就是 泛心论可以帮助我们 将意识和物理世界相结合。 物理学家和哲学家经常注意到 物理学是深奥抽象的。 它用一连串的方程式 去描述现实结构， 但是它又不告诉我们 构成它的现实基础。 正如史蒂芬·霍金所说， 是什么将火放进方程式的？ 而在泛心论者看来， 物理方程可以是它现在的样子， 但是你也可以用它来描述 意识的量。 这是物理学最终要做的， 描述意识的量。 用这种观点看来，是意识 将火放到了方程中。 在那种观点看来，意识 不是晃荡在物质世界之外 的特别的东西。 它存在于物质世界的核心。 我认为，这种泛心论者的观点， 有那种使我们对我们与自然的关系产生改观 的潜能， 并且它可能产生一些相当严重的 社会和伦理方面的后果。 它们当中的一些可能是违反直觉的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A New Century for the Middle East NEW YORK – The United States, the European Union, and Western-led institutions such as the World Bank repeatedly ask why the Middle East can’t govern itself. The question is asked honestly but without much self-awareness. After all, the single most important impediment to good governance in the region has been its lack of self-governance: The region’s political institutions have been crippled as a result of repeated US and European intervention dating back to World War I, and in some places even earlier. One century is enough. The year 2016 should mark the start of a new century of homegrown Middle Eastern politics focused urgently on the challenges of sustainable development. The Middle East’s fate during the last 100 years was cast in November 1914, when the Ottoman Empire chose the losing side in World War I. The result was the empire’s dismantling, with the victorious powers, Britain and France, grabbing hegemonic control over its remnants. Britain, already in control of Egypt since 1882, took effective control of governments in today’s Iraq, Jordan, Israel and Palestine, and Saudi Arabia, while France, already in control of much of North Africa, took control of Lebanon and Syria. Formal League of Nations mandates and other instruments of hegemony were exercised to ensure British and French power over oil, ports, shipping lanes, and local leaders’ foreign policies. In what would become Saudi Arabia, Britain backed the Wahhabi fundamentalism of Ibn Saud over the Arab nationalism of the Hashemite Hejaz. After World War II, the US picked up the interventionist mantle, following a CIA-backed military coup in Syria in 1949 with another CIA operation to topple Iran’s Mohammad Mossadegh in 1953 (to keep the West in control of the country’s oil). The same behavior has continued up to the present day: the overthrow of Libya’s Muammar el-Qaddafi in 2011, the toppling of Egypt’s Mohamed Morsi in 2013, and the ongoing war against Syria’s Bashar al-Assad. For almost seven decades, the US and its allies have repeatedly intervened (or supported internally-led coups) to oust governments that were not sufficiently under their thumb. The West also armed the entire region through hundreds of billions of dollars in weapons sales.", "zh": "中东新世纪 纽约 — — 美国、欧盟和世界银行等西方主导的机构反复询问中东无法实现自治的理由。 提问者虽然真心实意但却没有深入思考其自身行为的后果。 毕竟，该地区实现良好治理的障碍一直是缺乏自治：一战期间（在某些地区甚至更早）美国和欧洲的反复干涉破坏了该地区的政治机构。 一个世纪的时间已经足够。 2016年应当标志着中东自主政治新世纪的开始，迎接可持续发展挑战将是中东政治最迫切的目标。 1914年11月铸就了100年来中东的命运，当时的奥斯曼帝国选择了一战中战败的一方。 结果是奥斯曼帝国土崩瓦解，英法等战胜国控制了它所留下的残余领土。 1882年后已经控制埃及的英国实际控制了今天的伊拉克、约旦、以色列、巴勒斯坦和沙特阿拉伯政府，而本已控制北非大片区域的法国则控制了黎巴嫩和叙利亚。 正式的国际联盟授权及其他霸权工具确保石油、港口、货运线路和区域领导人的外交政策完全控制在英法列强的手中。 在后来的沙特阿拉伯，英国支持的伊本·沙特的瓦哈比原教旨主义击败了哈希姆·希贾兹领导的阿拉伯民族主义运动。 二战结束后，美国接过了干预势力的衣钵，继1949年中情局支持的叙利亚军事政变后又实施了1953年（以保持西方对伊朗领土控制为目的的）推翻穆罕默德·摩萨台的中情局行动。 直到今天同样的行动仍在进行中：2011年推翻利比亚卡扎菲政权、2013年推翻埃及穆罕默德·穆尔西政权，以及正在进行的针对叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德的战争。 近70年来，美国及其盟国一再干预中东事务（或支持内部势力所领导的政变）来推翻那些不完全听话的当地政府。 西方还通过数千亿美元的武器销售来武装整个中东。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If we want to reduce demand for abortion services, we must recognize that it is often the culmination of a series of systemic failures that begin during childhood, when a comprehensive sexual education (CSE) should be required. A CSE teaches young people about sex and relationships in an age-appropriate, culturally sensitive, realistic, nonjudgmental, and scientifically accurate way, and can increase the use of contraceptives and reduce teen pregnancy rates, particularly if it takes a gender-based approach, focusing on empowering young girls to protect their own health. Such an education is not a privilege, but a right. In Kenya, Article 35 of the constitution guarantees every citizen “the right of access to information held by another person and required for the exercise or protection of any right or fundamental freedom.” This includes the right to reproductive health care, enshrined in Article 43. But, like the right to abortion, the right to CSE is often not respected, owing to moralizing resistance from religious leaders and anti-choice movements, as well as other factors, such as weak dissemination of the curriculum and a dearth of adequately trained teachers. As a result, myths and misconceptions remain widespread. This, together with funding shortages and cultural factors (such as a lack of male involvement in reproductive-health issues), contribute to low contraceptive uptake, with only 58% of women in Kenya who should be using modern contraceptives actually doing so. Unsurprisingly, teenage pregnancy is unacceptably high. It is time to address the systemic failures that lead to girls and women ending up maimed or dead.", "zh": "如果我们想要降低堕胎服务的需求，就必须这通常是一系列系统性失灵的顶点，而起点在于需要全面性教育的童年时代。 全面性教育以适合年轻人年龄段的、文化敏感的、现实的、无偏见的、足够正确的方式教给他们关于性和关系的知识，有助于提高避孕药用量，减少少女怀孕率，特别是在采取基于性别的方法、聚焦于赋能女童保护自身健康时。 这一教育不是特权，而是权利。 在肯尼亚，宪法第35条保证每位公民“获得其他人所有的信息的权利，以及行使保护一切权利和资本自由所需要的信息的权利 ” 。 这其中包括生殖健康护理权，写在第43条中。 但是，就像堕胎权一样，全面性教育权也常常得不到尊重，原因在于宗教领袖和反选择运动所提出的的说教抵制以及其他因素，比如课程宣传不到位、教师训练不充分等。 结果，各种传说和错误概念仍然普遍存在。 这，再加上资金短缺和文化因素（如男性参与升值健康问题不够 ） ， 导致避孕手段运用率很低，肯尼亚只有58% 的应该使用现代避孕手段的妇女真正使用了这些手段。 毫不奇怪，少女怀孕率畸高。 必须解决导致女童和妇女致残致死的系统性上失灵。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, despite the war in Ukraine, many commodity prices – including natural gas – fell significantly in the second half of 2022. That not only increases the probability that inflationary pressures will ease; it also means that companies and consumers’ disposable income is not as vulnerable as was previously assumed. Equally important, several high-frequency indicators for late 2022 and early 2023 have been better than expected, notably in Europe. Second, other inflation indicators have also been better than expected on both sides of the Atlantic, including the most recent US wage-data series. While the Fed and many other central banks insist that they will remain hawkish, I am reminded of something a famously successful US hedge fund manager once told me: The only thing you can know about the Fed is that it will change its message when the evidence changes. If the inflation picture continues to improve faster than Fed officials expect, they will change their view. Finally, one must not forget China, which suddenly abandoned its zero-COVID policy in December. Notwithstanding the massive surge in infections and hospitalizations, the end of lockdowns sets the stage for a big cyclical bounce in the Chinese economy – even with all the other structural challenges that Chinese authorities must confront. Recall that there was a similar post-lockdown rebound in many other countries (even the United Kingdom, despite all its other problems). Investors will seek further clues in what happens next.", "zh": "首先，尽管乌克兰爆发了战争，但许多大宗商品价格 — — 包括天然气 — — 在2022年下半年出现了大幅下降。 这不仅增加了通胀压力缓解的可能性；还意味着企业和消费者的可支配收入并不像之前设想的那样糟糕。 同样重要的是，2022年末和2023年初的几个高频指标均好于预期，尤其是在欧洲。 其次，大西洋两岸的其他通胀指标也好于预期，美国近期的工资数据系列也是这样。 尽管美联储和其他许多央行坚称将保持鹰派，但我想起了某位成功且著名的美国对冲基金经理曾告诉我的：关于美联储，你唯一能确定的是，如果证据发生变化，美联储将改变它所发出的信息。 如果通胀状况继续以超过美联储官员预期的速度改善，那么他们将改变看法。 最后，大家不要忘了中国，中国在去年12月突然放弃了其新冠清零政策。 尽管感染和住院人数大幅增加，但结束封锁却为中国经济出现周期性大反弹奠定了基础 — — 即使中国当局必须面对其他所有结构性挑战也是一样。 记得其他许多国家也出现过类似的后封锁期反弹（就连英国也不例外，尽管英国有许多其他问题没有解决好 ） 。 投资者将在下一步事态发展中寻找进一步线索。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Economy and the Presidency CAMBRIDGE – America’s presidential election is now just six months away. If history is a reliable guide, the outcome will depend significantly on the economy’s performance between now and November 6, and on Americans’ perception of their economic future under the two candidates. At the moment, America’s economy is limping along with slow growth and high unemployment. Output grew by just 1.5% last year, and real GDP per capita is lower now than before the economic downturn began at the end of 2007. Although annual GDP growth was 3% in the fourth quarter of 2011, more than half of that reflected inventory accumulation. Final sales to households, businesses, and foreign buyers rose at only a 1.1% annual rate, even slower than earlier in the year. And the preliminary estimate for annual GDP growth in the first quarter of 2012 was a disappointing 2.2%, with only a 1.6% rise in final sales. The labor market has been similarly disappointing. The March unemployment rate of 8.2% was nearly three percentage points above what most economists would consider a desirable and sustainable long-run level rate. Although the rate was down from 9% a year ago, about half of the change reflected a rise in the number of people who have stopped looking for work, rather than an increase in job creation and the employment rate. Indeed, the official unemployment rate understates the weakness of the labor market.", "zh": "经济和总统宝座 美国剑桥—距离美国总统大选还有半年时间了。 如果历史可以作为可靠指导的话，那么最后的选举结果在很大程度上将决定于现在到11月6日之间的经济表现以及美国民众对两位候选人当选后美国经济未来走向的感觉。 此时此刻，美国经济在低增长和高失业的围追堵截下步履蹒跚。 去年产出增长率只有1.5 % ， 真实人均GDP甚至比2007年底经济收缩开始时还要低。 尽管2011年4季度GDP增长年率达到了3 % ， 但其中一半是存货积累贡献的。 面向家庭、企业和外国消费者的最终消费增长年率只有1.1 % ， 甚至还不如2011年上半年。 而且之前对2012年GDP1季度增长年率的预测只有可怜的2.2 % ， 仅增长了1.6 % 。 劳动力市场的状况也令人失望。 3月失业率为8.2 % ， 比大部分经济学家认为的合适且可持续的长期水平高出将近3个百分点。 尽管这个数字叫一年前的9%有所降低，但有一半要归因于不少失业者已停止寻找工作的努力，而不是 工作岗位数量和就业率的增加。 事实上，官方失业率数字低估了劳动力市场的疲软程度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "结合本地城市交通通行和公交线网、出租汽车车型结构、城市物流配送通行管理状况，科学选择新能源汽车车型。新能源汽车必须符合国家有关技术标准，新能源公交车还应满足《公共汽车类型划分及等级评定》（JT/T888-2014），配置安全监控管理系统、电池箱专用自动灭火装置等安全设备；车辆内饰及地板阻燃性能符合国家和行业相关标准要求。新能源城市物流配送车辆还应满足《城市物流配送汽车选型技术要求》（GB/T29912-2013）。新能源汽车整车及关键部件（电机及其控制器、电池及管理系统、车载充电设备等）质量保证期不低于3年，并通过15000km可靠性检测；核定成员数不低于同车长燃油车辆的85%；动力电池系统总质量与整车整备质量的比值不大于20%，质保期内电池容量衰减率不超过15%，整车动力电池组循环寿命达到1000次以上。优先选择续驶里程长、可靠性高的新能源汽车，对纯电动公交车（超级电容、钛酸锂快充纯电动公交车除外），原则上应选择续驶里程不低于200km的汽车车型。鼓励新能源汽车生产企业研究开发适合交通运输运营组织需要的新能源汽车专用车型。", "en": "Based on the local city's traffic conditions, public transportation network, taxi vehicle structure, and urban logistics distribution management, scientifically select new energy vehicle models. New energy vehicles must comply with relevant national technical standards. New energy buses should also meet the requirements of Classification and Grading of Public Bus Types (JT/T888-2014), and be equipped with safety monitoring management systems, dedicated automatic fire extinguishing devices for battery boxes, and other safety equipment. The interior decoration and floor flame retardant performance of the vehicles should meet the requirements of national and industry standards. New energy urban logistics distribution vehicles should also meet the requirements of Technical Requirements for Selection of Urban Logistics Distribution Vehicles (GB/T29912-2013). The quality assurance period for the whole vehicle and key components of new energy vehicles (motor and its controller, battery and management system, on-board charging equipment, etc.) should not be less than 3 years, and pass a reliability test of 15,000 km. The approved number of passengers should not be less than 85% of the same length fuel vehicles. The ratio of the total mass of the power battery system to the curb weight of the vehicle should not exceed 20%. The battery capacity attenuation rate during the warranty period should not exceed 15%, and the cycle life of the whole vehicle power battery pack should reach more than 1,000 cycles. Priority should be given to new energy vehicles with long driving range and high reliability. For pure electric buses (excluding supercapacitor and lithium titanium oxide fast-charging pure electric buses), the car models with a driving range of not less than 200 km should be selected in principle. Encourage new energy vehicle manufacturers to research and develop new energy vehicle models suitable for the needs of transportation and operation organizations."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That means that eight out of 10 of the decisions and experiences and \"Aha!\" moments that make your life what it is will have happened by your mid-30s. People who are over 40, don't panic. This crowd is going to be fine, I think. We know that the first 10 years of a career has an exponential impact on how much money you're going to earn. We know that more than half of Americans are married or are living with or dating their future partner by 30. We know that the brain caps off its second and last growth spurt in your 20s as it rewires itself for adulthood, which means that whatever it is you want to change about yourself, now is the time to change it. We know that personality changes more during your 20s than at any other time in life, and we know that female fertility peaks at age 28, and things get tricky after age 35. So your 20s are the time to educate yourself about your body and your options. So when we think about child development, we all know that the first five years are a critical period for language and attachment in the brain. It's a time when your ordinary, day-to-day life has an inordinate impact on who you will become. But what we hear less about is that there's such a thing as adult development, and our 20s are that critical period of adult development. But this isn't what twentysomethings are hearing.", "zh": "这就意味着每10个 决定你的生命会是什么样的 的经历与\"原来如此！\"时刻 中有8个发生在三十岁中旬。 超过40岁的人，别慌。 我估计这个观众没问题。 我们知道一份职业中的前10年 对于你将会挣多少钱 有非常大的影响。 我们知道超过一半的美国人 30岁之前就和终生伴侣结婚， 同居，或者在约会。 我们知道大脑在你二十几岁时 为了适应成人期 达到第二次也是最后一次成长期的高峰， 这说明无论你想改变你自己的什么， 现在就是改变它的时间。 我们知道相比人生其他阶段 二十岁时的个性变化最大， 而且我们也知道女性的繁殖能力在28岁时达到峰顶， 到35岁之后事情就有点难办了。 因此你的二十几岁这个时间段就是 告诉自己自己的身体状况以及未来的选择的时候。 因此当我们说到儿童发展， 我们都知道前5年是大脑发展 语言和爱慕的关键时期。 这是一个你的每日生活都会对你的未来 产生巨大影响的时间段。 但是我们听到的比较少的就是有一个东西叫 成人发展，而我们的二十岁这个阶段 就是成人发展的关键时期。 但这并不是二十几岁的人所听到的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Energy Markets or Energy Governance? MADRID – This month, the International Energy Agency will publish its annual report, the internationally definitive World Energy Outlook, which will confirm that we are not on the right track to reduce global warming. If the current trend in energy production continues, the earth’s average temperature will be more than 2ºC higher in 2100 than it was in 1990, irreversibly harming the planet and conditions for human life. Other, more immediate crises are occupying the world’s attention almost completely, distracting governments and citizens alike from the energy challenges that are still before us. In the United States, there has been no energy debate at the federal level for a long time; the European Union is in the eye of a financial hurricane; and the emerging countries want to maintain rapid economic growth in order to lift millions out of poverty. In this context, the next meeting of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), set for the end of November in Durban, South Africa, is passing totally unnoticed. But energy is fundamental for humanity, not only because of its potentially negative externalities, but also given its economic relevance: Western countries spend 8-10% of their GDP on energy, and developing countries spend double or triple that amount. For this reason, we need a system to govern energy. Owing mainly to its environmentally negative externalities, an unregulated energy market is not a useful governing mechanism, because it is unable to internalize the environmental costs.", "zh": "能源市场还是能源治理？ 马德里 — — 本月，国际能源署将发布年度报告，即权威的《世界能源展望 》 ， 这份报告将显示，我们并没有走在缓解全球变暖的正途上。 如果能源生产的当前趋势继续下去，那么，到2100年，地球平均温度将比1900年提高2℃，对地球和人类生存环境造成不可逆的伤害。 眼下，其他更为紧迫的危机正在让世界疲于奔命，政府和人民的注意力并不在仍然困扰着我们的能源挑战上。 在美国，联邦级别的讨论中不见能源问题踪影已经有很长一段时间了；欧盟正在金融飓风中苦苦挣扎；而新兴国家希望保持快速经济增长从而将数百万人带出贫困状态。 在这样的环境下，将于11月在南非德班举行的新一届联合国气候变化框架会议（UNFCCC）几乎没有受到任何关注。 但能源乃是人类生存的基本问题，这不仅是因为它具有潜在的负外部性，也因为它具有经济上的关联性：西方国家的GDP中有8—10%花在了能源上，而发展中国家的这一比重是发达国家的两倍甚至三倍。 因此，我们需要一个能源治理体系。 不受管制的能源市场绝非有用的治理机制，这主要是因为能源具有环境负外部性，而不受管制的能源市场无法将环境成本内部化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To ensure quick uptake, lenders first relaxed their standards – including by offering so-called NINJA (no income, no job, no assets) mortgages that required no documentation of creditworthiness from the borrower – and then engaged in outsize trading among themselves. By the time governments and central banks realized what was going on, it was too late. To use the American economist Herbert Stein’s phrase, what was unsustainable proved unsustainable. The financial implosion that followed risked causing a global depression and forced policymakers to rescue those whose reckless behavior had created the problem. To be sure, policymakers also introduced measures to “de-risk” banks. They increased capital buffers, enhanced on-site supervision, and banned certain activities. But although governments and central banks succeeded in reducing the systemic risks emanating from the banking system, they failed to understand and monitor closely enough what then happened to this risk. In the event, the resulting vacuum was soon filled by the still lightly supervised and regulated non-banking sector. The financial sector thus continued to grow markedly, both in absolute terms and relative to national economies. Central banks stumbled into an unhealthy codependency with markets, losing policy flexibility and risking the longer-term credibility that is critical to their effectiveness.", "zh": "为了确保产品能快速入市，贷款人首先放宽了自身标准 — — 包括出台不要求借款人提供信用证明的所谓“忍者”抵押贷款（NINJA，即无收入No Income、无工作No Job、无资产No Assets三个词的首字母缩写 ） — —然后互相之间大肆交易。 等到政府和中央银行意识到这一切时已经太晚了。 照美国经济学家赫伯特·斯坦因（Herbert Stein）的话说：不可持续的东西一定会被证明是不可持续的。 随之而来的金融内爆很可能引发一场全球大萧条，迫使政策制定者去拯救那些恣意妄为产生这一问题的人。 可以肯定的是，政策制定者也引入了一些措施来帮银行“去风险 ” 。 他们增加了资本缓冲，强化了现场监督并禁止了某些活动。 但尽管政府和央行成功减少了来自银行系统的系统性风险，却未能足够贴近地去了解和监测这种风险随后发生了什么。 在这种情况下，由此产生的真空很快就被那些仍处于监督和监管不足状态的非银行部门所填补。 于是金融部门 — — 无论从绝对值还是相对国家经济而言 — — 继续大幅增长，央行陷入了一种不健康的市场依赖状态，失去了政策灵活性，甚至可能丢失对其有效性至关重要的长期信誉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fourth, the IMF has learned that reforms are most likely to be implemented when they are few in number and carefully focused. When a country requires assistance, it is tempting for lenders to insist on a long list of reforms. But a crisis-wracked government will struggle to manage multiple demands. In Greece, the IMF, together with its European partners, required the government not just to cut expenditures, but to undertake far-reaching tax, pension, judicial, and labor-market reforms. And, although the most urgently needed measures will not have an immediate effect on Greece’s finances, the IMF has little choice but to emphasize the short-term spending cuts that boost the chances of being repaid – even when that makes longer-term reforms more difficult to enact. A fifth lesson is that reforms are unlikely to succeed unless the government is committed to seeing them through. Conditions perceived to be imposed from abroad will almost certainly fail. In the case of Greece, domestic political considerations caused European governments to make a show of holding the government’s feet to the fire. The IMF, too, sought to demonstrate that it was being as tough with Greece as it has been on Brazil, Indonesia, and Zambia – even if doing so was ultimately counterproductive. The sixth lesson the IMF has swept aside is that bailing out countries that do not fully control their currencies carries additional risks. As the Fund learned in Argentina and West Africa, such countries lack one of the easiest ways to adjust to a debt crisis: devaluation.", "zh": "第四，IMF已经知道，最有希望实施的改革必须数量很少、仔细集中。 当一国需要援助时，其领导人很有可能拿出一份长长的改革清单。 但遭到危机冲击的政府很难管理好多重需求。 在希腊，IMF和它的欧洲合作伙伴要求希腊政府不但要削减支出，还要采取深刻的税收、退休金、司法和劳动力市场改革。 此外，尽管最紧要的措施不会对希腊财政造成即刻的影响，但IMF别无选择，只能强调增加获得偿付概率的短期削减支出 — — 哪怕这会导致更长期的改革更难实施。 第五个教训是，除非政府有始有终，否则改革不可能成功。 被国民感觉来自外国强加的条件几乎必然会失败。 在希腊的例子中，国内政治环境导致欧洲政府装模作样地鞭策希腊政府。 IMF也试图表明它对希腊与对巴西、印度尼西亚和赞比亚一样严苛 — — 哪怕这样做最终会起到反作用。 被IMF束之高阁的第六个教训是援助无法完全控制其货币的国家会带来附加风险。 IMF在阿根廷和西非了解到，这类国家缺少调整适应债务危机的最容易的办法：贬值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putin’s Brezhnev Syndrome Likewise, there is no doubt that Putin himself will win the presidential election due in March 2012. But the public enthusiasm that ratified Putin’s rule for a decade has vanished, something demonstrated by the poor performance of his party, United Russia, in the just concluded elections to the Duma. Unlike Europe, beset by a sovereign-debt crisis, and the United States, whose leaders are wrangling over how to stem the deficit, Russia may look like an oasis of stability and continuity. But that continuity is more reminiscent of the zastoi, or stagnation, of the Brezhnev era. Eight years of 7% average annual GDP growth during Putin’s previous presidency (2000-2008) allowed Russia to repay its debts, accumulate almost $600 billion in foreign-currency reserves, and join the leading emerging economies. A decade after the 1998 crisis brought Russia to its knees, its leaders boasted that the country could weather the 2008 financial crisis. Given Russia’s economic fundamentals, Putin’s diminished popularity might appear surprising. The International Monetary Fund’s forecast of 4% growth in 2011 and subsequent years puts Russia well behind China and India, but far ahead of average growth rates in the rich G-7 countries. Moreover, Russia’s budget will be balanced as long as oil prices remain above $110 per barrel. Longer-term trends have also improved. Rapid demographic decline has been brought to a halt since the turn of the century (a time when coffins outnumbered cribs by seven to four), as generous government subsidies for a third child have boosted the fertility rate from its 1999 low of 1.16 children per woman to 1.58 in 2010. That is still far below the replacement rate of 2.1, but higher fertility, together with successful measures to reduce male mortality, has slowed the pace of population shrinkage. But Russia remains essentially a “rentier state” – that is, a state whose primary source of revenue is rent – in this case, oil and gas – rather than taxation, which thus keeps demands for political representation at bay. Instead, the state is the target of political entrepreneurs who strive to capture it in order to capture the rents that it controls.", "zh": "普京的勃列日涅夫综合症 巴黎 — — 俄罗斯周日议会选举的赢家在意料之中：弗拉基米尔•普京为首的统一俄罗斯党。 同样毫无悬念的是，普京将在2012年3月举行的总统大选中获胜。 公众的热情让普京执政了十年，但是现在这份热情已经消失，普京的统一俄罗斯党在刚刚结束的杜马选举中表现平平，由此可见一斑。 欧洲深陷主权债务危机，美国的领导人正在争论如何遏制赤字，与欧洲和美国不同，俄罗斯看起来好像是一个稳定而具有连续性的美好国度。 但是这种连续性更加让人想起勃列日涅夫时代的停滞。 普京上一个总统任职期间（2000年至2008年 ） ， 8年来的国内生产总值年均增长率达7 % ， 这让俄罗斯偿还了债务，积累了近6000亿美元的外汇储备并跻身主要的新兴经济体之列。 1998年的危机重创了俄罗斯，10年后，其领导人鼓吹本国能够挺过2008年的金融危机。 考虑到俄罗斯的经济基本面，普京的支持率下降似乎令人吃惊。 国际货币基金组织预测，2011年及今后几年，俄罗斯经济将增长4 % ， 虽然远远落后于中国和印度，但却遥遥领先于富裕的G7成员国的平均增长率。 此外，只要油价仍然维持在每桶110美元以上，俄罗斯就能够实现预算平衡。 较长期的趋势也改善了。 自世纪之交以来（这段时间，死亡人口超过了出生人口，比率为7比4 ） ， 由于政府给生育第三胎发放大量补贴，生育率从1999年每位妇女生育1.16个孩子的低谷上升到了2010年的1.58个孩子，快速的人口衰退已停止。 这仍然远远低于2.1的替代率，但是较高的生育率以及减少男婴死亡率的成功措施已经使人口萎缩的速度放缓。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Who’s Winning the Middle East’s Cold War? LONDON – A cold war is taking place in a very hot place. A key component of the sectarian competition between Shia and Sunni Islam in the Middle East is geopolitical, with Iran facing off against Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies in a struggle for regional dominance. As with the original Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States, the conflict does not involve direct military confrontation between the main rivals, at least not yet. It is being fought diplomatically, ideologically, and economically – especially in the oil markets – and through proxy wars, such as the conflicts in Syria and Yemen. There are few problems in the wider Middle East that cannot be traced back to the power rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran. For the moment, the Iranians seem to be riding high. Following Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s decision to agree to an international deal limiting Iran’s nuclear capability to peaceful purposes, Western sanctions have been all but removed. Now that it is once again acceptable to do business with Iran, its ailing economy is set for a rebound. Meanwhile, Iran’s creeping de facto annexation of parts of Iraq – astonishingly, with American acceptance – continues because no one except the so-called “Islamic State” has the stomach to stand up to it. Iran also has an overwhelming manpower advantage, with a population of an estimated 77 million, compared to Saudi Arabia’s 28 million.", "zh": "谁是中东冷战的赢家？ 伦敦 — — 冷战正在一个非常炎热的地方上演。 中东什叶和逊尼派伊斯兰教宗派竞争的一个关键部分是地缘政治，伊朗对抗沙特阿拉伯及其海湾盟友以期获得地区主导权。 像苏联和美国之间的原版冷战一样，冲突至少到目前为止还未涉及主要对手间的直接军事对抗。 冲突主要集中在外交层面、思想层面和经济层面（特别是在石油市场 ） ， 以及通过叙利亚和也门冲突等代理人战争。 广大中东地区鲜有问题无法追溯到沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间的权力竞争。 目前，伊朗人似乎顺风顺水。 继最高领袖哈梅内伊决定同意接受限制伊朗核能力仅用于和平目的的国际协议后，西方几乎已经取消了制裁。 现在和伊朗做生意重新成为合法，伊朗糟糕的经济状况注定会反弹。 此外，伊朗继续偷偷摸摸地事实吞并部分伊拉克领土 — — 令人惊讶的是这种做法得到了美国的认可 — — 因为除所谓“伊斯兰国”以外没有人愿意站出来和伊朗对抗。 伊朗在人力资源方面还占有压倒性的优势，总人口约为7700万，而沙特阿拉伯仅有2800万。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Recent proposals from the European Commission, particularly a value-added tax exemption for joint defense procurement, could yield significant progress on defense spending, coordination, and efforts to strengthen European military capabilities. But European countries lack a truly collaborative mindset when it comes to developing, acquiring, and operating defense capabilities. Developing such an approach will require stronger political direction from national leaders. The EU and other NATO members should ensure that their national defense markets are as open to one another as possible, to ensure economies of scale. The EU’s attempts to improve military capabilities should be guided by the principle of maximizing effectiveness and should not unnecessarily damage longstanding relationships between EU defense firms and their non-EU partners. For its part, the US should continue to signal strong support for a greater EU role in European security and defense, particularly in developing the bloc’s military capabilities. At the same time, US policymakers can influence the elaboration of EU initiatives in ways that avoid duplication and strengthen European security. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine has shown that defending European values and interests is a matter of life and death. Europe can no longer afford to treat quasi-theological arguments over EU and NATO primacy as more important than its own security.", "zh": "欧盟委员会最近的提议，特别是联合国防采购免征增值税，可能会在防务开支、协作和加强欧洲军事能力的举措方面取得重大进展。 但在开发、获取和运营防务能力方面，欧洲国家缺乏真正的协作思维。 形成这种方法需要国家领导人更有力的政治指导。 欧盟和其他北约成员国应确保国家防务市场尽可能相互开放，以确保规模经济。 欧盟提高军事能力的举措应以效率最大化原则为指导，不应不必要地损害欧盟防务企业与其非欧盟伙伴之间的长期关系。 就美国而言，它应该继续表示强烈支持欧盟在欧洲安全和防务方面发挥更大作用，特别是在发展欧盟军事能力方面。 与此同时，美国政策制定者可以通过避免重复、加强欧洲安全的方式影响欧盟计划的制定。 俄罗斯总统普京对乌克兰的侵略战争表明，捍卫欧洲的价值观和利益是生死攸关的大事。 欧洲再也不能将关于欧盟和北约至高无上的封神式的思想视为比自身安全更重要的问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Finally, at Novata, we have organized a highly unusual consortium of players representing interests that have likely never before come together. Its members include the Ford Foundation, the Omidyar Network, S&P Global, Hamilton Lane, and a wide range of private-equity firms and pension-fund investors in the US and Europe. It represents some of the world’s leading foundations committed to social justice and inclusive capitalism, major players in financial data and analysis, the largest intermediary in the private markets, a diverse group of private-equity firms with longstanding commitments to ESG standards, and a set of leading pension funds that invest in the private-equity asset class. As a public-benefit corporation, Novata will provide an ESG “on-ramp” for privately held companies from around the world to track, store, and report on relevant data. This emerging ecosystem of partnerships in the private markets represents a new approach to collecting accurate ESG data, which is essential to using capital to tackle some of our greatest challenges. And, importantly, these efforts aim to complement rather than compete with each other to accelerate change in the private markets. In less than two years, we have seen biotech startups, pharmaceutical companies, academic institutions, governments, foundations, and think tanks come together to develop and roll out COVID-19 tests, vaccines, and other cutting-edge treatments. This stunning achievement came from cutting across traditional organizational and sectoral silos and reminds us that, when faced with an imminent threat, disparate interests can come together to chart a new course. The path is lit. Now we must follow it to address other problems of the commons before they become even more tragic.", "zh": "最后，在 Novata公司，我们组织了以前可能从未合作过的不同利益群体之间的联盟，上述联盟其实是极为非同寻常的。 其成员包括福特基金会、奥米迪亚网络（Omidyar Network ） 、 标准普尔全球、Hamilton Lane以及美国和欧洲众多的私募股权公司和养老基金投资者。 它代表着致力于社会公平和包容资本主义的某些世界领先的基金会、金融数据和分析行业主要企业、私人市场最大中介机构、长期致力于环境、社会和治理标准研究的多元化私募股权企业，以及一系列投资于私募股权资产类别的顶尖养老基金。 作为一家公益企业，Novata将为来自世界各地的私营企业提供环境、社会和治理标准“入口 ， ” 以实现相关数据的追踪、存储和报告。 上述新兴私募市场伙伴关系生态系统代表了一种搜集准确环境、社会和治理数据的新方法，这对于利用资金来应对某些最重要的挑战发挥着至关重要的作用。 而且，更重要的是，相关努力旨在互补而非相互竞争，从而起到加速私人市场变革的作用。 在不到两年时间里，我们亲眼目睹了生物初创企业、制药企业、学术机构、政府基金会和智囊团齐心协力开发并推出2019年新冠病毒检测、疫苗和其他尖端治疗方法。 上述惊人成就来自于打破传统的机构和部门孤岛，同时提醒我们，在面临迫在眉睫的威胁时，不同利益群体可以走到一起，制定新的路线图。 道路已经确定了。 现在我们必须坚定走下去以解决其他公共问题，从而防止产生更加悲剧的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Years of low and insufficiently inclusive growth have narrowed the scope for international policy cooperation, instead fueling disrespect for global norms and the international rule of law. And even the inclination to use the Fund in pursuit of national interests has waned: the US has simply opted to weaponize its own economic tools directly. But the IMF and the World Bank are not blameless. For starters, they have been too slow to implement internal reforms. Both institutions also could be quicker to own their recent mistakes, such as those concerning Argentina’s latest financial debacle, the excessive growth of debt among the least developed economies, and the failure to foresee the aftermath of the 2007-08 financial crisis. In addition, the cherished principle of uniformity of treatment of member countries has been visibly stretched, often in a way that has further dented the standing and credibility of institutions whose governance is still informed by the past. In particular, Europe has long been overrepresented relative to emerging economies, and Europe and the US retain a monopoly over the leadership of the IMF and World Bank, respectively. They increase the tendency toward beggar-thy-neighbor policies at the national level and intensify pressures for fragmentation and disorderly deglobalization. They also expose the global economy to the risk of financial disruptions that would further undermine already fragile and insufficiently inclusive growth dynamics. Multilateral organizations often complain that major governments’ weak appetite for institutional reform limits the scope for improvement. After all, these countries are not only the largest shareholders, but also have sometimes blocked initiatives supported by the vast majority of other member states. Admittedly, the IMF and World Bank are constrained by the world in which they operate. But their managements also have tended to shy away from embracing reform initiatives and making them their own. Rather than acting as a catalyst by underwriting the considerable reputational risk involved with approaches that inevitably face resistance, they often have been pushed to the sideline. With both institutions now under new management, there is a new window for launching a process of beneficial change for the global economy. Let’s hope that last month’s disappointing annual meetings can serve as a wake-up call. There is no worse fate for these organizations than gradual irrelevance.", "zh": "多年以来低下且不充分的包容性增长缩小了国际政策合作的范围，更反向加剧了对全球规范和国际法治的不尊重。 甚至连借助基金组织谋求国家利益的意愿也减弱了：比如美国就选择直接将手中经济工具武器化。 但是国际货币基金组织和世界银行也非清白无辜。 首先它们实施内部改革的步伐太慢了。 两家机构本可以更快地承认最近犯下的错误，例如与阿根廷近期金融危机有关的事项，最不发达经济体债务的过度增长以及未能预见2007~08年金融危机的后果。 此外，人们所珍视的成员一视同仁原则已经被明显地延伸了，而且常常是以进一步削弱那些依然沿袭过往治理方式的机构的地位和信誉的方式。 尤其是相对于新兴经济体来说欧洲长期以来都处于过度代表状状态，而欧洲和美国人则分别垄断了国际货币基金组织和世界银行的领导层。 而这些缺陷则引发了更广泛的担忧，加剧了在国家层面实施以邻为壑政策的趋势并增加了分裂和无序去全球化的压力，还使全球经济暴露在了金融中断的风险之下，进而削弱了本已脆弱且不足的包容性增长动力。 多边组织经常抱怨主要政府对机构改革的意愿不强所以限制了改进程度。 毕竟这些国家不仅是最大的股东，有时还会出手阻挠一些得到其他绝大多数成员国支持的倡议。 诚然，国际货币基金组织和世界银行受到其所处业务环境的限制。 但是它们的管理层也倾向于逃避接受并吸收这些改革动议。 在实施无可避免要遭遇抵制的做法所涉及的巨大名誉风险之下，这些人无力扮演催化剂角色，所以通常会被晾在一边。 然而两家机构如今都更换了新管理层，也为启动有利于全球经济变革的进程开启了一扇新窗口。 希望上个月令人失望的年度会议能起到唤醒作用，因为对于这些组织而言，没什么比逐步被边缘化更加糟糕了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to the Constitution, the prime minister is head of the executive branch, and the government is empowered to determine the main direction of domestic and foreign policy. Much depends on who is prime minister; heavyweight politicians holding the office can potentially eclipse the president. Recall Yevgeny Primakov – or Putin at the end of Boris Yeltsin’s last presidential term, when it was obvious to everyone that the prime minister was running the country. The 2008 version of Prime Minister Putin will undoubtedly be stronger than the 1999 version. So no changes are required to the laws or the Constitution for him to remain a key political player. But Medvedev – youthful and energetic, with a fresh mandate – will be far stronger than Yeltsin was in 1999. A powerful prime minister seems preferable. One of the chief weaknesses in Russia's constitutional design is that power is separated from accountability: the president has the most power, but the government is held accountable for policy results. From this standpoint, the American model, for example, is more successful: the head of state also leads the government. While not entirely addressing the flaws in the design, the new situation – with the strongest political figure heading the executive branch – will permit more effective performance by the government, which is still battling to recover from Putin’s administrative reforms of 2004. Many commentators have reproached Putin for agreeing to take a job that they say is beneath him – assuming responsibility for road-building, social services, inflation, and many other problems that could undermine his popularity. However, he should be thanked rather than reproached. But how stable will this new polycentric system of governance be? How long will Medvedev remain president and Putin prime minister? What if they quarrel? Of course, stability requires agreement between the two key actors; and there are sure to be plenty of opponents and allies trying to stir up trouble between them. But Putin and Medvedev have worked together for more than 17 years with no serious conflicts. Moreover, Putin has never made a mistake about the loyalty of the people he promotes.", "zh": "根据宪法，总理是行政机关的首脑，而政府被授权决定国内和国外政策的主要方向。 关键是要看是谁在担任总理；如果执掌行政部门的是一位重量级的政治家，那么他就有可能凌驾于总统之上。 想一想普里马科夫或者叶利钦最后一个总统任期末尾的普京，当时每一个人都很清楚是总理在掌管着这个国家。 2008年版的普京总理毫无疑问会比1999年时的普京总理更强势。 所以法律或者宪法没有必要为了让他继续作为主要的政治人物而进行修改。 但是梅德韦捷夫年轻、精力充沛并且刚刚获得了新的授权，肯定比1999年的叶利钦强得多。 一个强势的总理似乎是大家所更愿意看到的。 俄罗斯宪法设计的一个主要弱点是权力与责任被分割开了：总理掌握了大部分的权力，但是政府却要为政策执行的结果负责。 从这一点上讲，美国的模式更加成功：即国家元首也是政府的领导人。 尽管并没有完全解决这种设计的瑕疵，但是新的状况，也就是由最强势的政治人物领导行政机关将使政府变得更加高效，它现在依然在挣扎着从普京2004年的行政机构改革中恢复过来。 许多评论家批评普京同意接受一个他们认为是屈就他的职位—因为这个职位要求他负责修筑道路、社会服务、通货膨胀以及许多其他问题，而可能会削弱他的受欢迎度。 然而，也许我们更应该感谢他而不是指责他。 但是这种新的多中心治理体系到底有多稳定呢？ 梅德韦捷夫将担任多长的总统以及普京会担任多长时间的总理？ 如果他们发生争吵怎么办？ 当然，稳定需要两个主要人物之间达成协议；并且肯定会有很多反对派和盟友试图在他们中间制造不和。 但是普京和梅德韦捷夫已经合作共事了超过17年时间，从来没有发生过任何严重的冲突。 此外，普京在他推举的人的忠诚度上从来没有犯过错误。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Year of Sovereign Defaults? MIAMI – When it comes to sovereign debt, the term “default” is often misunderstood. It almost never entails the complete and permanent repudiation of the entire stock of debt; indeed, even some Czarist-era Russian bonds were eventually (if only partly) repaid after the 1917 revolution. Rather, non-payment – a “default,” according to credit-rating agencies, when it involves private creditors – typically spurs a conversation about debt restructuring, which can involve maturity extensions, coupon-payment cuts, grace periods, or face-value reductions (so-called “haircuts”). If history is a guide, such conversations may be happening a lot in 2016. Like so many other features of the global economy, debt accumulation and default tends to occur in cycles. Since 1800, the global economy has endured several such cycles, with the share of independent countries undergoing restructuring during any given year oscillating between zero and 50% (see figure). Whereas one- and two-decade lulls in defaults are not uncommon, each quiet spell has invariably been followed by a new wave of defaults. The most recent default cycle includes the emerging-market debt crises of the 1980s and 1990s. Most countries resolved their external-debt problems by the mid-1990s, but a substantial share of countries in the lowest-income group remain in chronic arrears with their official creditors. Like outright default or the restructuring of debts to official creditors, such arrears are often swept under the rug, possibly because they tend to involve low-income debtors and relatively small dollar amounts. But that does not negate their eventual capacity to help spur a new round of crises, when sovereigns who never quite got a handle on their debts are, say, met with unfavorable global conditions. And, indeed, global economic conditions – such as commodity-price fluctuations and changes in interest rates by major economic powers such as the United States or China – play a major role in precipitating sovereign-debt crises. As my recent work with Vincent Reinhart and Christoph Trebesch reveals, peaks and troughs in the international capital-flow cycle are especially dangerous, with defaults proliferating at the end of a capital-inflow bonanza. As 2016 begins, there are clear signs of serious debt/default squalls on the horizon.", "zh": "主权违约之年？ 迈阿密—说到主权债务 ， “ 违约”一词常常被误解。 几乎从未发生过完全、永久地赖掉所有存量债务的违约；事实上，就连帝俄时期的债券，也有一些在1917年革命后最终得到了偿付（哪怕是部分偿付 ） 。 但是，不偿付 — — 当牵涉到私人债权人时，即评级机构所谓的“违约 ” — —常常会刺激关于债务重组的讨论，债务重组可能包括延期、减少息票支付或削减面值（所谓的“剃头 ” ） 。 如果以历史作为指引，这样的讨论可能会在2016年大量发生。 与全球经济的诸多其他特征一样，债务累积和违约总是以周期形式出现。 自1800年以来，全球经济已经经历了多次这样的周期，在任意一年，独立国家经历重组的比例在零和50%之间波动（见图 ） 。 一二十年没有违约的情况并不少见，但每一次这样的宁静期之后无一例外都爆发了新的违约潮。 最近一个违约周期包括了20世纪80和90年代的新兴市场债务危机。 大部分国家在20世纪90年代中期解决了外债问题，但有很大一部分最低收入国家仍然长期拖欠官方债权人。 和对官方债权人完全违约或重组债务不同，这些拖欠常常不为人知，因为债务人往往收入很低，而债务的美元数字也相对较低。 但这并不意味着它们可能最终刺激新一轮危机，如果困于债务的主权实体遇到不利的全球环境的话。 事实上，全球经济环境 — — 如大宗商品价格波动和美国或中国等主要经济力量利率变化 — — 在主权债务危机的反覆中起着重要作用。 我与文森特·莱因哈特（Vincent Reinhart）和克里斯托弗·特雷贝施（Christoph Trebesch）的新研究表明，国际资本流周期的波峰和波谷非常危险，违约总是在资本流入潮结束后大量涌现。 随着2016年的到来，有清晰的信号表明严重的债务/违约现象正在步步逼近。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们在扶贫脱贫方面取得的成就和经验，为全球减贫事业贡献了中国智慧和中国方案，彰显了中国共产党领导和我国社会主义制度的政治优势，赢得了国际社会高度评价，很多国家和国际组织表示希望分享中国减贫经验。 在发展中国家中，只有中国实现了快速发展和大规模减贫同步，贫困人口共享改革发展成果，这是一个了不起的人间奇迹。 在肯定成绩的同时，我们也要清醒认识全面打赢脱贫攻坚战面临的困难和问题。困难和问题主要有3类。 第一类是直接影响脱贫攻坚目标任务实现的问题。 比如，脱贫标准把握不精准，有的降低标准，没实现“两不愁三保障”就宣布脱贫，更多是拔高标准，像易地搬迁面积超标准、看病不花钱、上什么学都免费等，脱离国情不可持续。 再比如，深度贫困地区脱贫任务依然艰巨，“三区三州”仍有172万建档立卡贫困人口，占全国现有贫困人口的12.5%，贫困发生率8.2%。 全国还有98个县贫困发生率在10%以上，建档立卡贫困人口359.6万人，占全国的26%，贫困发生率比全国高出13.3个百分点，是难中之难、坚中之坚。", "en": "The success and experience that we have gained in poverty alleviation have contributed Chinese wisdom and solutions to the cause of global poverty reduction, demonstrating the political strength of the CPC’s leadership and China’s socialist system and winning praise from the international community. Many countries and international organizations have expressed their hope to benefit from China’s experience in poverty reduction. China is the only developing country that has simultaneously brought about rapid development and large-scale poverty reduction and enabled the poor population to share the fruits of reform and development. This is a miraculous achievement. While acknowledging our achievements, we must also be clearly aware of the difficulties and problems that we face as we push toward an overall victory in the fight against poverty. These fall into three main categories. The first includes problems that directly impact our efforts to realize our objectives in fighting poverty. For example, there are regions failing to accurately apply poverty alleviation standards. Some have lowered standards and claimed that they have exited poverty without seeing that the \"two assurances and three guarantees\" are fully in place. Even more have raised standards by pursuing free medical services, free education, or relocation with excessive living space. Such actions are not sustainable since they give no consideration to our national conditions. Another problem is that deeply impoverished areas are still facing daunting poverty alleviation tasks. There are still 1.72 million people registered as living in poverty in the \"three regions\" (Tibet, the four prefectures of Hotan, Aksu, Kashgar, and Kizilsu in southern Xinjiang, and the ethnic Tibetan areas in Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu, and Qinghai) and the \"three prefectures\" (Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture in Sichuan, Nujiang Lisu Autonomous Prefecture in Yunnan, and Linxia Hui Autonomous Prefecture in Gansu). With a poverty rate of 8.2%, these areas make up 12.5% of the country’s poor population. There are still 98 counties across the country where the poverty rate is above 10%. In these counties, there are 3.596 million people registered as living in poverty, accounting for 26% of the country’s poor population, and the poverty rate is 13.3 percentage points higher than the national rate. These areas represent the most stubborn challenge in our fight against poverty."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, Istiqlal, a secular center-right party, left the government in the wake of the Egyptian coup, accusing the JDP, under Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, of trying to “Egyptianize” Morocco by monopolizing power, as Morsi did in Egypt. Even in Turkey, a non-Arab Muslim country with strong aspirations to reconcile Islam with democracy, the agreement between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Islamist government and the urban middle class to limit official encroachment on secular lifestyles is unraveling. Erdoğan now promises to “reconstruct Turkey” in his own authoritarian and religious image. The Arabs’ march to freedom is bound to be a long and tortuous process – perhaps the main geopolitical test of the twenty-first century. Yet the battle between secularism and religion in the Arab world does not have to last centuries, as it did in Europe, if only because contemporary generations can benefit from the long process of social and scientific progress that enabled the West to pave the way to modern democracy. But adapting this Western legacy for the contemporary Arab world, while recovering Arabs’ own medieval heritage of tolerance and scientific excellence, will be difficult. One hopes that Egypt’s defeated Islamists will move from the politics of vengeance to a soul-searching process that leads to the recognition that democracy is not a zero-sum game in which the winner takes all. The Leninist “democratic centralism” to which Morsi seemed to have subscribed, if maintained, will be a standing provocation to the new generations and their allies in the old state apparatus to rise up, even at the price of civil war.", "zh": "事实上，世俗中右翼政党独立党（Istiqlal）在埃及政变前夕脱离了政府，并指责以首相本基兰（Abdelilah Benkirane）为首的JDP试图通过效仿穆尔西在埃及那样垄断权力使摩洛哥“埃及化 ” 。 甚至在让伊斯兰教和民主相协调的愿望十分强烈的非阿拉伯的穆斯林国家土耳其，总理埃尔多安的伊斯兰教政府和城市中产阶级之间就限制官方对世俗生活方式指手画脚问题所达成的一致也在动摇之中。 如今埃尔多安誓要按他自己的独裁和宗教形象“重建土耳其 ” 。 阿拉伯人迈向自由的长征之路注定是漫长而曲折的 — — 或许将是21世纪的主要地缘政治考验。 但阿拉伯世界的世俗和宗教之争并不需要像欧洲那样持续几百年，原因很简单：当代人可以从让西方通往现代民主的社会和科学进步的长期过程中获益。 但让当代阿拉伯世界接受这一西方遗产、同时复兴阿拉伯自身的宽容和擅长科学的中世纪传统将是十分困难的。 但愿在埃及受到打击的伊斯兰教能告别复仇的政治，走向反省，认识到民主不是赢家通吃的零和博弈。 穆尔西所采纳的列宁主义的“民主集中制”如果持续下去，将是对旧国家组织中的新一代人及其盟友的崛起的挑衅，这甚至会导致内战的代价。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Japan’s case, this would reduce government debt by an amount equal to more than 40% of GDP today, and around 60% if implemented after the bond purchases planned for 2014. Objections focus on two risks: central-bank losses and excessive inflation. But both of these outcomes can be avoided. Central banks have bought government bonds with money on which they currently pay zero or very low interest rates. So, as interest rates rise, central banks might face costs exceeding their income. But central banks can choose to pay zero interest on a portion of the reserves that commercial banks hold with them, even when they increase the policy interest rate. And they can require commercial banks to hold zero-interest reserves at the central bank equal to a defined proportion of their loans, thus preventing inflationary growth of private credit and money. Permanent monetization of government debts is undoubtedly technically possible. Whether it is desirable depends on the outlook for inflation. Where inflation is returning to target levels, debt monetization could be unnecessarily and dangerously stimulative. Central-bank bond sales, while certainly not inevitable, may be appropriate. But if deflation is the danger, permanent monetization may be the best policy. I predict that Japan will, in effect, permanently monetize some government debt.", "zh": "对日本来说，这将可以削减相当于当前GDP总额40%的政府债务，如果在2014年计划的债权购买计划后实施的话甚至可以达到60 % 。 反对的焦点集中在两大风险之上：央行的损失以及过度通胀。 但这两点后果其实都是可以避免的。 央行们用自身以零利率或者超低利率融来的钱去购买政府债券。 因此随着利率上升，央行可能会面临支出超过收入的状况。 但即便央行提升了政策利率，它们依然可以选择去向那一部分由商业银行持有的储蓄支付零利息。 它们也可以要求商业银行在央行持有相当于其贷款特定比例的零利率储蓄，并因此防止私人信贷和货币的通胀性增长。 长期的政府债务货币化无疑是技术上可行的。 而这是否可取则取决于对通胀的预期。 当通胀恢复到目标水平时，债务货币化就可能变成一种不必要且危险的刺激手段。 央行债务出售，虽然注定无法避免，但也可以是恰当的。 但如果通缩是真正威胁的话，长期的货币化可能是最佳的政策。 我预测日本会在事实上将一些政府债务实施长期货币化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The income earned from such tourism could help the country to shore up its own health system, ensuring that all Indians – including the poor and especially children, among whom malnourishment remains rampant – have access to quality health care. Likewise, India can become a hub for higher education. For the government, the imperative is to create more regulatory space and provide a facilitating ethos for the private sector. An education boom would bring huge returns for the entire Indian economy. The final piece of India’s long-term growth puzzle is investment more broadly. The experience of East Asian countries, not to mention economic theory, shows that capital investment is among the most effective drivers of sustained economic growth. Even in India, the sharp uptick in growth from 2003 occurred alongside a surge in overall investment. Yet India’s investment-to-GDP ratio is now slipping, from over 35% in the last eight years to below 30% today. This can be explained partly by an increase in risk aversion among banks, which are concerned about non-performing assets. Falling business confidence may also be a factor. If India implements policies that boost short-term growth, while laying the groundwork for long-term performance, confidence should rise naturally. Once investment picks up, India will be able to recapture its past rapid growth – and sustain it in the coming years. That outcome would benefit not just India, but the entire global economy.", "zh": "这种旅游所赚取的收入可以帮助该国建立自己的卫生体系，确保所有印度人 — — 包括贫困人口，特别是营养不良的儿童 — — 都能获得优质的医疗保健服务。 同样，印度也可以成为高等教育的中心。 对于政府来说，必须创造更多的监管空间并为私营部门提供便利的办学环境。 教育产业的繁荣也会为整个印度经济带来巨大的回报。 印度实现长期增长的最后一个组成部分是更广泛的投资。 东亚国家的经验（更不不用搬出那些经济理论）表明资本投资是持续经济增长的最有效动力之一。 即使在印度，2003年的增长大提速也是伴随着总体投资额的激增。 然而印度的投资与GDP的比率正在下滑，从过去八年的35％以上降至当前不到30 ％ 。 对此的一部分解释是银行的风险厌恶程度有所增加，开始着手处理不良资产。 商业信心的下滑也可能是一个因素。 如果印度实施促进短期增长的政策，同时为长期发展奠定基础，商业信心也会自然上升。 一旦投资回升，印度将能够重拾过去的快速增长 — — 并在未来几年持续下去。 这一成果不仅有利于印度，也将有利于整个全球经济。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Latest Climate Science Must Mobilize Us, not Paralyze Us SAN JOSÉ – The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the United Nations body tasked with providing scientific evidence and consensus on climate change and its implications for decision-makers and the public, has just issued its latest, long-awaited report. The challenge it presents to all of us is huge. To avoid severe economic and social shocks and protect essential ecosystems, we urgently need to limit the increase in global temperature to within 1.5° Celsius of the pre-industrial level. Achieving the required reductions in greenhouse gas emissions will require boldness, creativity, and some hard choices. But Costa Rica’s experience shows that, in the long run, what is gained far outweighs the sacrifices for all. Climate change is not the first daunting challenge our country – among the world’s most biodiverse countries per square meter – has had to overcome to preserve its natural beauty. Deforestation for cattle grazing nearly halved the land covered by forest over the four decades prior to 1986. Government investment in protecting these natural assets was essential, which meant eliminating subsidies for the cattle industry and perverse incentives for agrarian reform. With subsidies and negative incentives gone, Costa Rica’s cattle population dropped by a third, taking pressure off grazing lands. In the decades since, forests have recovered and now cover more than half the country. And while forest cover doubled, Costa Rica’s per capita income tripled. From this foundation, the economy has grown sustainably and the country has become a world leader in eco-tourism.", "zh": "最新气候科学必须起到动员作用，而不是沮丧作用 圣何塞—负责为决策者和公众提供气候变化及其影响的科学证据与共识的联合国机构 — — 气候变化政府间委员会（IPCC ） ， 刚刚发布了人们期待已久的最新报告。 它呈现了我们所有人所面临的挑战，巨大的挑战。 为了避免严重的经济和社会冲击，保护至关重要的生态系统，我们急需将全球气温升高幅度限制在前工业化水平1.5℃以内。 实现所需的温室气体减排要求果断、创新以及一些艰难的决定。 但哥斯达黎加的经验表明，从长期看，收益远远大于牺牲。 气候变化不是我们国家为了保持自然之美而必须克服的最令人生畏的挑战 — — 哥斯达黎加是每平方米生物多样性最好的国家之一。 在1986年前的四十年中，哥斯达黎加为了牧牛而采伐森林，导致土地森林覆盖减少了一半。 保护这些自然资产的政府投资至关重要，这意味着取消养牛行业补贴、保持耕地改革激励等。 随着补贴和消极激励的取消，哥斯达黎加养殖牛数量下降了三分之一，牧场压力也随之减小。 此后几十年来，森林得到了恢复，现在国内一大半土地被森林覆盖。 在森林覆盖面积翻番的同时，哥斯达黎加人均收入也增长了两倍。 在此基础上，经济有了大幅增长，哥斯达黎加更是成为世界生态旅游的领先者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Is the European Union imploding? The prospect of being accepted into the EU provided the nations of Eastern and Central Europe with a strong incentive to achieve fiscal balance - a process somewhat similar to what happened in Western Europe at the time the euro was launched. In both cases, however, after initial progress, countries have shown clear signs of political \"fatigue\": in the euro area, the Stability Pact has imploded; throughout Eastern Europe, budget deficits have started to rise. In the Czech Republic last year, the budget deficit jumped to 13% of GDP, a threefold increase since 1999. Although this included a one-time charge for bank restructuring costs, this year the deficit will close above 6% of GDP. In Poland, the deficit is also moving close to 6% of GDP, up from 2.9% in 2001. In Hungary the budget deficit is widening again, after narrowing to 4% of GDP in 2001. Malta, too, has a deficit close to 10% of GDP, up four percentage points since 2001. Only the Baltic countries seem able to maintain sound fiscal policies. In many ways, this is not surprising: once politicians no longer face annual EU progress reports - and the threat of exclusion - fiscal relaxation becomes much less costly. At the same time, the big euro area members (France and Germany) do not have a leg to stand on to criticize other countries' fiscal policies, so there are virtually no international constraints on EU countries' budget deficits. Indeed, these constraints have proven to be utterly useless after a country's EU entry, and it will be hard to impose them as an admission criterion for other potential entrants. Perhaps more surprising is the apparent political backlash against the governments that have led countries into the EU. Once again the similarity with what happened in Western Europe at the time of the euro's implementation is striking. The government of Romano Prodi, having managed against all the odds to get Italy into Europe's monetary union, fell three months later. The Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary have each endured a government crisis since EU accession. Throughout Central and Eastern Europe, the EU is not as popular as it used to be.", "zh": "欧盟正发生聚变吗？ 被欧盟接纳的前景成为东欧各国实现财政平衡的强大动力-这一过程与欧元开始流通时西欧诸国的反应颇为相似。 然而，在这两个进程中，相关国家在起初的财政改善之后，都明显地表现出政治\"疲惫\"的迹象：在欧元区 ， 《 稳定协议》发生了聚变；在整个东欧，财政预算赤字开始上升。 在捷克共和国，去年的预算赤字攀升至GDP的13 % ， 比1999年增加了3倍。 虽然这其中包含了一笔一次性的银行重组成本，但今年的赤字仍会占GDP的6%以上。 在波兰，财政赤字也从2001年的2.9%上升到占GDP的近6 % 。 在匈牙利，预算赤字也在2001年达到占GDP的4%之后开始新一轮的攀升。 马耳他的预算赤字也占到了GDP的近10 % ， 比2001年上涨了4个百分点。 只有巴尔干地区各国似乎还能维持合理的财政政策。 从许多方面看，这一现象不足为奇：一旦政治家们不用再面对欧盟进步的年度报告-及排他主义的威胁-财政放宽的成本也就不再那么高昂了。 同时，欧元区的大国们（法国和德国）也自顾不暇，无法对他国的财政政策指手画脚，因而对欧盟各国财政政策的国际性约束也不复存在。 的确，在一个国家加入 欧盟以后，这些约束实际上就成了摆设。 而要将其作为一种行政规范施加于潜在的新成员国也并非易事。 或许更让人意想不到的是民众对曾引领这些国家加入欧盟的各国政府在政治上的对抗性反应。 现今的情况与欧元开始流通时西欧的情况又一次惊人的相似。 罗马诺•普罗迪政府在力排众议将意大利领入欧洲货币联盟的3个月之后倒台了。 捷克共和国、波兰和匈牙利自加入欧盟之后都不约而同地经历了政府危机。 在整个中欧和东欧，欧盟不再像以前那么受欢迎了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "高储能和关键电子材料制造，主要包括初级形态塑料及合成树脂制造、其他专用化学产品制造、塑料薄膜制造、特种玻璃制造、技术玻璃制品制造、特种陶瓷制品制造、石墨及碳素制品制造、锂离子电池制造、镍氢电池制造、其他电池制造、电子专用材料制造等。初级形态塑料及合成树脂制造，主要包括聚烯烃类材料、软材料及硅基复合材料。其他专用化学产品制造，主要包括六氟磷酸锂碳酸酯类溶液。塑料薄膜制造，主要包括铝塑膜、透明导电薄膜材料、电子元件专用厚薄膜材料。特种玻璃制造，主要包括6代及以上玻璃基板。技术玻璃制品制造，主要包括玻璃陶瓷（微晶玻璃）、石英系光纤光缆材料。特种陶瓷制品制造，主要包括高性能陶瓷基板、气敏陶瓷材料、湿敏陶瓷材料、光敏陶瓷材料、热敏陶瓷材料。石墨及碳素制品制造，主要包括石墨类材料（如人造石墨及天然石墨等）、硬碳材料。锂离子电池制造，主要包括锂离子电池单体、模块及系统。", "en": "The manufacturing of high-energy storage and key electronic materials mainly includes the production of primary form plastics and synthetic resins, other specialty chemical products, plastic film, specialty glass, technical glass products, specialty ceramic products, graphite and carbon products, lithium-ion battery manufacturing, nickel-hydrogen battery manufacturing, other battery manufacturing, and electronic specialty material manufacturing. The production of primary form plastics and synthetic resins mainly includes polyolefin materials, soft materials, and silicon-based composite materials. The manufacturing of other specialty chemical products mainly includes lithium hexafluorophosphate carbonate solution. The manufacturing of plastic film mainly includes aluminum-plastic film, transparent conductive film materials, and electronic component-specific thin film materials. The manufacturing of specialty glass mainly includes glass substrates of 6th generation and above. The manufacturing of technical glass products mainly includes glass ceramics (microcrystalline glass) and quartz fiber optic cable materials. The manufacturing of specialty ceramic products mainly includes high-performance ceramic substrates, gas-sensitive ceramic materials, moisture-sensitive ceramic materials, photosensitive ceramic materials, and thermosensitive ceramic materials. The manufacturing of graphite and carbon products mainly includes graphite materials (such as artificial graphite and natural graphite) and hard carbon materials. The manufacturing of lithium-ion batteries mainly includes lithium-ion battery cells, modules, and systems."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of the planet’s 8.1 million jobs in renewable energy, 3.5 million are in China, whereas fewer than one million are in the US. Persuaded that clean energy is good for the environment and the economy, China has committed $367 billion through 2020 to the development of renewable power sources – a level of investment that is expected to generate 13 million jobs. China is also looking beyond its borders, by exporting the expertise it has developed in renewable energy and supporting technologies. In 2016, China invested tens of billions in renewable energy projects in Australia, Germany, Brazil, Chile, Egypt, Pakistan, Vietnam, Indonesia, and elsewhere. Likewise, to rein in pollutants from motor vehicles, China’s government has made adoption of electric vehicles a high priority, setting a target of five million on the country’s roads by 2020. To promote sales, buyers are exempted from sales and excise taxes ($6,000-$10,000 per vehicle). And, anticipating the eventual replacement of conventional motor vehicles globally, the authorities are providing generous subsidies for domestic manufacturing. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is trying to turn back the clock, by betting on the resuscitation of a dying – and deadly – fossil-fuel industry. Describing a transition to electric vehicles as a job killer, Trump has advocated ending federal subsidies that encourage domestic development, manufacture, and purchase, such as the $7,500 federal tax credit for consumers. China’s dependence on fossil fuels has left it in a deep environmental hole, but its leaders are determined to climb out.", "zh": "在全球可再生能源810万个工作岗位中， 350万个属于中国，而仅有不到一百万个属于美国。 因为坚信清洁能源有利于环境和经济，中国到2020年已经承诺投资3，670亿美元用于可再生能源发展 — — 预计如此规模的投资将创造1，300万个就业机会。 中国还将眼光投向国外，将其在可再生能源和配套技术方面研发的专业知识用于出口。 2016年，中国投资成百上千亿美元用于澳大利亚、德国、巴西、智利、埃及、巴基斯坦、越南、印度尼西亚和其他国家的可再生能源项目开发工作。 同样，为控制汽车排放污染，中国政府已经把电动车作为重中之重，并制定了到2020年达到上路500万辆的目标。 为促进销售，政府对购买者免征销售和消费税（每辆车约为6，000-10，000美元 ） 。 而且，因为预见到全球传统机动车终将被取代，中国政府为国内制造提供了慷慨的补贴。 与此同时，特朗普政府却在试图让时光倒流，把注压在奄奄一息 — — 而且濒临死亡的 — — 化石燃料业的复苏。 特朗普宣扬向电动车转型会减少工作岗位，主张终止鼓励国内研发生产和购买行为的联邦补贴，比如7,500美元的联邦消费税收抵免政策。 中国对化石燃料的依赖曾导致其落入深深的环境陷阱，但中国领导人决心要爬出这座陷阱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Seven days later, on February 13, the islet of Aphroessa appeared, leaving a ten-meter channel between itself and Nea Kameni. I was in these seas when that phenomenon occurred and I was able to observe its every phase. The islet of Aphroessa was circular in shape, measuring 300 feet in diameter and thirty feet in height. It was made of black, glassy lava mixed with bits of feldspar. Finally, on March 10, a smaller islet called Reka appeared next to Nea Kameni, and since then, these three islets have fused to form one single, selfsame island.” “What about this channel we’re in right now?” I asked. “Here it is,” Captain Nemo replied, showing me a chart of the Greek Islands. “You observe that I’ve entered the new islets in their place.” “But will this channel fill up one day?” “Very likely, Professor Aronnax, because since 1866 eight little lava islets have surged up in front of the port of St. Nicolas on Palea Kameni. So it’s obvious that Nea and Palea will join in days to come. In the middle of the Pacific, tiny infusoria build continents, but here they’re built by volcanic phenomena. Look, sir! Look at the construction work going on under these waves.”", "zh": "加孟宜合并起来，七天后，2月13日，阿夫罗沙小岛出现，在它和尼亚一孟加宜中间让开一“条宽十米的水道。这件抒事发生的时候，我正在这一带海中，我可以观察岛屿形成的所有阶段。阿夫罗沙小岛是圆圈形，直径三百英尺，高三十英尺，它的成分为黑色的和坡璃质的火山石，同时大杂了长石碎片。最后，8月10日，又有一个更小的小岛，名为列卡岛，在近尼亚～加孟宜小岛地方出现，自后，这三个小岛合并在一起，形成为一个大岛。” “目前我们所在的水道在哪里呢？\"我问。 “这不是吗，”尼摩船长情着一张希腊群岛的地图回答我，“您看到，我把新出现的小岛都加上去了。” “这水道有一天要填平吗？” “那很可能，阿龙纳斯先生，因为，自1866年以来，有八个火山石的小岛在巴列亚～加孟宜小岛的圣尼古拉港对面浮出来了。显然，在很近的期间，尼亚和巴列亚两小岛就要连接起来。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And in Kolkata, India, a Dublin-based startup called Addressing the Unaddressedhas used GPS to provide postal addresses for more than 120,000 slum dwellers in 14 informal communities. The goal is to give residents a legal means of obtaining biometric identification cards, essential documentation needed to access government services and register to vote. But while these innovations are certainly significant, they are only a fraction of what is possible. Public health is one area where small investments in technology can bring big benefits to marginalized groups. In the developing world, preventable illnesses comprise a disproportionate share of the disease burden. When data are used to identify demographic groups with elevated risk profiles, low-cost mobile-messaging campaigns can transmit vital prevention information. So-called “m-health” interventions on issues like vaccinations, safe sex, and pre- and post-natal care have been shown to improve health outcomes and lower health-care costs. Another area ripe for innovation is the development of technologies that directly aid the elderly. Here, the creation of local social-media networks could help seniors stay connected, perhaps by drawing them into mentoring and tutoring programs that build cross-generational bonds. E-career platforms could also be coded to match retirees with opportunities outside of the home. And more cities could deliver telemedicine and video consultations to elderly residents who are unable to easily travel to see doctors. In fact, lower-income cities that embrace smart planning are often better positioned to benefit because they are building infrastructure from scratch. According to forthcoming research by the McKinsey Global Institute, smart-governance solutions can improve health, safety, environmental, and other quality-of-life metrics by 10-30%. And, as the research discovered, cities at the upper end of that range are often the poorest. To realize this potential, however, poor cities must first overcome a more basic problem: gaps in digital infrastructure. City planners have sometimes been accused of promoting digital conveniences that favor the rich and exclude the poor. But as cities around the world are already demonstrating, it is possible to deploy technologies that serve everyone – even those on the margins of connectivity. As the urban world becomes “smarter,” cities will have an opportunity to become more inclusive.", "zh": "而在印度的加尔各答,一家总部位于都柏林，名为“无地址者地址生成器（Addressing the Unaddressed ） ” 的初创企业使用GPS为居住在14个非正式社区的超过12万名贫民窟居民生成了邮寄地址。 其目标是让居民获得申请生物特征识别卡以及获取政府服务和登记投票所需基本文件的合法途径。 这些创新固然十分重要，却只发挥了一小部分潜力而已。 公共卫生就是一小笔技术投资可以为边缘化群体带来巨大收益的领域。 在发展中国家可预防疾病占据了疾病负担中的过高比例。 当数据被用于识别具有高风险特征的人群时，低成本的手机短信可以传达重要的预防信息给这些人。 事实证明所谓的“移动-健康”接入手段对类似疫苗接种，安全性行为以及产前/产后护理等事务都可以起到改善健康状况并降低医疗保健成本的效果。 另一个是时候推动创新的领域是一些可以直接帮扶老年人的技术。 在这方面，创建当地的社交媒体网络可以帮助老年人与社区保持联系，比如把他们吸收到构建代际纽带的指导和辅导计划中；在线职业平台也可以让退休人员在家门之外找到工作机会；也应该有更多的城市向无法轻松前往就医的老年居民提供远程医疗和视频咨询服务。 事实上，应用智能规划的低收入城市往往更能从中获益，因为它们可以从零开始构建基础设施。 根据麦肯锡全球研究院即将发布的研究成果，智能治理解决方案可以将医疗，安全，环境和其他生活质量指标提高10~30 ％ 。 而且正如研究发现的那样，那些成效最显著的城市往往是最穷的。 然而为了兑现这种潜力，贫穷城市首先必须克服一个更基本的问题：数字基础设施上的差距。 有时人们会指责城市规划者只会推广一些有利于富人而排斥穷人的数字便利措施。 但正如世界各地的城市所展示的那样，部署能为每个人（甚至是那些边缘连接者）服务的技术是完全可能的。 随着城市空间变得“更智能 ” ， 城市也有机会变得更具包容性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The US Economy’s Dirty Secret SAN DIEGO – There is a dirty little secret in economics today: the United States has benefited – and continues to benefit – from the global slump. The US economy is humming along, even while protesters in the United Kingdom hurl milkshakes at Brexiteers, French President Emmanuel Macron confronts nihilist yellow-vested marchers, and Chinese tech firms such as Huawei fear being frozen out of foreign markets. Last year, the US economy grew by 2.9%, while the eurozone expanded by just 1.8%, giving President Donald Trump even more confidence in his confrontational style. But relatively strong US growth amid sluggishness elsewhere is not what economics textbooks would predict. Whatever happened to the tightly integrated world economy that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have been advocating – and more recently extolling – since World War II? The US economy is in a temporary but potent phase in which weakness abroad lifts spirits at home. But this economic euphoria has nothing to do with Trump-era spite and malice, and much to do with interest rates. Borrowing costs are currently lower than at any time since the founding of the US Federal Reserve in 1913, or in the UK’s case since the Bank of England was established in 1694. The ten-year US Treasury bond is yielding about 2.123%, and in April, the streaming service Netflix issued junk bonds at a rate of just 5.4%. If a Rip Van Winkle economist were to wake up today after a decades-long sleep and see only those numbers, he or she would assume that one-fifth of Americans were unemployed and standing in lines outside soup kitchens. Instead, the US jobless rate is at its lowest level since Neil Armstrong took his famous first step onto the Moon’s surface 50 years ago. The idea that the US wins in a global slump might sound like the sardonic musing of some unreconstructed Marxist in the dingy corner of a faculty lounge. But such a view is not ideological. Rather, global interest rates are scraping the floor because GDP growth outside the US is so sluggish. Persistently low interest rates and weak inflation bring multiple benefits to the US economy.", "zh": "美国经济的肮脏秘密 发自圣地亚哥—当今的经济学中有一个肮脏的小秘密：美国一直在从全球经济衰退中受益—而且目前依然在持续受益。 在英国抗议者向脱欧派政客投掷奶昔，法国总统埃马纽埃尔·马克龙（Emmanuel Macron）遭遇万念俱灰的黄衫军，而华为等中国科技企业忧虑自己会在国外市场被封杀之时，美国经济却是一枝独秀。 美国经济在去年实现了2.9％的增长，而欧元区只有1.8 ％ ， 这让总统特朗普越发对自己那套对抗型行事风格充满自信。 但在其他地区经济低迷的情况下，美国经济的相对强劲增长已经超出了经济学教科书所能预测的范畴。 那么这个国际货币基金组织和世界银行自二战以来一直倡导（甚至最近大加赞美）的所谓紧密整合的世界经济究竟是什么状况？ 美国经济处于一种暂时但强效的阶段，其国外的疲软反而提振了国内的士气。 但这种经济兴奋状态与特朗普时代的仇恨和恶意无关，而与利率息息相关。 美国当前的借款成本比美联储自1913年成立以来（或者自英格兰银行于1694年成立以来）的任何时候都要低。 十年期美国国债收益率约为2.123 ％ 。 4月，流媒体服务公司Netflix发行了一笔收益率仅有5.4%的垃圾债券。 如果某个大萧条时期的经济学家在休眠数十年后醒来并看到那些数字，那么他/她准会认为1/5的美国人已经失业并站在慈善机构外排队等发吃的。 但情况恰恰相反，美国失业率的处于尼尔·阿姆斯特朗（Neil Armstrong）50年前在月球表面迈出历史性一步以来的最低水平。 这种美国在全球经济衰退中大获全胜的想法或许听起来像是些老顽固马克思主义者在某个教师休息室昏暗角落里的轻蔑讽刺。 但这种观点与意识形态无关。 相反，由于美国以外地区的GDP增长如此缓慢，全球利率正在飙升。 持续低利率和通胀疲软为美国经济带来了多重收益。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "朱文武，清华大学教授，博士生导师，现任清华大学计算机系副主任，信息科学与技术国家研究中心副主任，大数据算法与分析国家工程实验室副主任，清华大学大数据中心副主任。 曾任微软亚洲研究院主任研究员，英特尔中国研究院首席科学家与总监，及美国贝尔实验室研究员等职。 国家973项目首席科学家，国家基金委重大项目负责人。 主要从事媒体大数据计算、网络多媒体与跨媒体智能等研究工作。 在上述研究领域发表高水平国际论文350余篇，发明专利60余项。 曾8次获ACM及IEEE等国际最佳论文奖。 现担任IEEE Transactions on Multimedia 主编。 曾担任IEEE Transactions on Mobile Computing和IEEE Transactions on Multimedia的 Steering Committee委员，担任ACM Multimedia 2018和ACM CIKM 2019大会主席。 IEEE Fellow、AAAS Fellow、 SPIE Fellow。 荣获2012和2018年度国家自然科学二等奖（排名第二、第一）。", "en": "Wenwu Zhu is a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor at Tsinghua University and he is currently the Deputy Director of the Department of Computer Science and Technology, Tsinghua University, of the National Research Center for Information Science and Technology. of the National Engineering Laboratory for Big Data Algorithms and Analysis, and of the Department of Computer Science and Technology at Tsinghua University. Previously he was the Research Manager at Microsoft Research Asia, the Chief Scientist nd Director of the Intel Research Institute China, and a member of Bell Labs USA. Zhu is also the Chief Scientist of the National 973 Project and in charge of major projects of the National Foundation of China. His research fields primarily concentrate on Media Big Data Computing, Network Multimedia and Cross-Media Intelligence, etc. In the mentioned areas, quality papers published are exceeding 350 and more than 60 patents are obtained. Zhu has won the International Best Paper Award from ACM and IEEE for 8 times. He is now the Editor in Chief of IEEE Transactions on Multimedia. And previously he is a member of Steering Committee of IEEE Transactions on Mobile Computing and IEEE Transactions on Multimedia的 Steering Committee, and the Chairman of ACM Multimedia 2018 and ACM CIKM 2019. Zhu is also a IEEE Fellow, AAAS Fellow and SPIE Fellow. And he was granted the Second Prize of National Natural Science Award in 2012 and 2018 respectively."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "到2016年，核心技术开发取得突破进展，重点产品市场占有率稳步提高，设计业集中度显著提升，高端制造能力与国际先进水平差距进一步缩小，形成一批具有国际竞争力的龙头企业，产业链互动发展格局初步建立。投融资目标：鼓励国内有基础的地区建立2到3支产业投资基金，突破产业发展的资金瓶颈，引导更多的社会资金投入集成电路产业。产品开发目标：先进设计能力达到22nm，推动一批具有自主知识产权的核心芯片实现规模应用，在移动智能终端、智能电视等领域市场占有率超过20%。先进产能目标：建成1条32/28nm工艺生产线，产能超过3万片/月，45/40nm工艺产能扩大到5万片/月，先进封装的产能满足国内40%以上市场需求。企业培育目标：培育1家进入全球前十位的芯片设计企业，1家进入全球前四位的芯片制造企业，1-2家进入全球前十位的封测企业，形成产业链完善、创新能力强、特色鲜明的产业集聚区。", "en": "By 2016, breakthrough progress has been made in the development of core technologies, the market share of key products has steadily increased, the concentration of the design industry has significantly improved, the gap between high-end manufacturing capabilities and international advanced levels has further narrowed, and a number of internationally competitive leading enterprises have been formed, preliminary establishing a pattern of interactive development in the industrial chain. Investment and financing goals: Encourage the establishment of 2 to 3 industry investment funds in regions with a foundation, break through the funding bottleneck for industrial development, and guide more social capital to invest in the integrated circuit industry. Product development goals: Advanced design capabilities reach 22nm, promote the large-scale application of a number of core chips with independent intellectual property rights, and achieve a market share of over 20% in areas such as mobile smart terminals and smart TVs. Advanced production capacity goals: Establish a 32/28nm process production line with a capacity of over 30,000 wafers per month, expand the capacity of the 45/40nm process to 50,000 wafers per month, and meet over 40% of the domestic market demand for advanced packaging. Enterprise cultivation goals: Cultivate one chip design enterprise among the top ten in the world, one chip manufacturing enterprise among the top four in the world, and 1-2 packaging and testing enterprises among the top ten in the world, forming an industrial agglomeration area with a complete industrial chain, strong innovation capabilities, and distinctive characteristics."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Stop Inflating the Inflation Threat BERKELEY – In light of current macroeconomic conditions in the United States, I’ve found myself thinking back to September 2014. That month, the US unemployment rate dropped below 6%, and a broad range of commentators assured us that inflation would soon be on the rise, as predicted by the Phillips curve. The corollary of this argument, of course, was that the US Federal Reserve should begin rapidly normalizing monetary policy, shrinking the monetary base and raising interest rates back into a “normal” range. Today, US unemployment is 2.5 percentage points lower than it was when we were all assured that the economy had reached the “natural” rate of unemployment. When I was an assistant professor back in the 1990s, the rule of thumb was that unemployment this low would lead to a 1.3 percentage point increase in inflation per year. If this year’s rate of inflation was 2%, next year’s would be 3.3%. And if unemployment remained at the same general level, the inflation rate the following year would be 4.6%, and 5.9% the year after. But the old rule of thumb no longer applies. The inflation rate in the US will remain at about 2% per year for the next several years, and our monetary-policy choices should reflect that fact. To be sure, the conventional wisdom among economists back in the 1990s was justified. Between 1957 and 1988, inflation responded predictably to fluctuations in the rate of unemployment. The slope of the simplest possible Phillips curve, when accounting for adaptive expectations, was -0.54: each percentage point decline in unemployment below the estimated natural rate translated into a 0.54 percentage point increase in inflation the following year. The estimated negative slope of the Phillips curve – that -0.54 figure – between the late 1950s and the late 1980s was drawn largely from six important observations. In 1966, 1973, and 1974, inflation rose in a context of relatively low unemployment. Then, in 1975, 1981, and 1982, inflation fell amid conditions of relatively high unemployment. Since 1988, however, the slope of the simplest possible Phillips curve has been effectively zero, with an estimated regression coefficient of just -0.03. Even with unemployment far below what economists have presumed was the natural rate, inflation has not accelerated.", "zh": "请停止夸大通胀威胁 发自伯克利—美国当前的宏观经济状况令我回想起了2014年9月。 当时美国失业率降到了6％以下，同时一大批评论员向我们保证通胀很快就会如菲利普斯曲线所预测的那样上升。 当然，这一论点的必然推论是美联储应当迅速着手实施货币政策正常化，缩小货币基础，并将利率提高到原本的“正常”范围。 时至今日，美国的失业率比我们都确信经济已经达到“自然”失业率时的水平还低了2.5个百分点。 当我在1990年代担任助理教授时，经验告诉我们如此低的失业率会使每年的通胀率增加1.3个百分点。 如果今年的通货膨胀率为2 ％ ， 那么明年通胀率则为3.3 ％ 。 如果失业率能保持在同样的总体水平，那么第二年的通货膨胀率将是4.6 ％ ， 第二年的通货膨胀率将是5.9 ％ 。 但是这一旧经验已经不再适用。 在接下来的几年中，美国的通胀率始终保持在每年2％左右，我们的货币政策选择也应当回应这一事实。 无可否认，1990年代经济学家的传统观点是有依据的。 在1957年至1988年之间，通胀对失业率的波动做出了预料之内的回应。 在适应性预期方面，最简洁菲利普斯曲线的斜率为-0.54：这意味着失业率在低于估计自然率的情况下每下降一个百分点，则第二年通胀率会上升0.54个百分点。 在1950年代末至1980年代末之间菲利普斯曲线的负斜率估计值 （ - 0.54）主要来自六个重要的观测时点。 在1966年，1973年和1974年，通胀率在失业率相对较低的背景下出现上升。 随后到了1975年，1981年和1982年，由于失业率较高，通胀率反而下降了。 但是，自1988年以来，最简洁菲利普斯曲线的斜率基本上为零，对应的估测回归系数仅为-0.03。 即便失业率远远低于经济学家所预想的自然增长率，通胀也没有加速。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Deepening Geopolitical Hole CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA – The United Kingdom’s decision to ban Huawei from its 5G networks has dealt a painful blow to China. Until recently, China was still counting on the UK to stick to its earlier decision to allow the Chinese telecom giant to supply non-core equipment for the country’s 5G networks. But two recent developments made such a decision untenable. The first was the United States’ escalation of its war on Huawei. The US instituted a new sanction in May banning suppliers that use American technology from providing semiconductors to Huawei. Because US technology is used to manufacture the advanced semiconductors that Huawei’s products, including 5G base stations, require, the company’s supply will be cut off, making production of its 5G equipment in the future nearly impossible. The prospect that a key supplier of the UK’s 5G networks would no longer be able to build and maintain its system is a far more serious threat than potential Chinese snooping is. No responsible government can afford to take such a risk. So, Huawei’s days were numbered as soon as the US government pulled the trigger in May. The only question was when Prime Minister Boris Johnson would tell President Xi Jinping the bad news. The second development, which made it politically easier for Johnson to embrace the Huawei ban, is China’s imposition of its new national security law on Hong Kong. This draconian legislation, which was proposed in late May and passed by China’s rubber-stamp parliament on June 30, has for all practical purposes ended the autonomous status of the former British colony. From the UK’s perspective, China’s action is a blatant violation of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration on Hong Kong, which includes China’s pledge to respect and protect the city’s legal system and civil liberties for 50 years after its reversion to Chinese rule in 1997. Chinese leaders might think that the UK is too weak to fight back. Clearly, they are wrong. The UK has decided to take a stand on Hong Kong, and Huawei is an easy and obvious target. China may be tempted to strike back, and would seem to have plenty of leverage. It can squeeze UK firms doing business in China.", "zh": "中国日益加深的地缘政治漏洞 加利福尼亚州，克莱蒙特市—英国禁止华为公司参与5G网络建设的决定给中国带来了沉重打击。 直到最近，中国还指望英国能坚持其之前的决定，允许这家中国电信巨头为英国的5G网络提供非核心设备。 但最近发生的两件事让英国无法继续坚持己见。 首先是美国对华为的战争升级。 今年5月，美国出台了一项新的制裁措施，禁止那些使用美国技术的供应商向华为提供半导体材料。 由于美国技术被用于制造华为产品(包括5G基站)所需的先进半导体，这些对华为公司的供应将被切断，使得华为公司在未来几乎不可能生产5G设备。 一家英国5G网络的主要供应商将无法继续建造和维护其系统，这一威胁比中国通过5G网络开展潜在的监听威胁严重得多。 任何负责任的政府都不能够承担这样的风险。 因此，5月份美国政府一采取中断供应的行动，华为的好日子就到头了。 唯一的问题是，英国首相鲍里斯·约翰逊(Boris Johnson)将在何时把这个坏消息告诉习近平主席。 第二项进展是中国对香港实施新的国家安全法，这使得约翰逊在政治上更容易接受华为禁令。 这项严苛的立法于5月底提出，并于6月30日被中国人民代表大会的通过，这在事实上结束了这个前英国殖民地的自治地位。 从英国的角度来看，中国的行动公然违反了1984年中英关于香港的联合声明，这个联合声明包括中国承诺在香港1997年回归中国后的50年里尊重和保护香港的法律制度和公民自由。 中国领导人可能会认为，英国过于软弱且无力反击。 显然，他们错了。 英国已决定对香港表明其立场，而华为则成为了英国表明其立场的一个易于着手且明显的目标。 中国可能很想反击，而且似乎有足够的筹码。 中国可以打压在中国做生意的英国公司。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Democracy’s Burning Ships CHICAGO – Since the late 1970’s, the academic diffusion of game theory has led macroeconomists to emphasize the importance of “commitment,” a strategy that aims to enhance long-term economic outcomes by restricting policymakers’ discretion. The idea seems counterintuitive: How can less produce more? While not historically accurate, one of the best examples of a strategic commitment is provided by the legend of Hernán Cortés, according to which, in his quest to conquer Mexico, he decided to burn the ships that had brought his expedition from Spain. At first, this might seem like a crazy move: Why intentionally destroy the only possible way out in case of defeat? Cortes allegedly did it to motivate his troops. With no escape route, soldiers were highly motivated to win. Alexander the Great is said to have done something similar when conquering Persia. To produce its benefit, a commitment strategy should be credible – that is, it cannot be reversed quickly. In this sense, Cortés’s strategy was perfect: in case of defeat, the Spanish would have no time to rebuild the burned ships. To work properly, a commitment strategy should also be costly in case of failure: had Cortés lost, no Spanish soldier would have escaped alive. It is precisely this cost that helped motivate his soldiers. The problem is that we are bound to hear about only the successful historical examples of such a strategy.", "zh": "民主国家的烧船 芝加哥—自20世纪70年代以来，博弈论在学术上的流行使得宏观经济学家开始强调“承诺”的重要性。 承诺本是意在通过限制决策者自由裁量权改善长期经济结果的策略。 这一观点是反直觉的：更少怎么会产生更多？ 尽管从历史上看并不精确，但策略性承诺的最佳例子是寇蒂斯（Hernán Cortés）的传奇故事：在征服墨西哥的过程中，他决定烧掉西班牙远征队的船。 乍一看，这是个疯狂举动：为什么自己毁掉万一失败唯一可能的退路？ 据说寇蒂斯这样做是为了激发士气。 断了退路，士兵就会有强大动力去大胜仗。 亚历山大大帝据说在征服波斯的过程中也用了同样的计谋。 为了产生效果，承诺战略必须是可信的 — — 也就是说，不能马上食言。 从这个角度看，寇蒂斯的策略是完美的：一旦打了败仗，西班牙人根本没时间重新造船。 要想起作用，承诺策略还必须具有万一失败代价沉重的特点：如果寇蒂斯失败，就没有一个西班牙士兵能够生还。 正是这样的成本帮助激发了他的士兵的士气。 问题在于，我们注定只能听到运用此类策略获得成功的历史案例。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the US prefers not to do so, it should at least strip Pakistan of its status, acquired in 2004, as a Major non-NATO Ally, thereby ending its preferential access to American weapons and technologies. Moreover, the US should impose targeted sanctions, including asset freezes on senior military officers who maintain particularly close ties to terrorists. With the children of many Pakistani military officers living in the US, it would also be worth barring these families from the country. Finally, the US should take advantage of its enduring position as Pakistan’s largest export market to tighten the economic screws on the cash-strapped country. Since 2013, Pakistan has attempted to offset the sharp decline in its foreign-exchange reserves by raising billions of dollars in dollar-denominated debt with ten-year bonds. Pakistan’s efforts to stave off default create leverage that the US should use. Likewise, Pakistan agreed to privatize 68 state-run companies, in exchange for $6.7 billion in credit from the International Monetary Fund. If the US extended financial and trade sanctions to multilateral lending, and suspended supplies of military spare parts, it would gain another effective means of bringing Pakistan to heel. To be sure, Pakistan could respond to such sanctions by blocking America’s overland access to Afghanistan, thereby increasing the cost of resupplying US forces by up to 50%. But, as Pakistan learned in 2011-2012, such a move would hurt its own economy, especially its military-dominated trucking industry.", "zh": "如果美国不愿这么做，它至少可以剥夺巴基斯坦在2004年取得的非北约主要盟友地位，从而结束美国对巴基斯坦的武器和技术优先援助。 此外，美国应对巴基斯坦高级军官实施有针对性的制裁，包括冻结他们的资产，因为这些人与恐怖分子一直关系密切。 因为巴基斯坦许多军官的子女在美生活，因此还应当禁止这些家属进入美国。 最后，美国还应当利用自己作为巴基斯坦最大出口市场的持久地位来拧紧这个现金奇缺的国家的经济螺母。 2013年来，巴基斯坦试图通过筹集数十亿美元的美元计价债务来抵消其外汇储备的大幅下降。 巴基斯坦希望竭力避免违约应当成为美国可以利用的筹码。 同样，巴基斯坦同意对68家国营企业进行私有化，以换取国际货币基金组织67亿美元的信贷援助。 如果美国将金融和贸易制裁扩大到多边借贷并暂停军事备件的供应，将会获得让巴基斯坦屈服的另外一种有效的方法。 可以肯定，巴基斯坦可以通过阻止美军从陆路进出阿富汗来回应这样的制裁举措，这可能导致美军补给成本提高50%左右。 但正如巴基斯坦在2011到2012年所学到的那样，这样的举动将会伤害其本国经济，尤其是军方主导的货运业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The administration seems bent on herding adversaries together – transforming Samuel Huntington’s “clash-of-civilizations” dystopia into a self-fulfilling prophecy. Kennan maintained that the US should work to create a world that no one can dominate, and that the best way to spread democracy is to demonstrate its superiority. Ramming democracy down people’s throats is self-defeating. Just as it produced a potent fusion of communism and anti-American nationalism in Southeast Asia and Latin America, it is now producing a similar combination of radical Islam and anti-American nationalism across the Middle East. Terrorist groups can be minimized if their enabling states are contained. Defenders of the Bush doctrine claim that this is impossible when they operate out of failed states that cannot police their borders. But, given that the Bush doctrine has compounded the failed-state problem, this is a bogus argument. However many failed states there were in the world before America invaded Iraq, there is one more now. To build a containment regime against terrorism emanating from the Middle East, a date for America’s departure from Iraq must be set. There is no other way to reverse the widespread perception across the region that the US has imperial ambitions. The other essential step is to place resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict at the center of America’s foreign policy agenda. America must push for a solution that can garner the support of significant majorities of all the peoples between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean. That is the surest means of protecting and promoting democracy.", "zh": "布什坚持中东和平方案必须接受西岸已经变化了“领土情况 ” ， 彻底改变了已经奉行了几十年的美国政策。 布什政府似乎决意要把对手驱赶到一起¾这种做法把塞谬尔·亨廷顿（Samuel Huntington）所描绘的“文化激烈冲突”的反面乌托邦变成了现实。 凯南坚持认为美国应努力建设一个没有霸权的世界，而宣传民主的最佳方法莫过于向世人展示民主的优势所在。 强迫人们接受民主不可能取得成功。 这种做法曾经在东南亚和拉美缔造出强大的共产主义和反美民族主义联盟，同样的做法如今又使中东地区产生了极端伊斯兰主义和反美民族主义的联合运动。 只要遏制住恐怖主义宗主国就能遏制住恐怖主义运动。 布什教条的捍卫者声称自顾不暇、一片混乱的宗主国不能再给恐怖活动以任何的支持。 但由于布什教条使国家变得更为混乱，这样的说法从根本上站不住脚。 无论美国入侵伊拉克前世界上有多少个国家陷入混乱，现在又多了一个混乱的国家。 要想建立中东恐怖主义的遏制机制，就必须确定美国从伊拉克的撤军日期。 要想转变中东地区对美帝国主义野心的广泛猜测，除此之外再也别无他法。 另外一个关键性步骤是将解决巴以冲突放在美国外交政策安排的核心。 美国必须全力推动能在约旦河和地中海间的广大土地上获得绝大多数民众支持的解决方案。 那才是保护和促进民主最有效的方法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "An energetic and daring gambler, Sarkozy is taking a high but legitimate risk that he can retake the moral (and political) high ground. Beyond Sarkozy is Qaddafi, the ideal villain. A caricature of a despot, he personifies the type of odious adversary whom all democrats want to see defeated. His behavior has been abominable for decades – and not only towards his people. The terrorist attacks on Western targets that he ordered include not only the Pan Am tragedy in Lockerbie, Scotland, but also a French UTA plane blown up over Africa. And not only is Qaddafi truly bad, but Libya is comparatively small, and his forces appear relatively weak (this remains to be proven on the ground). Aside from these personality factors, there is the regional context. Preventing Qaddafi from rebuilding the wall of fear that fell in Tunisia and Egypt is essential if the “Arab spring” is not to be succeeded by a new winter of discontent. What is now done in the sky over Libya – sanctioned by international law and, unlike in Iraq in 2003, with the ambivalent political support of the Arab League – is fundamental if the Arab revolutionaries are to take a positive view of the West. The West is not trying, as it did during the Crusades or the Imperialist conquests of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to impose its religion or values on the Arabs. Instead, the West is defending common values, such as freedom, respect for human life, and the rule of law.", "zh": "萨科奇活像一名充满活力的大胆赌徒，冒着极大但合理的危险竭力将道德（和政治）制高点夺回到自己手中。 除萨科奇以外还有卡扎菲，由他来扮演罪犯再理想不过。 他活像一幅暴君的漫画像，所有民主人士希望打败的可恶对手集中体现在他一人身上。 几十年来他的所作所为一直令人憎恶，但这种憎恶不光来自于国内。 由他下令针对西方目标的恐怖袭击不仅包括苏格兰洛克比的泛美悲剧，也包括法国阿灵顿飞机在非洲上空的爆炸。 不仅卡扎菲是邪恶的化身，而且利比亚相对较小，他的力量似乎也比较薄弱（这一点尚有待于在地面行动中得到证实 ） 。 除个性方面的因素外，还有地区环境因素在起作用。 防止卡扎菲重建在突尼斯和埃及已经倒塌的恐惧之墙是防止已经到来的“阿拉伯春天”继之以不满的严冬的关键因素。 目前的利比亚空袭对阿拉伯革命者积极看待西方至关重要，利比亚不仅受到国际法律的制裁，而且和2003年伊拉克不同的是，阿拉伯联盟对它的政治支持也充满了矛盾。 西方并没有像十九及二十世纪早期十字军东征或帝国主义占领时那样试图将宗教或价值观强加给阿拉伯民众。 相反，西方维护的是共同价值观，比如自由、法治和对生命的尊重。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Throughout the epidemic, citizens have largely obeyed government guidelines and followed public health prescriptions. But that doesn’t mean they trust the government. Public-opinion polls reveal that more than 50% of the population believe that political parties are “not necessary” for the good of the country. Disapproval of Congress is growing, and people’s satisfaction with representative democracy has decreased. In the midst of the epidemic, 66% of Mexicans believe that the country is regressing. Seventy-five percent of crimes are not reported due to lack of trust in the authorities, and 98% of crimes are never resolved or punished. Public opinion seems disenchanted with a democracy incapable of offering tangible solutions to problems, the flu crisis being the most recent example. Saddled by a viral infection, drug-related insecurity, and rising crime, Mexico feels like a besieged place. The noted columnist Miguel Angel Granados Chapa wrote last week: “All that’s missing is for Mexico to get peed on by a dog.” Mexico’s bad health is a symptom of problems that run deeper and are more widespread than swine flu. Over the past ten years, political and economic actors intent on preserving the status quo have blocked further democratic change and economic reform, condemning Mexico to move sideways, even as other emerging markets surge ahead. Lately, political battles among key actors have not been about how to build a more effective of representative political system or a more equitable, dynamic economy, but about how to maintain control of accumulated power or distribute it among their allies.", "zh": "猪流感疫情暴发后，墨西哥民众虽然基本上遵照了政府的指示 和公共医疗卫生指南，但这并不意味着他们信任政府。 民意调查表明，超过50%的人认为政党间的竞争并不符合国家利益。 民众对国会的支持率越来越低，对代议民主制度的满意程度也出现了下降。 疫情暴发后，多达66%的墨西哥人认为墨西哥正在退步。 由于民众对当局缺乏信心， 75% 的犯罪案件没有上报；98%的犯罪案件无果而终，犯罪分子仍逍遥法外。 民众对于现行民主政体似乎已不抱希望，不指望看到切实的解决方案，而这场猪流感疫情危机则再次证明了这一点。 病毒的蔓延、毒品的泛滥、社会的动荡、不断上升的犯罪率，墨西哥似乎已四面楚歌、走投无路。 著名专栏作家Miguel Angel Granados Chapa上周就曾写道 ： “ 现在墨西哥就差受狗的胯下之辱了 。 ” 墨西哥生病了，其症状的根源比猪流感疫情来得更深更广。 过去十年中，政界和商界人士为维持现状，阻挠民主和经济的进一步改革，使墨西哥的发展偏离了方向。 而与此同时，其他新兴市场则纷纷崛起。 最近，墨西哥政坛激烈争论的焦点并不是如何建立更有效、更具代表性的政治体系，或更公平、更具活力的经济体系，而是如何继续掌控手中的权利，如何与同盟分配这些权利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, the IAS responds to the information needs of financial investors, but it does not provide a reliable definition of income for tax purposes. The accrual principle typical of financial accounting is incompatible with tax systems’ realization principle. Moreover, the IAS leaves the allocation of profit and losses to different fiscal years largely undetermined, with each member state choosing different solutions. Second, common legal rules on group consolidation do not exist; indeed, many EU countries’ commercial law contains no legal definition of a group. The attribution of companies to a common group would need to be based on legal control, that is, ownership of some defined threshold of equity – 51% or higher. But a much lower share of equity often is sufficient to secure de facto control, thus encouraging groups to adapt their capital structure – moving firms in and out of the group’s boundaries – to minimize tax liabilities. Clearly, CCBT is a non-starter. But this doesn’t mean that EU companies are condemned to live with 25 different national tax systems. The idea of a common tax base must be preserved in order to simplify the system and narrow the scope for profit-shifting. However, a radical change in approach is required: the notion of income as a basis for corporate taxation should be scrapped altogether. Referring to corporate income made sense when company taxation was seen as a “back stop” within a system of progressive taxation of personal incomes. But most countries have now adopted “dual” income taxation that treat the fruits of capital more leniently than other personal income. More importantly, the notion of corporate income is inherently arbitrary, for it is based on correct measurement of capital consumption in each tax period, which has become less and less reliable owing to the increased importance of intangibles in the value of companies. Moreover, any tax whose proceeds increase in line with company returns is bound to discourage investment. This disincentive disappears if the corporate tax base is decoupled from current profits and linked to some broad measure of activity. Indeed, this would create an incentive for each company to outperform the average, since above-average profits would go untaxed. Another reason to scrap income and move to presumptive taxation of corporate activities stems from the EU’s decentralized nature.", "zh": "首先，IAS回应的是金融投资者的信息需求，但却并没有为税收目的而提供一个公司收入的定义。 金融会计中典型的应计原则和税收体系中的实现原则并不兼容。 此外，IAS在很大程度上没有对损益在不同财政年度的分配作明确规定，而每个成员国在这方面都选择了不同的方案。 其次，在集团公司统一核算方面并没有共同的法规；的确，在许多欧盟国家的商法中都没有对集团公司的法律定义。 多家公司和同一个集团的归属关系需要以合法的控制为基础，即要有某种明确的股份门槛—51%及以上。 但通常通过低得多的股份也能获得实际上的控制权，因此这就鼓励了各集团调整其资本结构—将公司在集团的边界内外挪移—从而使税收义务最小化。 显然，CCBT无法启动。 但这并不意味着欧盟的公司们不得不应对25个不同的国家税收体系。 必须保留共同税基以简化税制，并缩小利润转移的范围。 但这就需要进行一种激进的改革：将收入作为公司税基础的概念应该被完全废止。 当公司税被视为个人所得税递进税制中的“定位杆”时，参考公司收入才是有意义的。 但现在大多数国家都采用了“双重”收入税制，对待资本收益要比对待其他个人收入宽松。 更为重要的是，公司收入的概念在本质上是武断的，因为它是基于对每一税期内资本消费的正确度量。 但随着无形资产对公司价值的重要性的增加，这种度量正变得越来越不可靠。 另外，任何税收的递增如果和公司收益联动必定会挫伤投资。 如果公司税基不与目前的利润挂钩，而是和某些更广泛的衡量标准联系，那么这种挫伤因素就会消失。 的确，这样就能激励每一家公司都努力增收，超过平均水平，因为超过平均水平部分的利润是免税的。 另一个废止收入税基，转向针对公司经营活动的假定税基的理由来自欧盟分散化的特点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Power and Interdependence in the Trump Era CAMBRIDGE – US President Donald Trump has been accused of weaponizing economic globalization. Sanctions, tariffs, and the restriction of access to dollars have been major instruments of his foreign policy, and he has been unconstrained by allies, institutions, or rules in using them. According to The Economist, America derives its clout not just from troops and aircraft carriers, but from being the central node in the network that underpins globalization. “This mesh of firms, ideas and standards reflects and magnifies American prowess.” But Trump’s approach may “spark a crisis, and it is eroding America’s most valuable asset – its legitimacy.” Trump is not the first president to manipulate economic interdependence, nor is the United States the only country to do so. For example, in 1973, Arab states used an oil embargo to punish the US for supporting Israel in the Yom Kippur War. Shortly thereafter, Robert O. Keohane and I published Power and Interdependence, a book that explored the variety of ways in which asymmetrical interdependence can be manipulated as a source of power. But we also warned that short-term gains sometimes turn into long-term losses. For example, during that period, President Richard M. Nixon restricted US soybean exports in hopes of dampening inflation. But in the longer term, soybean markets in Brazil expanded rapidly – and competed with American producers.", "zh": "“特朗普时代”下的权力与相互依存 剑桥一美国总统 Donald Trump 被指责将经济全球化作为谈判武器。 制裁、关税和限制对美元的获得一直是他外交政策的主要手段，而且他在使用这些手段时不受盟友、机构或规则的约束。 据《经济学人》报道，美国的影响力不仅来自于军队和航空母舰，还来自于它作为支撑全球化网络的中心节点地位 。 \" 这种企业、理念和标准的融合反映并增强了美国的实力 。 \" 但特朗普的做法可能会\"引发一场危机，并且正在侵蚀美国最宝贵的资产—它的合法性 。 \" 特朗普不是第一个操纵经济依存关系的总统，美国也不是唯一个这样做的国家。 例如，1973年，阿拉伯国家利用石油禁运来惩罚美国在赎罪日战争中支持以色列。 此后不久，罗伯特·基欧汉和我共同出版了《权力与相互依存》一书，这本书探讨了不对称的相互依存关系作为权力来源可以被操纵的各种方式。 但我们也警醒人们短期收益有时会转变为长期损失。 例如，当时理查德·尼克松总统限制美国大豆出口，希望借此抑制通货膨胀。 但从长远来看，巴西的大豆市场因此迅速扩张，并与美国生产商开始展开竞争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the face of a public health system that seemed incapable of diagnosing and treating the outbreak quickly, the government felt it had little choice but to shut down Mexico City, dealing a severe blow to an already crippled economy. In contrast with Mexico’s authoritarian past, when an “imperial presidency” constituted a major obstacle to modernization, power has been dispersed. What the executive branch has relinquished, or been forced to give up, vested interests have seized. The problem is no longer too much power in the president’s hands, but too much power in the hands of “veto centers” – including public-sector unions – that are blocking much-needed reforms, including in the health system. In all likelihood, the 22 reported dead from swine flu reflect a social safety net falling to pieces due to lack of public investment and union recalcitrance. The flu also revealed some of Mexico’s other fundamental flaws. The political system has become a peculiar hybrid of authoritarian remnants and newly established mechanisms for transparency. The electoral process has been unable to guarantee decent democratic governance, rein in predatory practices among the political class, or make public officials follow established rules, keep them responsive to citizen preferences, and deter them from channeling public funds into private hands. Lack of accountability has both encouraged corruption and fed perceptions that abuse remains unpunished. Impunity, in turn, erodes the credibility of the country’s institutions, including public hospitals and clinics. Today, conspiracy theories abound in Mexico about the origins of the virus, because government officials are viewed with such ingrained suspicion.", "zh": "疫情暴发后，墨西哥的公共医疗卫生体系似乎无力迅速诊治患者、控制疫情，政府不得不下令“关闭”墨西哥城，给原本已举步维艰的经济带来重创。 与过去阻碍现代化进程的“帝王总统”式独裁统治不同，如今墨西哥权力已不再集中。 行政部门放弃或被迫放弃的一部分权力如今已被各既得利益集团所掌控。 现在权利过大的不是总统，而是包括公共部门工会在内的各 “否决中心 ” ， 正是它们阻挠了医疗卫生体制改革等一系列亟需推进的改革。 由于公共投入不足和工会的反对阻挠，墨西哥的社会安全网已千疮百孔，这次疫情中22人死亡就是明证。 这场猪流感疫情同样也暴露出墨西哥其他根本性缺陷。 其特有的政治体制中既含有独裁主义的残余也包括新建立起来的透明机制。 现行选举程序下，正当的民主治理得不到保证，政治阶级的掠夺行为屡禁不止，政府官员有章不循、中饱私囊、对民众诉求无动于衷。 问责制度的缺失滋生了腐败，滥用职权好像总能逃脱惩罚，这反过来又损害了公立医院、诊所等国家机构的公信力。 关于疫情病毒的起源，目前在墨西哥有很多传言，民众莫衷一是，因为他们对政府官员早已不再信任。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Vital and Enduring Alliance In recent years, many experts and commentators have said that the Atlantic Alliance would crumble or become irrelevant. As a former ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), I can say from experience that such dire predictions are nothing new. As America’s current Secretary of Defense, it is clear to me that the transatlantic partnership is as relevant and essential as ever. Consider the historic events that have taken place in the past year and the role played by the United States and Europe. NATO added seven new members – nations eager to contribute to the Alliance in powerful ways. In Afghanistan, eight million voters, 40% of them women, chose their first democratically elected President in 5,000 years. In the Palestinian Authority, a democratically elected president offers the hope of a new chance for peace. In Ukraine, ordinary citizens demonstrated the depth of their commitment to free and fair elections. In Iraq, Saddam Hussein’s former subjects braved threats and voted for the first time with ballots that offered a choice of 70 political parties, rather than only one. Across the country, voters arrived on crutches and in donkey carts, passing by posters that threatened: “You vote, you die.” What a damaging blow to the extremists, whose ideology the voters so clearly rejected. While there have been differences over Iraq, such issues among longtime friends are not new. Consider just a few of the divisions that have come up among NATO allies over the past decades. In the 1960’s, France decided to pull out of the NATO integrated command and asked NATO forces to leave its territory. In the 1980’s there was profound disagreement and controversy over President Ronald Reagan’s decision to deploy medium-range missiles in Europe. In fact, as NATO Ambassador in the 1970’s, I had to fly back to testify against legislation in the US Congress to withdraw America’s forces from Europe in the middle of the Cold War. Our Atlantic Alliance has navigated through some choppy seas over the years, but we have always been able to resolve the toughest issues. That is because there is so much that unites us: common values, shared histories, and an abiding faith in democracy. Today, we also share a common enemy.", "zh": "一个至关重要经久不息的联盟 最近几年，许多专家和评论家都说，大西洋联盟濒临崩溃或将变得不再重要。 作为前美国驻北大西洋公约组织大使，我可以说，根据我的经验，这种可怕的预言没什么新鲜之处。 作为现任美国国防部部长，我很清楚，跨大西洋的合作和以往一样必要且重要。 想想在过去几年中发生的那些历史性事件以及美国和欧洲所扮演的角色。 北约新增了7个成员国 — — 这些国家渴望着为北约注入新能量。 在阿富汗，八百万名投票者，其中40%是妇女，5000年来第一次民主地选举出他们的总统。 在巴勒斯坦，一个由民主选举产生的总统给新的和平机会带来了希望。 在乌克兰，市民们通过游行示威表达他们对一个自由公正的选举的强烈意愿。 在伊拉克，曾在萨达姆·侯赛因统治下的人们不畏威胁，第一次为一场由70个政党平均享有机会而非一个政党独霸大权的选举投票。 全国各地的投票者们，路经着那些危言耸听地写着“投票者死”的海报，撑着拐杖、坐着毛驴拖车纷纷到达投票站点。 投票者们明确反对极端主义分子的意识形态的态度给极端主义分子一个毁灭性的打击。 当然，在伊拉克问题上存有不同看法，这种老朋友之间的争论也不是新鲜事情。 想想在过去几十年中北约联盟内部出现的一些分裂。 上世纪60年代，法国决定脱离北约的集体指挥并要求北约军队离开其领土。 在1980年代，由于美国总统罗纳德·里根决定要在欧洲部署中程导弹，而与欧洲产生深刻矛盾争执不休。 事实上，作为1970年代期间美国驻北约大使，我不得不在冷战中期飞回美国作证反对美国国会通过从欧洲撤回美国军队的议案。 我们的大西洋联盟在过去几年中已经穿越了许多波涛汹涌的海浪，但我们总能够化险为夷解决棘手问题。 那是因为有太多的东西将我们紧紧连在一起：相同的价值观、共享的历史以及对于民主永恒的信念。 今天，我们又共同面对一个敌人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hollande’s proposal was initially regarded as lèse-majesté against Germany. Now all European leaders – from Mario Monti in Italy to Mariano Rajoy in Spain and Elio Di Rupo in Belgium – agree on the need to revive the European economy. So do Mario Draghi, the president of the European Central Bank, Jose Manuel Barroso, the president of the European Commission, EU Council President Herman Van Rompuy, and, indeed, Merkel herself. Merkel and Hollande will discuss the main question – how to spur economic growth without increasing public debt – on May 15 in Berlin. While Merkel opposes Hollande’s proposal to create Eurobonds with a view to financing industrial projects, they cannot afford to waste time in reassuring jittery markets with a message of cohesion. Merkel has already welcomed Hollande’s ideas for a growth plan for Europe. Hollande, too, will have to make concessions. For the French, as for all Europeans, the EU is not a foreign entity, and its decisions are an integral part of domestic policies. In this regard, Hollande has a chance to succeed on the international scene as a truly pro-European leader. Only a stronger Europe will ensure fair trade with emerging countries, especially China. Only a stronger Europe will at last implement the principle of reciprocity in order to protect European businesses and prevent them from relocating, which has been the main cause of unemployment. In a recent interview, Hollande declared that, “France is not just any European country, and its president is not just any world leader.” The French are happy to hear that.", "zh": "一开始，奥朗德的计划被认为是对德国的不恭。 如今，所有欧洲领导人 — — 从意大利的蒙蒂到西班牙的拉霍伊和比利时的劳普 — — 都认为必须重振欧洲经济。 欧洲央行行长德拉吉、欧洲委员会主席巴罗佐、欧盟委员会主席范龙佩亦然，事实上，默克尔本人也同意。 默克尔和奥朗德将于5月15日在柏林讨论主要问题 — — 如何在不增加公共债务的情况下刺激经济增长。 默克尔反对奥朗德着眼于为实业项目提供融资的欧元债券计划，但他们已经没有时间可以浪费，必须尽快摆出团结的姿态安抚风声鹤唳的市场。 默克尔已经对奥朗德的欧洲增长计划表示了欢迎。 奥朗德也必须做出让步。 对法国人（以及对全体欧洲人）而言，欧盟并不是外交实体，其决定只是各国政策的考虑项之一。 如此看来，奥朗德有机会以真正亲欧的领导人身份在国际社会取得成功。 唯有坚挺的欧洲能保证与新兴国家的公平贸易，特别是中国。 唯有坚挺的欧洲能最终推行互惠原则以保护欧洲企业，防止它们迁出欧洲 — — 这正是造成失业的主要原因。 在最近的一次采访中，奥朗德宣称“法国不是一个普通欧洲国家，其总统不是普通世界领导人 。 ” 法国人听到这句话很高兴。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The third unknown is the performance of the Left Party, a new formation positioned to the left of the SPD and built on East Germany’s ex-communist PDS, with the addition of a significant number of dissident Social Democrats in the West who proclaim themselves to be defenders of the welfare state. The Left Party is led by two talk show politicians, Gregor Gysi, the former PDS leader, and Oskar Lafontaine, the ex-leader of the SPD, who do not have much more in common than a record of political failure and a talent for populist speeches. But this clearly appeals to those who feel that they have been neglected and forgotten. The popular vote for this party – which could be 10% – may well determine what kind of coalition is formed after the election. The fourth unknown is therefore what the next government will actually do. It will clearly be a government without the new Left Party. It will also be a government without the Greens, who continue to have a devoted, if limited, clientele, but are now regarded by many as a luxury that Germany can no longer afford. This leaves two possibilities: a coalition between the CDU, its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union, and the liberal Free Democrats, or a grand coalition between the SPD and the CDU. The latter is what most Germans want; the former is what they are most likely to get. But most people doubt whether it even makes a difference, and they are probably right. There is a widespread desire for change, including a change of government, but there is an equally widespread belief that nothing momentous will happen. This underscores the final, and deepest, unknown concerning the upcoming election: who will put a confused and directionless Germany back on a road to initiative and growth? Who will make Germany an engine of Europe again rather than a gloomy passenger? What Germany needs is, in fact, fairly clear. It needs to accept that globalization is above all an opportunity, one that must be grasped by confident, innovative, and entrepreneurial people.", "zh": "第三个未知数是定位于和社会民主党相左的新政党，左翼党的表现。 该党脱胎于东德前共产主义性质的，民主社会主义党（PDS ） ， 后又吸纳了为数众多的，自称为福利国家捍卫者的西德社会民主党中的持不同政见者。 左翼党由两位“脱口秀”政客领导：前民主社会主义党党魁格里格·基希（Gregor Gysi）和前社会民主党领袖奥斯卡·拉方丹（Oskar Lafontaine ） 。 两人除了一连串的政治失败和善于发表民粹主义论调的演讲之外，并无多少共同之处。 但他们的言词对于那些感到被忽视和被遗忘的人还是有显著的吸引力。 这个党在大选中可能获得的10%的投票，很可能会决定在大选之后组成什么样的联盟。 所以第四个未知数就是下一届政府会怎么做。 它明显会是一个没有左翼党参加的政府。 它也不会给绿党一席之地。 虽然绿党拥有一支规模有限但却忠诚的追随者，但它现在已经被许多人看作是德国再也负担不起的奢侈。 如此一来，还有两种可能性：一个由基督教民主党、其巴伐利亚的姊妹党，基督教社会联盟和自由民主党组成的联盟，或是一个由社会民主党和基督教民主党组成的大联盟。 后者是大多数德国人想要的；而前者则是他们最有可能得到的。 但大多数人都怀疑这两者究竟是否半斤八两，这种想法可能是对的。 对变革，包括改换政府的愿望人皆有之，然而人们也大都相信重大的变革不会发生。 这一点更突出了与即将进行的选举相关的最后、也是最深刻的一个未知数：谁会将一个陷入迷茫、失去方向的德国带回到积极增长的路途上呢？ 谁会使德国重新成为欧洲的引擎而不仅仅是一个阴郁的过客？ 其实，德国所需要的东西甚为明确。 它必须接受全球化首先是一个机遇，一个必须由自信、富于创新精神和企业家精神的人来把握的机遇。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Last month, Merkel announced that she would not be seeking another term as chancellor, and that at the end of this year, she would step down as leader of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU). The race to replace her has already begun. Merkel’s successors may well be worthy of filling her shoes, but there is no doubt that Germany and the rest of Europe will sorely miss her composure and steadiness. Much has been said about Merkel’s achievements and failures. The greatest blot on her record may be the austerity policies that her government promoted in the European Union after the global financial crisis. Those policies increased inequality, deepened the divide between northern and southern member states, and slowed economic recovery. Since then, populists – particularly the governing Five Star Movement/League coalition in Italy – have seized on the painful legacy of austerity for their own political gain. Similarly, some blame Merkel for the rise of far-right parties, including the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) within Germany itself. After welcoming over one million refugees in 2015, Merkel became the bête noire of nationalist anti-immigrant forces across Europe. Needless to say, however, there is a stark contrast between her advocacy of austerity and her decisions at the height of the refugee crisis. In the latter case, Merkel put her own political future on the line to defend European solidarity at a time when other countries no longer seemed willing to do so. In a recent address to the European Parliament, Merkel once again stood up for the EU’s foundational values.", "zh": "上个月，默克尔宣布自己不会再寻求连任总理，并且将在今年年底辞去基督教民主联盟（简称基民盟）的领导职务。 继任者的争夺已经开始。 虽然默克尔的继任者或许完全有能力接过担子，但德国和欧洲其他国家无疑将非常怀念她的沉着和稳重。 对于默克尔的成败已经多有评说。 在她执政记录中的最大污点可能是其政府于全球金融危机后在欧盟推行的紧缩政策。 这些政策加剧了国与国之间不平等，加深了北部和南部成员国之间的分歧，还拖慢了经济复苏。 从那时起，各路民粹主义者 — — 特别是意大利的五星运动/联盟党执政联盟 — — 都紧盯着紧缩政策所带来的痛苦遗产并借此渔利。 同样，一些人指责默克尔应当为极右翼政党 — — 包括境内的德国选择党 — — 的崛起负责。 在2015年迎来了100多万难民之后，默克尔成为全欧洲民族主义反移民势力的众矢之的。 然而毋庸置疑的是，她对紧缩政策的支持与她在难民危机最为严峻时的决定之间形成了鲜明对比。 在后一种情况下，在其他国家似乎不再愿意这样做的时候，默克尔却将自己的政治前途押在了捍卫欧洲团结的路线上。 在最近向欧洲议会发表的一次讲话中，默克尔再次为欧盟的基本价值观辩护。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now that a recession is underway, US and global stock markets are beginning to fall: in a typical US recession, the S&P 500 index falls by an average of 28% as corporate revenues and profits sink. Losses in stock markets have a double effect: they reduce households’ wealth and lead them to spend less; and they cause massive losses to investors who borrowed to invest in stock, thus triggering margin calls and asset fire sales. There is thus a broader risk that many leveraged investors in both equity and credit markets will be forced to sell illiquid assets in illiquid markets, leading to a cascading fall in asset prices to below their fundamental values. The ensuing losses will aggravate the financial turmoil and economic contraction. Indeed, adding up all these losses in financial markets, the sum will hit a staggering $1 trillion. Tighter credit rationing will then further hamper the ability of households and firms to borrow, spend, invest, and sustain economic growth. The risk that a systemic financial crisis will drive a more pronounced US and global recession has quickly gone from being a theoretical possibility to becoming an increasingly plausible scenario.", "zh": "在当前衰退不断深化的情况下，美国和全球的股票市场正在开始下跌：在一场典型的美国衰退中，标准普尔500指数会随着公司收入和利润的下滑而平均下跌28 % 。 股票市场的损失会产生双重效应：它们减少了家庭的财富从而使他们的消费下降；同时它们造成借款投资股票的投资者的损失，从而引发保证金催缴和减价销售资产的风潮。 这些很有可能引发许多股权和信贷市场的杠杆投资者将被迫出售非流动市场上的非流动资产的更广泛的风险，从而使资产价格大幅下降到它们的基本价值以下。 随之引发的损失将加剧金融危机和经济紧缩。 事实上，如果把金融市场所有这些的损失加起来，总额将达到惊人的10000亿美元。 更严厉的信用评级将进一步阻碍家庭和公司进行借贷、消费、投资和持续经济增长的能力。 一场系统性的金融危机会引发美国和全球更明显的衰退的风险已经从理论上的可能性变成了越来越可能出现的情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Their model reduces the sources of all recessions to just six shocks – “oil, monetary policy, productivity, uncertainty, liquidity/financial risk, and fiscal policy” – and explains most of the post-2007 downturn in terms of just two of these factors: “uncertainty” and “liquidity/financial risk.” But, even if we accept that conclusion, we are left to wonder what caused large shocks to “uncertainty” and to “liquidity/financial risk” in recent years, and how reliably such shocks can be predicted. When one considers the evidence about external economic shocks over the past year or two, what emerges are stories whose precise significance is unknowable. We only know that most of us have heard them many times. Foremost among those stories is the European financial crisis, which is talked about everywhere around the globe. The OECD’s interim assessment called it “the most important risk for the global economy.” That may seem unlikely: Why should the European crisis be so important elsewhere? Part of the reason, of course, is the rise of global trade and financial markets. But connections between countries do not occur solely through the direct impact of market prices. Interacting public psychology is likely to play a role as well. This brings us to the importance of stories – and very far from the kind of statistical analysis exemplified by Stock and Watson.", "zh": "他们的模型将所有衰退的成因缩减为只有6大冲击 — — “石油、货币政策、生产力、不确定事件，流动性/金融风险和财政政策 ” — —并将2007年前的大多数经济衰退仅仅归因为其中两个因素 ： “ 不确定事件”和“流动性/金融风险 ” 。 但即便我们接受了这个结论，但依然要思考究竟是什么导致了近几年的“不确定事件”和“流动性/金融风险 ” ， 以及如何有效地预测这些冲击。 当人们对过去一两年的外部经济冲击的迹象进行思考时，脑海里浮现的是那些具体重要性不可知的故事。 我们只知道大多数人都已经听过这些故事许多遍了。 首先大部分故事都是关于欧洲金融危机的，全球世界在都在谈论这一点。 经合组织的中期评估将其认定为“全球经济最重要的风险 ” 。 这看上去似乎不太可能 ： “ 为什么欧洲的危机对其他地方就那么重要呢 ？ ” 当然其中一部分原因就是全球贸易和金融市场的兴起。 但国家之间的联系并不仅仅通过市场价格的直接影响来发生。 相互作用的公众心理在其中也扮演着一部分角色。 这令我们认识到故事的重要性 — — 这跟斯托克和沃森列举的那类统计分析相差十万八千里。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He was a leading proponent of proposals to amend the country’s constitution so that its military could play a bigger role alongside that of its key ally, the United States. Abe was undeniably a nationalist. He originally courted controversy with somewhat revisionist views about Japan’s wartime history, especially regarding the hot-button issue of “comfort women” whom the Imperial Japanese Army forced into sexual slavery in occupied countries. Once in office, however, he largely played down his earlier views. Moreover, he built closer and deeper diplomatic relationships across Southeast Asia, improving ties even with the country’s prickliest neighbor and former colony, South Korea. While relations with China were often tense – especially when Abe visited Japan’s controversial Yasukuni Shrine for its war dead – Sino-Japanese dialogue was nevertheless maintained. It is always difficult to guess the motives of a lone assassin. The man arrested for Abe’s murder, 41-year-old Tetsuya Yamagami, appears to have used a large, homemade shotgun. Given that Japan is one of the world’s safest countries, security at political events tends to be light, even for a former prime minister, which presumably explains how the gunman was able to pull it off. According to news reports, Yamagami served for three years in Japan’s navy, the Maritime Self-Defense Force, until 2005. That background – combined with Abe’s advocacy of a stronger Japanese military and efforts to eliminate the constitution’s pacifist clause (Article 9) – makes it reasonable to speculate that the killing was committed in protest against the country’s military posture. Although Abe was no longer in office, he was undoubtedly still the country’s most prominent and well-known advocate of a stronger military capability. In that capacity, he often expressed a determination to complete the work started by his grandfather, Nobosuke Kishi, who, as prime minister in 1960, shepherded through a revision to the country’s security treaty with the US, with a view to reinforcing Japanese defense. Sadly, it is perhaps not coincidental that the last Japanese prime minister to fall victim to a violent attack was Kishi, who was stabbed by an assailant six times shortly after the revised security treaty was approved. Unlike Abe, however, his grandfather survived.", "zh": "他是日本修宪方案的主要支持者，目的是便于日军与其主要盟友美军一起发挥更大的作用。 不可否认，安倍是一个民族主义者。 他一开始因为日本战时历史的修正主义观点引起争议，特别是在日本皇军强迫被占领国沦为性奴的“慰安妇”这一热点问题上。 但在上任后，他在很大程度上淡化了他早期的观点。 此外，他在东南亚建立了更密切、更深入的外交关系，甚至与最棘手的邻国和前殖民地韩国也改善了关系。 尽管与中国的关系经常十分紧张 — — 尤其是当安倍晋三参拜备受争议的靖国神社时 — — 但中日对话仍然得以保持。 孤身刺客的动机总是难以猜测。 因谋杀安倍而被捕的 41 岁的山上彻也使用了一把大型自制霰弹枪。 日本是世界上最安全的国家之一，政治活动的安保往往很轻，即使对于前首相来说也是如此，这大概解释了枪手如何能够成功。 据新闻报道，山上在日本海军海上自卫队服役了三年， 2005 年退伍。 这一背景 — — 再加上安倍鼓吹更强大的日本军队和致力于取消宪法中的和平条款（第 9 条 ） — —使得人们有理由推测谋杀是为了抗议日本的军事态度。 尽管安倍已不再执政，但他无疑仍然是日本最突出、最知名的加强军事能力的鼓吹者。 在这方面，他时常表达完成其外祖父祖父岸信介开创的事业的决心。 岸信介在 1960 年作为首相领导修改了日本与美国的安全条约，以加强日本的防御。 可悲的是，上一位成为暴力袭击受害者的日本首相是岸信介，在修订后的安全条约获得批准后不久，他被袭击者刺了六刀。 这也许并非巧合。 然而，与安倍不同的是，他的外祖父活了下来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "全党要坚定信心、奋发有为，让中国特色社会主义展现出更加强大的生命力！ 二、新时代中国共产党的历史使命 一百年前，十月革命一声炮响，给中国送来了马克思列宁主义。 中国先进分子从马克思列宁主义的科学真理中看到了解决中国问题的出路。 在近代以后中国社会的剧烈运动中，在中国人民反抗封建统治和外来侵略的激烈斗争中，在马克思列宁主义同中国工人运动的结合过程中，一九二一年中国共产党应运而生。 从此，中国人民谋求民族独立、人民解放和国家富强、人民幸福的斗争就有了主心骨，中国人民就从精神上由被动转为主动。 中华民族有五千多年的文明历史，创造了灿烂的中华文明，为人类作出了卓越贡献，成为世界上伟大的民族。 鸦片战争后，中国陷入内忧外患的黑暗境地，中国人民经历了战乱频仍、山河破碎、民不聊生的深重苦难。 为了民族复兴，无数仁人志士不屈不挠、前仆后继，进行了可歌可泣的斗争，进行了各式各样的尝试，但终究未能改变旧中国的社会性质和中国人民的悲惨命运。 实现中华民族伟大复兴是近代以来中华民族最伟大的梦想。 中国共产党一经成立，就把实现共产主义作为党的最高理想和最终目标，义无反顾肩负起实现中华民族伟大复兴的历史使命， 团结带领人民进行了艰苦卓绝的斗争，谱写了气吞山河的壮丽史诗。 我们党深刻认识到，实现中华民族伟大复兴，必须推翻压在中国人民头上的帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义三座大山，实现民族独立、人民解放、国家统一、社会稳定。", "en": "Our entire Party should develop unshakeable confidence, work hard and work well to see socialism with Chinese characteristics display even stronger vitality. II. The New Era: The Historic Mission of the Communist Party of China A hundred years ago, the salvoes of the October Revolution brought Marxism-Leninism to China. In the scientific truth of Marxism-Leninism, Chinese progressives saw a solution to China’s problems. With the advent of modern times, Chinese society became embroiled in intense upheavals; this was a time of fierce struggle as the Chinese people resisted feudal rule and foreign aggression. It was in the midst of this, in 1921, as Marxism-Leninism was integrated with the Chinese workers’ movement, that the Communist Party of China was born. From that moment on, the Chinese people have had in the Party a backbone for their pursuit of national independence and liberation, of a stronger and more prosperous country, and of their own happiness; and the mindset of the Chinese people has changed, from passivity to taking the initiative. With a history of more than 5,000 years, our nation created a splendid civilization, made remarkable contributions to mankind, and became one of the world’s great nations. But with the Opium War of 1840, China was plunged into the darkness of domestic turmoil and foreign aggression; its people, ravaged by war, saw their homeland torn apart and lived in poverty and despair. With tenacity and heroism, countless dedicated patriots fought, pressed ahead against the odds, and tried every possible means to seek the nation’s salvation. But despite their efforts, they were powerless to change the nature of society in old China and the plight of the Chinese people. National rejuvenation has been the greatest dream of the Chinese people since modern times began. At its founding, the Communist Party of China made realizing Communism its highest ideal and its ultimate goal, and shouldered the historic mission of national rejuvenation. In pursuing this goal, the Party has united the Chinese people and led them through arduous struggles to epic accomplishments. Our Party was deeply aware that, to achieve national rejuvenation, it was critical to topple the three mountains of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism that were oppressing the Chinese people, and realize China’s independence, the people’s liberation, national reunification, and social stability."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The balance-sheet effects on euro debts caused by the depreciation of the new national currency would thus have to be handled through an orderly and negotiated conversion of euro liabilities into the new national currencies. Appropriate use of official resources, including for recapitalization of eurozone banks, would be needed to limit collateral damage and contagion. Seventh, the reasons for advanced economies’ high unemployment and anemic growth are structural, including the rise of competitive emerging markets. The appropriate response to such massive changes is not protectionism. Instead, the advanced economies need a medium-term plan to restore competitiveness and jobs via massive new investments in high-quality education, job training and human-capital improvements, infrastructure, and alternative/renewable energy. Only such a program can provide workers in advanced economies with the tools needed to compete globally. Eighth, emerging-market economies have more policy tools left than advanced economies do, and they should ease monetary and fiscal policy. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank can serve as lender of last resort to emerging markets at risk of losing market access, conditional on appropriate policy reforms. And countries, like China, that rely excessively on net exports for growth should accelerate reforms, including more rapid currency appreciation, in order to boost domestic demand and consumption. The risks ahead are not just of a mild double-dip recession, but of a severe contraction that could turn into Great Depression II, especially if the eurozone crisis becomes disorderly and leads to a global financial meltdown.", "zh": "因此，由新的国家货币造成的欧元债资产负债表效应必须通过关于将欧元债务转变为新国家货币债务的有序的协商对话来解决。 适当使用官方资金渠道（包括欧元区银行的资本重组）将成为限制附带伤害和传染的必要措施。 第七，发达经济体的高失业和低增长是结构性问题，极具竞争力的新兴市场的崛起也是原因之一。 对于这种剧变的合理应对措施绝不是保护主义。 事实上，发达经济体需要出台中期计划，通过对高质量教育、职业培训和人力资本改善、基础设施以及替代/可再生能源的大手笔新投资来重塑竞争力、创造就业岗位。 唯有这样的计划才能向发达经济体的工作者提供全球竞争武器。 第八，新兴市场经济体所能动用的政策工具比发达经济体更多，它们应该放松货币和财政政策。 IMF和世界银行可以作为最后贷款人，当新兴市场国家无法从市场上获得融资时，可以求助于IMF和世行，但要以适当的政策改革为条件。 而中国等国家过于依赖进出口刺激增长，它们应该加速改革，包括让货币快速升值，以提振内需和消费。 我们所面临的风险不仅是温和的二次探底衰退，而是可能滑入大萧条II的严重收缩，特别是如果欧元区危机陷入混乱并引发全球金融崩溃的话。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Intangibles-heavy superstar firms tend to employ fewer, more highly skilled, and better paid people who are generally more productive than employees in less digitized businesses. If these superstars pull even further ahead, then labor’s share of national income – the percentage that goes to worker compensation – could decline even more. This is not to argue that successful intangibles-based firms should be constrained from expanding further or from training their own people. Such firms are important sources of innovation and high-productivity growth, and have formidable incentives to continue investing in intangibles. Rather, companies and governments should do everything they can to spread the skills that will open up opportunities for more individuals and firms in the digital economy. Huge value is at stake. Given the mounting evidence of the correlation between intangibles investment and GVA growth, executives and policymakers should ask themselves what it will take to realize the opportunities intangibles represent. If an additional 10% of companies were to attain the same share of intangibles investment and GVA growth as top growers, this could produce an additional $1 trillion in GVA, or a 2.7% increase across sectors in OECD economies. Governments can play a key role in reskilling and in ensuring that the right knowledge infrastructure is in place. That means focusing on education, internet and other communications technologies, urban planning, and public science spending.", "zh": "那些无形资产较重的超级明星企业往往雇用更少但技能和收入更高的劳动者，而这些人通常比数字化程度较低企业的员工更具生产力。 如果这些超级明星公司进一步领先，那么劳动力在国民收入中的份额 — — 也就劳动报酬所占的百分比 — — 可能会进一步下降。 这并不是说那些成功的无形资产型企业应该受到限制，不得进一步扩张或培训自身员工。 这些企业是创新和高生产率增长的重要来源，也具备巨大的动力去继续投资于无形资产。 相反企业和政府应该尽其所能地传播那些可以为更多个人和企业在数字经济中开辟机会的技能。 这就涉及到了极其庞大的价值。 鉴于有越来越多的证据体现了出无形资产投资和总增加值增长之间的相关性，高管和政策制定者应当自问：要实现无形资产所代表的机会需要些什么？ 如果再有10%的企业能在无形资产投资和总增加值增长方面达到与最高增长者相同的份额，这就将额外产生1万亿美元的总增加值，相当于经合组织经济体各部门都出现2.7%增长。 政府可以在重新培养技能和确保构建正确的知识基础设施方面发挥关键作用。 这意味着要关注教育、互联网和其他通信技术、还有城市规划和公共科学支出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The major powers might have been able to avert, or at least make far less bloody, the civil wars in Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Syria. Russia and the US might have been able to forge common ground on a security architecture for Europe, heading off ongoing frictions over NATO expansion and preventing Russian land-grabs in Georgia and Ukraine. The coronavirus pandemic might have been better contained had a great-power steering group coordinated a response from day one. Looking forward, a concert of global powers would be a venue for minimizing the risk that US-China differences over Taiwan trigger a major clash. It could facilitate the peaceful resolution of political stalemates in places like Afghanistan and Venezuela. And it could set parameters to limit the interference of countries in each other’s internal politics. Establishing a global concert would be no panacea, however. Convening the world’s heavyweights hardly ensures a consensus among them, and success would often mean managing, not eliminating, threats to regional and global order. The proposed steering group would accept both liberal and illiberal governments as legitimate and authoritative, implying abandonment of the West’s longstanding vision of a global order made in its image. And restricting membership to the most important and influential actors would sacrifice representation in favor of efficacy, reinforcing hierarchy and inequity in the international system. But a global concert has one enormous advantage. It offers the best and most realistic way to advance great-power consensus, and what is workable and attainable is always preferable to what is desirable but impossible. And the most likely alternative to a great-power steering group – an unruly world managed by no one – is in no one’s interest. This commentary draws on an essay just published at ForeignAffairs.com.", "zh": "大国或许可以避免，或者至少大幅降低南斯拉夫、卢旺达和叙利亚内战的血腥程度。 俄罗斯和美国或许可以就欧洲安全架构达成一致，从而避免北约东扩所引起的摩擦，同时防止俄罗斯掠夺格鲁吉亚和乌克兰领土。 如果有强有力的大国领导小组从一开始就协调各国行动，或许就可以更好地控制冠状病毒。 展望未来，全球大国协调机制将成为最大限度管控美中就台湾问题分歧引发重大冲突风险的场所。 它有可能促成阿富汗和委内瑞拉等政治僵局的和平解决。 它还可以设定一些指标，限制各国对其他成员国内政的干涉。 但设立全球协调机制并不是包治百病的灵丹妙药。 将全世界重量级国家召集在一起也很难确保他们之间能够达成共识，而管控、而非消除对地区和全球秩序所构成的威胁就往往意味着成功。 拟议中的领导小组将认可自由和非自由政府都具有合法性和权威性，这意味着西方必须放弃长期以来以自己的好恶来打造全球形象的态度。 而严格将成员资格限制在最重要、最具影响力的国家主体旨在牺牲代表权以换取效率，从而强化国际体系中的等级制度和不平等现象。 但全球协调机制有一个巨大的优势。 它提供了最佳也最现实的途径来推进大国共识，可行和可实现往往优于非常理想但不可能。 而所有人都无法从大国领导小组最有可能的替代方案 — — 也就是一个无人管理的混乱世界 — — 中得到好处。 本评论引用了刚刚发表在ForeignAffairs.com上的一篇文章。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Biden Save the World? WASHINGTON, DC – The outcome of the US presidential election on November 3 will have momentous consequences for America in terms of economic policy, racial justice, the judiciary, health care, and the overall quality of its democracy. But the election’s international effects could be equally far-reaching and lasting. In particular, can a victory for the Democratic nominee, former Vice President Joe Biden, prevent a dangerous great-power confrontation and usher in a new era of global cooperation? If President Donald Trump were re-elected, he would not necessarily seek more confrontations abroad during his second term. On the contrary, as Trump’s electoral incentive for hardline posturing diminished, he might become less hawkish, notably toward China, and pursue “economic deals” whenever possible. In fact, the Trump administration’s grandstanding about “values” and human rights may cease altogether. After all, the president is perfectly comfortable with autocrats, and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s recent lambasting of China for human-rights abuses was more electoral theater than evidence of moral conviction. A second-term Trump administration – much like the first – would not try to project systemic notions of democracy and human rights around the world. Instead, it would pursue a purely transactional approach to diplomacy with allies and rivals alike, calculating that America’s huge domestic market and military-industrial prowess, along with the dollar’s extraterritorial reach, will strengthen its bilateral negotiating power, even vis-à-vis China and the European Union. But, although bilateral deal making may be effective in specific cases, Trump’s neglect of alliances and disdain for multilateralism – a key source of US strength for decades – has diminished America’s power and influence. True, despite Trump’s malign efforts, the United States retains considerable soft power, because much of the world regards his presidency as an aberration that does not reflect America’s “true” character. But if Trump is re-elected, that soft power would decline precipitously. A purely transactional approach would further erode the already weakened multilateral system. The need for rules and standards will nonetheless grow. A world of greatly diminished multilateralism would likely crystallize into three rival spheres of influence – led by the US, China, and the European Union – each with its own rules and standards.", "zh": "拜登能拯救世界吗？ 华盛顿—11月3日的美国总统竞选结果将给美国带来巨大的后果，包括经济政策、种族平等、司法、医疗以及美国民主的总体平等性等方面。 但大选的国际影响也同样深远和持久。 特别是，如果民主党提名人、前副总统乔·拜登（Joe Biden）获胜，能否阻止危险的大国冲突，开启国际合作的新时代？ 如果总统特朗普连任，未必会在第二个任期寻求更多海外冲突。 相反，随着特朗普摆出强硬姿态的选举动机的消失，他可能会不再那么鹰派（主要是对中国 ） ， 在可能的时候追求“经济协议 ” 。 事实上，特朗普政府对于“价值观”和人权的坚持也会一并停止。 毕竟，特朗普完全可以接受独裁，国务卿麦克·蓬佩奥（Mike Pompeo）最近抨击中国侵犯人权也主要是为大选做戏，而不是基于道德信念证据。 和他的第一个任期相似，第二届特朗普政府不会试图在全世界输出民主和人权的系统概念。 相反，它会对盟友和对手采取纯粹的交易型外交方针，算计着美国巨大的国内市场和军工优势，以及美元的治外法权，能够强化其双边谈判实力，包括在面对中国和欧盟的时候。 但是，双边协议在具体的案例中或许是有效的，但特朗普忽视盟友、蔑视多边主义 — — 几十年来，这是美国优势的重要源泉 — — 这削弱了美国的实力和影响力。 诚然，即使特朗普邪恶小动作频仍，但美国仍拥有可观的软实力，这在很大程度上是因为世界认为美国总统属于异类，并不反映美国“真正的”特征。 但如果特朗普连任，软实力将急剧削弱。 纯交易型方针将进一步破坏已经遭到削弱的多边体系。 规则和标准的需求将继续提高。 多边主义被大大削弱的世界可能会分裂为三个对立的势力范围 — — 分别以美国、中国和欧盟为首 — — 各自有自己的规则和标准。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 2015, the ECB also started an asset-buying program, which ECB President Mario Draghi promised to continue “until we see a sustained adjustment in the path of inflation.” QE has not been a magic bullet. While it helped stop the slide into another Great Depression, successive injections of money have yielded diminishing returns. The ECB’s announcement of its policy narrowed the gap in bond yields between Europe’s core and periphery. But a study by Thomas Fazi of the Institute for New Economic Thinking emphasizes QE’s lack of influence on bank lending, the increase in non-performing loans, and the dire output and inflation figures themselves. Moreover, QE has undesirable distributional consequences, because it gives money to those who have already have it, and whose current spending is little influenced by having more. Policymakers should have been alert to the likelihood of this mediocre outcome. When central banks try to reduce inflation by pumping liquidity out of the system, their policy is subverted by commercial banks’ ability to pump it back in by making loans. In today’s deflationary environment, the reverse has happened. Central banks’ attempt to pump in liquidity to stimulate activity is subverted by commercial banks’ ability to pump liquidity out by augmenting reserves and refusing to lend. That leaves fiscal policy. The logic of current economic conditions implies that governments should be taking advantage of ultra-low interest rates to invest in infrastructure projects, which would both stimulate demand and improve the structure of the economy. The problem is the climate of expectations. As the Oxford economist John Muellbauer says, treasuries and central banks have been “hammering into the consciousness of the private sector the importance of reducing gross government debt relative to GDP.” This orthodoxy arises from the idea that borrowing is simply “deferred taxation.” If the private sector believes that taxes will have to rise to pay for government borrowing, according to this view, people will increase their savings to pay the higher taxes, thus destroying any stimulative effect. The orthodoxy mistakenly assumes that government spending cannot generate any extra income; but so long as it prevails, debt-financed fiscal policy is ruled out as a means to revive economic growth.", "zh": "欧洲央行也在2015年启动了资产购买计划，而行长马里奥·德拉吉（Mario Draghi）承诺将一直购买下去“直到我们看到迈向通胀路径的持续调整 ” 。 量化宽松最终未能成为灵丹妙药。 虽然有助于阻止滑入另一次大萧条，但资金连续注入也导致其作用递减。 欧洲央行的政策宣言缩小了欧洲的核心与外围国家之间的债券收益率差距。 但是新经济思维研究所（New Economic Thinking）的托马斯·法齐（Thomas Fazi）的研究指出量化宽松对银行贷款，不良贷款的增加以及难看的产出和通胀数据都缺乏影响力。 此外量化宽松还存在负面的分配性后果，因为它把钱给了那些本已富有的人，而就算变得更加有钱，这些人经常性支出也很少受到影响。 决策者应当警惕出现这一不痛不痒结果的可能性。 当央行试图通过将流动性抽离系统来降低通胀的时候，其政策效应又被商业银行通过贷款来重新注入流动性的能力所逆转了。 在当今通货紧缩的大环境下，这一逆转正在发生。 而央行注入流动性来增加经济活动的尝试又被商业银行增加储备并拒绝贷款的行为所逆转了。 这使得财政政策成为了最后选项。 当前经济状况的逻辑意味着政府应该利用超低利率的时机来投资于可以刺激需求和改善经济结构的基础设施项目。 而问题在于围绕这一预期的气氛究竟有多浓厚。 正如牛津大学经济学家约翰·穆尔鲍尔（John Muellbauer）所说，国债和央行已经“将减少政府总负债相对GDP比率的重要性深深地根植到私人部门的意识中了 ” 。 这种正统思维源于将借款简单视为��递延征税”的想法。 根据这一观点，如果私人部门认为税收将上升以支付政府债务，人们就会增加储蓄以支付更高的税收，从而破坏任何经济刺激举措。 正统思维误以为政府的支出不会产生任何额外收入；但只要这一思维继续盛行，由债务融资的财政政策就无法被用作重振经济增长的手段。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In addition to higher minimum wages, the US needs a new growth strategy to increase the supply of good jobs for workers at all skill levels. Of course, even with this, concerns within many communities about changing social and cultural dynamics would remain. Beyond individual policy measures, we need to re-evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of institutions. Some institutions would be difficult to reform even if there were broad agreement on what should be done. Others are easier to fix. Most important, we need better independent monitoring mechanisms. The next Trump-like figure should not be able to fire inspectors-general for doing their jobs, nor should a president’s family be able to profit from his or her office. A greater degree of professionalism in the civil service is also important, and can be achieved in part by limiting the scope of political appointments and dismissals. In the case of expertise-based organizations with a clear mandate (such as the Environmental Protection Agency or NASA), it does not make sense for each new administration to install a contingent of cronies at every level of the hierarchy. More fundamentally, US federal institutions have a public-trust problem that will need to be addressed through greater transparency. Yes, too much transparency in government deliberations and decision-making can lead politicians and civil servants to pander to voters. Yet the first priority for the federal government today must be to rebuild public trust after decades of growing estrangement. Shedding more light on relationships between corporate lobbies and politicians would be a good place to start. Last but certainly not least, Electoral College reform must be on the agenda. Although a constitutional amendment seems unlikely in the current political environment, proposals such as the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact could open a path to bipartisan reform, making it harder for the next American populist to ride to power on the support of a disaffected minority of the electorate.", "zh": "除提高最低工资外，美国需要制定一项新的增长战略，为所有不同技术层次的劳动者提供好的工作。 当然，即便如此，不断变化的社会和文化动态仍会引发许多群体的关注。 除个人政策措施外，我们还需要针对机构的优劣势进行重新评估。 而且即使就该采取哪些措施达成广泛共识，某些机构也很难推行改革。 也有些机构相对容易修复。 最重要的是，我们需要更好的独立监督制度。 绝不能允许下一个特朗普式的人物因为恪尽职守而解雇总督察，总统家族也不应在其担任公职期间有任何利润收获。 对公务员专业化提出更高要求也很重要，我们可以通过限制政治任命和解雇范围来部分实现这一目标。 对于管辖范围明确的专业机构（如环保署或美国宇航局 ） ， 每一届新政府在各个层级上指派一干亲信没有任何必要。 从根本上说，美国联邦机构所存在的公共信任问题是需要通过提高透明度来解决的。 诚然，政府审议和决策透明度过高可能导致政客和公务员开始迎合选民的喜好。 但今天联邦政府的首要任务必须是在经过数十年不断扩大的裂痕后，重新赢得公众的信任。 一个不错的出发点是将企业游说与政客之间的关系更多地公诸于众。 最后但却同样重要的是，选举团制度改革必须提上议程。 尽管当前政治环境下，似乎不太可能通过新的宪法修正案，但诸如全国普选州际契约这样的提案或许会为两党改革开辟道路，这样做可以加大下一位美国民粹主义者在少数不满选民支持下夺取权力的难度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Highly motivated minorities can and do overwhelm the general interests of majorities who are not seized with an issue. What is needed, therefore, is a pledge by governments to make global trade liberalization a much higher political priority. This will happen only if all of the major trading countries demonstrate a commitment to play by the rules. For China, this means respecting and enforcing intellectual property rights, allowing non-Chinese firms to compete on an equal basis, and setting its currency at a fair level rather than one that is artificially low. For the US, the EU, and Japan, it means ending massive subsidies to farmers and curtailing other forms of protection provided to uncompetitive sectors. Governments can take these steps if they introduce and expand programs designed to assist those who would lose their jobs as a result of trade liberalization. Displaced farmers and workers must be provided with the education and training required to enter new jobs, as well as the funds, health care, and other essential services that they need to tide them through the transition. There is urgency in all of this. The current (Doha) round of global trade negotiations is behind schedule; the next session, to be held in Hong Kong, is only months away. Where are the many people who benefit from trade, including the celebrities who care so deeply about alleviating poverty and promoting development? Live Trade, anyone?", "zh": "受个人利益激励的少数人能够并且确实压倒了大众利益，而大多数人却对这个问题毫无知觉。 因此，现在所需要的，是政府做出承诺，将全球贸易自由化放在政治议程的首要位置。 只有当所有贸易大国宣称将依据条例规定行事，这才有可能实现。 对中国而言，这意味着尊重和实行知识产权，允许非中国企业在平等基础上参与竞争，并将人民币汇率设定在一个��平而非人为操作降低的水平。 对美国、欧盟和日本而言，这意味着结束对农民实行的巨额补贴并削减其他任何对无竞争力产业所提供的保护形式。 政府可以采取这些措施，如果它们引进并扩大那些用于帮助在贸易全球化中失去工作的人们的项目。 失去工作的农民和工人必须得到教育保障和获取新工作的技能培训，以及基金、医疗和其他一些他们在渡过转型期中所需的必要服务。 所有这些都已经成为燃眉之急。 目前（多哈）一轮的全球贸易谈判已经跟不上形势，距离下一个在香港召开的会议仅有几周之遥了。 那么多从贸易中获利的人们哪里去了，还有那些对减少贫困、促进发展表示深度关注的名人们呢？ 每个人不都是以贸易为生的吗？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Understanding the Pandemic Stock Market NEW HAVEN – The performance of stock markets, especially in the United States, during the coronavirus pandemic seems to defy logic. With cratering demand dragging down investment and employment, what could possibly be keeping share prices afloat? The more economic fundamentals and market outcomes diverge, the deeper the mystery becomes, until one considers possible explanations based on crowd psychology, the virality of ideas, and the dynamics of narrative epidemics. After all, stock-market movements are driven largely by investors’ assessments of other investors’ evolving reaction to the news, rather than the news itself. That is because most people have no way to evaluate the significance of economic or scientific news. Especially when mistrust of news media is high, they tend to rely on how people they know respond to news. This process of evaluation takes time, which is why stock markets do not respond to news suddenly and completely, as conventional theory would suggest. The news starts a new trend in markets, but it is sufficiently ambiguous that most smart money has difficulty profiting from it. Of course, it is hard to know what drives the stock market, but we can at least conjecture ex post, based on available information.", "zh": "了解大流行中的股票市场 纽黑文—冠状病毒大流行期间，股票市场的表现，尤其是美国股市的表现，似乎有违逻辑。 在需求低迷拖累投资和就业的情况下，还有什么能让股价维持下去呢? 经济基本面和市场结果的差异越大，谜团就越难以解答，除非尝试从大众心理、思想传播和大流行的动态方面来解释。 毕竟，股市走势受影响最大的，是投资者评估其他投资者对消息不断变化的反应，而不是消息本身。 这是因为大多数人无法评估经济或科学新闻的重要性。 特别是当人们对新闻媒体高度不信任时，他们更倾向于依赖他们认识的人对新闻的反应。 这个评估过程需要时间，这就是为什么股票市场不会像传统理论所认为的那样，对消息做出突然和完全的反应。 消息开启了市场的一个新趋势，但它模棱两可，让大多数精明的投资者难以从中获利。 当然，我们很难知道是什么推动了股票市场，但我们至少可以根据现有的信息事后做出推测。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And if access to a range of valued benefits, from health insurance to pensions, is made conditional on registering their business and paying taxes, they will have a powerful reason to formalize their work. Digitization could enable the formal sector to offer a spectrum of benefits for workers and responsibilities for employers. African labor-market regulators and tax authorities can play a significant role in recognizing and incentivizing progress along this spectrum. This means taking stock of which benefits workers value most, and then designing effective policies that encourage digital platforms to offer them. Moreover, such policies should ensure that benefits are portable and tied to the worker rather than the platform, so that people can choose the ones that suit them. Digital platforms should also consider how to include portable benefits in what they offer to potential employees, such as by setting aside a portion of their revenues to finance these perks. Such benefits could become an increasingly important recruitment tool as platforms grow and compete for labor. And unless digital firms take the lead on this issue, they face the risk that governments will force them to adapt their business later on – which will likely be much harder. By introducing portable benefits for gig workers, African governments and digital platforms can help to power the continent’s future growth. Otherwise, these platforms will lose top talent, countries will miss out on potential tax revenue, and Africa will fail to reap the full benefits of the digital revolution.", "zh": "而如果一系列有价值福利，从健康保险到养老金的获得均已业务注册和纳税为条件，那么临时工将有充分的理由正式化其工作。 数字化可以使正式行业为劳动者提供一系列福利，并要求雇主承担责任。 非洲劳动力市场监管机构和税务机关可以在识别和鼓励这一领域的进展方面发挥重要作用。 这意味着要评估员工最看重哪些福利，然后设计出鼓励数字平台提供这些福利的有效政策。 此外，为确保人们可以选择适合自己的福利，上述政策应确保福利可以移植，并且与劳动者而非平台之间建立联系。 数字平台还应思考如何将便携式福利纳入到为潜在雇员所提供的利益，例如将其部分收入用于资助这些津贴。 随着平台的发展和劳动竞争，上述福利有可能成为越来越重要的招聘工具。 除非数字公司在这个问题上起带头作用，否则将会面临政府日后迫使他们调整业务的风险 — — 这种情况可能会带来更多困难。 通过为临时劳动者引入便携式福利，非洲政府和数字平台可以协助推动非洲大陆的未来发展。 否则，服务平台将失去顶尖人才，而各国将错失潜在的税收收入，非洲也无法充分受益于数字革命。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "几人本还怀疑是不是苗毅他们干的，可见苗毅这个样子，觉得苗毅也没必要砸自己的山门给自己颜色看，毕竟苗毅是东来洞的洞主，刚上任就被人砸了招牌可是件丢脸的事情。 这种事情肯定要说清楚，否则一旦捅上去担不起这个责任，宋扶正色抱拳道：“洞主，此事绝不是我等所为！” 其他几人也跟着抱拳保证，貌似还是第一次正儿八经把苗毅当洞主对待。 “狡辩！” 苗毅盯着宋扶厉声道：“我今天才委派你看守山门，有人毁了山门你会不知道？” “莫不是你有意放水！” “这……”", "en": "At first, they suspected whether Miao Yi and his group were the ones that did it, but after looking at Miao Yi’s reaction, they felt he had no need to destroy his own mountain gates to teach himself a lesson. After all, Miao Yi was the East Arrival Cave Master, and having your sign destroyed right after your promotion was a very humiliating affair. They had to make things clear, otherwise if they were blamed, they wouldn’t be able to shoulder the responsibility. Song Fu cupped his fists and declared, “Cave Master, this incident was definitely not our doing!” The others also followed suit in cupping their fists and assuring Miao Yi, as though it was the first time they’d honestly treated Miao Yi as Cave Master. “Lies!” Miao Yi glared at Song Fu and shouted, “I’ve only just assigned you to watch the mountain gates today, how could you not be aware if someone had destroyed it?” “It can only mean you let them do it on purpose!” “This… ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What is certain – and this is the third way of viewing the issue – is that Khan, while maintaining possibly dangerous contacts, simultaneously held a firm line on the principle that Islam is compatible with secular government. For Europe, that is a necessary principle. Moreover, he has never wavered on the critical questions of legal and practical equality for women or about expressing his dismay at the growing number of niqabs and hijabs now seen on London’s streets – which prevent people, he notes, from speaking face to face. Likewise, Khan’s position in favor of gay marriage has earned him a fatwa for apostasy from the fearsome head imam of a Bradford mosque. One might say that no less could be expected from a Labour leader with a bright future in the country of Churchill. But one must still follow through, and it must be admitted that Khan has not yielded in these matters to the facile communitarianism common on the other side of the Channel. Khan also is among those Labourites who have taken the loftiest position in the face of the wave of anti-Semitism sweeping through their party. A former Labour MP stigmatized the “nose” of British Jews over social networks. A current MP proposed to relocate Israel to the United States. The charismatic Ken Livingstone, London’s first elected mayor and one of Khan’s predecessors, compared Zionism to Nazism. And Jeremy Corbyn, the party’s leader, refused in a debate with Prime Minister David Cameron to disavow his “friends” in Hezbollah and Hamas.", "zh": "可以肯定 — — 这是看待这个问题的第三种方式 — — 汗虽然可能仍保持着某些危险的关系，但同时他也坚持着如下的原则：即伊斯兰教可以兼容世俗政府。 对欧洲而言，这一原则无疑是必要的。 此外，他从未就女性在法律和现实中地位平等等关键问题产生过任何犹豫，也从不迟疑地表达对越来越多女性在伦敦街道上披上面纱的惊愕态度 — — 他认为这阻碍人们面对面的交流。 同样，汗赞成同性婚姻的立场为他招来了布拉福德清真寺恐怖的伊玛目首领所发布的一份叛教裁定书。 有人可能会说这是在丘吉尔的国度拥有光明未来的工党领袖最起码的立场。 但他还必须坚持到底，而且我们必须承认汗从未在上述问题上像海峡另一端的国家那样对没有原则的群体主义低头。 汗同样是面对席卷全党的反犹主义浪潮选择坚守崇高立场的工党党员之一。 一位前工党议员在社交媒体上污蔑英国犹太人的“鼻子 ” 。 一位现任议员建议把以色列迁到美国。 魅力四射的利文斯通是汗的前辈，曾经担任伦敦首位民选市长，但却将犹太复国主义和纳粹主义相比较。 而工党领袖杰里米·科尔宾在与首相戴维·卡梅伦的一次辩论中拒绝谴责自己在真主党和哈马斯的“朋友 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And I realized, if I was going to tell this story, I needed to walk in their shoes a little bit. And so I started trying to spend 15 or 20 minutes every morning before I sat down with my New York Times just trying to remember something. Maybe it was a poem. Maybe it was names from an old yearbook that I bought at a flea market. And I found that this was shockingly fun. I never would have expected that. It was fun because this is actually not about training your memory. What you're doing is you're trying to get better and better and better at creating, at dreaming up, these utterly ludicrous, raunchy, hilarious and hopefully unforgettable images in your mind's eye. And I got pretty into it. This is me wearing my standard competitive memorizer's training kit. It's a pair of earmuffs and a set of safety goggles that have been masked over except for two small pinholes, because distraction is the competitive memorizer's greatest enemy. I ended up coming back to that same contest that I had covered a year earlier. And I had this notion that I might enter it, sort of as an experiment in participatory journalism. It'd make, I thought, maybe a nice epilogue to all my research. Problem was the experiment went haywire. I won the contest, which really wasn't supposed to happen. Now it is nice to be able to memorize speeches and phone numbers and shopping lists, but it's actually kind of beside the point. These are just tricks.", "zh": "我意识到 若我真的想报道这事儿 一定得亲身体验才行 所以我开始尝试着每天早上坐下来看纽约时报前 花上十五到二十分钟 尝试记忆一些事 背背小诗 背背我在跳蚤市场买来的 旧年鉴里的人名 我惊奇地发现这其实非常带劲 要不去尝试根本想不到 有趣在于 其实目标并不是要通过训练提高记忆力 而是你在努力培养改善 创造力 想象力 在你的脑海里凭空造出 那些完全滑稽荒诞胡乱 最好是难忘的影像 而它成为了我的乐趣 这是我戴着标准竞赛记忆者训练套装的样子 它有一对耳塞 一副护目镜 镜面全部遮黑 就留了两个小孔 因为竞技记忆者最大的敌人就是注意力分散 最后 我再次回到了一年前报道的那场竞赛场上 我一时冲动 也想报名参加 就当做参与性新闻报道的实验了 我当时想 到时能在前言里调侃一下自己也好 问题是 实验最后得到了意想不到的结果 那场竞赛我赢了 真是完全出乎我预料之外 对我来说现在 背演讲稿 电话号码 或是购物单 都是小菜一碟 倒是很不错 但其实这些都不重要了 这些都是小伎俩"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "风能发电工程技术服务，主要包括通用设备修理、电气设备修理、架线及设备工程建筑、其他专业咨询与调查、工程和技术研究和试验发展、检测服务、标准化服务、认证认可服务、工程管理服务国民经、工程监理服务、工程勘察活动、工程设计活动、工业设计服务、新能源技术推广服务等。通用设备修理，主要包括风能原动设备维修。电气设备修理，主要包括风力发电机组维修。架线及设备工程建筑，主要包括风能发电电力输送设备工程。其他专业咨询与调查，主要包括风力发电咨询服务、风能资源评估服务。工程和技术研究和试验发展，主要包括风力发电工程技术研究和试验发展。检测服务，主要包括风电产品检测服务。标准化服务，主要包括风电产品标准服务。认证认可服务，主要包括风电产品认证服务。工程管理服务国民经，主要包括风电场验收及后评价服务、风电场风险评估服务。工程监理服务，主要包括风能发电工程监理。工程勘察活动，主要包括风能发电建筑工程勘察。。", "en": "Wind power engineering technical services mainly include general equipment repair, electrical equipment repair, overhead line and equipment engineering construction, other professional consulting and investigation, engineering and technical research and experimental development, testing services, standardization services, certification and accreditation services, engineering management services, engineering supervision services, engineering survey activities, engineering design activities, industrial design services, and new energy technology promotion services, etc. General equipment repair mainly includes maintenance of wind power prime movers. Electrical equipment repair mainly includes maintenance of wind turbines. Overhead line and equipment engineering construction mainly includes wind power transmission equipment engineering. Other professional consulting and investigation mainly includes wind power consulting services and wind energy resource assessment services. Engineering and technical research and experimental development mainly includes wind power engineering technical research and experimental development. Testing services mainly include wind power product testing services. Standardization services mainly include wind power product standard services. Certification and accreditation services mainly include wind power product certification services. Engineering management services mainly include wind farm acceptance and post-evaluation services, and wind farm risk assessment services. Engineering supervision services mainly include wind power engineering supervision. Engineering survey activities mainly include wind power construction engineering survey."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Cutting Europe’s greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions by 55% by the end of the decade will cost more than €5 trillion ($5.6 trillion). Because curbing GHG emissions is a public good, firms left to their own devices will underinvest. Moreover, where infrastructure has network characteristics, as in transportation, someone has to coordinate the relevant investments. It follows that much of this spending will be done by governments. So where will European governments find the better part of €5 trillion? Should they borrow it? And should the EU’s rules be revised to encourage them? In the past, various governments have adopted a “golden rule” that exempts public investment from self-imposed limits on deficit spending, the rationale being that public investment pays for itself. If productive, it grows the denominator of the debt-to-GDP ratio. If very productive, it generates tax revenues sufficient for servicing and paying off the additional debt. Investment in the green economy could qualify. Even if it does not boost economic growth, it could avert a climate-related disaster in which GDP plummets and the debt burden becomes unmanageable. The current low level of interest rates creates a presumption that many green investment projects will meet the test. Of course, there is no guarantee that interest rates will remain low. If they rise, the case for borrowing to finance green investment will become harder.", "zh": "到2030年底，要把欧洲温室气体排放量减少55%将花费超过5万亿欧元（5.6万亿美元）的资金。 因为削减温室气体排放是一种公共利益，让企业自行做决定将导致投资不足。 此外，在具有网络特征的基础设施方面（如交通运输）必须要有人协调相关投资。 由此可见，大部分支出将由政府来完成。 那么，欧洲各国政府要到哪里去找这5万亿欧元的大头呢？ 他们应该借款吗？ 欧盟是否应该修改财政规则鼓励各国借款呢？ 过去，多国政府都采用了一种“黄金法则 ” ， 让公共投资免于其对赤字支出施加的限制，其基本原理是用公共投资的收入来“自负盈亏 ” 。 如果这一法则有效的话，它会推动GDP增长（即增加债务占GDP比重的分母 ） 。 如果十分有效的话，它产生的税收足以支付和偿还额外的债务。 对绿色经济的投资可能符合这一法则。 就算它不能促进经济增长，也可以避免一场与气候相关的灾难与灾难带来的GDP暴跌和债务负担失控。 目前的低利率水平产生了一种假设，即许多绿色投资项目将达到自负盈亏的目标。 当然，没有人能保证利率会保持低位。 一旦利率上升，通过借贷来为绿色投资融资将变得更加困难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "张淑仪 声学家，1935年12月2日生于浙江温州。 1956年毕业于南京大学物理系，1960年该校声学专业研究生毕业。 1991年当选为中国科学院学部委员(院士)。 南京大学教授。 曾任南京大学声学研究所所长。 长期从事超声物理和光声科学研究工作。 在声光互作用、声表面波、光声热波效应和激光超声，以及对凝聚态物质的结构分析、参量定征和无损评价的研究中，在机理、技术和方法等方面有所发现、创新和发展。 澄清了乙酸乙酯中超声弛豫过程的两种分歧论点研究了铌酸锂基片上有关圆弧形叉指换能器激发声场的聚焦效应，提出了新概念。 利用相位选择方法对集成电路进行光声成像，得到了迄今国际上最好的分层成像对半导体材料的线性和非线性光声效应进行了系统的实验和理论研究发展了光声技术应用于半导体超晶格等多层薄膜的研究。 1991年获机械电子工业部科技进步奖一等奖。", "en": "Shuyi Zhang Acoustician, born in Wenzhou Zhejiang province on December 2 1935. She graduated from the Department of Physics of Nanjing University in 1956, and graduated with a postgraduate degree in acoustics from the same school in 1960. In 1991, she was elected as a member of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (Academician). Professor at Nanjing University. Formerly she served as the Director of the Institute of Acoustics, Nanjing University. And she has long been engaged in ultrasound physics and photoacoustic scientific research. In the study of Acousto-optic Interaction, Surface Acoustic Wave, Photoacoustic Thermal Wave Effect and Laser Ultrasound, as well as the Structure Analysis, Parameter Characterization and Non-destructive Evaluation of Condensed Matter, she made discoveries, innovations and developments in mechanism, technology and methods. She clarified two divergent arguments about the ultrasonic relaxation process in ethyl acetate, studied the focusing effect of the arc-shaped interdigital transducer on the lithim niobate substrate, and proposed new concepts. She adopted the phase selection method to perform photoacoustic imaging on integrated circuits and got the best layered imaging in the world; carried out systematic experimental and theoretical research on the linear and nonlinear photoacoustic effects of semiconductor materials and developed the application of photoacoustic technology to the research of multilayer films such as semiconductor superlattices. In 1991, she won the first prize of the Science and Technology Progress Award of the Ministry of Machinery and Electronics Industry."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And the answer, I believe, is yes. [\"F = T ∇ Sτ\"] What you're seeing is probably the closest equivalent to an E = mc² for intelligence that I've seen. So what you're seeing here is a statement of correspondence that intelligence is a force, F, that acts so as to maximize future freedom of action. It acts to maximize future freedom of action, or keep options open, with some strength T, with the diversity of possible accessible futures, S, up to some future time horizon, tau. In short, intelligence doesn't like to get trapped. Intelligence tries to maximize future freedom of action and keep options open. And so, given this one equation, it's natural to ask, so what can you do with this? How predictive is it? Does it predict human-level intelligence? Does it predict artificial intelligence? So I'm going to show you now a video that will, I think, demonstrate some of the amazing applications of just this single equation. But what if that tentative cosmological connection between entropy and intelligence hints at a deeper relationship? What if intelligent behavior doesn't just correlate with the production of long-term entropy, but actually emerges directly from it?", "zh": "而我相信答案是有。 [\"F = T ∇ SΤ\"] 你看到的可能是 我所见过最接近于 E = mc² 的智慧。 所以你在这里看到的 是一张对应表， 其中智能是一种力量，F， 它的作用是为了便于将未来的 行动自由最大化。 它的作用是将未来的 行动自由最大化， 或是保留灵活的选择权， 与一种力量 T， 和有多种可能性的、 可实现的未来，S， 一直到某个未来的开始， tau。 简而言之，智能不喜欢被困住。 智能试图将未来的行动自由最大化， 并保留选择权。 所以，鉴于这一公式， 你自然会问， 那么这些可以让你做什么？ 它是预测性有多高？ 它能否预测人类的智能水平？ 它能够预测人工智能吗？ 因此，我将要展示给你们一段视频， 我认为，它会展示出 单是这一个公式的 一些惊人的应用。 但假如那个在熵与智能之间 暂定的宇宙链接 暗示着更深层的关系呢？ 如果智能的行为不仅只与 长期熵的生产相关， 而是直接由其产生的呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 2010, after a collision of Chinese and Japanese ships near the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea, China punished Japan by restricting exports of rare-earth metals, which are essential in modern electronics. The result was that Japan lent money to an Australian mining company with a refinery in Malaysia, which today meets nearly one-third of Japanese demand. In addition, the Mountain Pass mine in California, which had shut in the early 2000s, was reopened. China’s share of global rare-earth production has fallen from more than 95% in 2010 to 70% last year. This year, in a not-too-subtle response to Trump’s tariffs, Chinese President Xi Jinping made sure he was photographed visiting a rare-earth production site whose exports are vital to US electronics producers. The US (and other countries) have legitimate complaints about Chinese economic behavior such as the theft of intellectual property and subsidies to state-owned companies that have tilted the playing field in trade. Moreover, there are important security reasons for the US to avoid becoming dependent on Chinese companies like Huawei for 5G wireless. And China has refused to allow Facebook or Google to operate within its Great Firewall for security reasons related to freedom of speech. But it is one thing to restrict certain technologies and companies for security reasons and quite another to cause massive disruption of commercial supply chains to develop political influence. It is not clear how long the influence will last or what the long-term costs will turn out to be.", "zh": "2010年，中日两国船只在东海有争议的尖阁诸岛 / 钓鱼岛附近发生碰撞后，中国通过限制稀土金属出口来惩罚日本。 稀土金属在现代电子产品的生产是至关重要的元素。 其结果是，日本向一家澳大利亚矿业公司提供了贷款，该公司在马来西亚拥有一家炼油厂，如今产自这家炼油厂的稀土足以满足日本三分之一的需求。 此外，本世纪初关闭的加利福尼亚州帕斯山(Mountain Pass)煤矿也重新开工。 中国在全球稀土产量中的份额已经从2010年的95% 以上下降至去年的70 % 。 今年，中国国家主席习近平对特朗普的关税做出了比较直接回应，他有意公开自己参观一家稀土生产基地的照片，此基地的稀土原料出口对美国电子产品的生产起着至关重要的作用。 对于中国的经济行为，美国(以及其它国家)有合理的抱怨，比如盗窃知识产权，以及向在贸易领域具备比较优势的国有企业提供补贴。 此外，出于重要的安全考虑，美国避免在5G无线技术方面依赖华为等中国公司。 出于与言论自由相关的安全原因，中国也禁止 Facebook 或谷歌在其防火墙内运营。 但是，出于安全原因限制某些技术和公司是一回事，造成商业供应链大规模中断，乃至形成政治影响则是另一回事。 目前我们还不清楚这种影响将持续多久，以及最终将付出什么样的长期代价。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So I think consciousness right now is a kind of anomaly, one that we need to integrate into our view of the world, but we don't yet see how. Faced with an anomaly like this, radical ideas may be needed, and I think that we may need one or two ideas that initially seem crazy before we can come to grips with consciousness scientifically. Now, there are a few candidates for what those crazy ideas might be. My friend Dan Dennett, who's here today, has one. His crazy idea is that there is no hard problem of consciousness. The whole idea of the inner subjective movie involves a kind of illusion or confusion. Actually, all we've got to do is explain the objective functions, the behaviors of the brain, and then we've explained everything that needs to be explained. Well I say, more power to him. That's the kind of radical idea that we need to explore if you want to have a purely reductionist brain-based theory of consciousness. At the same time, for me and for many other people, that view is a bit too close to simply denying the datum of consciousness to be satisfactory. So I go in a different direction. In the time remaining, I want to explore two crazy ideas that I think may have some promise.", "zh": "所以我认为就目前而言意识 是一种反常事物， 是一种需要我们将它整合到 我们的世界观中，而我们却还不知道如何整合的事物。 面对这样的反常事物， 我们可能需要一些激进的想法， 并且我认为我们可能需要一两个 在我们可以科学地 面对意识之前 看起来很疯狂的想法。 现在，对于这些疯狂的想法可能是什么 已经有了一些候选项。 我的朋友丹·丹尼特就有一个这样的想法，他今天也在这里。 他的疯狂想法是关于意识 的困难问题并不存在。 整个内心主观电影的想法 涉及一种幻觉或困惑。 事实上，我们现在要做的就是解释 客观功能和大脑行为， 然后自然地我们就解释了 所有需要被解释的。 我想说，给他更多的能量。 这就是那种我们需要去探索的 激进想法， 如果你想获得关于意识的 纯还原论者的基于大脑的理论的话。 同时，对于我和其他很多人来说， 这个观点有一点太接近于简单地 否认关于意识的已知资料 而不能令人满意。 因此我选择了另一个不同的方向。 在余下的时间里， 我想探讨两个我认为可能有希望的 疯狂想法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "这时，乔易忽然伸出手，他两根手指一用力，栗子皮立马裂开，然后剥出来栗子肉，递到乔恋嘴边，“姐，吃。” 乔恋笑了，一口吃下去，然后再拿起一个，本来以为这次乔易会自己吃了，可没想到，他又递到了自己嘴边。 乔恋一愣，“小易，你自己吃啊！” “姐，我记得，你也爱吃栗子。” 乔恋恍惚了一下，笑着开口，“是啊，我都忘记了。” 她跟乔易口味很想，从小都最爱吃栗子。 可是手头拮据，有时候只能买那么几个，她不舍得吃，就都留给乔易。 没想到，他竟然还记得自己的喜好。 乔恋笑了笑，就听到乔易开口：“姐，我是男人，我长大了，以后我来照顾你。” 乔恋一愣，抬头看向他。", "en": "At that moment, Qiao Yi suddenly reached out his hand and pinched the chestnut with his two fingers. The chestnut was immediately split open. He then took out the inside of the chestnut and put it in front of Qiao Lian’s mouth saying, “Sister, eat.” Qiao Lian smiled, ate it and picked another one up. She had originally thought that Qiao Yi would eat it himself, but he once again offered it to her. Qiao Lian was stunned. “Xiao Yi, you can have it.” “Sister, I remember that you like eating chestnuts too.” Qiao Lian was dazed for a moment, as she smiled and said, “Yes, I’ve forgotten about it.” She had a very similar food taste to Qiao Yi’s, they both had always liked eating chestnuts since young. However, due to being financially tight, sometimes she was only able to buy a few. She couldn’t bear to eat them and would leave everything for Qiao Yi. Qiao Lian smiled and heard Qiao Yi say, “Sister, I’m a man and I’ve grown up. It will be my turn to take care of you in the future.” Qiao Lian was stunned for a moment and rose her head to look at him."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Every country in Europe is party to international treaties that recognize the rights of refugees to seek asylum and not be forcibly returned to countries where they will be unsafe. And yet, despite calls by frontline Mediterranean states to establish systems to improve the handling of the crisis and share the burden, little is being done to make things safer for refugees or more manageable for the countries in which they arrive. The countries neighboring Syria and Iraq are facing the largest inflows of refugees fleeing the violence there, and the UNHCR has appealed for assistance in resettling a limited number of the neediest. So far, however, the response from the countries that can most easily afford to take in refugees has been pathetic. Even worse, many people who, as recently as a few years ago, would have easily obtained permission to study, work, or visit relatives in Europe are being denied visas simply because of their refugee status. There is no reason to require people seeking an asylum hearing to run a gamut of desert crossings, abuse by smugglers, beatings, extortion, rape, and exploitation – or to have them experience the trauma of watching their friends and family die along the way. Doing so is cruel and inhumane, and it violates the spirit of all refugee, human rights, and immigration laws.", "zh": "每个欧洲国家都加入了承认难民有寻求庇护、不可强迫他们回到已不再安全的国家的国际条约。 此外，尽管有人呼吁地中海沿岸国家建立制度以改善危机处理、共同承担难民负担，但让难民更加安全、在接受国中更加易于管理的措施极少。 叙利亚和伊拉克周边国家面临着逃离上述两国暴力的最大量的难民涌入，UNHCR 呼吁协助安置有限数量的最需要群体。 但是，到目前为止，最有能力接收难民的国家反应冷淡。 更糟糕的是，近几年来，许多此前可以轻松获得赴欧学习、工作和探亲许可的人如今仅仅因为难民身份而无法获得签证。 没有理由要求寻求庇护的人穿越整个沙漠，饱受蛇头虐待，遭遇殴打、勒索、强奸和剥削 — — 或要求他们在路上体验目睹亲朋好友的死亡带来的创伤。 这样做是残忍的、不合人道的，并且违反了所有难民、人权和移民法的精神。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Case for Better Government LONDON – A recent survey by the World Economic Forum’s Network of Global Agenda Councils rated government lower than either business or media in its ability to respond to global challenges. On one level, this is understandable, given the plethora of challenges that governments face and the lack of long-term solutions to many problems that demand one. But, on another level, the attempt to rate government alongside business and the media is fundamentally misguided: no sector operates at the scale of responsibility, accountability, and expectation that governments do. Business decides for itself where to invest and grow. Media indulge themselves in a fast-moving news cycle. Government enjoys neither luxury. It cannot simply pack up and move on when it faces a loss or is bored with a story. Government must stay put – and must often clean up the messes left behind by those who do not. On a good day, it may even get to make improvements. The problem for governments, more often than not, is that in attempting to respond to and reconcile often conflicting individual, family, and national needs, their ability to deliver results efficiently and effectively has declined. As a result, trust in government has plummeted. Just before the WEF’s Summit on the Global Agenda in Abu Dhabi last month, I spent a week in India. Most of the people with whom I spoke complained endlessly about government shortcomings. Government at both the federal and state levels was invariably regarded as slow, indecisive, corrupt, unimaginative, and shortsighted – in general, worthless. It is easy for business to want government just to get out of the way, and for the media to point fingers and sensationalize events without much depth of analysis – or even, sometimes, grasp of reality. True, India may not be the best advertisement for democracy in some respects, given how hard it often seems there to make long-term decisions and implement them without being buffeted – and frequently derailed – by volatile public opinion and hard-nosed vested interests. But the alternative – rule not by law but by dictatorship – is a far nastier prospect. And there are not many problems in India’s governance that state funding of politics could not solve.", "zh": "更好的政府 伦敦 — — 世界经济论坛全球议程理事会网络最近发布的调查给全球政府挑战响应力的打分低于媒体和企业。 一方面这种情况可以理解，因为政府需要解决的挑战太多，而且其中很多找不到长期的解决办法。 但另一方面将政府与媒体企业相提并论从本质上是一种误导：任何部门承担的责任义务和肩负的期待都比不上政府。 企业自主决策在哪里投资和发展。 媒体则投身于快速变化的新闻之中。 这两点政府都做不到。 它在亏损或厌倦时不能简单地打包走掉。 政府必须留在原地 — — 而且常常要收拾别人留下的烂摊子。 如果运气够好，它甚至可以做些改善工作。 政府的问题往往是因为调和矛盾的个体、家庭和国家需求而导致效率下降。 对政府的信任也因此一落千丈。 就在上月阿布扎比世界经济论坛全球议程峰会召开前，我在印度待了一个礼拜。 多数和我交谈的人都没完没了地抱怨政府的不足之处。 人们无一例外地认为联邦和州政府反应迟缓、优柔寡断、腐败、缺乏想象力、缺乏远见 — — 总之可以说一无是处。 企业往往想摆脱政府，媒体也往往不深入分析 — — 有时甚至不了解情况就指手画脚、大肆炒作。 诚然，鉴于在长期决策执行过程中经常遭到反复无常的舆论和顽固既得利益群体的打压和破坏，印度在诸多方面或许算不上民主的最好代表。 但独裁而非法制的前景显然更加不妙。 解决印度执政的许多问题都可以依靠国家投资政治。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of this amount, around $2 billion was received by the five best-paid individuals, who were also central to creating the highly risky asset structures that brought the financial system to the edge of the abyss: Sandy Weil (built Citigroup, which blew up shortly after he left); Hank Paulson (greatly expanded Goldman Sachs, lobbied for allowing more leverage in investment banks, then moved to the US Treasury and helped save them); Angelo Mozilo (built Countrywide, a central player in irresponsible mortgage lending); Dick Fuld (ran Lehman Brothers into the ground); and Jimmy Cayne (ran Bear Stearns into the ground). The public losses are massive in comparison: roughly $6 trillion, if we limit ourselves just to the increase in federal government debt. And leading bank executives still insist that they should be allowed to run highly leveraged global businesses, in which they are paid based on their return on equity – unadjusted for any risk. The world’s top independent financial minds have looked long and hard at these arrangements, and, given what we have learned in recent years, have found them worse than wanting (see the Web page of Anat Admati at Stanford’s Graduate School of Business for the details). In their view, the big banks should be funded much more with equity – perhaps as much as 30% of their capitalization.", "zh": "到如今，前五位收入最高的人合共收取了近20亿美元，而他们恰巧也是构建了整个高风险资产架构并险些将金融系统推入深渊的始作俑者：山迪·维尔（建立了花旗集团，该集团在他离职不久后就爆发了危机 ） 、 汉克·保尔森（大规模扩展了高盛集团业务并说服国会允许投资银行采取更高投资杠杆，然后又摇身一变到美国财政部赴任去协助拯救这些银行 ） 、 安杰罗·莫兹洛（创立美国国家金融服务公司Countrywide financial corp . ， 是滥发抵���贷款的主要推手 ） ， 迪克·福德和杰米·卡尼（分别是雷曼兄弟和贝尔斯登的送葬者 ） 。 相比之下公众的损失则极为巨大：如果仅仅用联邦政府的债务增长来评估的话，大概60亿美元。 但那些银行大佬们却依然坚持自己应当被允许运营更高杠杆的全球业务，并基于企业股票回报率来向他们支付报酬 — — 无论出现任何风险。 为此有一批全球最顶尖的独立金融研究者也正以长远而严谨的眼光观察这类事务，而我们近几年的研究显示情况比想象中更糟（详见斯坦福大学商学院教授安娜特·阿德玛蒂Anat Admati的网页 ） 。 在他们看来，大银行应具备更多的准备金 — — 大概应占其资本总额的30 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The numbers are striking. Since 2004, 10% of all small-market newspapers have closed or merged. Of those that survive, over a third have changed ownership, concentrating the industry into fewer hands. The result has been layoffs, cost-cutting, and diminished reporting on national and local issues. As for the media’s civic responsibility, that, too, seems to have suffered. The managers’ manual from one investment firm that owns three daily and 42 weekly newspapers does not mince words: “Our customer is the advertiser,” the document states. “Readers are our customers’ customers,” so “we operate with a lean newsroom staff.” Russia’s intervention in the 2016 US presidential election was historic, but it was also symptomatic of bigger challenges facing Americans. A population that does not fully understand its own democracy should concern not only civics teachers, but national security experts as well. The US didn’t need Putin to deliver that lesson. “If a nation expects to be ignorant and free,” Thomas Jefferson warned, “it expects what never was and never will be.”", "zh": "数字触目惊心。 自2004年以来，10%的小市场报纸关门或被兼并。 在存活下来的小市场报纸中，超过三分之一所有权发生了改变，整个行业变得更加集中了。 结果是裁员、削减成本和减少对国家和地方问题的报道。 至于媒体的公民责任，也遭到了影响。 一家拥有三家日报和42家周报的投资企业的经理手册直言不讳 ： “ 我们的客户是广告商 ， ” 手册写道。 “读者是我们的客户的客户 ， ” 因此“我们要保持新闻室人手的精简 。 ” 俄罗斯对2016年美国总统选举的干预是历史性的，但它也是美国人所面临的更大的挑战的症候。 面对无法充分理解自己国家的民主的人民，不仅公民课教师应该感到担忧，国家安全专家也应该忧心忡忡。 美国不需要普京来上这一课。 “如果一个国家想要无知又自由 ， ” 杰斐逊警告说 ， “ 那它想要的从来得不到，也永远无法得到 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Even so, one effect of the traditional heroic warrior approach to leadership has been to support the belief that leaders are born rather than made, and that nature is more important than nurture. The search for the essential traits of a leader dominated the field of leadership studies until the late 1940’s, and remains common in popular discourse today. A tall handsome person enters a room, draws attention, and “looks like a leader.” Various studies show that tall men are often favored, and that corporate CEOs are taller than average. But some of the most powerful leaders in history, such as Napoleon, Stalin, and Deng Xiaoping were little over five feet tall. The traits-centered approach has not vanished from studies of leadership, but it has been broadened and made more flexible. Traits have come to be seen as consistent patterns of personality rather than inherited characteristics. This definition mixes nature and nurture, and means that “traits” can to some extent be learned rather than merely inherited. We talk about leaders being more energetic, more risk-taking, more optimistic, more persuasive, and more empathetic than other people. These traits, however, are affected partly by a leader’s genetic makeup and partly by the environments in which the traits were learned and developed. A persuasive experiment recently demonstrated the interaction between nature and nurture.", "zh": "即使是这样，传统的认为领导人是英雄战士的观念的一个结果是，它支持了领导人是天生的而不是后天培养成的，并且天生的因素比后天的培养更重要的观点。 在20世纪40年代之前，寻找领导人的特征在领导研究领域一直占主导地位，并且直到今天，在通俗演讲中仍然很常见。 一个高大英俊的人进入一个房间，引起人们的注意，并“看起来像个领导 ” 。 各种研究显示，高大的男人更受欢迎，而且公司的CEO比一般人要高。 但是，一些在历史上最有权势的领导人，例如拿破仑、斯大林和邓小平都只有5英尺多一点点高。 以特征为中心的研究方法在领导研究中还没有消失，但是它被进行了扩充并赋予更多的弹性。 领导人的特征被认为是一致的性格模式，而不是遗传特性。 这个定义结合了天生的因素和后天的培养，并意味着“领导特征”在某种程度上可以通过学习得来，而不仅仅是靠遗传获得的。 我们讨论领导人比其他人精力更充沛，更敢于冒险，更乐观，更善于说服人以及更能移情。 但是，这些特征一部分受到领导人的基因组成的影响，一部分受到习得和发展这些特征的环境的影响。 最近的一个具有说服力的试验证明了天生的因素和后天的培养之间的互动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Recognizing the High Value of Africa’s Migrants LOMÉ – As we mark International Migrants Day on December 18, it’s time to rethink how we value the informal skills and resources of many of Africa’s migrants. In particular, we need to recognize that migration can help boost long-term economic growth in Africa and the rest of the world. On one hand, African migration is less globally significant than many think. According to a report produced by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, just 14% of the world’s migrants in 2017 came from Africa, while 41% came from Asia and 24% from Europe. The 36.3 million Africans who migrated that year represented less than 3% of the continent’s population (and almost 90% of African refugees remain within the continent.) On the other hand, those Africans who do exercise their human right to work where their skills are needed make a significant contribution to the continent’s large informal economy. African cities are full of creative traders negotiating prices, supplying jerseys for sports events, and selling drinks to thirsty drivers stuck in traffic jams. In fact, trading skills –especially those of women – should be at the center of the African migration narrative. In Togo, for example, women previously dominated domestic and international trade in textiles, wax prints, and women’s clothing, running businesses that expanded to Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Chad, and other countries in the region. From 1976 to 1984, these “Nana Benz” women – so called because their wealth enabled them to own Mercedes-Benz cars – controlled at least 40% of informal-sector business in Togo. While they are no longer quite so dominant, a third generation of women is keeping their entrepreneurial model alive. The Nana Benz demonstrated that informal economies could create pathways to success for their children and communities. They not only built mansions in Togo and owned properties around the world, but also invested in their children’s education at home and abroad. And they commanded respect despite their own lack of formal education. European business partners offered them favorable terms to expand their businesses. Today, the informal economy accounts for more than 70% of total employment in Sub-Saharan Africa.", "zh": "认识非洲移民的巨大价值 洛美—12月18日，我们应将迎来国际移民日，也应该反思我们如何评估众多非洲移民的非正式技能和资源。 特别是，我们必须承认，移民能够帮助刺激非洲和其他地区的长期经济增长。 一方面，非洲移民的全球显著性不如许多人所认为的那样突出。 据莫·易卜拉欣基金会（Mo Ibrahim Foundation）一份报告，2017年全球移民中只有14%来自非洲，而有41%来自亚洲，24%来自非洲。 2017年移民的3630万非洲人只占非洲人口的不到3 % （ 近90%的非洲难民留在了非洲。 ） 另一方面，那些兑现了在需要他们的技能的地方工作的人权的非洲人，给非洲庞大的非正式经济做出了巨大贡献。 非洲城市充满了创造性交易者，他们讨价还价，为体育赛事提供比赛服，向堵在路上、饥渴难耐的司机兜售饮料。 事实上，交易技巧 — — 特别是女人 — — 应该称为非洲移民叙事的中心。 比如，在多哥，妇女从前主导着国内和国际纺织品、蜡染和女装，开办的企业扩张到了布基纳法索、马里、尼日尔、乍得和地区内其他国家。 1976—1984年 ， “ 奔驰娜娜 ” — —这样称呼她们是因为她们买得起奔驰汽车 — — 控制了多哥非正式部门业务量的至少40 % 。 如今，她们的优势已不再那么大，但第三代妇女保持着她们的创业模式。 奔驰娜娜说明，非正式经济能够为孩子们和社区创造成功之路。 她们不仅在多哥大起豪宅，在全世界购置房产，还投资于国内外儿童的教育。 她们要求尊重，尽管自己缺乏正式教育。 非洲商业伙伴给了她们有利条件扩大自己的企业。 如今，非正式经济贡献了撒哈拉以南非洲70%以上的总就业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "France Goes to Hollande PARIS – France has now conducted its ninth presidential election under direct universal suffrage. And, for the first time in 17 years, after three consecutive defeats, the left – embodied in the Socialist candidate, François Hollande – will return to Élysée Palace. Indeed, the first implication of this unquestionably significant election is that it confirms a return to stability. France is the largest country in Europe to have so much trouble finding its balance. Its revolution in 1789 initiated a long period of profound instability, featuring two empires, three monarchies, and five republics. The French have gone through 13 constitutions in less than 200 years. At 54 years old, the current Fifth Republic is the second longest-lasting regime since the revolution. At times, there has been talk of a Sixth Republic, which would address limited but real concerns and difficulties. But voter turnout in the latest presidential election (80% in the first round, and 81% in the second round) leaves no doubt: our current system is strong, and we French are attached to it. But the primary importance of the election result is the left’s return to power for only the second time in 31 years. In fact, when François Mitterand was elected in 1981, the left had been out of power since 1957. Back then, the Communist Party was still powerful, and maintained close ties with the Soviet Union. The prospect that the Party could come to power in an electoral alliance with the Socialists struck fear in opponents.", "zh": "奥朗德入驻爱丽舍宫 巴黎 - - 这是法国第九次采用直接普选的方式来进行总统大选。 十七年来，社会党候选人奥朗德连续三次落选，此次胜选也是左派17年来首次重新入驻法国爱丽舍宫。 毫无疑问，此次选举意义重大，第一就是法国重新归于稳定。 欧洲许多国家都在寻求平衡的过程中遇到大量困难，法国是其中最大的国家。 1789年的法国大革命首次使法国深陷长期的动荡之中，一直贯穿于两个帝国，三个君主国以及五个共和国。 在不到200年的时间中，法国先后制定了13部宪法。 当前的第五共和国已经历时54年，是法国大革命以来持续时间第二长的政权。 有时候，他们也会讨论建立第六共和国，来解决这些有限的但实实在在的困难。 然而最近的一次总统选举结果显示（第一轮80 % ， 第二轮81 % ) ,毫无疑问当前的制度势力依然很强大，法国人依然钟爱于它。 但是此次选举的重大意义在于，31年来左派第二次再度执权，事实上，密特朗于1981年当选，而左派已于1957年成为在野党。 当时，共产党仍然很强大，并且与前苏联保持着密切的联系。 在一次与社会党人联盟的选举中，对手很担心共产党获胜可能会胜出。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "通缉任务发放窗口门庭若市。无誓之剑放眼一扫就看到了许多云端城其他行会的头头脑脑。这些人的心思无誓之剑可以猜到，无非就是想结交这个狠人，最好还能进一步拉进自己行会。其实无誓之剑心里也有这个打算，不过眼下倒不必想太多，这么多人，最终落到谁手还里还不一定呢！ 无誓之剑转头在通缉榜上搜索。蒙面杀手的信息高挂于顶：pk值15，编号27149。 而此时还处在大厅里的人，都并不急于领取任务，他们都认为顾飞一定会来自首。而自首的地方同样是这个大厅，因此这些人都紧盯着进进出出的玩家，一发现是法师就两眼放光，接着又是一脸失望。 “怪不得没来自首，自首更是死路一条。”无誓之剑暗自嘀咕。进出的法师有不少了，编号27149依然高居榜首。 大厅的一角，七月、落落、烈烈三个姑娘也在观望着眼前的人流。", "en": "A large crowd had gathered in front of the Bounty Assignment Hall’s Wanted Players list interface. Oathless Sword’s eyes swept through the crowd and noticed that many core members of the various guilds in Yunduan City were here as well. Oathless Sword easily guessed their intentions; they hoped to befriend this powerful expert and pull the Masked Slayer into their guilds. Although Oathless Sword had such thoughts as well, he figured that mulling over it was pointless since nobody could tell who would receive such privilege with these many competitors. Oathless Sword turned to check the Wanted Players list. The Masked Slayer was listed high on the board – PK points: 15, serial number 27149. Many of the people inside the hall did not immediately receive the mission as they were confident that Gu Fei would turn himself in. They closely observed all the players coming and going since this hall was also a place where fugitives could turn themselves in. Their eyes would periodically gleam whenever they saw a Mage and then be followed by a look of disappointment. “This explains why he did not turn himself in. Doing so is as good as walking straight into the lion’s den,” Oathless Sword mumbled to himself. Quite a few Mages were entering and exiting the place, yet the serial number 27149 remained on the top spot. In one corner of the hall, July, Luo Luo, and Lie Lie were observing the human traffic as well."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And a similar fate was visited upon Binyamin Netanyahu, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, who openly opposed any withdrawal from the occupied territories to allow for the establishment of a viable Palestinian state. But Israel now has a new government headed by Naftali Bennett, whose position on that particular issue is even more extreme than his predecessor’s. Beyond these electoral outcomes, 2021 will be most remembered for the clashes between Israeli forces and the Palestinians in Jerusalem’s Sheikh Jarrah and Silwan districts, and then in Gaza. More than at any other time in the history of the conflict, the international community has begun to view these episodes through the lens of human rights, with less tolerance for Israeli violations. In 2018, Israel enacted a nation-state law that formally consigned its Palestinian citizens to second-class status. Now, three major reports in the past year have heavily criticized Israel’s separate and unequal treatment of Palestinians, including both those who are Israeli citizens and those under occupation. The Israeli human-rights organization B’Tselem, the highly respected Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and Human Rights Watch have all come out and argued (to varying degrees) that Israel has established a legal system akin to apartheid. The “A-word” was considered taboo until just a few years ago. But with Israel’s leaders openlydeclaring their opposition to a Palestinian state, the political dynamics have changed.", "zh": "以色列任职时间最长的总理内塔尼亚胡也遭遇了类似的命运，他公开反对任何从被占领土撤出，建立一个可以自生的巴勒斯坦国的方案。 但以色列新政府由纳夫塔利·贝内特 (Naftali Bennett) 领导，他在这个特别问题上的立场比他的前任更为极端。 除了这些选举结果，2021 年以色列军队与巴勒斯坦人在耶路撒冷谢赫贾拉区（ Sheikh Jarrah） 和 塞勒万区（Silwan ） ， 以及随后在加沙发生的冲突将最令人难忘。 与冲突史上其他任何时期不同，国际社会开始从人权的角度看待这些事件，对以色列的侵犯行为不再那么容忍。 2018 年，以色列颁布了一项民族国家法律，正式将其巴勒斯坦公民置于二等地位。 现在，过去一年的三份主要报告都严厉批评了以色列对巴勒斯坦人的分离和不平等待遇，包括那些以色列公民和被占领区人民。 以色列人权组织B’Tselem、备受尊敬的卡内基国际和平基金会（Carnegie Endowment for International Peace）和人权观察组织（Human Rights Watch）都站出来（在不同程度上）指出，以色列已经建立了类似于种族隔离的法律体系。 直到几年前 ， “ 种族隔离”还被视为禁忌。 但随着以色列领导人公开宣布反对巴勒斯坦国，政治动态发生了变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "陈晓 清华大学经管学院会计系教授。 1983年获武汉化工学院化工机械学士，1989年获中国科学技术大学管理工程硕士，1996年获美国杜兰大学经济学博士。 主要讲授课程包括：会计与资本市场案例研究、税务筹划、国际税务、高级管理会计、财务会计与控制。 研究领域包括：会计与资本市场、公司治理、税务与企业战略、企业价值评估。 主持了4项国家自然科学基金和1项国家社会科学基金的研究工作。 在Review of Financial Studies、经济研究、管理世界等国内外期刊发表学术论文40余篇。 目前担任《中国会计评论》副主编、《中国会计与财务研究》编委、China Journal of Accounting Studies, China Journal of Accounting Research等期刊的学术委员；同时兼任中国会计学会理事、中国税务学会理事。 先后担任过中文在线、汉王科技、深圳远望谷、首旅集团等多家公司的独立董事和外部董事。", "en": "Xiao Chen Chen is a Professor of the Department of Accounting at the School of Economics and Management, Tsinghua University. He received his B.S. in Chemical Machinery from Wuhan Institute of Chemical Technology in 1983, his M.S. in Management Engineering from University of Science and Technology of China in 1989, his Ph.D. in Economics from Tulane University in 1996. Professor Chen's courses include Accounting and Capital Market Case Studies, Tax Planning, International Taxation, Senior Management Accounting and Financial Accounting and Control. And his research areas are Accounting and Capital Market, Corporate Governance, Taxation and Corporate Strategy, and Corporate Value Evaluation. Professor Chen presided over 4 research projects sponsored by National Natural Science Foundation of China and 1 research project funded by National Social Science Foundation of China. And over 40 academic articles were published on both national and international journals such as Review of Financial Studies, Economic Research Journal, Management World. Professor Chen is currently Associate Editor of China Accounting Review, a member of Editorial Board of China Accounting and Finance Review, a member of Academic Committee of several journals, such as China Journal of Accounting Studies, China Journal of Accounting Research. And he is Director of China Accounting Association and of China Taxation Association. He has successively served as Independent Directors and Outside directors of many companies including Chinese Online, Hanwang Technology, Shenzhen Yuanwanggu, and Beijing Tourism Group."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And given the planet’s global dust storms, this DNA is almost certainly located in various places across the surface. Fortunately, we are living in an extraordinary era for genetics. The low cost of DNA sequencing allows us to build an ever-growing genetic catalog of life on Earth, genetic maps of SAF clean rooms, and the first-ever planetary-scale genome maps (MetaSUB and the Earth Microbiome Project). Moreover, in a 2016 mission with astronaut Kate Rubins, we showed that we can sequence DNA in space and match it to profiles of novel organisms on Earth. Anything that can survive in space, on spacecraft, or in extreme conditions on Earth is a decent candidate for life that can survive on Mars. Eventually, instead of sending DNA to Mars by accident, we will do it deliberately, for a purpose. After all, manned missions to Mars are technologically achievable. They can bring out the best in humanity, and we already have the physical, pharmacological, and biological means to pursue them. In my new book, The Next 500 Years: Engineering Life to Reach New Worlds, I highlight studies that we performed on dozens of astronauts, including the twins Scott and (US Senator) Mark Kelly, following Scott’s one-year mission in space. Based on our findings, we are now confident that humans can travel to Mars, and with some additional innovation and technology, stay there.", "zh": "而且鉴于火星上无处不在的沙尘暴，上述DNA几乎可以肯定存在于火星表面的各个地点。 幸运的是，我们正生活在一个非同寻常的遗传基因时代。 DNA测序的低成本使我们能够建立起不断扩大的地球生物基因目录，航天器装配中心无尘车间的基因图谱，以及有史以来首个行星级基因图谱组（MetaSUB和地球微生物组项目 ） 。 此外，在2016年与宇航员凯特·鲁宾斯合作执行的一项任务中，我们向世界展示了，我们可以对太空中的 DNA进行测序， 并将结果匹配到地球上新出现的有机物。 任何能在太空、宇宙飞船或地球极端条件下生存的生物都是火星生存的合格候选者。 最后，我们所要的不是偶然将DNA送上火星，而是有目的、有意愿的这样做。 毕竟，技术上可以实现载人火星任务。 它们能展现出人类最好的一面，而且我们已经掌握了物理学、药理学和生物学手段去实现这一目标。 在我的新著未来500年：设计生命抵达新世界中，我重点介绍了对数十位宇航员所进行的研究，其中包括双胞胎斯科特兄弟和（美国参议员）马克·凯利，这项研究是在斯科特执行宇航任务一年后进行的。 基于研究成果，我们现在相信，人类可以前往火星，如果辅之以其他创新和技术，人类可以留在火星上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Thus, Sunni Arabs and Shia Persians alike view Iraq as still up for grabs, a question rather than a country, a “great game” of the kind with which the world is very familiar. The Saudis and other Sunni Arab states have shown little inclination to bring Iraq into the Arab fold, leaving it to find its own way in the world. These states contribute enormously – as they did in the 2010 national elections – to what they hope will be a Sunni restoration, when the Americans’ great error is corrected and the Arab world is made whole. Ten years after Saddam’s removal, Iraq’s future remains where it always has been: in the hands of Iraqis, who will have to rise to the occasion. No one can create a stable political order for them; with the Americans gone, meddlesome Arab neighbors and anxious Iranians can only lose by dooming Iraq to remain a tinderbox. As for Americans, we need to learn from what happened in Iraq, lest our hubris doom us to similar ventures. And, when it comes to the vision that sent us there, that means that we must also forget.", "zh": "于是，逊尼派阿拉伯人和什叶派波斯人仍把伊拉克视为争地，视为问题而不是国家，视为世界所熟知的“大博弈 ” 。 沙特和其他逊尼派阿拉伯国家并未显示出将伊拉克纳入阿拉伯世界的倾向，而是让它自行寻找融入世界的方式。 在美国的大错被纠正、阿拉伯世界正在走向完整时，这些国家为它们所想见到的逊尼派重握政权投入了巨大的代价 — — 2010年国民选举就是明证。 萨达姆倒台已经十年，伊拉克的仍掌握在伊拉克人民手中，他们将不得不随机应变。 没人能够为他们营造稳定的政治秩序；而随着美国人的离开，爱管闲事的阿拉伯邻国和焦躁不安的伊朗人若想让伊拉克继续充当火药桶，等待它们的将注定是失败。 对美国人来说，我们需要从伊拉克汲取教训，以免妄尊自大让我们陷入同样的覆辙。 此外，如果出现了我们陷入同样覆辙的迹象，那么我们还必须忘记它。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bannon replaced Paul Manafort, who was close to the elites Bannon despises, and who had tried to strengthen Trump’s ties to them. Manafort made the major misstep of trying to compel Trump to change, and of telling mainstream Republicans that he could manage the candidate. Even politicians without Trump’s outsize ego would bridle at such talk. By the time Manafort was replaced, Trump was ignoring his advice, and Manafort had essentially given up. In the meantime, Manafort’s past as an adviser to and lobbyist for unsavory dictators around the world was catching up with him. In one instance, he had worked for former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, a proxy for Russian President Vladimir Putin who fled to Russia after being driven from power in 2014. The US Justice Department has now started to scrutinize Manafort’s lobbying activities in the US on behalf of Yanukovych, which posed yet another threat to the campaign. While Trump’s influential children had initially favored Manafort, that changed when he started to attract the wrong kind of media attention, including questions about Trump’s so-far inexplicable affinity for Putin. Manafort may be gone from the Trump campaign, but his Ukrainian ties will be a matter of press interest for some time to come. The 2016 presidential election isn’t over, so it’s still possible that Trump could end up in the White House. His poor judgment in people, glaringly apparent in recent weeks, is yet another reason why that is a dangerous possibility for American democracy.", "zh": "班农更换了保罗·马纳福特，后者与班农鄙视的精英关系密切，并试图强化特朗普和他们之间的关系。 马纳福特的主要失误是试图迫使特朗普改变，以及告诉主流共和党人他能够管理候选人。 这样的说法肯定会激怒即使不具备特朗普这样超级自我的政治候选人。 到马纳福特被替换时，特朗普已经无视他的建议，而马纳福特也基本处于放弃状态。 与此同时，马纳福特过去曾为世界各地令人生厌的独裁者担任顾问和说客的经历也开始影响他的现在。 有一次他曾为前乌克兰总统亚努科维奇工作，亚努科维奇是俄国总统弗拉基米尔·普京的代理，并在2014年被赶下台后逃往俄国。 美国司法部现在开始调查马纳福特代表亚努科维奇在美国进行的游说活动，而这又对特朗普的竞选构成了新的威胁。 虽然特朗普颇具影响力的子女开始时偏爱马纳福特，但当他开始吸引负面媒体关注（包括特朗普迄今为止与普京莫名其妙的亲密关系）时这一切都发生了改变。 马纳福特或许已经离开了特朗普的竞选队伍，但在未来一段时间内他与乌克兰方面的关系将会成为媒体的兴趣点。 2016年总统大选尚未结束，因此特朗普仍然可能最终入主白宫。 他对人严重缺乏判断力，这在最近几个星期表现得再明显不过，是可能威胁美国民主的另一个理由。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Toxic Tests CAMBRIDGE – The United States government is now permitting ten of America’s biggest banks to repay about $70 billion of the capital injected into them last fall. This decision followed the banks having passed the so-called “stress tests” of their financial viability, which the US Treasury demanded, and the success of some of them in raising the additional capital that the tests suggested they needed. Many people have inferred from this sequence of events that US banks – which are critical to both the American and world economies – are now out of trouble. But that inference is seriously mistaken. In fact, the US stress tests didn’t attempt to estimate the losses that banks have suffered on many of the “toxic assets” that have been at the heart of the financial crisis. Nevertheless, the US model is catching on. In a meeting this month, finance ministers of G-8 countries agreed to follow the US and perform stress tests on their banks. But, if the results of such tests are to be reliable, they should avoid the US tests’ fundamental flaw. Until recently, much of the US government’s focus has been on the toxic assets clogging banks’ balance sheets. Although accounting rules often permit banks to price these assets at face value, it is generally believed that the fundamental value of many toxic assets has fallen significantly below face value. The Obama administration came out with a plan to spend up to $1 trillion dollars to buy banks’ toxic assets, but the plan has been put on hold. It might have been hoped that the bank supervisors who stress-tested the banks would try to estimate the size of the banks’ losses on toxic assets. Instead, supervisors estimated only losses that banks can be expected to incur on loans (and other assets) that will come to maturity by the end of 2010. They chose to ignore any losses that banks will suffer on loans that will mature after 2010. Thus, the tests did not take into account a big part of the economic damage that the crisis imposed on banks. Although we don’t yet have an estimate of the economic losses the stress tests have chosen to ignore, they may be substantial.", "zh": "有毒测试 剑桥 — — 美国政府同意，美国最大的银行中的10家可以逐步偿还去年秋天政府注资的700亿美元，原因是这些银行通过美国财政部要求的“压力测试 ” 。 压力测试的目的是检测银行的金融生存情况。 根据测试的结果，另外一些银行则被允许在市场上融资。 一些人由此判断，美国银行 — — 这个和美国人和美国经济生死攸关的行业 — — 已经摆脱了困境。 显然，这些想法是非常错误的。 实际上，此次“压力测试”并没有涉及到“有毒资产”所遭造成的损失，这才是导致此次金融危机的罪魁祸首。 更为糟糕的是，很多国家愿意效仿“美国模式 ” 。 在本月的8国财长峰会上，大家一直同意要对本国的银行进行“压力测试 ” 。 如果要想使得测试的结果更有说服力，他们就应该避免“美国模式”中的一些基本错误。 目前，美国政府对有毒资产的注意力还大多停留在银行的资产负债表上。 虽然根据会计准则，银行可以将资产按照帐面价格来统计。 实际上，很多有毒资产的实际价格已经远远不是帐面价格了。 奥巴马政府计划用1万亿美元来购买银行的有毒资产，但目前，该计划被暂时搁置起来。 银行管理者在进行“压力测试”时候，应该考虑到有毒资产的因素。 他们目前只是考虑到2010年之前银行因为贷款而受到的损失。 2010年之后的损失都没有考虑在内。 而这个对银行来说，是它们受到经济重创的主要原因。 虽然本次测试不涉及到这部分损失，但其实它们数额巨大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It has been calculated that the most contaminating energy sources would have to pay a 70% tax to reflect their negative externalities. A substantial lack of information in this field is another reason why the free market doesn’t work. Often, as with the properties of a gas reserve, for example, information is technically difficult to obtain. In addition, governments consider natural resources to be strategic and don’t release information about them. Finally, time frames related to energy are usually long: centuries for environmental effects or decades for investments to pay off. Thus, energy must be governed through a system of cooperation and regulation. That will be complicated, of course. Managing energy requires taking into account technical, political, and economic dimensions simultaneously. Energy exploration and production requires many different disciplines and technologies – eolic (wind), photovoltaic, nuclear, coal, etc. Something similar exists in the political sphere, where industrial and economic sectors are organized but divided. And the need for international coordination poses an additional difficulty. The energy sector exemplifies the inadequacy of our multilateral institutions. Energy policy is national, but the sector’s externalities are global. A radioactive leak, the rupture of an undersea oil well and, above all, CO2 emissions do not threaten just one country. On the other hand, energy’s benefits adhere to specific agents, be they consumers, producers, or sellers. This imbalance creates a clear incentive for free riders: they benefit, while the rest of us pay. Moreover, global governance is necessary because energy supply and demand around the world are disconnected. Few countries have a neutral energy balance. Oil, the world’s main source of energy, is indicative in this regard. The Middle East has a 266% commercial surplus of oil, and the US a 65% deficit. This geographical imbalance requires an ordered system of trade, clear regulations, and a well-structured global market. Today, however, opaque bilateral agreements abound, and very different environmental requirements and contradictory subsidies coexist. As a result, our global energy institutions are woefully inadequate. The International Energy Agency admits only OECD countries, which excludes China, the largest energy consumer.", "zh": "据测算，污染性最大的能源应该被课以70%的税收，以反映其负外部性。 这方面信息的严重不足是自由市场起不了作用的另一个原因。 通常而言，像天然气储量这样的信息在技术上是很难获得的。 此外，政府会认为自然资源具有战略重要性，因此不会披露这方面的信息。 最后，与能源有关的时间框架通常非常长：环境效应需要几个世纪才能显现，投资需要好几十年才能收回。 因此，能源必须通过一个合作和监管体系才能得到治理。 当然，这是非常复杂的事情。 管理能源同时要求考虑��术、政治、经济等诸多方面的问题。 能源勘探和生产要求众多学科和技术基础，比如风力、光伏、核能、煤炭等。 政治问题也是如此，产业和经济部门虽然有组织，但却是各自为政。 而国际合作的需要则让这个问题难上加难。 能源问题是我们缺少多边机构的明证。 能源政策在国家层面制定，但能源部门的外部性却由全球共同承担。 核泄漏、海底油井泄露以及（最重要的）二氧化碳排放所威胁到的绝非一个国家。 另一方面，能源带来的好处却是定向的，获得者只有能源消费者、生产者和出售者。 这一失衡造成了显而易见的免费搭车激励：他们获得好处，而我们其他人承担成本。 此外，全球治理之所以有必要，是因为世界能源供求并不连贯。 鲜有国家存在中性的能源平衡。 这一点可以用世界主要能源 — — 石油来说明。 中东在石油上有着266%的商业盈余，而美国则有65%的赤字。 这一地缘性的失衡要求一个有序的交易体系、明晰的监管以及结构合理的全球市场。 但是，当今世界充斥着不透明的双边协定，截然不同的环境要求和相互矛盾的补贴同时存在。 结果，我们严重缺乏全球能源机构。 国际能源署只承认经合组织国家（其中不包括中国）为主要能源消费国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Claims that he abandoned his nuclear program in response to the US-led invasion of Iraq have been refuted by Flynt Leverett, director for Middle Eastern affairs at the US National Security Council from 2002 to 2003. According to Leverett, Khadafi’s decision predated the invasion and was a response to an explicit quid-pro-quo to end international sanctions against Libya. Containment against Libya was not appeasement. It should have been the model in Iraq, as it now should be the model in Iran. Instead, defenders of the contemporary equivalent of “rollback” advocate attacking Iran because it is developing nuclear weapons. This makes about as much sense as it would to attack China in the 1950’s. One of Kennan’s great insights was that the US is well served by conflict among America’s adversaries. He welcomed Tito’s rise in Yugoslavia as an internal challenge to Moscow’s hegemony that he hoped others would emulate. This lesson is lost on the Bush administration, which senselessly alienated Iran in 2002, when moderates had the upper hand there and were cooperating in Afghanistan, and reversed decades of US policy by insisting that any Middle East settlement must accept changed “realities on the ground” in the West Bank.", "zh": "卡扎菲由于美国入侵伊拉克而放弃核计划的说法遭到了弗林特·莱弗里特（Flynt Leverett）的驳斥，莱弗里特在2002到2003年间担任美国国家安全委员会中东事务部主任。 按照莱弗里特的说法，卡扎菲早在伊拉克战争开始前就已经做出了决定，而且他做出这样的决定显然是对结束对利比亚国际制裁的一种补偿。 遏制利比亚绝非姑息纵容。 美国在伊拉克就应该实行遏制政策，如今在伊朗也是同样的状况。 但与此形成鲜明对照的是，现代“击溃”政策的捍卫者拼命要求打击伊朗，理由是伊朗在制造核武器。 这和20世纪50年代鼓吹对华作战一样愚蠢可笑。 对手之间的冲突能让美国坐收渔利，这是��南最精辟的见解之一。 他欢迎铁托在南斯拉夫的崛起，并希望其他国家能够竞相仿效，因为惟其如此才能从内部挑战莫斯科的霸权。 布什政府忘记了凯南的教诲，它2002年对伊朗的孤立没有任何意义。 当时温和派在伊朗仍然占据上风，伊朗在阿富汗也仍然与美国进行着合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I could go back to my girlfriend and my gay-loving table and mock their responses, chastise their unworldliness and their inability to jump through the politically correct gay hoops I had brought with me, or I could empathize with them and realize that that was maybe one of the hardest things they had ever done, that starting and having that conversation was them coming out of their closets. Sure, it would have been easy to point out where they felt short. It's a lot harder to meet them where they are and acknowledge the fact that they were trying. And what else can you ask someone to do but try? If you're going to be real with someone, you gotta be ready for real in return. So hard conversations are still not my strong suit. Ask anybody I have ever dated. But I'm getting better, and I follow what I like to call the three Pancake Girl principles. Now, please view this through gay-colored lenses, but know what it takes to come out of any closet is essentially the same. Number one: Be authentic. Take the armor off. Be yourself. That kid in the cafe had no armor, but I was ready for battle. If you want someone to be real with you, they need to know that you bleed too. Number two: Be direct. Just say it. Rip the Band-Aid off. If you know you are gay, just say it. If you tell your parents you might be gay, they will hold out hope that this will change.", "zh": "我可以回到我女性朋友和支持同性恋的那一桌去 对他们这些人的反应嘲笑一番 说他们什么都不懂 他们不能理解我身上所带的同性恋的标签 或者我可以选择感同身受 理解那可能是他们从未做过的最难的事情 开始并进行那样的对话 是他们出柜的表现 当然 指出他们不对的地方很容易 但是和他们在同一层面上理解 并知道他们在努力却很难 除了让人家努力尝试 你还能要求人家什么呢 如果你想对某人坦诚 那你就要准备好别人同样对你完全坦白 所以进行难的对话仍不是我的强项 去问问我从未约过会的人就知道了 但是我做好的更好了 因为我遵循我称之为 煎饼女孩三原则 请各位带上同性恋有色眼镜来看待这个 但是要明白出任何的柜所需的努力 都是一样的 原则一 要真实 卸下你的防御 做真实的自己 那个在咖啡厅的女孩就没有防御 然而我却是准备开战 如果你想让别人对你坦诚 你得让他们知道你也有所付出 原则二 要直接 有什么说什么 不要绷着 你知道你是同性恋 那就说出来 如果你告诉你的父母 你可能是同性恋 他们会心有一丝希望 你会改变的"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "更加自觉地防范各种风险，坚决战胜一切在政治、经济、文化、社会等领域和自然界出现的困难和挑战。 全党要充分认识这场伟大斗争的长期性、复杂性、艰巨性，发扬斗争精神，提高斗争本领，不断夺取伟大斗争新胜利。 实现伟大梦想，必须建设伟大工程。 这个伟大工程就是我们党正在深入推进的党的建设新的伟大工程。 历史已经并将继续证明，没有中国共产党的领导，民族复兴必然是空想。 我们党要始终成为时代先锋、民族脊梁，始终成为马克思主义执政党，自身必须始终过硬。 全党要更加自觉地坚定党性原则， 勇于直面问题，敢于刮骨疗毒，消除一切损害党的先进性和纯洁性的因素，清除一切侵蚀党的健康肌体的病毒， 不断增强党的政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力、社会号召力，确保我们党永葆旺盛生命力和强大战斗力。 实现伟大梦想，必须推进伟大事业。 中国特色社会主义是改革开放以来党的全部理论和实践的主题， 是党和人民历尽千辛万苦、付出巨大代价取得的根本成就。 中国特色社会主义道路是实现社会主义现代化、创造人民美好生活的必由之路， 中国特色社会主义理论体系是指导党和人民实现中华民族伟大复兴的正确理论， 中国特色社会主义制度是当代中国发展进步的根本制度保障，中国特色社会主义文化是激励全党全国各族人民奋勇前进的强大精神力量。 全党要更加自觉地增强道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，", "en": "We must do more to guard against all kinds of risks, and work determinedly to prevail over every political, economic, cultural, social, and natural difficulty and challenge. Every Party member must fully appreciate the long-term, complex, and onerous nature of this great struggle; we must be ready to fight, build our ability, and keep striving to secure new victories in this great struggle. Realizing our great dream demands a great project. This project is the great new project of Party building that is just getting into full swing. As history has shown and will continue to bear witness to, without the leadership of the Communist Party of China, national rejuvenation would be just wishful thinking. To remain the vanguard of the times, the backbone of the nation, and a Marxist governing party, our Party must always hold itself to the highest standards. Every Party member must be more actively involved in enhancing Party consciousness, and demonstrate commitment to Party principles. We must have the courage to face problems squarely, be braced for the pain, act to remove whatever undermines the Party’s purity and advanced nature, and rid ourselves of any virus that erodes the Party’s health. We must keep on strengthening the Party’s ability to lead politically, to guide through theory, to organize the people, and to inspire society, thus ensuring that the Party’s great vitality and strong ability are forever maintained. Realizing our great dream demands a great cause. Socialism with Chinese characteristics has been the focus of all of the Party’s theories and practice since reform and opening up began. It is the fundamental achievement of our Party and our people made through countless hardships at enormous cost. The path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the only path to socialist modernization and a better life for the people. The theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the right theory to guide the Party and people to realize national rejuvenation. The system of socialism with Chinese characteristics provides the fundamental institutional guarantee for progress and development in contemporary China. The culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a powerful source of strength that inspires all members of the Party and the people of all ethnic groups in China. Our whole Party must strengthen our confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Homelands for Plants DURHAM, NORTH CAROLINA – My day begins with a cup of coffee and ends with hot chocolate. In between, I consume a variety of food and medicines, including my daily 81mg dose of aspirin. A brightly colored orchid enlivens my study, and, through the window, I catch a glimpse of my green garden. In short, my life – like everyone’s – is enabled, enriched, and extended by a wide variety of plants and their derivatives. But the biodiversity on which all of us depend is under threat, as human activity devastates forests and other plant-rich habitats. The question now is how quickly are species being destroyed – and what can be done to stop it. Designing effective conservation strategies must begin with knowledge of the species we need to protect. So far, taxonomists have described roughly 297,500 plant species. How many have they not yet described? Where are we likely to find them? It might seem that, as the pool of undescribed species diminishes, the rate at which taxonomists describe new species should decline. But the opposite has happened, with rates often increasing nearly exponentially from year to year – a phenomenon that can be explained largely by the growing number of taxonomists. Indeed, it is only the ratio of new species to taxonomists describing them that is declining. Based on this development, mathematical models predict that roughly 15% more plant species exist than are currently known, for a total of some 350,000 species – a figure that is consistent with expert opinion. Perhaps half of the undescribed species have already been collected and housed in herbaria, where they await detection and analysis. To find the rest, taxonomists must rely on three general patterns governing species’ geographical distribution: · Most species have very small geographical ranges and are uncommon locally. · The number of species found in any one habitat varies considerably. Large tracts of boreal forest across North America and Eurasia have only a handful of tree species, while the Amazon basin may house 16,000. · Species with small geographical ranges are often concentrated in the same areas, but they tend to be in areas different from where the largest numbers of species live.", "zh": "植物的家园 北卡罗来纳州达勒姆 — — 我以一杯咖啡开始、以一杯热巧克力结束一天的生活。 其间我摄入各种各样的食品和药品，包括每天服用81毫克阿司匹林。 绚烂多彩的兰花装点着我的书房，透过书房的窗口，我能够瞥见花园郁郁葱葱的景色。 总之，我的生活和你们每个人的一样既活跃又充实，琳琅满目的植物及其衍生品拓展了我的生活。 但人类破坏森林及其他植物品类富集之所的活动正逐步威胁到我们所有人赖以生存的生物多样性。 现在的问题是物种的灭绝速度 — — 我们能够采取哪些措施来阻止物种的灭绝。 设计有效的保护策略必须从了解需要保护的物种开始。 到目前为止，分类学家大致发现了约297,500种植物。 还有多少种仍没有被发现？ 我们又应该到哪里去发现？ 看似随着未分类物种的减少，分类学家发现新物种的速度也应该相应变慢。 但实际情况却恰恰相反，发现新物种的速度往往按指数方式逐年递增 — — 对于这种现象的解释恐怕是分类学家越来越多。 其实是新物种与分类学家的比例是在逐年降低的。 在现有基础上，数学模型预测植物总共约有350,000种，比目前所知的多出15%左右。 这一数字与专家意见其实不谋而合。 也许半数未确定物种已经被搜集到植物标本室，现在正在那里等待分析和检验。 为了找到其余物种，分类学家必须依赖物种地理分布的三个一般模式： · 多数物种分布地理范围狭窄，并且在当地也十分罕见。 · 单一栖息地发现的物种数量差异巨大。 北美和欧亚大陆的大片寒带森林仅有几个树种，而亚马逊盆地却可能有16,000种之多。 · 分布地理范围狭窄的物种往往集中在同样的区域，但它们的分布区域往往与数量庞大的物种不同。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Later, Ottoman Turkey was for centuries considered a part of the “concert of Europe,” proving indispensable in defining and securing the strategic balance among the European continent’s Great Powers. Yet this historical evidence is not enough to unite European sentiment in favor of Turkey’s EU membership. On the contrary, “the Turkish Question” will be resolved on the basis of the current political preoccupations and concerns for the future. Fortunately, that choice was not settled prematurely and peremptorily: the process that will lead to a final decision was merely allowed to start with the opening of negotiations. Membership talks can’t help but be long and arduous, if only because adopting the acquis communautaire (the body of EU law) requires that Turkey integrate around 10,000 pages of texts into its legislation. However, all this now seems to have a serious chance of succeeding. And yet Turkey scares countless Europeans. With 67 million people today, and a population that will reach 80 million in 20 years and 100 million in 2050, Turkey is bound to become the most populous of all European nations. It is also a very poor Muslim country. To be sure, a few countries in Europe, mainly Germany and Austria, have welcomed strong inflows of Turkish immigration. But the immigrants have been mostly poor peasants from Anatolia, whose integration has proven to be difficult. By contrast, Turkey’s large, secular intellectual community, whose cultural background is European, and from which the Turkish state recruits most of its executives, has remained in Istanbul and Ankara. Europe, then, is frightened by the prospect of more immigration by Turks who find it almost impossible to assimilate. For the moment, such immigration has almost stopped, owing to rapid economic growth – indeed, the fastest in Europe – in recent years, which is absorbing the country’s available labor and has thus stemmed the flow of emigrants. Yet the fear remains that membership in the Union will unleash a new human tide. Economic fears are not the only concern for EU citizens. Turkey was the theater of exceptional violence in the twentieth century: its participation in WWI fueled hatred and gigantic massacres, with the genocide of the Armenians the last vicious spasm of the Ottoman Empire’s brutal demise.", "zh": "后来，奥托曼土耳其数百年来被视为“欧洲音乐会”的一部分，并且在确定和确保欧洲大陆列强战略平衡中不可或缺。 但是，这一历史证据并不足以将欧洲的情感统一到赞成土耳其的欧盟成员资格上来。 相反 ， “ 土耳其问题”将会在当前政治优先考量以及对未来的担忧的基础上得到解决。 所幸的是，这一选择并未过早地作出，而且不容更改，只不过是开启谈判，从而开始形成最终决定的进程。 如果仅仅是因为采纳欧盟既成法律而要求土耳其将大约10,000页的法律文本吸纳到其国内立法之中，入盟谈判无可避免地艰苦漫长。 但是，所有这些都看似确有成功的机会。 然而，土耳其却另无数欧洲人害怕。 土耳其现有人口6,700万，20年内达到8,000万，2050年则为1亿。 土耳其必定成为所有欧洲国家中人口最多的国家。 它而且还是一个贫穷的穆斯林国家。 的确，一些欧洲国家，主要是德国和奥地利，欢迎土耳其移民的大量涌入。 但是，移民中的大多数是安纳托利亚的贫穷农民。 他们很难融入欧洲社会。 相反，土耳其庞大的、世俗化的知识阶层的文化背景是欧洲化的，土耳其国家从中招募其大部分行政管理人员。 这些人则留在了伊斯坦布尔和安卡拉。 更多的土耳其移民发觉几乎无法归化，欧洲因此而感到恐惧。 目前，由于近年来土耳其经济增长迅猛（实际上在欧洲首屈一指 ） ， 吸收了该国拥有的劳力并且阻止了移民外流，这样的移民几乎已经停止。 但是，由于土耳其入盟将会引发新一轮人潮的担心依然存在。 对于欧洲人而言，担忧并非仅仅是经济上的。 土耳其在二十世纪中发生了浩大的暴力。 它参加第一次世界大战加剧了仇恨和骇人听闻的屠杀，在奥托曼帝国血腥瓦解的最后的邪恶痉挛中，它对亚美尼亚人实行了种族屠杀。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the price level is now well over 3% below where it would have been had the target been met, would 5% inflation for a year or two be acceptable? We will only learn the answers over time. And what influence will this policy shift have on central banks elsewhere? The European Central Bank is still in the midst of its own policy review, launched in January by its new president, Christine Lagarde. The ECB has even more reason than the Fed to examine its navel: annual inflation has fallen even shorter of the 2% target. The last time inflation was above 2% was 2012 and it has been chronically low ever since. So, should the ECB follow the Fed? One problem is that the ECB does not have a dual mandate like the Fed’s. It is enjoined to support other economic policies of the European Union, but that is clearly subordinate to maintaining price stability. And the ECB also has the German Federal Constitutional Court to worry about. Germany’s judges do not like quantitative easing, and they remain prepared to continue the fight. A fundamental review would involve governments, and potentially a treaty change, which is hazardous territory for the ECB. What other objectives might populist governments advocate? It is also arguable that the eurozone’s economic sluggishness has been more attributable to weak fiscal stimulus than to policy errors by the ECB, which will come under pressure to consider the Fed’s catch-up approach.", "zh": "如果现在的物价水平比达到目标时的水平低了3 % ， 那么一年或两年5%的通胀是否可以接受? 我们只能依靠时间给出答案。 而这一政策转变将对其他国家的央行产生何种影响? 欧洲央行(ECB)仍在进行其新行长克里斯蒂娜•拉加德(Christine Lagarde)今年1月发起的政策评估。 欧洲央行比美联储更有理由审视自己：年通货膨胀率已经低于2%的目标。 上一次通胀率高于2%是在2012年，此后一直处于长期低位。 那么，欧洲央行应该效仿美联储吗? 一个问题是欧洲央行没有像美联储那样的双重使命。 它奉命支持欧盟的其他经济政策，但这显然服从于维持价格稳定。 欧洲央行还需要担心德国联邦宪法法院。 德国的法官不喜欢量化宽松，他们仍然准备继续战斗。 各国政府将进行彻底审查，并可能涉及条约的修改，这对欧洲央行来说是个危险的领域。 民粹主义政府还会倡导什么其他目标? 还有一种说法值得商榷：欧元区经济的低迷，更大程度上是由于财政刺激不力，而非欧洲央行的政策失误。 欧洲央行将面临压力，要求其考虑美联储的追赶方式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "《邻居家的狗》是威尔进修期间耗时最长，钻研最久，最花费心力，同时也是威尔最满意的作品。 这幅画与之前《我的邻居》的风格相近，只是看上去更难懂，《我的邻居》好歹还能看出个人样，《邻居家的狗》就看不出狗样了，要不是看到画的名字，谁都不会认为画里的是条狗，还是条小宠物狗。 极富生机的色彩渲染，神秘又蕴含大气魄，似乎过于超凡脱俗，却又说不出哪里不当，越研究，心底越会升起一股颤栗感。 “方召那条狗，有这么可怕吗？” 皇艺一名学生在看到这幅画后回想了下在校园里遇到过的那条小卷毛狗，再上网搜一搜方召的狗，确定自己没记错。 而皇艺这边，听过方召结业音乐会也近距离分析了威尔这幅画的人，则是另一种感想。 “真要说的话，这幅画给我的感觉，与方召的那首《η》差不多。” “有点超过常人的理解范围了。” 就算是外行人站在这幅画前，静静地看上几秒，即便看不懂，心里却毛毛的，身体都忍不住打寒颤的感觉。 网上，讨论更是激烈。 “我发现进修之后的威尔完全放飞了，思想自由驰骋，不是我等能理解的了。“ “什么仇什么怨！竟然将方召的狗画成这样！” “前面那位朋友一定没见过威尔上一幅，《我的邻居》了解一下，先看看威尔是怎么画方召的。” “说不定威尔是被狗咬过，对狗有心理阴影，不然不可能画得这么吓人！”", "en": "“My Neighbor’s Dog” was the art piece that Will had spent the most time and effort on during his advanced studies period. At the same time, it was also the piece Will was most satisfied with. This painting had a similar style to the previous “My Neighbor”, but it was even more difficult to interpret. One could still make out a human form when viewing “My Neighbor”, but “My Neighbor’s Dog” didn’t seem in any way like a dog. If not for the title of this piece, nobody would think that the dog in this painting was a little pet dog. The vivid colors were both mysterious and imposing, They pushed the boundaries of the ordinary. But, there seemed to be something off. The longer one looked at it, the more apprehensive one would feel. “Is Fang Zhao’s dog really that terrifying?” A HuangArt student thought back to when he had encountered that curly haired dog in the school’s garden. He then went to do a quick online search of Fang Zhao’s dog. Indeed, he hadn’t remembered wrongly. Over at HuangArt, those who had attended Fang Zhao’s graduation concert and also viewed Will’s painting up close had other thoughts. “I must say, the feeling I get from this painting is similar to what I felt from Fang Zhao’s song ‘η’.” “It seems to surpass ordinary people’s scope of comprehension.” Even industry outsiders standing before the painting and observing it silently for a few seconds felt eerie sensations. Even though they didn’t understand, they still shivered. On the Internet, the discussions became even more intense. “Will has really let loose after entering advanced studies. His thoughts and ideology are free-flying. It’s no longer something we can understand.” “What sort of grudge does he have to actually paint Fang Zhao’s dog in such a way?!” “OP definitely hasn’t seen Will’s previous painting ‘My Neighbor’. First go see how Will painted Fang Zhao before you try to understand it.” “Perhaps Will was bitten by a dog before and has a psychological scar. Otherwise, why would he have painted it in such a terrifying light?!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, cardiologists once prescribed drugs to reduce sudden death in patients after heart attacks. The drugs suppressed arrhythmias – disturbances of the heartbeat associated with sudden death. The logic seemed clear: suppress the asymptomatic but nasty-looking arrhythmias, and you will reduce sudden death. Unfortunately, when investigators undertook randomized trials, they found that treated patients had a higher death rate. Clinicians stopped using the drugs, but not before causing a large number of unnecessary deaths. But awareness that principles of evidence-based medicine should also guide health policy has been slower to take root. Here, although randomized trials are not feasible, it remains possible to follow evidence-based medicine’s primary rule: to base action on systematic summaries of the highest quality evidence available. Consider the issue of whether countries should fund health care publicly, through taxes, or privately, through health insurance and user fees. Private health insurance has proved enormously wasteful, with large administrative expenditures on activities that include developing insurance packages, marketing those packages, and assessing claims. Public funding eliminates these activities, resulting in far lower administrative costs. Likewise, user fees discourage the poor and elderly from accessing needed health services, whereas public funding largely eliminates inequities in the provision of care while producing health outcomes that are as good as, if not better than, mixed public-private funding models. Public funding also benefits a country’s economy, because large employers are spared the expense of providing health benefits to their workers. Thus, the evidence suggests that public funding of all key aspects of medical care – physician and hospital services, drugs, and devices –- offers benefits of equity, efficiency, and industrial advantage. The medical community has come to accept the need for systematic reviews to guide decisions regarding drugs and surgical therapies, but their use in health policy is only now taking hold. Systematic reviews have summarized the evidence regarding the provision of hospital services by large for-profit companies versus not-for-profit providers. The primary studies forming the basis of these reviews come largely from the United States, where for-profit and not-for-profit providers work side by side in the same environment, and where large administrative databases allow accurate detection of death rates.", "zh": "同样地，心脏病学家曾经开药方以减少病人在心脏病发作时突然死亡的概率。 这些药能抑制心律不齐，它会扰乱心跳从而导致突然死亡。 这个逻辑是很清楚：抑制无症状但很危险的心律不齐，就可以减少突然死亡。 不幸的是，当调查者们进行了随机试验后，他们发现接受治疗的病人死亡率 更高 。 临床医师不再使用这些药物，但是它们已经造成了大量不必要的死亡。 但是人们认识到循证医学的原理同样应该指引医疗卫生政策却花了很长时间。 在这里，尽管随机疗法并不可行，但还是可以遵循循证医学的首要规则：基于可提供的最高质量的证据的系统性总结来进行行动。 让我们来看一下国家应该通过税收以公共的方式还是应该通过健康保险和病人付费以个人的方式来给健康护理注资的问题。 个人健康保险被证明存在巨大的浪费，大量的管理费用被花在了包括开发保险套餐、推销这些套餐以及评估索赔这样的活动上。 公共基金不存在这些活动，从而使管理费用要低得多。 同样地，病人付费使穷人和老人面对他们所需要的健康服务时望而却步，而公共基金在很大程度上消除了在提供护理上的不公平，同时产生的健康成果与混合了公共和个人的基金模型同样好，如果不是更好的话。 公共基金还会使国家的经济受益，因为大量的雇主节省了给他们的工人提供健康福利的费用。 因此，证据表明对于医疗护理的所有重要方面，即医师服务和医院服务、药物和医疗器械进行公共注资提供了公平、高效和产业优势等好处。 医疗行业已经接受了在有关药物和手术疗法的决定上需要采取系统评价的观点，但是它们在医疗卫生政策上的运用才刚刚起步。 系统评价概括了有关对比盈利性公司与非盈利性服务提供者提供医院服务的证据。 形成这些评价基础的主要研究大多来自美国，在那里盈利性公司与非盈利性服务提供者并行存在于在同一个环境内，并且那里庞大的管理数据库可以对死亡率进行精确的调查。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With Japanese prices rising and the yen falling relative to other currencies, investors will be willing to hold Japanese government bonds (JGBs) only if their nominal yield is significantly higher than it has been in the past. A direct effect of the higher interest rate would be to increase the budget deficit and the rate of growth of government debt. With a debt/GDP ratio of 230%, a four-percentage-point rise in borrowing costs would cause the annual deficit to double, to 20% of GDP. The government might be tempted to rely on rapid inflation to try to reduce the real value of its debt. Fear of that strategy could cause investors to demand even higher real interest rates. The combination of exploding debt and rising interest rates is a recipe for economic disaster. The BOJ’s widely respected governor, Masaaki Shirakawa, whose term expires in April, summarized the situation in his usual restrained way, saying that “long-term interest rates may spike and have a negative effect on the economy.” A spike in long-term rates would lower the price of JGBs, destroying household wealth and, in turn, reducing consumer spending. The higher interest rates would also apply to corporate bonds and bank loans, weakening business investment. Even without the prospect of faster inflation and a declining yen, fundamental conditions in Japan point to higher interest rates. The Japanese government has been able to sell its bonds to domestic buyers because of the high rate of domestic saving.", "zh": "随着日本物价上涨以及日元相对其他货币贬值，欲让投资者继续愿意持有日本国债，唯有名义收益率较过去大幅提高。 利率升高的一个直接效应将是扩大预算赤字和国债增长率。 在债务/GDP比率已经高达230%的情况下，借贷成本上升4个百分点将导致年度赤字翻番，达到GDP的20 % 。 日本政府可能会采取快速通胀的手段降低债务的真实价值。 对这一战略的担忧可能造成投资者要求更高的真实利率。 债务爆发和利率上升的综合效应将是经济灾难。 广受尊敬、将在4月届满卸任的日本银行行长白川方明以其惯有的克制语气总结了这一情况，说“长期利率可能暴增，对经济产生消极影响 。 ” 长期利率的暴增会压低日本国债的价格，摧毁家庭财富，并反过来抑制消费支出。 高利率还会对公司债券和银行贷款产生作用，抑制商业投资。 即使不存在通胀加速和日元贬值预期，日本的基本条件也表明利率将上升。 日本政府之所以能够向国内买家出手债券，是因为国内储蓄率很高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Oh, why was I so short of time! I would have gone down the steep slopes of this mountain, crossed this entire immense continent, which surely connects Africa with America, and visited its great prehistoric cities. Under my eyes there perhaps lay the warlike town of Makhimos or the pious village of Eusebes, whose gigantic inhabitants lived for whole centuries and had the strength to raise blocks of stone that still withstood the action of the waters. One day perhaps, some volcanic phenomenon will bring these sunken ruins back to the surface of the waves! Numerous underwater volcanoes have been sighted in this part of the ocean, and many ships have felt terrific tremors when passing over these turbulent depths. A few have heard hollow noises that announced some struggle of the elements far below, others have hauled in volcanic ash hurled above the waves. As far as the equator this whole seafloor is still under construction by plutonic forces. And in some remote epoch, built up by volcanic disgorgings and successive layers of lava, who knows whether the peaks of these fire-belching mountains may reappear above the surface of the Atlantic!", "zh": "啊！为什么我没有时间！我简直想走下这山的陡峭斜坡去，走遍这必然把非洲和美洲连接起来的广阔大陆，访问那些洪水前期的伟大城市。或者，那边，在我的眼光下，现出那勇武好战的马基摩斯城，那信仰虔诚的欧色比斯城，区人族居民曾经在那里生活过数千百年，他们一定有力量来堆筑一直到现在还可以抵抗水力侵蚀的石头建筑物。或者有一天，有一种火山喷发现象要把这些沉没的废墟重新浮出水面上来！有人指出，在大西洋的这一部分有多数的海底火山，很多船只经过这些受火山熬煎的海底时，感到种种特殊的震动。又有些船听到抑制住没有迸发出来的声音，表示出水火两种元素的深刻激烈的斗争；另有一些船又捡了一些抛出在海面上的火山灰屑。这整个地带，一直至赤道，还是受地心大火的力量，不停地转变，又有谁知道，在一个遥远的时期，由于火山喷出的一切，由于火石的层层累积，陆续增长起来，那喷火山的山峰不出现在大西洋面上！"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One might think that banks would counter-balance the mutual-fund industry’s lobbying efforts, because the likely effect of forcing money-market funds to pay for more of their systemic costs would be to expand funds flowing directly to banks. But inflows through money-market funds are not so bad for banks, which get the cash without having to set aside reserves or pay for deposit insurance. Some banks may even prefer these flows to direct deposits. So the mutual-fund industry had the regulators all to itself. Its lobbyists told the SEC commissioners that current rules already did everything possible to ensure safety; that retail investors want money-market funds’ steady value; that change would hurt all investors; and that the recent Dodd-Frank financial-reform legislation disrupts regulators’ ability to bail out money-market funds next time. Other regulators were watching, as were academics and journalists – and some regulators may now feel compelled to take over the money-market safety rules from the SEC or push the SEC back into action. With no one having a direct financial interest in the outcome pressing an alternative view, the SEC’s initial decision was as predictable as it was bad.", "zh": "有人或许会认为银行会抵消共同基金行业的游说努力，因为迫使货币市场基金支付更多系统成本可能会扩大直接流入银行的资金流。 但以货币市场基金形式流入的资金对于银行来说其实并不太坏，因为后者无须为这些现金进行资本储备或者支付存款保险。 一些银行甚至更喜欢这类现金流而非直接存款。 因此共同基金行业令监管者完全倒向了他们这边。 其游说者告诉一众证券交易委员会委员说没有比当前法规在确保资金安全方面更完善的了；说零售投资者想要货币市场基金的稳定价值；说改革会伤害所有投资者；说最近通过的Dodd-Frank金融改革立法削弱了监管者下次援助货币市场基金的能力。 和学者和记者一样，其他监管者都在旁观这一切 — — 有些监管者可能现在会觉得必须去从证券交易委员会处接管货币市场安全法规或者促使委员会有所作为。 由于没有人在推动另一个观点方面拥有直接的金融利益，委员会最初的决定也就变得毫无悬念，正如我们知道这个决定必将很糟糕那样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given the UK’s role, alongside France, as the key force in European defense and a significant authority in world affairs, particularly with regard to climate- and development-related issues, the prospect of a genuine split should be a source of serious concern for the EU. These divisions have created deep doubts about the dream of ever-closer union in Europe, underpinned by a shared system of governance that allows for more effective decision-making. Likewise, they are not conducive to implementation of the reforms that are needed to spur economic growth. Yet it is still too early to write off progress toward increased European integration. In fact, when it comes to EU cohesion, more cleavages are probably better than a single divide. When economic considerations alone were dominating the debate, austerity-obsessed northern Europe, oblivious to any Keynesian considerations, and struggling southern Europe, desperately in need of fiscal room to make demand-boosting, job-creating structural reforms politically feasible, were at loggerheads. The situation became so heated that some respected observers even proposed creating a “northern euro” for the region around Germany, and a “southern euro” in the Mediterranean (where France would fit was unclear). In such a eurozone, the European Central Bank would have to split, and the northern euro would appreciate. Exchange-rate uncertainty would reappear, not only between the two euros, but also, before long, within the “northern” and “southern” zones, owing to the collapse of confidence in the very idea of a currency union. Within the northern bloc, Germany would play an even more outsize role than it does now, a situation that would likely generate new tensions. Similarly, a clear division between a refugee-friendly west and a closed east would effectively end the Schengen Agreement, because the political disagreement would harden into a physical barrier blocking the free movement of people within the EU. Such a split would be as damaging to Europe’s cohesion as a divided eurozone. But what if countries that are on opposite sides of one cleavage are on the same side of another? Germany, Italy, Spain, and Sweden may agree on the immigration issue, while Greece, France, Italy, and Portugal agree on eurozone macroeconomic policies. France, Poland, and the UK may be willing to spend more on defense, while Germany remains more pacifist.", "zh": "英国与法国一起构成了欧洲防务的主力和全球事务重要权威（特别是气候和发展相关问题 ） ， 因此这一分裂趋势理应成为欧盟严重关注的问题。 这些分裂给以促进更有效决策的共同治理体系为基础的日益紧密的欧洲联盟这一梦想蒙上了阴沉的疑云。 类似地，这些分裂也不利于刺激经济增长所需要的改革的实施。 但抹杀欧洲进一步一体化的进展还为时过早。 事实上，在欧盟凝聚力这一问题上，多重分裂可能好于一重分裂。 当经济问题独大、主宰争论时，北欧的顽固紧缩派无视任何凯恩斯主义考虑，而努力挣扎的南欧急切地需要财政空间来让刺激需求、创造就业岗位的结构性改革具有政治可行性。 北欧和南欧就这样陷入了拉锯。 争论如此激烈，以至于一些德高望重的观察者甚至提出为德国及其周边地区创造“北欧元 ” ， 为地中海地区创造“南欧元 ” （ 法国应该归属哪个地区尚无定论 ） 。 在这样一个欧元区中，欧洲央行也必须分裂，北欧元将会升值。 汇率不确定性将重新出现，不仅存在于两种欧元之间，不久也将存在于“北”和“南”区域之间，因为人们对货币联盟这一思想的信心已经崩塌。 在北欧元区，德国将扮演比现在还要重要的角色，这一局面可能制造新的紧张。 类似地，对难民友好的西部和封闭的东部之间明确分裂将在事实上终结申根协定，因为政治分歧将深化为实体屏障，阻碍人们在欧盟内部的自由迁徙。 这一分裂对欧洲凝聚力的伤害不亚于分裂的欧元区。 但在一个分裂中对立的国家，在另一个分裂中站在同一边，事情会怎么样？ 德国、意大利、西班牙和瑞典在移民问题上一致，而希腊、法国、意大利和葡萄牙在欧元区宏观经济政策上站在同一阵营。 法国、波��和英国可能愿意将更多支出用在防务上，而德国仍然是和平主义者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The case of neighbouring Guinea-Bissau, where a blood-bath has just taken place ahead of general elections, should serve as a warning. Why should the West insist on elections in a country that since 1984 was ruled by a Western-backed dictator, Lansana Conté, who himself came to power in a military coup? He maintained a constitution, and held elections, but this did not make him a democratic ruler, nor was he able to extricate his country from appalling backwardness despite its tremendous potential for economic development. The problem in Africa is one of effective government, not of elections and high-minded constitutions. Rulers should be encouraged instead to engage in bottom-up democracy building, create an honest police force and judicial system, and allow civic organizations to flourish. Training police forces to secure law and order without resorting to bloodshed is no less important than elections. Elections and constitutions in Africa – Zimbabwe and Gabon’s dictatorship have both – have never been a safeguard against tyranny and human rights violations. Camara’s test – indeed, the test for most African rulers – consists in protecting civilians and their property, in establishing law and order without oppressive measures, and in fighting corruption. Highly responsive to international pressure, he was recently praised by Human Rights Watch for his “very important effort” in recognizing the destructive role of corruption and drug trafficking, and for launching an official crackdown on both.", "zh": "邻国几内亚比绍的情况应当让我们引以为戒，那里在总统大选前刚刚发生过一场血腥屠杀。 对于一个1984年以来就由西方支持的独裁者兰萨纳·孔戴统治的国家来说，西方为什么要坚持选举呢？ 毕竟孔戴自己就曾依靠军事政变起家。 他保留了宪法和选举，但却并没有因此成为民主统治者，他也没有成功发掘出这个国家在经济发展方面的巨大潜质，把他的国家从令人震惊的落后状况中解救出来。 非���的问题在于缺乏有效的政府，而不在于缺少选举和高尚的宪法。 因此要鼓励执政者进行自下而上的民主建设，打造诚实的警察部队和司法系统，实现社会组织的繁荣兴旺。 在不诉诸流血的情况下训练警察部队维护法律和秩序其重要性丝毫不在选举之下。 津巴布韦和加蓬的独裁政权既有选举也有宪法，但这两种制度却从来没有成为防止暴政和侵犯人权的法宝。 对卡马拉、实际也是对多数非洲统治者的考验在于保护普通民众及其财产，在不借助压迫性措施的前提下建立法律和秩序框架，以及消除腐败现象。 卡马拉积极应对国际压力，在承认腐败和贩毒的破坏性作用并开展官方镇压方面“非常重要的努力”不久前刚刚得到了人权观察组织的赞扬。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So did the eradication of smallpox. The financing of advance market commitments that guarantee returns for pharmaceutical companies making important medical discoveries – an idea associated with the Nobel laureate economist Michael Kremer – is another example of an invaluable GPG. But despite the clear balance of evidence, an overwhelming proportion of aid is devoted to country lending, with only a fraction allocated to financing GPGs. Although there are no definitive estimates, Scott Morris at the Center for Global Development says that only 15-25% of the World Bank’s overall lending portfolio is devoted to GPGs. And even on a generous interpretation of what constitutes a GPG, that share would rise to only 35%. Moreover, this proportion is even smaller in the case of the world’s poorest countries: The International Development Association, the World Bank’s concessional-lending arm, directs only 11% of its funding to regional and global public goods. What about other major donors? We do not know the share of funding that private philanthropies such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which have become important international players, allocate to GPGs. But we do know that the most significant recent entrant to the aid-giving club – China – is devoting almost all its resources under the Belt and Road initiative to financing infrastructure in borrowing countries, and not to GPGs. It is not difficult to understand why the allocation of international aid is so skewed in favor of country lending. This is a conspiracy in which there are perpetrators but no apparent crime. For starters, donors love to wield the power that comes with lending directly to developing countries and dictating priorities aligned with their own preferences. And recipient governments are equally complicit; after all, more cheap financing means more spending, which is always helpful to political incumbents. By contrast, the gains from financing GPGs are nebulous, distant, and not clearly traceable to donor actions. For borrowing governments, too, the choice between cheap cash today and uncertain benefits down the line is a no-brainer. These distortions have always been a problem. But as the COVID-19 pandemic has made abundantly clear, the need for GPGs is proliferating, and private markets will by definition not finance them.", "zh": "而为制药企业在重大医学发现方面提供回报保障的预先市场承诺融资 — — 这是诺贝尔经济学奖得主迈克尔·克雷默（Michael Kremer）提出的一个理念 — — 则是另一个无法用金钱来衡量的全球公共产品范例。 但即便证据的天平已经给予了我们足够的指引，但绝大多数援助依然分配给了国家贷款，只有一小部分投给了全球公共产品。 尽管缺乏确切的估算，但智库机构全球发展研究中心的斯科特·莫里斯（Scott Morris）表示世界银行总体贷款组合中只有15~25％用于全球公共产品。 就算我们对全球公共产品的定义进行更为宽泛的解读，该比例也只会上升到35 ％ 。 而这一比例在那些全球最贫穷的国家中甚至更小：世界银行的优惠贷款机构国际开发协会仅将其资金的11％用于区域和全球公共产品。 那么其他主要捐助者呢？ 我们无法确知比尔及梅琳达·盖茨基金会这类跻身重要国际参与者的私人慈善机构将多少资金分配给了全球公共产品，但是我们确实知道最近加入援助俱乐部的最重磅参与者 — — 中国 — — 正在其“一带一路”倡议下将几乎所有资源用来为借款国的基础设施（而非全球公共产品）融资。 要理解国际援助为何如此偏爱国家贷款其实不难。 因为这其实是一场有犯罪者却缺乏明显犯罪行为的阴谋。 首先，直接向发展中国家贷款赋予了捐助者某种指手画脚的权力，还能让它们根据自身喜好决定当地优先发展重点；而受援国政府则扮演了同谋角色，毕竟低成本融资意味着可以实施更多的支出，这对政治当权者来说总是有好处的。 相比之下全球公共产品融资所带来的收益既难以捉摸也并非立竿见影，同时无法明确追溯到捐助者的某些行为。 因此也不难猜到借款国政府会在廉价现金和不确定收益之间做何选择。 虽然这种扭曲现象长期存在，但新型冠状病毒全球大流行已经非常清楚地表明我们对全球公共产品的需求正在激增，并且私人市场就其定义而言不会为其提供资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was these crisis conditions that underpinned the rise of Fascism in Italy, Nazism in Germany, and militarism in Spain and Japan – culminating in WWII and the Holocaust. But as dreadful as those 30 years were, today’s megathreats are in some ways even more ominous. After all, the interwar generation did not have to deal with climate change, AI threats to employment, or the implicit liabilities associated with societal aging (since social-security systems were still in their early days, and most elderly people died before receiving their first pension check). Moreover, the world wars were largely conventional conflicts, whereas now conflicts between major powers could rapidly spiral in more unconventional directions, potentially ending in a nuclear apocalypse. We are therefore facing not only the worst of the 1970s (repeated negative aggregate supply shocks), but also the worst of the 2007-08 period (dangerously high debt ratios) and the worst of the 1930s. A new “geopolitical depression” is increasing the likelihood of cold and hot wars that could all too easily overlap and spin out of control. As far as I can tell, no one convening in Davos today is writing the great novel of the age of megathreats. Yet today’s world increasingly manifests the sense of foreboding that one gets when reading Mann. Far too many of us are indulging complacency at the summit and ignoring what is happening in the real world below. We are living like somnambulists, ignoring every alarm about what lies in front of us. We had better wake up soon, before the mountain starts shaking.", "zh": "恰恰是上述危机支撑了意大利法西斯主义、德国纳粹主义、西班牙和日本军国主义的崛起 — — 最终因第2次世界大战和大屠杀而达到高潮。 但今天的大威胁其恐怖不亚于30年前，甚至在某些方面更加可怕。 毕竟，两次世界大战之间生活的一代人还不必面对气候变化、人工智能对就业的威胁或与社会老龄化相关的隐性债务（因为社会保障体系尚处于初期阶段，而多数老年人在拿到第一张养老金支票之前就去世了 ） 。 此外，世界大战在很大程度上是常规冲突，而现在的大国冲突可能很快失控转到非常规方向，最终可能导致核毁灭的爆发。 因此我们正面临不仅1970年代（一而再、再而三的负面总供给冲击 ） 、 以及2007~08年期间（危险的高负债率）以及1930年代最糟糕的状况。 新的地缘政治萧条正在加大热战和冷战的可能性，上述因素非常有可能重叠并最终造成失控。 据我所知，没有哪个今天达沃斯会议的与会者正在撰写一本大威胁时代的伟大小说。 但今天的世界却越来越多地表现出人们在阅读曼著作时所感知的那种预兆。 我们太多人在峰会上沾沾自喜，而忽视现实世界正在发生的事情。 我们无视眼前的一切警报，活得就像个梦游者。 我们最好赶快醒来，不然山就开始摇晃了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The UN’s Half-Full Glass NAIROBI – Families trapped by the fighting in Syria are reportedly eating “salads’’ made of leaves and grass to stave off hunger. According to the United Nations refugee agency, more than two million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries. Back home, many more face a brutal winter without adequate food, medicine, or shelter. And, as if conditions could not be worse, the country is facing a polio outbreak. The international response to Syria’s crisis has been nothing short of disastrous. Indeed, Syria seems to be the embodiment of failure on the part of the UN. The Security Council is deadlocked. In Damascus, would-be peacemakers come and go, talking diplomacy but achieving nothing. Relief agencies are blocked from operating where they are needed most. Yet it is clear that without the UN, the situation would be even worse. Lebanon, Jordan, and Turkey would be under even more pressure from the refugees flooding across their borders. And while efforts to achieve a ceasefire have failed, diplomacy has not – at least not entirely. In October, UN inspectors took initial steps to destroy Syria’s chemical-weapons stockpiles and facilities, with the government’s full cooperation. In Syria – as in so many other conflict-affected areas, where the UN is fighting to promote peace and stability – there is no such thing as a clear victory. As an experienced statesman once told me, “At the UN, we do not settle for failure, nor do we expect success.” In diplomatic negotiations, you take what you can get. In humanitarian crises, you do what is possible – usually too little, and often too late. “We drink from a cup that is eternally half full,” he concluded. This conflicted view aligns with public perceptions of the UN. In the United States, for example, a recent poll by Better World Campaign suggested that 57% of Americans view the UN favorably; but, according to a more recent Gallup survey, only 35% of Americans believe the UN is doing a good job. When the UN was founded in 1945, polls showed similarly conflicted views.", "zh": "联合国的半满水杯 内罗毕—据说受困于叙利亚内战的家庭正在靠树叶和草做成的“沙拉”果腹。 据联合国难民机构的数据，超过两百万叙利亚人曾经逃往邻国。 回国后，许多人面临着缺少食物、药品和居所的严冬。 此外，更糟糕的是，叙利亚正面临着脊髓灰质炎爆发。 对于叙利亚危机，国际社会的反应可谓是一场灾难。 事实上，叙利亚可以说变身为联合国失败的化身。 安理会陷入了僵局。 在大马士革，可能的和平缔造者来来往往，说些外交辞令，却没有实现任何成果。 纾困机构无法在最需要它们的地方展开工作。 但是，毫无疑问，如果没有联合国，叙利亚的局势会更加糟糕。 黎巴嫩、约旦和土耳其将承受更大的难民涌入的压力。 而尽管实现停火的努力失败了，但外交努力并没有失败 — — 至少没有完全失败。 10月，联合国检察人员开始了销毁叙利亚化学武库和设施的第一步，叙利亚政府予以全面配合。 在叙利亚 — — 和其他许多联合国正在竭力促进和平与稳定的冲突地区一样 — — 明确的胜利信号并不存在。 正如一位经验丰富的政治家曾经告诉我的 ， “ 在联合国，我们不会满足于失败，也不会期待成功 。 ” 在外交谈判中，你拿走你可以拿到的。 在人道主义危机中，你做可以做的 — — 通常你做得太少，并且往往做得太迟。 “我们的水杯永远是半满的 。 ” 他总结说。 这一矛盾的观点与公众对联合国的感觉是一致的。 比如，在美国，美好世界运动（Better World Campaign）所做的最新民调现实57%的美国人对联合国持肯定态度；但是，根据盖洛普的最新调查，只有35%的美国人认为联合国的行动很出色。 1945年联合国成立时，民调也显示出类似的矛盾观点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "必须坚持人民主体地位，坚持立党为公、执政为民， 践行全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，把党的群众路线贯彻到治国理政全部活动之中， 把人民对美好生活的向往作为奋斗目标，依靠人民创造历史伟业。 （三）坚持全面深化改革。 只有社会主义才能救中国，只有改革开放才能发展中国、发展社会主义、发展马克思主义。 必须坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度，不断推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化， 坚决破除一切不合时宜的思想观念和体制机制弊端，突破利益固化的藩篱， 吸收人类文明有益成果，构建系统完备、科学规范、运行有效的制度体系，充分发挥我国社会主义制度优越性。 （四）坚持新发展理念。 发展是解决我国一切问题的基础和关键， 发展必须是科学发展， 必须坚定不移贯彻创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享的发展理念。 必须坚持和完善我国社会主义基本经济制度和分配制度，毫不动摇巩固和发展公有制经济，毫不动摇鼓励、支持、引导非公有制经济发展， 使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用，更好发挥政府作用，推动新型工业化、信息化、城镇化、农业现代化同步发展， 主动参与和推动经济全球化进程，发展更高层次的开放型经济，不断壮大我国经济实力和综合国力。 （五）坚持人民当家作主。 坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一是社会主义政治发展的必然要求。", "en": "We must ensure the principal status of the people, and adhere to the Party’s commitment to serving the public good and exercising power in the interests of the people. We must observe the Party’s fundamental purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people, and put into practice the Party’s mass line in all aspects of governance. We must regard as our goal the people’s aspirations to live a better life, and rely on the people to move history forward. 3. Continuing to comprehensively deepen reform Only with socialism can we save China; only with reform and opening can we develop China, develop socialism, and develop Marxism. We must uphold and improve the system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and continue to modernize China’s system and capacity for governance. We must have the determination to get rid of all outdated thinking and ideas and all institutional ailments, and to break through the blockades of vested interests. We should draw on the achievements of other civilizations, develop a set of institutions that are well conceived, fully built, procedure based, and efficiently functioning, and do full justice to the strengths of China’s socialist system. 4. Adopting a new vision for development Development is the underpinning and the key for solving all our country’s problems; our development must be sound development. We must pursue with firmness of purpose the vision of innovative, coordinated, green, and open development that is for everyone. We must uphold and improve China’s basic socialist economic system and socialist distribution system. There must be no irresolution about working to consolidate and develop the public sector; and there must be no irresolution about working to encourage, support, and guide the development of the non-public sector. We must see that the market plays the decisive role in resource allocation, the government plays its role better, and new industrialization, IT application, urbanization, and agricultural modernization go hand in hand. We must actively participate in and promote economic globalization, develop an open economy of higher standards, and continue to increase China’s economic power and composite strength. 5. Seeing that the people run the country Commitment to the organic unity of Party leadership, the running of the country by the people, and law-based governance is a natural element of socialist political advancement."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Consider his role in managing India’s economic transformation when he was the country’s finance minister in the early 1990’s – an effort that his supporters have often cited as an example of his vision and ability. Last year, former External Affairs Minister Natwar Singh disclosed that it was actually then-Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, a shrewd and experienced Congress veteran, who pushed India’s economic reform and restructuring. Singh, reluctant to do what was needed, would have achieved very little had Rao not provided a platform – and the needed political support – to pursue the government’s agenda. Early on, there were intimations that Singh should neither be underestimated as a political manipulator, nor overestimated as an effective economic manager. But Singh’s ineptitude as a leader was already apparent before the revelation of Rao’s role. Not only has economic reform come to a virtual standstill since he took office, but he has also acquiesced to all of Gandhi’s demands, legitimate or otherwise. As a result, governance, and thus the economy, has been deteriorating. India has been taken hostage by an extra-constitutional body composed of NGOs, brought together under the National Advisory Council, which is chaired by Gandhi. With the cabinet having become superfluous, the NAC’s decrees – including half-baked ideas inspired by the European welfare state – became policy.", "zh": "以他在20世纪90年代初作为印度财政部长时管理印度经济转型的经历为例，他的支持者经常援引这段经历作为他的远见和能力的例证。 去年，前外屋部长纳特瓦尔·辛格（Natwar Singh）披露，实际推动印度经济改革和重组的是英明而经验丰富的国大党老牌政治家、时任总理拉奥（Narasmha Rao ） 。 辛格对于需要他做的事情无动于衷，要不是拉奥提供了追求政府日程的平台 — — 以及所需的政治支持 — — 辛格根本办不成事。 很早就有传闻说，决不能低估辛格作为政治操纵者的能力，也不能高估他作为高效经济管理者的能力。 但辛格在担任领导人方面的不称职在拉奥的作用被披露之前便已显露无疑。 自他主持大局以来，经济改革便一直处于事实停滞中，但他仍然满足了甘地的所有要求，不管是否���法。 结果，国家治理变得一塌糊涂，经济亦然。 印度超越宪法的非政府组织（NGO）所绑架，这些NGO聚集在国家顾问委员会（National Advisory Council，NAC）的名义下，并以甘地为首脑。 内阁沦为了附庸，NAC的决定 — — 包括受欧洲福利国家启发形成的不成熟的想法 — — 就是政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Ukraine Needs Weapons MUNICH – It has become something of a mantra among diplomats and other foreign-policy analysts that there is no military solution to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The only viable path to peace and stability, observers almost unanimously proclaim, is a diplomatic one. But, despite the recent ceasefire agreement announced in Minsk, ongoing violence – reflected in the violent expulsion of Ukrainian forces from the town of Debaltseve – strongly suggests that it is time to consider what is needed to block any Kremlin-imposed military solution. Three influential American think tanks have already done so, and arrived at the conclusion that the United States should begin supplying Ukraine not only with more non-lethal aid – such as drones, armored Humvees, and medical equipment – but also with “lethal defensive military assistance,\" in the form of light anti-armor missiles. European governments, however, remain unwilling to reconsider their position on supplying defensive equipment to Ukraine, and have instead reiterated that a diplomatic solution is the only option. Of course, from Ukraine's perspective, a one-on-one military confrontation with Russia is not a viable option. Last year, when separatist forces in the Donbas region appeared to be crumbling under the weight of Ukraine's counter-offensive, it seemed possible that Ukraine would be able to reassert its sovereignty over the area. But the Kremlin quickly deployed battalion-size tactical groups from the Russian army to support the rebels. Ukraine's relatively weak forces did not stand a chance. The move exemplifies Russia's commitment to do whatever it takes to prevent a military defeat of the separatist entities that it has incited and forged into fighting units – a determination that has endured, even as the conflict has placed considerable strain on its armed forces. Given this, the prospects for Ukraine to reassert control over the Donbas region militarily are so slim that even trying to do so would be foolish. If one considers the strategic ambitions of the separatists and their Russian patrons, Ukraine's prospects are even bleaker. Beyond supplying the separatist groups with heavy and advanced weapons, and deploying special units and forces to support them, Russia now appears to be sending in “volunteers\" to train a separatist army that could ultimately go on the offensive. Such an army, separatist leaders hope, will enable them – at the very least – to secure control over the Donbas region.", "zh": "为何乌克兰需要武器 慕尼黑—俄罗斯和乌克兰冲突不存在军事解决方案，这已经成了外交官和外交政策分析师中间的一个魔咒。 观察者几乎异口同声地表示，唯一可行的和平与稳定之道是外交。 但是，尽管最近在明斯克达成了停火协议，但持续暴力 — — 杰巴利采韦（Debaltseve）的乌克兰军队被暴力驱逐就是明证 — — 仍然强烈地表明有必要考虑阻止克里姆林宫所实施的一切军事解决方案。 三个颇有影响力的美国智库已经开始行动起来，并且形成了一个结论：美国不但应该向乌克兰输送非致命援助 — — 如无人机、装甲悍马和医疗设备 — — 也应该开始提供“致命防御性军事援助 ” ， 如轻型反装甲导弹。 但是，欧洲政府仍不愿重新考虑其关于向乌克兰提供防御设备的立场，而是不断重申外交途径是唯一选择。 当然，从乌克兰的角度讲，与俄罗斯的一对一冲突绝非可行选择。 去年，当顿巴斯分裂势力在乌克兰的反击下几近崩溃，乌克兰眼看着就要收复该地区的主权。 但克里姆林宫迅速从俄军中抽调营级战术性部队部署至顿巴斯。 相对较弱的乌军毫无还手之力。 这一举动表明俄罗斯决心不惜一切代价防止其煽动并组建为战斗单位的分裂势力在军事上被打败 — — 这一决心是长久的，即使冲突给其武装力量造成了相当大的压力。 基于此，乌克兰通过军事手段夺回顿巴斯地区控制权的希望非常渺茫，做出这样的尝试也是愚蠢的。 如果考虑分裂分子及其俄罗斯庇护者的战略野心，乌克兰的前景就更加黯淡了。 俄罗斯不但向分裂组织提供重武器和先进武器，还部署特种部队支持他们，而如今，俄罗斯似乎还在派遣“志愿者”前去训练分裂势力部队，使其立刻可以继续战斗。 分裂主义领导者希望，这样一支军队可以让他们至少能够确保控制顿巴斯地区。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why Is Immigration Different from Trade? MEDFORD, MASSACHUSETTS – Despite the current backlash against free trade, exemplified most prominently by US President Donald Trump’s protectionist “America First” agenda, the economic case for easing the movement of goods and services across borders is strong and straightforward. The case for immigration – that is, the movement of labor across borders – is no less compelling, though it is far more complicated. For a libertarian like me, the benefits of free trade are obvious: transactions between willing buyers and sellers, within an economy or across borders, almost always benefit both sides. While restrictions may be worthwhile to ensure, say, the safety of goods entering a market, barriers should be kept to a minimum. On the other hand, it is not worth limiting trade to punish countries that supposedly unfairly subsidize their exports or allow employers to exploit their workers. Limiting imports from countries with low wages and poor working conditions may seem justified; in reality, it deprives these countries’ low-wage workers of what little they can earn. At the same time, it imposes an unwarranted and frequently regressive tax on consumers. At first glance, immigration appears to be little different from free trade: instead of importing the goods that labor produced elsewhere, countries are simply importing the labor itself. In some ways, the potential gains of immigration may be even greater than those of free trade. The immigrants themselves benefit from higher wages, as well as greater safety and individual freedom.", "zh": "移民为什么与贸易不同？ 马萨诸塞州，麦德福 — — 尽管目前以美国总统唐纳德·特朗普保护主义的“美国第一”议程为突出代表的反自由贸易势力甚嚣尘上，但放松商品和服务跨境流动的经济理由仍然直接而又强劲。 而移民的理由 — — 也就是跨境劳动力流动 — — 尽管远比自由贸易更加复杂，但却同样令人无法辩驳。 对像我这样的自由主义者而言，自由贸易的好处是显而易见的：买家与卖家之间的自愿交易，无论是在经济体内部抑或跨越边境，几乎总能令双方受益。 虽然可能需要借助限制措施来确保进入市场商品的安全性，但障碍理应被保持在最低限度。 另一方面，为惩罚那些所谓不公平补贴出口或允许雇主剥削工人的国家而限制贸易是不值得的。 限制来自低工资和工作条件恶劣国家的进口可能看似合理；但在现实中，它却剥夺了上述国家低工资劳动者仅有的那一点点收入。 与此同时，它还相当于对消费者强制征收毫无根据而且往往具有倒退性质的税收。 乍看上去，移民似乎与自由贸易没有什么不同：国家进口的不是劳动力在其他地方生产的商品，而根本就是在进口劳动力本身。 在某些方面，移民所带来的潜在收益甚至可能比自由贸易更甚。 更高的工资以及更胜一筹的安全和个人自由能够惠及移民本身。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Misrule of Law PHILADELPHIA – A last-minute deal between the United States and China may afford human-rights lawyer and activist Chen Guangcheng the opportunity to enroll in law school in New York. But, even if a way out of the diplomatic debacle is at hand, much about the case remains troubling. In particular, despite more than three decades of legal reform in China, Chen had precious little recourse to fight harassment and house arrest at the hands of the Chinese authorities. Indeed, 23 years after dissident Fang Lizhi took refuge in the US embassy following the crackdown in Tiananmen Square, Chen’s only option was to take the same last-gasp leap into the arms of American diplomats. Chen’s case reveals weaknesses in China’s legal system, and it should spark a push to build stronger ties between China’s human-rights activists and the broader legal profession. Chen rose to prominence as a self-educated legal activist after he challenged harsh enforcement of the government’s family-planning policies. His approach reflected a larger trend of rights-based resistance in China that began in that late 1990’s; Chen was part of a coterie of lawyers and activists, some well-known and many others not, who wanted to see the government behave according to its own rules. This activism was interpreted as a sign of an emerging rule-of-law culture in China. But Chen’s career as a legal activist met an abrupt end with a conviction for disturbing public order, and most experts inside and outside of China considered his ensuing confinement to be unlawful.", "zh": "中国法而不制 费城 — — 美国和中国最终达成的交易可能会使人权律师和活动家陈光诚有机会进入纽约法学院。 但是，即使找到了此次外交惨败的出路，该案件仍有许多麻烦，特别是在中国当局手中，陈光诚几乎没有珍贵的追索权来对抗骚扰和软禁，虽然中国的法律改革已经进行了三十多年。 事实上，23年前在天安门广场镇压后，持不同政见的方励芝跑去美国大使馆避难，23年后，陈光诚的唯一选择也是最终投入美国外交的怀抱。 陈光诚的案件揭露出中国法律体系的弱点，应该可以推动中国人权活动家和更广泛的法律界人士建立更牢固的关系。 作为一个自学成才的法律活动家，陈光诚质疑政府推行的计划生育政策执法苛刻，随后名声大噪。 上世纪90年代后期，中国出现了以权利为基础的抵制活动，而他的做法正反映出这种较大的趋势；很多律师和活动家 — — 有些知名度很高，许多其他人则鲜为人知 — — 想看到政府根据自己制定的规则办事，陈光诚是他们中的一员。 这种行动主义被理解成一种中国新兴法制文化的标志。 但是作为一位法律活动家，陈光诚的职业生涯却因扰乱公共秩序的控告而突然宣告结束，中国内外的大多数专家认为他随后被禁闭是不合法令的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Well, a very simple setup would be a camera on each corner of the stadium looking down, giving you a bird's-eye view of all the people down there. You also have information from helmet sensors and accelerometers, technology that's being worked on right now. You take all that information, and you stream it to your players. The good teams stream it in a way that the players can use. The bad ones have information overload. That determines good teams from bad. And now, your I.T. department is just as important as your scouting department, and data-mining is not for nerds anymore. It's also for jocks. Who knew? What would that look like on the field? Well, imagine you're the quarterback. You take the snap and you drop back. You're scanning downfield for an open receiver. All of a sudden, a bright flash on the left side of your visor lets you know, blind side linebacker is blitzing in. Normally, you wouldn't be able to see him, but the augmented reality system lets you know. You step up into the pocket. Another flash alerts you to an open receiver. You throw the ball, but you're hit right as you throw. The ball comes off track. You don't know where it's going to land. However, on the receiver's visor, he sees a patch of grass light up, and he knows to readjust. He goes, catches the ball, sprints in, touchdown.", "zh": "一个很简单的方法就是 在体育场的每个角都装上摄像机 这样你就能俯视全场 看到场内所有的人 你还能从头盔传感器 和加速度传感器 获得信息 现在这些技术正处在研发之中 你把获得的信息传给球员 优秀的球队知道该 如何利用这些数据 而糟糕的球队则会面对 信息负荷的问题 这就决定了一个球队的好坏 那时，球队的信息技术部门 就和负责物色球员的部门一样重要 数据挖掘再也不是电脑呆子才干的事儿 运动员也能去挖掘数据，谁知道呢! 那在球场上又是怎样一番场景呢？ 想像自己是个四分卫 你接到发球，然后向后撤 你扫视前场，想要把球 传给一个没人防守的接球员 突然你的护面左边出现一道闪光 让你意识到 无人防守的线卫正对你闪电突击 通常情况下你是看不到线卫 但是扩增实境系统告诉了你 你退到口袋区 又一道闪光提醒你 有个无人防守的接球员 你扔出球，但在发球的同时 却被从右边来的人撞倒 球偏离轨迹 你不知道它会落在哪里 不过在接球员的护面上 他看到一小片草地变亮了 他知道要重新调整路线 他跑到那里接到球 然后飞奔去触地"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After 1945, Hungary reverted to its 1920 frontier, nominally independent, but in fact part of the subordinate “people’s democracies” of the Soviet bloc. It regained its sovereignty in 1989 and joined the European Union in 2004. In its current truncated form, Hungary is not big enough to strut on the European stage, but not small enough to fit into a post-nationalist mold. Stone is particularly good on the role of Jews in Hungarian history. Although the Jewish contribution to modern Hungary was “overwhelmingly positive” in culture, thought, and economic development, there were enough “dark sides” to entrench anti-Semitism. The ability of emancipated Jews to remake themselves into whatever form circumstances required fed the great anti-Semitic conspiratorial myth. Twenty-eight of the 36 leaders of the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic of 1919 were Jewish. This led directly to the birth of Hungarian fascism and, ultimately, the deportation and extermination of more than 400,000 Jews in 1944. Jews who survived were also prominent in Mátyás Rákosi’s Stalinist regime from 1949-1956. The rise – or better, the return – of “illiberal democracy” in parts of Europe today surprises us, because it refutes the established narrative of progress. But what is odd is not the reappearance of ancient faiths and prejudices, but rather the liberal belief that they could so easily be overcome. Our theory of progress is unidirectional. It links the growth of civilization to the growth of knowledge.", "zh": "1945年后，匈牙利又恢复了1920年边界，名义上取得独立，但事实上属于苏联阵营次等“人民的民主”的一部分。 1989年它重新赢得主权，2004年加入欧盟。 凭其缩了水的现状，匈牙利无法大到在欧洲舞台趾高气扬，也没有小到落入后民族主义模式。 斯通尤其擅长描述犹太人在匈牙利历史上的角色。 尽管犹太人对现代匈牙利的贡献在文化、思想和经济发展等方面“绝对是积极的 ” ， 但也存在大量“阴暗面”令反犹主义根深蒂固。 被解放的犹太人在不论什么环境中都能改造自己的能力意味着需要炮制反犹主义阴谋传说。 1919年短命的匈牙利苏维埃共和国的36名领导人中有二十八人是犹太人。 这直接导致了匈牙利法西斯的诞生，最终造成1944年400,000多犹太人被驱逐和消灭。 幸存下来的犹太人在1949—1956年间把持了马加什斯大林主义政权的大部分。 当今欧洲多部的“反自由民主”的崛起 — — 更好地说是回归 — — 令我们深感震惊，因为这否定了既有的进步叙事。 但奇怪之处不在于从前的信念和偏见重现，而在于他们能够如此轻易地战胜自由信仰。 我们的进步理论是单向的。 它将文明的成长与知识的增长相联系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Fate of Abe’s Japan TOKYO – As Shinzo Abe sits down this week in Seoul with South Korean President Park Geun-hye and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang, he does so as the leader of a country that many people around the world now seriously underestimate. That dynamic certainly will be felt during the three Northeast Asian powers’ first summit since 2012. Three decades ago, many erred in the opposite direction in their assessments of Japan. Many Americans feared being overtaken after Japanese per capita income surpassed that of the United States; Japanese manufacturing set the international standard; and some books even predicted an eventual war with a Japanese nuclear superpower. Such views extrapolated from Japan’s impressive postwar economic growth; today, after more than two decades of malaise, they simply remind us of the danger of linear projections. That danger remains with us. In response to China’s rapid rise and the assertiveness of its Communist Party leadership, the current conventional wisdom portrays Japan as a country of secondary importance – which is equally mistaken. Despite its economic slowdown, Japan retains impressive power resources. It is a democracy that has been at peace for 70 years, with a stable society and a high standard of living. Its per capita income is five times that of China, and Beijing residents can only envy Tokyo’s air quality and product safety standards. Its economy remains the world’s third largest overall, sustained by highly sophisticated industry.", "zh": "安倍日本的命运 东京 — — 当安倍晋三本周在汉城与韩国总统朴槿惠和中国总理李克强坐在一起时，全球很多人现在都严重低估了他所领导的这个国家。 在三大东北亚强国2012年来首次首脑会议上，人们肯定会认识到这样的状况。 三十年前，许多人都在评价日本时犯了严重的错误。 在日本人均收入超过美国后，许多美国人担心美国会被日本拉下。 日本制造业树立了国际标准；有些书甚至预言与超级核大国日本最终战争的爆发。 这种观点源自日本令人印象深刻的战后经济增长；如今，经过二十多年的经济不景气，当年的推断只能提醒我们线性预测是危险的。 这种危险性现在依然存在着。 面对中国的快速崛起和共产党领导人的自信，目前的传统智慧同样错误地将日本描绘成一个次要国家。 尽管经济放缓，日本仍拥有令人不可小觑的力量。 日本是和平建设长达70年的民主政体，拥有稳定的社会和高水平的生活。 其人均收入是中国的五倍，北京的居民只能羡慕东京的产品安全标准和空气质量。 日本依然是高精尖工业支撑的全球第三大经济体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On our current course, without a significant mitigation effort, by mid-century we would be at around four times the safe level. Advanced countries have been the biggest sources of carbon emissions until relatively recently. But energy consumption – and thus carbon emissions – rise with per capita income. China and India, which account for 40% of the world’s population, were recording 9-10% annual GDP growth before the financial crisis hit in 2008 and are likely to resume rapid growth in the post-crisis period, meaning that their economies will double in size every 7-10 years. Their contribution to total emissions will rise accordingly. Other economies are growing at relatively high rates, too. As a result, while many advanced and developing countries are pursuing far-reaching measures to increase energy efficiency and adopt clean-energy technologies, their existing technologies, incentives, regulations, and commitments imply a sharp rise in total carbon emissions in the coming decades. Despite the IPCC’s target for annual per capita CO2 emissions, we still do not know how much warming various levels of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere will cause. The estimated ranges vary widely, even after a quarter-century of scientific effort, owing to the complexity of the environment itself. This is one reason why successful mitigation at the global level faces stiff headwinds. Indeed, it is not reasonable to expect that any country, rich or poor, should set or agree to 50-year targets. Given the structure of the problem – sequential decision-making with uncertainty about all the relevant parameters (including costs, the efficient pattern of mitigation, and technology) – it would be wiser to adopt a more flexible strategy that provides incentives and regulations to achieve measurable intermediate progress, while generating a lot of useful information along the way. In other words, we should focus our efforts on a shorter time frame, say, the next 15 years. In the long run, success will require major technological advances and their broad adoption. As these are still unknown today, the initial challenge will be to jump-start the mitigation and learning processes, and create powerful incentives for technology that will increase energy efficiency and reduce CO2 emissions in the long run.", "zh": "按照目前的情况测算，如果不采取重大的减排措施，到本世纪中叶我们的碳含量水平将达到安全水平的将近四倍。 直到不久前，最大的碳排放源还一直是发达国家。 但能源消费 — — 以及随之而来的碳排放 — — 随着人均收入的提高而提高。 占世界人口40%的中国和印度在2008年金融危机爆发前实现了9-10%的年国内生产总值增长，而且很可能在后危机时代继续保持这种快速增长态势，这就意味着它们的经济总量每7-10年将出现翻番的增长。 它们在总排放量中所占的份额也会水涨船高。 其它经济体也在以相对较快的速度增长。 因此，尽管许多发达及发展中国家正在采取意义深远的措施提高能源效率并采用清洁能源技术，但它们现有的技术、激励、法规和目标意味着今后数十年的碳排放总量将急速增加。 尽管联合国政府间气候变化工作小组已经确定了二氧化碳排放的年人均目标，我们仍然不清楚大气中不同含量的温室气体将在多大程度上导致变暖的结果。 尽管已经进行了四分之一个世纪的科学研究，但由于环境自身的复杂多变，导致预期的范围波动很大。 这也是全球范围内的成功减排仍然面临重重阻力的一个因素。 事实上，期待任何国家（无论贫富）制定或同意50年目标只是一种不切实际的幻想。 由于问题本身的结构 — — 涉及无法确定相关参数（包括成本、减排的有效模式和技术）的一系列决策 — — 明智的做法是实施更为机动灵活的策略，为实现可以量化的中期进展提供激励和法规保障，并在实现目标的同时搜集很多有用的资讯。 换言之，我们应当关注短期措施，比如说今后15年的变化。 从长远来看，取得成功需要重大的技术进步和对先进技术的普遍应用。 因为这在今天还无法预测，因此从长远来看的首要挑战在于启动减排和学习过程，并能有效刺激提高能源效率的技术，同时降低二氧化碳排放。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In addition to the WHO, we must be thankful for the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and its network of sister institutions around the world (including in China). Health professionals in these organizations have been collaborating to analyze the virus, anticipate possible mutations, and develop a vaccine – all despite the toxic political environment. We also should be thankful for the international (including American) medical, pharmaceutical, and other companies that have been quietly sourcing masks, gloves, gowns, ventilators and other critical supplies for China. Despite these efforts, at present there is a palpable crisis of confidence around the world, in part because of a loss of confidence in national and global leadership. This is reflected in public panic and financial markets’ heightened volatility. Why doesn’t the US convene an emergency G20 meeting of health and finance ministers and heads of government? Such a gathering wouldn’t have to be held in person; it could be conducted virtually, in partnership with the UN and the WHO. This could rapidly produce an agreed policy framework – and serious financial commitments – for responding to the unfolding pandemic. Representing 20 of the world’s largest economies (and many of the countries with more than 100 COVID-19 cases), the G20 is also best positioned to devise a financial and economic strategy for preventing global recession. Global confidence will recover only when both the public and markets see that governments collectively have stepped into the breach.", "zh": "除了世卫组织，我们还必须感谢美国疾病控制与预防中心及其全球姊妹机构网络（包括中国 ） 。 这些组织的卫生专业人士一直在合作分析病毒，预测可能的突变，并开发疫苗 — — 哪怕政治环境相当恶劣。 我们还应该感谢国际（包括美国）默默提供口罩、手套、防护服、呼吸机和其他供华重要物资的医学、医药和其他公司。 尽管采取了这些措施，但目前世界显然出现了信心危机，部分原因在于对国家和全球领导力丧失了信心。 这体现在公共恐慌和金融市场高度波动中。 美国为何不召集G20卫生和财政部长及政府首脑紧急会议？ 这样的会议不必人人到场；可以采用虚拟形式，联合国和世卫组织作为合作伙伴参会。 如此能够迅速形成一致的政策框架 — — 以及严肃的金融承诺 — — 以应对疫情的发展。 G20代表着世界最大经济体（其中许多国家的COVID-19病例已超100例 ） ， 也最有能力制定防止全球衰退的金融和经济战略。 只有当公众和市场都看到政府合作抗疫，全球信心才会恢复。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Dialectic of Global Trade Policy MUNICH – There is a subtle yet important change occurring in how political leaders think about international trade, including how to remedy long-standing problems. It results from a key distinction between the “what” of trade (where there is relatively broad-based agreement among countries) and the “how” (where differences have tended to undermine important relationships, whether transatlantic or between China and the world’s advanced countries). As a result, there is some room for greater optimism than is suggested by talk of damaging trade wars, stifling investment restrictions, technological conflicts, and multiplying great-power tensions. The relatively wide agreement in the international trade area tends to focus on four main hypotheses that are supported by a body of research and evidence: First, free and fair trade is in the interest of most people in most countries, but it is not sufficient for inclusive prosperity. Specific segments of society can be displaced, marginalized, and alienated. As such, trade is not just an economic issue. It also entails important institutional, political, and social dimensions. Second, trade is inherently underpinned by a mutually beneficial set of voluntary interactions that are best conducted, to use the language of game theory, as a cooperative game. Third, an accumulation of legitimate grievances undermines both the ideal and reality of free and fair trade.", "zh": "全球贸易政策的辩证法 慕尼黑—政治领导人对国际贸易的看法，包括如何解决长期问题，发生了一个微妙但重要的变化。 这一变化来自贸易的“什么 ” （ 在哪些方面，国与国之间存在广泛的一致）和“如何 ” （ 在哪些方面，区别会制约重要关系，包括跨大西洋关系和中国与世界发达国家之间的关系）层面的区别。 因此，相较于破坏性的贸易战、令人窒息的投资限制、技术冲突和层出不穷的大国紧张，我们有理由感到更加乐观。 国际贸易领域相对较广泛的一致一般集中在四个假说上，它们都有研究和证据的支持。 首先，自由公平的贸易符合大部分国家的大部分人的利益，但不足以实现包容性繁荣。 社会的某些细分群体会被取代、边缘化和疏远。 因此，贸易不仅仅是一个经济问题。 它也包含重要的制度、政治和社会层面。 其次，贸易的内在基础是双赢的自愿互动，用博弈论的话说，合作博弈是最好的。 第三，合理怨气的累积破坏了自由公平贸易的理想和现实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Technology such as MindSpark software can customize educational content for students and deliver highly effective, individualized teaching. Experience during the pandemic also showed that mobilizing families, communities, and volunteers to support education outcomes can speed children’s learning. Improving poorer students’ learning opportunities and hence life chances also requires narrowing the digital divide. The pandemic has made digital infrastructure even more central to education and communication, and disadvantaged students are more likely to prosper if they have adequate access to the hardware, software, and connectivity they need. Digital literacy campaigns can target girls, and governments can work with internet service providers to offer more affordable access, including by providing subsidies. In Sri Lanka, the government struck a deal with ISPs to give students free access to university-based learning-management systems while schools were closed, increasing higher-education students’ participation rate in online learning to more than 90%. Strengthening social safety nets to encourage school attendance is critical, too. School-feeding programs and cash transfers for education expenses can reduce dropout rates among disadvantaged students and encourage those who have stopped attending school to re-enroll. Before the pandemic, a cash-transfer program earmarked for girls’ education in Bangladesh increased participants’ schooling by more than three years on average. Finally, Asian policymakers must build flexibility and emergency resilience into education systems. Disruptions will occur again. Countries must have the capacity to shift to remote schooling on short notice, and everyone – teachers, parents, students, and administrators – needs to be prepared.", "zh": "MindSpark软件等技术可以为学生定制教育内容，并提供个性化的高效教学。 疫情期间的经验还表明，动员家庭社区和志愿者支持教育成果可以加速儿童的学习。 缩小数字鸿沟也是改善贫困学生学习机会及终身机会的必须。 疫情加大了数字基础设施对教育和通信的重要性，如果弱势学生能充分使用所需的硬件、软件和网络连接，他们就更有可能取得成功。 数字扫盲运动可以针对女孩开展工作，而政府可以与互联网服务提供商进行合作，提供更廉价的网络接入服务，其中包括通过提供补贴。 在斯里兰卡，政府与网络服务提供商达成协议，允许学生在学校停课期间免费使用大学学习管理系统，从而将高等教育学生的在线学习参与率提高到超过90 % 。 强化社会安全网以鼓励孩子们上学也很重要。 学校供餐计划和教育费用现金转移可以降低弱势学生的辍学率，并鼓励一些辍学的学生重新入学。 疫情爆发前，一项专门为孟加拉国女童教育设立的现金转移计划导致参与者的受教育年限平均增加了三年以上。 最后，亚洲决策者必须在教育体系中建立灵活性和紧急应变能力。 中断的情况将再次发生，而各国必须有能力在短时间内转向远程教育，而每个人 — — 教师、家长、学生和管理人员 — — 都必须做好准备。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "After all, the broadening of the NATO-led mission from a limited, humanitarian goal to an all-out assault on Libya’s military signals to some Arabs that this war is really about ensuring that the region does not slip out of Western control. The intervention has seemingly been driven by a geopolitical imperative to bottle up or eliminate Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi so that his regime cannot exploit the political vacuum in neighboring Egypt and Tunisia. While it is now clear that much of the Arab world is in transition, the end point is not yet clear. But Barack Obama’s administration apparently has concluded that Arab monarchs are likely to survive, whereas Arab presidents are more likely to fall, and that it is acceptable for the United States to continue to coddle tyrannical kings. Unfortunately, this double standard sends a message that democratic empowerment in any society is possible only if it is in the interest of the great powers. No one has a greater interest in broad acceptance of this noxious idea – that promotion of human freedom is nothing more than a geopolitical tool – than the world’s largest, oldest, and most powerful autocracy, China.", "zh": "毕竟对于某些阿拉伯人来说，以北约为首的多国部队行动从一个有限度的人道主义目标扩大到一场对利比亚部队的全面进攻就是想把该区域牢牢掌握在手里。 这场干涉看上去似乎是被一种地缘政治动机所驱动，旨在牵制或者消灭卡扎菲，不让他的政权在邻国埃及和突尼斯的政治真空中得利。 虽然当前大多数阿拉伯国家显然都处于转型期，但转型的终点却依然模糊不清。 但美国总统奥巴马则明确认为各个阿拉伯王朝都将继续存活下来，相反那些总统们则更可能下台，而美国也乐于继续关照这些专制帝王。 不幸的是，这一双重标准向人们传达了一个信息：任何社会的民主制度只有在符合大国利益的时候才可能存在。 那么对这一观点 — — 对自由的推动只不过是一项地缘政治工具 — — 的普遍承认对谁最有好处？ 答案就是世界上最庞大，最古老，也最强大的独裁国家 — — 中国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For starters, governments should take the equivalent of the Hippocratic oath and pledge to do no active harm to the planet. The New Climate Economy Report, released by the Global Commission on the Economy and Climate, on which I serve, underlines the importance of phasing out fossil-fuel subsidies and questions the wisdom of allowing export credit agencies to finance coal projects. Governments must set themselves a firm four-year deadline to end fossil-fuel subsidies and redirect funding to areas like green infrastructure projects and development assistance. Second, governments must lead by example. High-level meetings in Addis Ababa and Paris later this year offer the opportunity to create synergies between the fight against climate change and financing for development and infrastructure. Governments should also encourage public pension funds to invest responsibly, especially when it comes to the climate. More, too, could be done to support the market for green bonds, including by issuing green government bonds. Third, governments must create policy frameworks that foster low-carbon investments. Putting a price on carbon is critical. The slow but steady progress that countries are making toward this goal is encouraging. In the meantime, governments should use a shadow carbon price and carbon discount rate in their decision-making processes. In addition, governments and regulators should adopt policies ensuring sustainable financial-sector practices, including annual reporting by companies and investors on environmental, social, and governance issues and due diligence and risk models regarding environmental hazards. Consideration of the possibility of stranded assets must be systematically expanded. Finally, policymakers should foster partnerships and new instruments that nudge the economy toward low-carbon alternatives. Development banks, for example, can help leverage private-sector investment. And new institutions like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank are in a position to make sustainability a core mandate. Managing the transition from an economy based on fossil fuels to one based on low-carbon alternatives will not be easy. But that is why it is essential to begin today. It is time for the G-7 to recognize its responsibility and lead the world toward a sustainable future.", "zh": "首先，政府应该立下类似于希波克拉底誓言的承诺，不再“积极”伤害地球。 全球经济和气候委员会（Global Commission on the Economy and Climate，我是委员之一）所发布的新气候经济报告（The New Climate Economy Report）强调取消化石燃料补贴的重要性，并质疑出口信用机构为煤炭项目提供融资的做法。 政府必须给自己设定明确的四年时限结束化石燃料补贴，将资金配置给绿色基础设施项目和发展援助等领域。 其次，政府必须树立榜样。 今年晚些时候在亚的斯亚贝巴和巴黎的高规格会议提供了让对抗气候变化和为发展和基础设施提供融资两个方面形成协同效应的机会。 政府还应该鼓励公共退休基金进行负责任的投资，特别是在气候问题上。 此外，还应该更多地支持绿色债券市场，包括通过发行绿色政府债券。 第三，政府必须建立促进低碳投资的政策框架。 给碳定价至关重要。 各国在这方面的进步虽然缓慢，但十分稳健，这令人鼓舞。 与此同时，政府应该在决策过程中使用影子碳定价和碳贴现率。 此外，政府和监管者应该采取政策确保可持续财务实践，包括公司和投资者发布关于环境、社会和治理问题的年报以及考虑环境风险的尽职调查和风险模型。 对搁置资产可能性的考虑必须系统性��予以扩大。 最后，决策者应该开展合作、促进新工具的开发以推动经济向低碳转型。 比如，开发银行有助于撬动私人部门投资。 亚洲基础设施投资银行等新机构应该将可持续性作为核心使命。 管理从基于化石燃料的经济向基于低碳能源的经济的转型绝非易事。 但正因如此，才应该从现在做起。 G-7必须认识到它的责任，领导世界走向可持续的未来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The first crazy idea is that consciousness is fundamental. Physicists sometimes take some aspects of the universe as fundamental building blocks: space and time and mass. They postulate fundamental laws governing them, like the laws of gravity or of quantum mechanics. These fundamental properties and laws aren't explained in terms of anything more basic. Rather, they're taken as primitive, and you build up the world from there. Now sometimes, the list of fundamentals expands. In the 19th century, Maxwell figured out that you can't explain electromagnetic phenomena in terms of the existing fundamentals — space, time, mass, Newton's laws — so he postulated fundamental laws of electromagnetism and postulated electric charge as a fundamental element that those laws govern. I think that's the situation we're in with consciousness. If you can't explain consciousness in terms of the existing fundamentals — space, time, mass, charge — then as a matter of logic, you need to expand the list. The natural thing to do is to postulate consciousness itself as something fundamental, a fundamental building block of nature. This doesn't mean you suddenly can't do science with it. This opens up the way for you to do science with it.", "zh": "第一种疯狂想法是 意识是一种基本概念。 物理学家有时候会把宇宙中的某些方面 作为基本概念，如： 空间、时间和质量。 他们设定了一些基本定律去管理它们， 例如重力定律和量子力学定律。 这些基本性质和定律 不能解释一些更基础的东西。 这相当于以它们为根本， 然后你在它们的基础上建立这个世界。 现在，这张基本定律名单会不时扩大。 在19世纪，麦克斯韦断定 你无法用当时存在的基本概念—— 空间、时间、质量、牛顿定律—— 去解释电磁现象， 因此他设定了电磁学的 基本定律， 并且设定了电荷 作为这些定律的 基本元素。 我认为这与我们在研究意识上的 情形是一样的。 如果我们不能用现存的基本概念—— 时间、空间、质量、电荷—— 去解释意识， 那么从逻辑上而言，你需要去扩充这张名单。 接下来将意识本身设定为 某种根本性的东西， 作为自然界的基本概念就是一件自然而然的事。 这并不意味着突然间你不能用它来研究科学了。 这反而是为你开僻了一条用它来研究科学的道路。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As I have argued before, the IMF should expand the scope of its annual Article IV assessments to include national public-health systems, given that these are critical determinants in a country’s ability to prevent or at least manage a crisis like the one we are now experiencing. I have even raised this idea with IMF officials themselves, only to be told that such reporting falls outside their remit because they lack the relevant expertise. That answer was not good enough then, and it definitely isn’t good enough now. If the IMF lacks the expertise to assess public-health systems, it should acquire it. As the COVID-19 crisis makes abundantly clear, there is no useful distinction to be made between health and finance. The two policy domains are deeply interconnected, and should be treated as such. In thinking about an international response to today’s health and economic emergency, the obvious analogy is to the 2008 global financial crisis. Everyone knows that crisis started with an unsustainable US housing bubble, which had been fed by foreign savings, owing to the lack of domestic savings in the United States. When the bubble finally burst, many other countries sustained more harm than the US did, just as the COVID-19 pandemic has hit some countries much harder than it hit China. And yet, not many countries around the world sought to single out the US for presiding over a massively destructive housing bubble, even though the scars from that previous crisis are still visible. On the contrary, many welcomed the US economy’s return to sustained growth in recent years, because a strong US economy benefits the rest of the world. So, rather than applying a double standard and fixating on China’s undoubtedly large errors, we would do better to consider what China can teach us. Specifically, we should be focused on better understanding the technologies and diagnostic techniques that China used to keep its (apparent) death toll so low compared to other countries, and to restart parts of its economy within weeks of the height of the outbreak. And, for our own sakes, we also should be considering what policies China could adopt to put itself back on a path toward 6% annual growth, because the Chinese economy inevitably will play a significant role in the global recovery.", "zh": "正如我之前所指出的那样，国际货币基金组织应该扩大其成员国协定条款第四条（Article IV）年度磋商的范围，将国家公共卫生体系的相关内容纳入在内，因为这些内容将是一个国家预防或至少处理类似当前危机能力的关键决定因素。 我甚至跟基金组织官员提到过这一理念，却被告知这类汇报不属于其职权范围，因为他们缺乏相关专业知识。 这个答案当时只能让人勉强接受，如今看来则更不靠谱了。 如果国际货币基金组织缺乏评估公共卫生系统的专业知识，那么它就应该去获取这些知识。 正如当前这场危机所充分表明的那样，在健康和经济之间是不存在任何有效分隔的，两个政策领域其实深度关联，因此也应给予相应对待。 在针对当前这场健康和经济紧急状况考虑国际对策时，我们显然可以将其比作2008年全球金融危机。 大家都知道那场危机发端于一个不可持续的美国房地产泡沫，但由于美国缺乏国内储蓄，该泡沫其实是在国外储蓄的注入下不断膨胀的。 因此当泡沫最终破灭时许多其他国家遭受的伤害都比美国要大，正如疫病大流行给某些国家造成的打击要比中国严重得多。 但尽管前一次危机造成的伤痕依然清晰可见，世界上却没几个国家试图将美国单独挑出来为这场大规模破坏性房地产泡沫担责。 相反许多国家都为美国经济近年恢复持续增长感到高兴，因为一个强劲的美国经济能使世界其他地区受益。 因此与其实施双重标准并对中国明确犯下的大错念念不忘，不如思考一下中国可以给我们带来哪些教训。 具体来说，我们应该把注意力集中在更好地了解该国究竟使用了何种科技和诊断技术令其（表面数据上的）死亡人数与其他国家相比如此之低，同时还能在疫情到达顶点后的几周内恢复部分经济运转。 同时为了自身的福祉，我们还应该考虑中国将采取什么政策以重拾6％的年增长率，因为中国经济将不可避免地在全球复苏中发挥重要作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In this sense, Russia and China now exercise de facto control over the formal international legality of the use of force. To be sure, many countries ­now believe that the West is going too far in challenging state sovereignty, with even European countries like Germany recoiling at the prospect of military confrontation. At the G-20 summit in early September, for example, US President Barack Obama struggled to convince ten states to sign a declaration on Syria that did not even mention the use of force. Only the US, the United Kingdom, and France remain willing to use force if it is deemed necessary. But viewing intervention in Syria within the paradigm of Western messianism is a mistake. After all, in Syria, as in Libya, the forces challenging the government are not a creature of Western manipulation. They are indigenous – and they are asking the West for help. The legal basis for military intervention may be weak, but Syria is no Iraq, either. Security is not the only area where sovereignty concerns have superseded multilateralism. In 2008, the US abandoned its commitment to the World Trade Organization’s Doha Round of global trade negotiations. While the decision followed a technical disagreement with India, it was driven largely by the belief that any agreement would benefit China more than the US.", "zh": "从这个意义上讲，正式国际军事干预的合法性事实上由俄罗斯和中国控制。 可以肯定，很多国家现在认为西方过分挑战了国家主权，就连德国这样的欧洲国家都对军事对抗的前景望而却步。 比方说，美国总统奥巴马在9月初举行的G-20峰会上努力游说十国签署根本没有提到武力应用的叙利亚问题声明。 只有美、英、法三国仍然愿意在必要的情况下使用武力。 但以西方政治救世主义的思维模式看待军事干预叙利亚是一个错误。 毕竟，叙利亚和利比亚挑战政府的势力都并非源自西方的操纵。 他们源于本土 — — 只不过要求西方提供帮助。 军事干预的法律基础或许薄弱，但叙利亚也不同于伊拉克。 安全并不是主权担忧压倒多边主义的唯一领域。 2008年，美国放弃其对世贸组织多哈回合全球贸易谈判所做的承诺。 尽管上述决策在与印度产生技术分歧后做出，但归根结底是因为美国相信中国从协议中得到的好处要超过美国。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many public utilities in China – such as airlines, railways, ports, and telecommunications – are single-product entities administered by state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Yet the new tech giants are multi-product, omni-channel platforms that cut across all sectors, including production, distribution, payments, and, increasingly, wealth management. As in a game of Go, China’s leaders need to move the country’s pieces – that is to say, effect change in the SOEs’ business models – in the right place, at the right time, and in a coordinated fashion. Superficial complaints about the slow pace of SOE reforms ignore the strategic challenge of creating productive competition between SOEs and publicly listed tech giants in the digital space. SOE managers can credibly argue that heavy regulations place them at a competitive disadvantage, and that the tech giants are eating their lunch by free-riding on state-administered telecommunication, transportation, and financial channels. The tech giants, meanwhile, argue that if they could just move faster into inefficient production and distribution areas, not least mobile payments, productivity growth would accelerate. Another dilemma is that digitization is good for consumers, but possibly bad for employment and social stability. In a “Digital China,” there will necessarily be winners and losers. But the sooner displaced workers can adapt to new realities, the healthier the system will be. China’s transformation into a knowledge-based economy occupying a central position in the global value chain will ultimately yield a “reform dividend.” But as exciting as that transformation will be, it will also be dangerous. Never before has an economy so large undergone such far-reaching change so quickly.", "zh": "中国的许多公用事业机构 — — 如航空、铁路、港口和通讯等 — — 都是单一产品实体，由国有企业负责经营管理。 但民营的新技术巨头却是多产品、全方位的渠道平台，可以通吃所有供应链环节 — — 包括生产、分销、支付，目前还在进军财富管理。 中国决策层就像是在下围棋，需要将国家的关键棋子 — — 即国有企业商业模式的改变 — — 在正确的时间落在正确的地方，而且棋子与棋子之间还要互相协调。 对国企改革进展缓慢的泛泛抱怨也许忽视了一个战略性挑战：在国企和新技术上市企业巨头之间，形成在数字空间的良性竞争。 国企管理者大可以说，严格的监管让国企处于市场竞争劣势，而科技巨头却在免费搭乘国营通讯、交通和金融通道，夺走了国企的午餐。 与此同时，科技巨头也可以辩解说，如果它们可以更快地进入效率低下的生产和分销领域，尤其是移动支付，中国的整体生产率增长还能更快。 另一个困境是：数字化对消费者固然是好事，但对就业和社会稳定的冲击可能是负面的。 在“数字中国 ” ， 必然会有赢家和输家。 但失业工人越快适应新的现实，整个系统就会越健康。 中国转向基于知识的新经济才能在全球价值链中占据核心地位，并最终产生“改革红利 ” 。 这一转型固然令人激动，但也隐藏着风险。 此前，从未有哪个如此庞大的经济体以如此快的速度经历如此深远的变革。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And there are plenty of untapped opportunities for technological catch-up in, say, health, education, and financial services. Second, emerging-market bears point out that these economies have gained major productivity benefits from the migration of surplus rural labor to urban areas, a surplus that will soon be exhausted. This, too, is true. But it ignores the fact that there still is a huge reservoir of urban labor in the informal sector that, upon shifting to the formal sector, would provide an additional boost to productivity. The pessimists’ third argument is that emerging economies are not implementing fast enough the structural reforms needed to support long-term growth. Again, there is some truth to this argument: structural reforms are needed everywhere. But there is no proven way to measure the pace of their implementation. As a result, it is difficult to argue that the emerging economies have collectively slowed in their structural-reform efforts. But there may be a fourth mechanism at work, related to the changing – and seriously disruptive – nature of new technologies. A major driver of past catch-up, if only in terms of incremental growth, was the shift of many activities in both the services and manufacturing sectors from advanced economies to developing countries with lower wages. Now, however, a growing array of activities can be automated. And coding-supported products often have lower costs per unit of output than even very cheap labor can provide. So, whereas call centers, for example, used to be mostly staffed in low-wage countries, now the computer-robot that does most of the talking can be located in New York. That observation should not, however, overshadow fundamental economic insights – specifically, that trade and the location of production are determined by comparative, not absolute, advantage. A country will always have a comparative advantage in something; but that something changes. Many advanced countries, for example, now have a comparative advantage in high-value-added activities. In other words, thanks to their highly skilled labor forces, they are better equipped than their developing-country counterparts for activities like the production of made-to-measure specialized goods or, indeed, anything that requires a highly trained team to work in close proximity. But the technology-induced shifts that are underway could portend big disruptions in global value chains – disruptions affecting both developed and developing countries.", "zh": "而在（比如）医疗、教育和金融服务方面，有大量技术赶超机会等待新兴市场去把握。 其次，新兴市场悲观派指出，这些经济体生产率大提高主要来自农村剩余劳动力向城镇的迁移，而这一剩余劳动力很快就会耗尽。 的确如此。 但它忽视了一个事实：非正式部门仍存在巨大的城镇劳动力储备，只要他们进入正式部门，就能带来新的生产率刺激。 悲观者的第三个观点是新兴经济体实施支持长期增长所需要的结构改革的步伐不够快。 这一论点也有些道理：结构改革哪里都需要。 但没有经受过检验的方法可用于衡量结构改革实施的节奏。 因此，很难认为新兴市场在结构改革方面集体滞后了。 但也许还有第四个因素在起作用，即新技术的多变性 — — 以及严重的破坏性。 在过去，赶超的一大动力 — — 如果用增量增长衡量的话 — — 是服务业和制造业的许多活动从发达经济体转移到低工资的发展中国家。 但是，如今，越来越多的这些活动可以自动化。 代码支持的产品的单位产出成本通常比极低价劳动力所能提供的还要低。 因此，尽管（比如）呼叫中心大多在低工资国家运行，但如今，用电脑机器人进行大部分对话的呼叫中心也可以坐落在纽约。 但是，这一观察无法压倒基本经济学洞见 — — 具体而言，就是贸易和生产地由比较优势而非绝对优势决定。 一国总会在某些方面拥有比较优势；但“某些方面”是会变化的。 比如，许多发达国家现在的比较优势是高增加值活动。 换句话说，由于它们拥有高技能劳动力，因此比发展中国家更适合生产定制专业化产品或一切需要受过良好训练的团队紧密合作的活动。 但技术导致的正在发生的变迁可能预示着全球价值链的大幅扰动 — — 这些扰动既影响发达国家，也影响发展中国家。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Globalization Marches On LONDON – In a recent symposium in the Financial Times on globalization’s prospects in 2011, the columnist Gideon Rachman observed that, “When Barack Obama visited India recently, the US President warned his hosts that the debate about globalization has reopened in the West,” and that “a backlash…is forming…and growing in advanced economies.” But Rachman’s alarmism is misplaced. The fear of globalization in the West is nothing new. Articulate intellectuals and groups such as labor unions and environmental organizations in the advanced economies have voiced anti-globalization fears and sentiments for at least a quarter-century. The fear of globalization, however, began historically in the East, not the West. After World War II, the West dismantled barriers to trade and investment flows, and worked to eliminate exchange controls and move to currency convertibility. What was sometimes called the liberal international economic order was the order of the day, and it was embraced by public opinion as well. By contrast, the East generally embraced the fearful view that, as the Chilean sociologist Oswaldo Sunkel put it, integration into the international economy would lead to disintegration of the national economy. Many intellectuals shared this dark anti-globalization vision, and policymakers in much of the East were not far behind. Indeed, the West accepted the view that globalization would result (as with trade) in mutual gain, embracing what I called in 1997 the notion of “benign neglect.”", "zh": "全球化继续前进 伦敦 — — 在金融时报刚刚举办的2011年全球化前景研讨会上，专栏作家吉迪恩·拉赫曼提出 ， “ 巴拉克·奥巴马最近出访印度时，这位美国总统警告东道国西方已经重新启动了有关全球化议题的辩论 ， ” 而且“发达国家对全球化的抵制思潮正在发展和形成 。 ” 但拉赫曼的危言耸听并没有充分的依据。 全球化在西方国家引起的恐慌早已不是什么新闻。 至少25年来，发达国家能言善道的知识分子及工会和环保组织一直喋喋不休地表达反对全球化的恐惧情绪。 不过对全球化的恐惧最早并不起源于西方，东方才是它真正的发源地。 二战结束后，西方拆除了贸易和投资流动的壁垒，并着手实现货币兑换，解除外汇管制。 当时所谓的自由国际经济秩序逐渐成为一般惯例，同时成为被公众舆论所接受的话题。 恰恰相反，东方人普遍对此持恐惧态度，正如智利社会学家奥斯瓦尔多·桑克尔所说，国际经济融合恐怕会导致国家经济的解体。 不少知识分子都赞同这种阴暗的反全球化论点，而绝大多数东方政治家在这方面也不甘落后。 事实上，西方普遍认为全球化会带来（比方说贸易领域）双赢的结果，我在1997年提出的“善意忽视”观点成为当时的主流。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Throughout the history of computers we've been striving to shorten the gap between us and digital information, the gap between our physical world and the world in the screen where our imagination can go wild. And this gap has become shorter, shorter, and even shorter, and now this gap is shortened down to less than a millimeter, the thickness of a touch-screen glass, and the power of computing has become accessible to everyone. But I wondered, what if there could be no boundary at all? I started to imagine what this would look like. First, I created this tool which penetrates into the digital space, so when you press it hard on the screen, it transfers its physical body into pixels. Designers can materialize their ideas directly in 3D, and surgeons can practice on virtual organs underneath the screen. So with this tool, this boundary has been broken. But our two hands still remain outside the screen. How can you reach inside and interact with the digital information using the full dexterity of our hands? At Microsoft Applied Sciences, along with my mentor Cati Boulanger, I redesigned the computer and turned a little space above the keyboard into a digital workspace. By combining a transparent display and depth cameras for sensing your fingers and face, now you can lift up your hands from the keyboard and reach inside this 3D space and grab pixels with your bare hands. Because windows and files have a position in the real space, selecting them is as easy as grabbing a book off your shelf. Then you can flip through this book while highlighting the lines, words on the virtual touch pad below each floating window. Architects can stretch or rotate the models with their two hands directly. So in these examples, we are reaching into the digital world. But how about reversing its role and having the digital information reach us instead? I'm sure many of us have had the experience of buying and returning items online. But now you don't have to worry about it. What I got here is an online augmented fitting room.", "zh": "纵观计算机中的历史 我们一直在努力弥合 我们与数字信息之间的隔阂， 还有我们的现实世界 与虚拟世界之间的差距。 在虚拟世界里，我们的想象力是无穷的。 这一差距已经在缩短， 还会继续缩短， 现在这一差距已经缩短到 小于一毫米， 就是触摸屏的玻璃那么薄， 而且计算机已是 人皆有之。 但我在想，要是没有虚拟和现实世界之间的边界该多好? 我于是就开始大胆尝试这个想法。 我首先造出了这个工具， 它可以深入数字空间， 如果你拿这支笔用力按这个屏幕， 这支笔的笔身就会进到由像素点组成的虚拟世界中。 设计师们可以直接在三维立体空间内 实现他们的想法， 外科医生可以在屏幕里面 练习给虚拟器官动手术。 可见，这个工具打破了虚拟和现实世界之间的边界。 但我们双手还是在屏幕外。 我们怎样才能把手伸进去 和数字信息进行交互， 从而充分利用我们灵活的双手？ 我在微软应用科学实验室， 和我的导师卡迪•布兰葛 重新设计了这台计算机 把键盘上方的小空间 挪进数字工作区内。 通过将一个透明显示屏与几个深度摄像头结合， 这几个摄像头可以感知你的手指和脸， 现在你可以从键盘上抬起你的双手 伸进这个三维立体空间去 徒手控制里面的虚拟物质——像素点。 因为窗口和文件在现实空间内有了具体位置， 选取它们变得像从书架上拿一本书那么容易。 然后你可以翻阅这本书 并在每个浮动窗口下面的虚拟触控板上 划出字词和句子。 建筑师们可以直接用他们的双手 拉伸或旋转各种模型。 在这些例子表明， 我们正在进入数字世界。 可是如何才能转变它的角色 从而让数字信息进入我们的世界中？ 相信在座很多人都有 在线购物和退货的经验。 不过，现在你不比再担心。 因为，我这里有个增强版在线试衣间。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He never did. Once AMLO moves beyond his simplistic views and understands the complexity of the issues involved, he will be tempted to do what Peña Nieto dared not. Mexico can use a number of tools on immigration, such as loosening controls on its southern border with Guatemala or refusing admission to deportees from the US unless American authorities can corroborate their Mexican nationality. With midterm elections coming in November, and the 2020 presidential campaign just around the corner, Trump will find it difficult to desist from stoking his supporters’ nativist animus. The war on drugs is at a similar crossroad. The opioid crisis in the US shows no sign of abating, and a significant share of the heroin and fentanyl it consumes comes from Mexico, directly or in transit. Conversely, a growing number of US states are legalizing medical and/or recreational marijuana; Canada has done the same. While AMLO is highly conservative on these matters and opposes any kind of legalization, he will find it difficult to maintain previous levels of cooperation with the US on drug enforcement. The public’s animosity toward Trump and resentment of the covert, intrusive, and probably illegal nature of the collaboration instituted by his two predecessors will not easily allow it. AMLO has insinuated that he believes in some sort of amnesty for small-time marijuana and poppy growers, though not for kingpins. But the line between them is not always clear. The peasants in Guerrero cultivate amapola for the cartels, not for their own livelihood.", "zh": "但他从来未曾做到过。 一旦奥夫拉多尔抛弃了简单的看法并充分理解了所涉问题的复杂性，他很可能无法抗拒采用培尼亚·涅托所不敢采用的对策。 墨西哥可以利用一系列移民工具，如放松对危地马拉南部边境的控制，或者在美国当局无法证明其墨西哥国籍的情况下拒绝从美国接纳被驱逐者。 随着11月中期选举和2020年总统竞选即将来临，特朗普或许将很难抵制煽动其支持者本土主义敌意的诱惑。 毒品战争正处在相似的十字路口。 美国的阿片危机并未显示出任何减弱的迹象，而它所消耗的海洛因和芬太尼均直接或间接来源于墨西哥。 相反，美国有越来越多的州正推动实现医用和/或娱乐用大麻的合法化；而加拿大也在争取实现同样的目标。 虽然奥夫拉多尔在上述问题上非常保守并反对任何形式的合法化，但他会发现很难在禁毒领域与美国保持之前同样的合作水平。 公众对特朗普的敌意以及对墨西哥两位前任总统所实行的秘密、侵略性乃至可能是非法合作的痛恨将不会允许这样的情况发生。 奥夫拉多尔曾经暗示他认为应当对小型大麻或罂粟种植户给予某种特赦，但上述特赦不包括那些毒枭。 但两者之间的界限并不总能明确。 格雷罗州的农民种植罂粟并非为了生计，而是为贩毒卡特尔提供原料。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Producers that lost market share in the US will not cut production, either. By now, Saudi Arabia recognizes that low oil prices will not fully restore its market share in Asia and Europe. But it also sees that it has no more use for OPEC, an organization that it foisted on the world with the first Arab oil embargo in 1973 and has since used as a shield for its oil policies. With the US shale revolution having rendered OPEC useless, Saudi Arabia has decided that its creature is not worth keeping alive. But this does not mean that there is no hope for energy cooperation. Saudi Arabia is now pursuing a major shift in its foreign, economic, and energy policies, exemplified by the impending privatization of a portion of Aramco, its national petroleum company, which is set to expand its refining capacity. All of this suggests that competition in energy markets may shift from crude oil to refined products. That would create new opportunities for cooperation: producers with large refining and storage capacity could purchase surplus oil from producers lacking such capacities. A shift from competition in crude to competition in petroleum products would have a profound effect on global oil markets and related industries, like shipping. Ultimately, it would most likely boost the overall efficiency of the oil market and strengthen producers’ capacity to weather market volatility. The producers and refiners with the most sophisticated technologies would dominate – beginning with Saudi Arabia.", "zh": "失去了美国市场份额的石油生产国也不会减产。 到目前为止，沙特阿拉伯认识到低油价不能完全恢复其在亚洲和欧洲的市场份额。 但它也看到，欧佩克已经毫无用处。 这个它在1973年第一次阿拉伯石油禁运期间强加给世界的组织此后一直被用作沙特石油政策的屏障。 随着美国页岩革命让欧佩克变得不再有用，沙特阿拉伯认为这个它所创造的东西已经没有存在下去的必要。 但这并不意味着能源合作无望。 目前，沙特阿拉伯正在进行外交、经济和能源政策大转变，一个例子是其为扩大其炼油产能而成立的国有石化公司阿美公司（Aramco）即将部分私有化��� 所有这些表明能源市场竞争可能从原油转移到精炼产品。 这将创造新的合作机会：拥有巨大的炼油和储存产能的生产国可以从缺乏这些能力的生产国购买剩余原油。 从原油竞争转向石化产品竞争将给全球石油市场和相关行业（如航运）带来深远影响。 最终，这很可能刺激石油市场的总体效率并增强产油国抵御市场波动的能力。 产油国和拥有最成熟技术的炼油国将成为主导 — — 从沙特阿拉伯开始。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, in the absence of a national or global broadband strategy, many cities have pursued “broadband localism,” by taking steps to bridge the service gap left by private-sector operators. As a general approach to problem solving, localism offers both immediacy and proximity. Because it is managed within tightly defined geographic regions, it affords policymakers a better understanding of the tradeoffs involved. By calibrating algorithms and AI policies for local conditions, policymakers have a better chance of creating positive feedback loops that will result in greater effectiveness and accountability. Feedback loops can have a massive impact, particularly when it comes to AI. In some cases, local AI policies could have far-reaching effects on how technology is designed and deployed elsewhere. For example, by establishing an Algorithms Management and Policy Officer, New York City has created a model that can be emulated worldwide. AI localism also lends itself to greater policy coordination and increased citizen engagement. In Toronto, a coalition of academic, civic, and other stakeholders came together to ensure accountability for Sidewalk Labs, an initiative launched by Alphabet (Google’s parent company) to improve services and infrastructure through citywide sensors. In response to this civic action, the company has agreed to follow six guidelines for “responsible artificial intelligence.” As this example shows, reform efforts are more likely to succeed when local groups, pooling their expertise and influence, take the lead. Similarly, in Brooklyn, New York, the tenant association of the Atlantic Plaza Towers (in collaboration with academic researchers and nongovernmental organizations) succeeded in blocking a plan to use facial recognition technology in lieu of keys. Moreover, this effort offered important cues for how AI should be regulated more broadly, particularly in the context of housing. But AI localism is not a panacea. The same tight local networks that offer governance advantages can also result in a form of regulatory capture. As such, AI localism must be subject to strict oversight and policies to prevent corruption and conflicts of interest. AI localism also poses a risk of fragmentation.", "zh": "同样，在缺乏国家或全球宽带战略的情况下，许多城市都采取措施去弥合各私营部门运营商之间的服务缺口，进而实现“宽带本地主义 ” 。 作为一个解决问题的通用手段，本地主义同时具备了即时性和接近性。 因为它是在严格定义的地理区域内进行管理的，因此也使决策者能更好地了解其中所涉及的权衡利弊。 通过针对当地情况来校准算法和人工智能策略，政策制定者更有机会去创建正反馈循环，从而提高有效性和问责性。 反馈循环可能会产生巨大的影响，尤其是对于人工智能技术而言。 在某些情况下，某一地区的人工智能政策可能会对技术在其他地区的设计和部署方式产生深远影响。 比如纽约市就通过设立算法管理和政策专员这一职位的举措创建了一个可以推广到全球范围的模型。 同时人工智能本地主义还有助于强化政策协调和增加公民参与度。 在多伦多，由学术界，公民和其他利益相关者组成的联盟齐心协力确保Sidewalk Labs项目的问责性，后者是由Alphabet（谷歌母公司）发起的一个项目，旨在通过分布在全市范围的传感器改善市政服务和基础设施。 作为对此公民行动的回应，该项目也同意去遵循“负责任的人工智能”所包含的六项准则。 如这个例子所展现的那样，当地方团体发挥其专长和影响力时，改革工作就更有可能取得成功。 同样在纽约布鲁克林，大西洋广场大厦的租户协会（与学术研究人员和非政府组织合作）成功地阻止了一项使用面部识别技术替代钥匙的计划。 此外这项工作也为如何更广泛地监管人工智能提供了重要线索，尤其是在住宅方面。 但是人工智能本地主义可不是万灵药。 带来一些治理优势的紧密本地网络也可能同时导致某种形式的规制俘获（regulatory capture ） 。 因此，人工智能本地化必须受到严格监督和政策引导以防滋生腐败和利益冲突。 不过人工智能本地主义也存在引发碎片化的风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, the EU must become a true democracy – with a directly elected president and a stronger parliament – if pan-European decisions are going to have full legitimacy. The fiscal pact to which EU members (except the United Kingdom and the Czech Republic) agreed in December 2011 cannot be left to bureaucrats and courts alone. The European people, the true sovereigns, must ultimately gain the right to make Europe’s policy choices via elections. Second, we must close the income gap. The growing divide between rich and poor, stagnating real wages, and deep regional disparities in unemployment are both morally unacceptable and economically counterproductive. The EU’s increasing income inequality misallocates the purchasing power that its economy desperately needs for growth and employment. Finally, the welfare state needs a serious overhaul. Today, the EU allocates a large part of its public spending to pensions and health care for the elderly, while education suffers from underfunding. A welfare state that focuses mainly on the elderly, and does not provide sufficient opportunities for younger generations, is not sustainable. Moreover, the inequities created by privilege, such as public-sector pension schemes and discretionary advantages for vested-interest groups, must be addressed. In order to make these changes, higher taxation of wealth and capital income is inevitable. But, while these additional tax revenues would improve Europe’s public finances, they would not obviate the need to reform the welfare state. Indeed, at best, they could facilitate a socially responsible transition to more efficient forms of social protection. It is also a mistake to believe that austerity measures – the prime focus of Europe’s leaders up to now – will consolidate public finances. Europe is on the brink of recession. Governments should therefore restrict spending cuts to those that will not cause the economy to contract. Likewise, they should increase only those taxes that, when raised, do not reduce consumption, investment, or job creation. In addition, a “European Marshall Plan” that provides investment in infrastructure, renewable energy, and energy efficiency is needed. Such an initiative would not only foster growth, but would also lower current-account deficits (because expensive fossil-energy imports could be reduced). Public finances would be consolidated only by growth, not by austerity. The European Central Bank must adapt to the fiscal pact’s new rules.", "zh": "首先，如果泛欧决策想要具有不折不扣的合法性，欧盟必须成为真正的民主政体 — — 并通过直接选举产生总统和强大的议会。 2011年12月欧盟成员国（除英国和捷克共和国以外）通过的财政协议不能只交给法庭和官僚机构。 作为真正主权主体的欧洲人民必须最终获得通过选举决定欧洲政策的权利。 其次，我们必须缩小收入差距。 日益扩大的贫富鸿沟、停滞的实际工资、失业率巨大的地区差异既对经济增长产生副面影响，也在道德上无法接受。 欧盟日益严重的收入不平等导致购买力错配，而欧盟经济想要实现增长和就业迫切需要购买力的支持。 最后，需要对福利国家进行一次真正的修理。 今天，欧盟将公共开支的很大部分用于老年人的医疗和养老，而教育资金却严重不足。 将注意力集中在老人、却不为年轻一代提供充分机会的福利国家根本不可持续。 此外，因特权存在而导致的不公，如公共部门养老金计划和既得利益群体的无条件优势都需要加以调整解决。 为了实现上述改革，不可避免要增加财产收入税和资本收入税。 但在额外税收改善欧洲公共财政状况的同时，它们也无法排除进行福利国家改革的必要性。 事实上，增量税收充其量能够促进向提高社保保障效率更负责任的过渡。 相信欧洲领导人迄今为止作为首要重点的紧缩政策能够巩固公共财政也没有任何依据。 欧洲正处于衰退的边缘。 政府因此应该限制那些无法导致经济收缩的压缩开支。 同样，他们应该提高那些不会影响消费、投资或就业机会创造的税收种类。 此外还需要制定能提升基础设施投资、可再生能源和能源效率的“欧洲马歇尔计划 ” 。 上述举措不仅能促进增长，还能降低经常账户赤字（因为可以减少昂贵的化石能源进口 ） 。 公共财政状况只能通过增长，而不是通过紧缩来巩固。 欧洲央行必须适应新的财政协议规则。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, in order to bolster safety – and restore confidence – in the health-care system, the plan calls for better infection-control practices and training for a new cadre of skilled workers. And it includes closer cooperation with community groups, which should be engaged in disease surveillance and response. The post-Ebola recovery will not be quick, easy, or cheap. In Sierra Leone alone, it is expected to cost $1.3 billion – $896.2 million of which has yet to be procured. To close that gap, we need help from our African partners and the broader international community. Many years ago, without the help of a lie, Mariama would have died. Today, we do not need lies. We need genuine engagement, open communication, and mutual accountability, at the local, national, regional, and global levels. We have already seen how a lack of essential health-care services can devastate a country, taking thousands of lives and shattering many more. We came together as a country to beat Ebola, and we are committed to prevent future epidemics. With ongoing international support, we will do just that.", "zh": "此外，为了加强卫生体系的安全 — — 以及重塑信心 — — 该计划呼吁采取更好的传染病控制实践、训练新一代熟练工人骨干。 它还包括加强与社会组织间的合作，社会组织应该参与疾病防控和响应。 后埃博拉时期的恢复绝不可能是迅速、容易、便宜的。 光是在塞拉利昂，据估计就要耗费13亿美元 — — 其中8亿9,620万美元仍是缺口状态。 要弥补这一缺口，我们需要来自我们的非洲伙伴和更广大的国际社会的帮助。 多年前，要不是一个谎言，玛利亚玛已经死了。 如今，我们不需要撒谎。 我们需要真正的参与、开放的沟通和互相问责 — — 在地方、国家、地区和全球层面都是如此。 我们已经看到，缺乏基本卫生服务如何毁掉一个国家、夺走成千上万人生命并摧毁跟多人的生活。 我们全国上下众志成城击败了埃博拉，我们决心预防未来传染病。 只要有不断的国际支持，我们就能做到。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Without five years of disastrous austerity, Greek GDP might be 33% higher than it is now, and pensions would be 12% of GDP rather than 16%. The math is straightforward. Blanchard calls on Greece’s government to offer “truly credible measures.” Shouldn’t the IMF do likewise? To get pensions down by one percentage point of GDP, nominal economic growth of just 4% per year for two years would suffice – with no further cuts. Why not have “credible measures” to achieve that goal? This brings us to Greek debt. As everyone at the IMF knows, a debt overhang is a vast unfunded tax liability that says to investors: enter at your own risk. At any time, your investments, profits, and hard work may be taxed away to feed the dead hand of past lenders. The overhang is a blockade against growth. That is why every debt crisis, sooner or later, ends in restructuring or default. Blanchard is a pioneer in the economics of public debt. He knows that Greece’s debt has not been sustainable at any point during the last five years, and that it is not sustainable now. On this point, Greece and the IMF agree. In fact, Greece has a credible debt proposal. First, let the European Stabilization Mechanism (ESM) lend €27 billion ($30 billion), at long maturities, to retire the Greek bonds that the European Central Bank foolishly bought in 2010. Second, use the profits on those bonds to pay off the IMF. Third, include Greece in the ECB’s program of quantitative easing, which would let it return to the markets. Greece would agree to fair conditions for the ESM loan. It does not ask for one cent of additional official funding for the Greek state. It is promising to live within its means forever, and rely on internal savings and external investment for growth – far short of what any large country, controlling its own currency, would do when facing a comparable disaster. Blanchard insists that now is the time for “tough choices, and tough commitments to be made on both sides.” Indeed it is. But the Greeks have already made tough choices.", "zh": "如果没有这五年灾难性的紧缩，希腊GDP将比现在高33 % ， 退休金占GDP之比将是12%而非16 % 。 其中的算术就是真么简单。 布兰查德要求希腊政府拿出“真正可信的措施 ” 。 难道IMF不应该这样做吗？ 要让退休金占GDP之比降低一个百分点，只需要经济以名义率4%增长两年 — — 根本不需要进一步削减。 为何不采取“可信措施”实现这一目标？ 这就引出了希腊债务问题。 IMF所有人都知道，对投资者来说，债务积压是一笔巨额无资金准备的税收负债（unfunded tax liability ） ： 风险自负。 你的投资、利润和努力工作随时随地会被税收的形式收走，流入过去贷款人的死亡之手。 债务积压是增长的一大障碍。 正因如此，每一次债务危机迟早都会以重组或违约结束。 布兰查德是公共债务经济学方面的顶尖专家。 他知道希腊的债务在过去五年中一直是不可持续的，现在也是不可持续的。 从这一点讲，希腊和IMF是一致的。 事实上，希腊有一套可信的债务方案。 首先，让欧洲稳定基金（European Stabilization Mechanism，ESM）发放270亿欧元长期限贷款，以替换欧洲央行2010年愚蠢地购买的希腊债券。 其次，用这些债券上的利润偿付IMF。 第三，将希腊纳入欧洲央行的量化宽松计划，这能让希腊回归市场。 希腊将同意关于ESM贷款的公平条件。 它不会要求为希腊多出一个子儿的官方融资。 它将承诺永远自力更生，依靠内部储蓄和外部投资刺激增长 — — 远远少于任何控制自身货币的大国在面临类似灾难时的要求。 布兰查德坚持认为现在是“做出艰难选择，也是双方做出艰难承诺”的时刻。 诚然。 但希腊人已经做出了艰难的选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Teenagers with low body confidence do less physical activity, eat less fruits and vegetables, partake in more unhealthy weight control practices that can lead to eating disorders. And we don't grow out of it. Women who think they're overweight — again, regardless of whether they are or are not — have higher rates of absenteeism. Seventeen percent of women would not show up to a job interview on a day when they weren't feeling confident about the way that they look. Have a think about what this is doing to our economy. If we could overcome this, what that opportunity looks like. Unlocking this potential is in the interest of every single one of us. But how do we do that? Well, talking, on its own, only gets you so far. It's not enough by itself. If you actually want to make a difference, you have to do something. And we've learned there are three key ways: The first is we have to educate for body confidence. We have to help our teenagers develop strategies to overcome image-related pressures and build their self-esteem. Now, the good news is that there are many programs out there available to do this. The bad news is that most of them don't work. I was shocked to learn that many well-meaning programs are inadvertently actually making the situation worse. So we need to make damn sure that the programs that our kids are receiving are not only having a positive impact, but having a lasting impact as well. And the research shows that the best programs address six key areas: The first is the influence of family, friends and relationships. The second is media and celebrity culture, then how to handle teasing and bullying, the way we compete and compare with one another based on looks, talking about appearance — some people call this \"body talk\" or \"fat talk\" — and finally, the foundations of respecting and looking after yourself. Challenging the status quo of how women are seen and talked about in our own circles. It is not okay that we judge the contribution of our politicians by their haircuts or the size of their breasts, or to infer that the determination or the success of an Olympian is down to her not being a looker.", "zh": "那些对自己身体信心不足的青少年会更少参加体育活动， 吃更少的水果和蔬菜， 而会更多参加那些不健康的可能导致饮食失调的 体重控制训练。 而且我们并不会因为长大而放弃追求完美身材。 那些认为自己超重的妇女——不管她们 是否真的超重—— 会有更高的缺勤率。 17%的女性会因为 某天感觉对自己的长相不自信 而不去参加那天的面试。 想一下这对我们的经济 会有什么影响。 如果我们能克服这些，将会带来 哪些机会。 释放这个潜能将有益于 我们每一个人。 但是我们该如何去做呢？ 单独的空谈，也就只能到此为止了。 它本身是不够的。 如果你真的想有所改变， 你得去做点什么。 而我们了解到这里有三个关键的方法： 首先我们得培养自己对身体充满信心。 我们得帮助青少年想出 策略去克服跟形象有关的压力 并且建立他们的自尊心。 好消息是现在已经有 许多这样的项目。 坏消息是大多数这样的项目没有效。 我很震惊地了解到许多善意的 项目却无意中 使得情况更糟糕了。 因此我们要确保 我们的孩子们正在接受的项目 不仅是对他们有积极影响的， 而且还要有持续的影响。 研究表明最好的项目 跟六个关键领域有关： 首先是家人和亲朋好友的影响。 其次是媒体和名人文化， 然后是如何处理调侃和欺凌， 同其他人基于长相的 竞争和比较的方式， 对相貌的讨论——有些人 称之为\"身材谈话\"或\"肥胖谈话\"—— 最后一点，是你尊重 和看待自己的基础。 挑战我们在圈子中 如何看待和谈论女性的现状。 我们不能仅凭 政治家的发型和胸围 去判断她的贡献大小， 或者因为长相不佳而推断 一个奥运会运动员不会成功。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He long touted the motto, “I don’t do anything against China’s interest, and I don’t say anything that may hurt China’s reputation.” That changed in 2012, when Leung Chun-ying was appointed as Hong Kong’s chief executive. China’s first choice for the position, Henry Tang, was forced to withdraw because of private indiscretions and a disgraceful bid to have his wife take the fall for a zoning violation. Leung became China’s man in Hong Kong, responsible for doing the Chinese government’s bidding – including taking an uncompromising position against pro-democracy protests by students and intellectuals. Indeed, even as China’s agenda in Hong Kong has become increasingly tough – and thus unpopular locally – Leung has proved himself to be absolutely loyal to China’s rulers. Li, however, stood by Tang. More problematic, he has occasionally dissented publicly from Leung’s various misguided policies. As any student of the People’s Republic knows, expressions of political disagreement, however mild, can be lethal. There is no “agree to disagree” in China; once the leader has spoken, there is only “obey.” In Li’s case, the stakes are particularly high. Unlike most of Hong Kong’s tycoons, who are considered excessively focused on political expedience, Li is viewed as a person of strong conscience and thus worthy of considerable respect. He even enjoys the affectionate nickname “Superman.” But now, China’s rulers, through Leung, are pushing potentially disastrous policies aimed, in Chinese Communist Party parlance, at “de-colonizing” Hong Kong. For example, officials recently declared that judicial independence and the separation of powers are “colonial” legacies that should be discarded, with China’s government and Hong Kong’s chief executive, not the local courts, calling all the shots. In this moment of transition, dissent from someone of Li’s standing could have precisely the kind of destabilizing impact that China’s leaders fear. So Li has to be “de-deified.” China’s attacks have pushed Li, after almost three weeks of stony silence, to do something he had never done before: strike back.", "zh": "他的座右铭是 ， “ 我不做任何违背中国利益的事，不说任何有损中国声誉的话 。 ” 2012年梁振英被任命为香港行政长官时这一切都发生了改变。 中国任命担任特首职务的首选唐英年因为私行不检和让妻子为划区违规担责的丑闻而被迫退出竞争。 梁振英成了中国在香港的代表，负责执行中国政府政策 — — 包括对学生和知识分子的民主抗议活动采取强硬措施。 事实上，即便中国在香港的政策变得日益强硬 — — 因此在当地不受欢迎 — — 梁依然证明自己绝对忠诚于中国执政者。 而李则加入了唐英年的阵营。 更有问题的是，他偶尔会对梁各项错误政策公开表示反对。 中华人民共和国的学生都知道，表达政治不同意见无论多么温和都可以致命。 在中国没有“同意保留意见”的余地，一旦领导人下达命令，唯一的选择就只有“执行 ” 。 李所涉及的利益尤其巨大。 和多数只关注政治权宜之计的香港大亨不同，李被视为有良心的人，值得尊敬。 别人甚至给他起了绰号叫“超人 ” 。 但现在中国执政者正通过梁振英推行可能是灾难性的政策，按照中国共产党的说法是启动香港的“去殖民化”进程。 比如官方最近宣布司法独立和分权是应该抛弃的“殖民地”产物，并由中国政府和香港首席执行官、而非地方法院来做出决定。 在这样的过渡时期，像李这种人的不同意见会带来中国领导人担心的不稳定。 因此必须对李实施“去神化论 ” 。 中国的攻击迫使李在近三周的沉寂之后，开始做他从未做过的事情：反击。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, in a sense, that system is failing China. At the International Monetary Fund, China’s voting share is 6.1%, slightly lower than Japan’s 6.2% and well below the 16.5% US share. Their shares at the World Bank are 5.4%, 7.28%, and 15.5%, respectively. Though this is clearly out of line with China’s economic weight, the pace of reform has been slow, not least because of American obstruction – a point Yellen brushed aside when discussing the need to modernize the IMF and the World Bank. This gives China’s leaders good reasons to consider other options, including decoupling the institutions it leads from the existing multilateral system and creating new ones. The result would be a fragmentation of the global financial safety net, which would become less responsive, predictable, and inclusive, inevitably leaving some countries exposed to systemic risks. The third consideration that must shape the West’s approach to China is the thorniest: China’s economic and political systems – and thus China’s objectives and incentives – differ sharply from those of the G7 countries. This is a major source of tensions between the West and China, and a key reason why officials like Yellen advocate the easier engagement that is possible with “likeminded” countries. To be sure, navigating conflicting perspectives, ideologies, and interests is challenging. This has been apparent during Russia’s war against Ukraine, which China has refused to join the G7 in condemning.", "zh": "但在某种意义上这个体系一直都有负于中国。 中国在国际货币基金组织内的投票份额为6.1 % ， 略低于日本的6.2 % ， 远低于美国的16.5 % 。 三个国家在世界银行的份额分别是5.4 % 、 7.28%和15.5 % 。 尽管这显然与中国的经济体量不相称，但改革的步伐却一直相当缓慢，尤其是遭到了美国的阻挠 — — 耶伦在讨论国际货币基金组织和世界银行现代化的必要性时对这一点避而不谈。 这让中国领导人有充分理由考虑其他选项，包括将其领导的机构与现有多边体系脱钩并创建新机构。 这会导致全球金融安全网发生分裂，致使其反应能力、可预测性和包容性变差，并因此不可避免地使一些国家面临系统性风险。 而第三个塑造西方对华应对手法的考虑因素则是最棘手的：中国的经济和政治制度 — — 也就是该国目标和动机 — — 与七国集团成员国迥然不同。 这是西方和中国之间紧张关系的一个主要来源，也是耶伦等官员主张那些“志同道合”国家之间更容易打交道的一个关键原因。 可以肯定的是，撮合相互冲突的观点、意识形态和利益是不容易的。 这在俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争中就很明显 — — 中国拒绝与七国集团共同谴责这场战争。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So far, the “bazooka” represented by the ECB’s “outright monetary transactions” program has had the desired effect – without having to be used. Eurozone financial markets have stabilized, and the euro has appreciated against the dollar and the yen. But, as Hollande’s recent declarations indicate, currency appreciation is the last thing that an uncompetitive country like France needs. Although the French government, unlike its Spanish and Italian counterparts, has not yet had any difficulty financing itself at low interest rates, currency appreciation as the economy slides into recession is like fuel poured onto an unlit bonfire. Unless growth is restored, France’s already large public debt will expand unsustainably, heightening the risk that investors will shun French government bonds. From this predicament stems the fashionable idea that the bond market would actually welcome less fiscal austerity, because this would boost economic growth, in turn making the level of public debt appear more sustainable in the long run. It is no surprise that Moscovici is beginning to push for a “collective European decision” to relax the fiscal treaty’s terms, given that French compliance would require massive new spending cuts. Will Germany agree to such a relaxation – or, for that matter, to Hollande’s implicit demand that the ECB follow Japan’s example and loosen monetary policy to drive the exchange rate back down? Unlike Japan (and, of course, the United States), France, as a member of a monetary union, cannot pursue domestic goals unilaterally. To avoid disaster, France has only two options: somehow force a change in German policy or go it alone. There are two reasons why, until now, the second option – leaving the monetary union – has been unthinkable. The first has to do with economic and financial risks. Ditching the euro might trigger a banking crisis, capital flight, inflation, and perhaps even sovereign default. On the other hand, higher competitiveness and erosion of the real value of debt would quickly outweigh these costs by restoring confidence in the French economy’s prospects.", "zh": "迄今为止，以欧洲央行的“直接货币交易”项目为代表的“绝招”已经起到了预期效果 — — 根本不需要被使用。 欧元区金融市场已经稳定了，且欧元对美元和日元实现了升值。 但是正如奥朗德最近的声明所指出的一样，货币升值是法国这样缺乏竞争力的国家最不想看到的。 尽管法国政府跟西班牙和意大利两国政府有所区别，可以毫无困难地以低利率为自身融资，但在国家经济进入衰退时货币升值就像向未点燃的篝火增加燃料一样。 除非恢复增长，否则法国本已庞大的公共债务将会不可持续地扩大下去，这会增加投资者放弃购买法国政府债券的风险。 在这种困境中催生出一种流行理念：债券市场实际上欢迎更少的财政紧缩，因为这样才能促进经济增长，从而使公共债务水平在长期上显得更可持续。 所以莫斯科维奇开始努力争取“欧洲集体决策”以放宽财政条约条款的做法就并不奇怪，尤其是考虑到法国许下的承诺将需要新一轮的大规模开支削减。 德国会同意这种的放宽行为吗 — — 或者就此而言，德国会同意奥朗德的隐性要求 — — 欧洲央行跟随日本的步伐放松货币政策让汇率再降回来吗？ 不似日本（显然也不似美国 ） ， 法国作为货币联盟的成员国无法单方面追求本国利益。 为了避免灾难，法国只有两个选择：以某种方式促使德国改变主意，或者单干。 有两种原因可以解释为什么迄今为止第二个选择 — — 脱离货币联盟 — — 是不可想象的。 第一个原因与经济金融风险有关。 甩开欧元可能会引发银行业危机，资金外流，通货膨胀甚至有可能是主权违约。 但另一方面，更高的竞争力和债务实际价值的腐蚀将使人们对法国经济的前景恢复信心，其收益也会很快高于上述（脱离）所带来的成本。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, the brake that the functional constituencies can put on legislation should be scrapped, leaving decisions to a simple majority. This could be accompanied by a pledge to create a legislature composed entirely of directly elected members in 2020. The second issue concerns the composition and the voting rules of the handpicked 1,200-member election committee that will choose the Chief Executive in the future. The current proposed arrangements would permit the Chinese government to veto any candidate that it did not like, prompting criticism that what is on offer is an Iranian-style election: “You can vote for anyone we choose.” The Hong Kong government could call for changes to increase the openness and fairness by which the Chief Executive is chosen, without abandoning its current method in favor of universal suffrage. According to the Basic Law, the election committee should be “broadly representative” – a provision that the committee’s current composition violates. Its membership is chosen by only 7% of the total Hong Kong electorate, and its voting procedures seek to prevent the nomination of any candidates who may harbor democratic sympathies. Since 1997, 55-61% of voters have voted for democratic candidates in Legislative Council elections. The last time a slightly smaller election committee met (to choose Leung), less restrictive constraints on candidate selection were in place, and the leader of the Democratic Party was able to be nominated (though he still received less than 7% of the vote). So Leung and his team should put forward proposals to broaden the electoral base of the election committee and open up the nominating process for candidates.", "zh": "此外，功能选区在立法会拥有否决权的情况应该改变，让简单多数决定决策。 相应地，可以承诺在2020年实现立法会委员全部由直选产生。 第二个问题关注拥有1,200位精挑细选的委员、选择未来香港特首的选举委员会的组成和投票规则。 当前的安排方案规定中国政府可以否决任何它不喜欢的候选人，这助长了伊朗式选举的危机 ： “ 你们可以给任何我们所选择的人投票 。 ” 香港政府可以在不放弃支持普选的当前道路的情况下要求增加特首选择的公开性和公正性。 根据《基本法 》 ， 选举委员会应该具有“广泛代表性 ” — —而目前的组成情况违反了这一条款。 其成员由只占香港选民总数7%的人选出，其投票程序是为了阻止任何同情民主的候选人得到提名。 自1997年以来，55—61%的投票者在立法会选举中支持民主候选人。 上一次较小规模（选出梁振英）选举委员会会议上，实施了对候选人选择的较轻的限制，民主党（Democratic Party）领导人也能获得提名（尽管仍然只获得不到7%的选票 ） 。 因此梁振英及其团队应该提出扩大选举委员会选基（electoral base ） 、 开放候选人提名程序的方案。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While expectations of faster earnings growth may well be contributing to elevated P/E levels, the current situation is complicated, to say the least. What is certain is that expectations of high earnings growth would have a more durable positive effect on P/E levels than the suppression of the equity risk premium. The other important factor affecting P/E is the risk-free rate. As monetary policy normalizes – a process that has already begun in the United States – the risk-free rate is expected to rise to a level that is consistent with stable 2% inflation, which, in turn, corresponds with a level of unemployment. What precisely that rate is, however, remains uncertain – and extremely difficult to determine, given that it is affected by virtually every aspect of the unfolding growth patterns. Nonetheless, several features of current growth patterns stand out: excess productive capacity, persistent high leverage, declining labor content in goods-and-services production, and an increasingly unequal distribution of income both between labor and capital, and across labor-income segments, with their differential savings rates. Together, these patterns could lead to an extended period in which aggregate demand limits growth. With growth not constrained on the supply side, there would be little inflationary pressure, and the neutral interest rate that is consistent with non-inflationary full employment could simply be lower than it used to be for an extended period. Where does this leave us? In my view, it is difficult to make a strong case for a significant sustained increase in earnings growth in this environment, meaning that growth alone would not justify current equity valuations. But the lower-discount-rate argument is more persuasive, and is consistent with underlying economic conditions and central banks’ mandates. That said, in such a complex environment, investors can be expected to reach widely disparate conclusions, which will sustain – if not increase – market volatility.", "zh": "尽管盈利增长加速可能大幅刺激了市盈率水平，但目前的情况很复杂。 可以确定的是，高盈利增长预期比抑制股票风险溢价对市盈率水平所造成了更持久的正效应。 另一个影响市盈率的重要因素是无风险利率。 随着货币政策的正常化 — — 美国已开始进入这一阶段 — — 无风险利率预期将上升至与稳定的通胀水平（2 % ） 相一致的水平，这反过来对应着一定水平的失业率。 但是，这一利率到底是多少仍不确定 — — 也极难确定，因为增长模式的几乎每一个方面都会对它造成影响。 尽管如此，当前增长模式的有一些特别的特征：产能过剩、持续高杠杆、商品和服务生产所包含的劳动量下降、劳动力与资本之间以及劳动力收入细分群体（储蓄率不同）之间的分配不平等日益加剧。 这些模式的合力可能导致在相当长的一段时间内总需求对增长形成遏制作用。 由于增长的约束并非发生在供给端，通胀压力将非常小，与非通胀充分就业环境相一致的中性利率可能在相当长的一段时间内不同于过去的常见水平。 这对我们意味着什么？ 在我看来，在这样的环境下，盈利增长保持持续大幅提高很难，这意味着光靠增长无法支撑目前的股票估值。 但“贴现率较低说”更有说服力，也与基本经济条件和央行使命一致。 尽管如此，在如此复杂的环境中，投资者可能形成大相径庭的结论，而这将维持 — — 乃至加剧 — — 市场的波动。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Another high priority should be to promote the digitalization of payments. The Global Findex data for 2021 show that 865 million account owners in developing economies opened their first account at a bank or similar institution in order to receive money from the government. This helped households directly and also helped build the digital financial ecosystem, because people who received payments into an account were more likely to use their account to make payments and access other services. Digital payments by governments thus serve as a foundation for assembling credible social registers and identifying gaps and overlaps. As digital payments become more widespread and less costly, many private businesses will be able to pay their workers and suppliers electronically – and should. The digital revolution offers a chance to increase formal-sector employment without making compliance excessively burdensome. At a time of tighter government budget constraints, digital payments can help broaden the revenue base by reducing tax avoidance and evasion. Finally, policymakers will need to make additional efforts to include underserved groups. The gender gap in financial access has narrowed, but it still exists. Women, along with the poor, are more likely to lack a form of personal identification or a mobile phone, to live far from a bank branch, and to need support to open and use a financial account. Financial-education programs, especially those that involve peer-to-peer learning (such as through women’s self-help groups) are essential as well. The World Bank is firmly committed to expanding financial inclusion through digitalization.", "zh": "另一个高度优先事项应该是促进支付的数字化。 2021 年Global Findex 数据显示，发展中经济体的 8.65 亿个账的户所有者在银行或类似机构开设了他们的第一个账户，以便从政府那里获得资金。 这直接帮助了家庭，也帮助建立了数字金融生态系统，因为收到账户付款的人更有可能使用他们的账户进行支付和获取其他服务。 因此，政府的数字支付是收集可信的社会登记和识别差距和重叠的基础。 随着数字支付越来越普遍，成本越来越低，许多私营企业也将能够以电子方式支付员工和供应商的费用 — — 而且应该这样做。 数字革命提供了一个增加正规部门就业，又不会使合规变得过于繁琐的机会。 在政府预算紧缩的时代，数字支付可以通过减少避税和逃税来帮助扩大收入基础。 最后，政策制定者需要做出更多努力，将服务不足的群体纳入其中。 金融获取方面的性别差距已经缩小，但仍然存在。 与穷人一样，女性更有可能缺乏个人身份证或手机，居住在远离银行分支的地方，需要帮助才能开设和使用金融账户。 金融教育项目，尤其是那些涉及同伴学习的项目（例如通过女性自助小组）也是必不可少的。 世界银行坚定致力于通过数字化扩大金融包容。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was hard work engineering a five-trillion-dollar deterioration in America’s fiscal position. Cutting taxes was easy, but hiking spending on virtually every program involves a lot of legislation. Sure, the decision to invade Iraq was a big help in pushing the country’s finances off a cliff, but that is far from the whole story. So why is the world so ungrateful? Maybe some Europeans and Japanese are upset that they have consistently earned such poor returns on their US investments. Part of the problem has been the sinking dollar, which makes dollar investments look bad when translated into yen or euro. Part of the blame also lies with bad market timing. Many Europeans bought into the US stock market at its peak in 1999 and 2000, only to find themselves selling at steep discounts after the collapse of 2001. The same happened to the Japanese in real estate. Japanese financiers bought up pricey trophy properties like Rockefeller Center in New York and the Pebble Beach Golf Club in California, and then had to sell later at rock-bottom prices. These investment failures have been great for Americans, who owe a lot less to foreigners than they would otherwise. Unfortunately, this cannot go on forever. Foreigners are either going to start earning much better returns in the US, pushing American debt levels into unsustainable territory, or else they will pull back and invest elsewhere. Either way, the dollar collapse has to continue. So how low can the dollar sink? By my calculations, the dollar still needs to go down another 15% if the US trade deficit is to go back towards balance. Ideally, Asian currencies would rise much more than 15% while European currencies would rise less. Unfortunately, there is a real danger that we may see the opposite, with the euro going to $1.50 or beyond. Governments may try to resist the fall of the dollar, but in today’s world of deep and fluid capital markets, they will not succeed indefinitely, even in Asia. Moreover, although US policy is making everyone else look good for now, things might not be so comfortable if the dollar collapse leads to skyrocketing interest rates and a sustained global slowdown.", "zh": "而让美国的财政状况由此恶化5万亿美元之巨，也真可谓是劳苦功高了。 减税容易，但要增加在几乎所有项目上的支出却需要通过繁琐的立法程序。 当然，入侵伊拉克的决定是将美国经济推下悬崖的重要一步，但这也只是美国千难万苦的冰山之一角。 那么为何世界对此却毫不感激呢？ 或许一些欧洲人和日本人对其在美国投资的持续低回报感到沮丧。 部分原因是因为美元的不断贬值使美元投资在换算成日元或欧元后确实不如人意。 另一部分原因则应归咎于对市场时机把握不准。 许多欧洲人在1999和2000年美国股市高位时介入，结果却只能在2001年股市崩溃时割肉清仓。 日本人在不动产方面也有同样的遭遇。 日本的金融家们以高昂的价格收购了纽约洛克菲勒中心和加州圆石滩高尔夫俱乐部等不动产战利品，后来却只能以底价售出。 这些投资失败对美国人来说却不失为一件好事，若非如此他们会欠外国人更多的钱。 不幸的是，这样的情况不会永远持续下去。 外国人在美国的投资回报要么会不断改善，将美国的负债水平推向不可持续的境地；要么则会撤资，并投往别处。 不论在哪种情况下，美元的贬值都会继续。 那么，美元究竟会贬值到什么程度呢？ 依照我的计算，如果要使美国贸易逆差达到平衡，美元还需进一步贬值15 % 。 在理想状态下，亚洲货币会升值15%以上，而欧洲货币升值幅度较小。 然而，真正的危险在于欧元可能会达到或突破1.5美元的比价，从而令事与愿违。 各国政府可能会抵制美元的贬值，但在当今深邃而极具流动性的资本市场上，这样的抵制即使是在亚洲也不可能取得无限期的成功。 再者，虽然美国的政策现在还是皆大欢喜，但如果美元的贬值引发利率高涨和持续的全球经济发展减速则大家的日子可能都不好过。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "German reunification and the eurozone crisis changed this. Britain became ever more Euroskeptic, rejecting the political and fiscal union that it saw as essential for the euro, yet politically unacceptable for itself. France, meanwhile, now pursued a federalist “gouvernement économique.” As a result, Germany became the swing voter and often opposed deeper EU integration, ostensibly to avoid a split between eurozone and non-eurozone member states (including the UK). In fact, Germany’s main concern was often to protect its own financial interests and those of other northern European creditor states. Brexit, however, will restore the old pre-1990 order, with France at the center. Furthermore, trade frictions, the shift to green energy, the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution, and rising geopolitical tensions all threaten to disrupt Germany’s export-led growth model. In fact, the German economy could face recession this year as its manufacturing exports and investment weaken. German industry faces numerous challenges, in addition to the ongoing diesel-emissions debacle. The growth of electric and autonomous vehicles, gig-economy car usage, data-heavy activity, and 3D printing will profoundly disrupt an economy whose competitive advantage lies in craftsmanship and precision engineering. Matters are even worse for Germany when it comes to hard power. These days, EU members with strong military capabilities wield a “power premium,” owing to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s serial foreign interventions and growing doubts about US President Donald Trump’s commitment to collective European (and thus German) security. This is particularly true of France, which has efficient conventional and nuclear forces, and an advantageous strategic location, with both Poland and Germany separating it and Russia. In the EU context, each of these factors represents an important shift; in combination, they could be transformative. France is now set to become the fulcrum on which EU integration – and thus any future geopolitical or economic renaissance for the bloc – will hinge. Currently, the French government is finding ways to balance domestic issues with eurozone integration, climate policy (including managing the “yellow vests” (gilets jaunes)backlash), and reining in the power of US tech giants.", "zh": "但这一状况随后被德国统一和欧元区危机所改变。 英国的欧洲怀疑论调越来越高，拒绝了它认为对欧元至关重要但自身在政治上无法接受的的政治和财政联盟。 与此同时，法国正在寻求一个联邦主义的“政治经济学 ” 。 结果德国成为举足轻重的投票者并经常反对欧盟的更深层次整合。 这表面上是为了避免欧元区与非欧元区成员国（包括英国）之间的分裂，但事实上，德国的主要关注点往往是保护自身和其他北欧债权国的经济利益。 而如今英国脱欧又将恢复1990年之前以法国为中心的旧秩序。 此外，贸易摩擦、向绿色能源的转化，所谓的第四次工业革命以及不断上升的地缘政治紧张局势都可能破坏德国以出口为导向的增长模式。 事实上由于制造业出口和投资双双走弱，德国经济可能在今年面临衰退。 除了现有的柴油排放问题之外，德国工业还面临着多项挑战。 电动和自动驾驶汽车的增长，经济型汽车的应用，数据密集型活动以及3D打印将极大地破坏这个以工匠精神和精密工程为优势的经济。 而德国在硬实力方面的问题则更为严重。 如今鉴于俄罗斯总统普京的连续对外干预行动以及对美国总统特朗普对欧洲（以及德国）集体安全的承诺日益增加的疑虑，那些具有强大军事能力的欧盟成员国获得了“权力溢价 ” 。 法国尤其如此，因为它拥有高效的常规和核力量以及优越的战略位置 — — 波兰和德国将它与俄罗斯隔开了。 在欧盟范围内，这些因素中的每一个都代表着重要的转变；如果把它们结合起来可能是变革性的。 法国现在将成为欧盟一体化 — — 因此该集团未来的任何地缘政治或经济复兴 — — 所绞合的支点。 目前法国政府正在寻找方法平衡国内事务与欧元区一体化，气候政策（包括应对“黄衫军”的反弹）以及抑制住美国科技巨头的势力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "扎实做好各战略方向军事斗争准备，统筹推进传统安全领域和新型安全领域军事斗争准备， 发展新型作战力量和保障力量，开展实战化军事训练，加强军事力量运用，加快军事智能化发展，提高基于网络信息体系的联合作战能力、全域作战能力，有效塑造态势、管控危机、遏制战争、打赢战争。 坚持富国和强军相统一，强化统一领导、顶层设计、改革创新和重大项目落实，深化国防科技工业改革，形成军民融合深度发展格局， 构建一体化的国家战略体系和能力。完善国防动员体系，建设强大稳固的现代边海空防。 组建退役军人管理保障机构，维护军人军属合法权益，让军人成为全社会尊崇的职业。深化武警部队改革，建设现代化武装警察部队。 同志们！ 我们的军队是人民军队，我们的国防是全民国防。", "en": "We will take solid steps to ensure military preparedness for all strategic directions, and make progress in combat readiness in both traditional and new security fields. We will develop new combat forces and support forces, conduct military training under combat conditions, strengthen the application of military strength, speed up development of intelligent military, and improve combat capabilities for joint operations based on the network information system and the ability to fight under multi-dimensional conditions. This will enable us to effectively shape our military posture, manage crises, and deter and win wars. We should ensure that efforts to make our country prosperous and efforts to make our military strong go hand in hand. We will strengthen unified leadership, top-level design, reform, and innovation. We will speed up implementation of major projects, deepen reform of defense-related science, technology, and industry, achieve greater military-civilian integration, and build integrated national strategies and strategic capabilities. We will improve our national defense mobilization system, and build a strong, well-structured, and modern border defense, coastal defense, and air defense. We will establish an administration for veterans; we will protect the legitimate rights and interests of military personnel and their families; and we will make military service an occupation that enjoys public respect. We will carry out further reforms to build a modernized armed police force. Comrades, Our military is the people’s military, and our national defense is the responsibility of every one of us."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One solution could be to adopt nominal GDP targeting. That way, in responding to supply shocks that drive up prices and depress output, the ECB would weigh the two target variables equally. This would discourage policymakers from taking an excessively hawkish stance at a time when a range of factors – from climate change to pandemics to financial crises – threaten to produce many more supply shocks. But such a change would go only so far. The vital issue – which will most likely demand some new piece of legislation and a departure from the Maastricht Treaty – is the relationship between monetary and fiscal policy. In a unitary state like the United States or the United Kingdom, monetary- and fiscal-policy coordination is possible in service of an agreed target – for example, in terms of nominal GDP. For example, in circumstances when fiscal policy is more effective than monetary policy – such as when interest rates reach their effective lower bound – debt-financed tax cuts could be pursued, with the central bank acting as a buyer of government debt. The shared target, meanwhile, would ensure the credibility of the monetary authority, protecting it from so-called “fiscal dominance.” In a monetary union, the dynamic is more complicated, making a formal structure for coordination all the more important. Monetary and fiscal policymakers should be working in concert to achieve the right combination of inflation, output, interest rates, and sovereign risk. But such coordination would affect, among other things, the ECB’s bond-buying program, including how much risk it assumes and the geographical mix of the bonds it purchases. Should the ECB now be purchasing relatively safe recovery bonds, or leaving those to the market, while directing its purchasing program toward riskier assets? This is a monetary-policy decision with fiscal consequences. It should not be left to the central bank alone. What institutional changes could resolve this problem? To begin, the EU must consider the desirability of an independent fiscal authority with which the ECB could coordinate policy. The two bodies would meet regularly to set relevant targets – relating to deficits, interest rates, and prices – and to evaluate whether national policies are aligned with those targets. The pandemic has upended many existing rules and institutional guidelines.", "zh": "一个解决办法是采取名义GDP目标。 如此，欧洲央行不必对推高价格、抑制产出的供给冲击做出反应，从而可以平等地衡量两个目标变量。 这可以让决策者不至于在各种因素 — — 从气候变化到疫情到金融危机 — — 可能产生多次供给冲击的情况下立场过于鹰派。 但这一变化只能到此为止。 关键问题 — — 很有可能需要新的立法和违背马斯特里赫特条约 — — 在于货币和财政政策之间的关系。 在美国和英国这样的单一国家，可能实现为了一致的目标 — — 如名义GDP — — 而进行货币和财政政策协调。 比如，在财政政策比货币政策更有效的情况下 — — 比如在利率位于有效下限时 — — 可以实行债务融资的减税，央行充当政府债务的最后购买人。 与此同时，共同目标将确保货币当局的信誉，使它免遭所谓的“财政主导 ” 。 在货币联盟中，动态要更加复杂，因此协调的正式结构就会更加重要。 货币和财政政策必须齐心协力才能实现正确的通胀、产出、利率和主权风险组合。 但这一协作会影响到欧洲央行的债券购买计划，包括它假设风险多高，以及所购买债券的地缘政治组合。 现在，欧洲央行应该购买相对安全的复苏债券，还是将这些债券留给市场，而将购买计划留给风险更高的资产？ 这是一个会造成财政后果的货币政策决定。 不应该让央行单独做出这个决定。 如何通过制度变革解决这一问题？ 首先，欧盟必须考虑建立可与欧洲央行协调政策的独立财政当局的合理性。 这两个机构可定期制定相关目标 — — 如赤字、利率和价格等 — — 并评估国家政策是否与这些目标一致。 疫情已经否定了许多现有规则和制度指引。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The issue is coming to a head in ongoing World Trade Organization negotiations. The WTO’s intellectual-property agreement, called TRIPS, originally foresaw the extension of “flexibilities” to the 48 least-developed countries, where average annual per capita income is below $800. The original agreement seems remarkably clear: the WTO shall extend these “flexibilities” upon the request of the least-developed countries. While these countries have now made such a request, the US and Europe appear hesitant to oblige. Intellectual-property rights are rules that we create – and that are supposedto improve social well-being. But unbalanced intellectual-property regimes result in inefficiencies – including monopoly profits and a failure to maximize the use of knowledge – that impede the pace of innovation. And, as the Myriad case shows, they can even result in unnecessary loss of life. America’s intellectual-property regime – and the regime that the US has helped to foist upon the rest of the world through the TRIPS agreement – is unbalanced. We should all hope that, with its decision in the Myriad case, the Supreme Court will contribute to the creation of a more sensible and humane framework.", "zh": "这一事务在世界贸易组织（WTO）正在进行的谈判中得到处理的时机已经成熟。 WTO的知识产权协议叫做TRIPS，最初向48个最不发达的国家 — — 这些国家年人均收入在800美元以下 — — 赋予“灵活性 ” 。 原始协议看似非常清晰：WTO应该在收到这些最不发达国家的请求之后授予这类“灵活性 ” 。 然而现在当这些最不发达国家做出这个请求时，美国和欧洲却犹豫了。 知识产权是我们创建的规则 — — 而且原本是用来提高社会福祉的。 但不平衡的知识产权制度导致了它的无效 — — 这包括垄断利润及不能使知识利用最大化 — — 这就妨碍了创新的速度。 而且正如麦利亚德案例所示，这些知识产权规则也会导致不必要的生命损失。 美国的知识产权制度 — — 也是美国借助TRIPS协议强加到世界其它地方的制度 — — 是不平衡的。 我们都应该希望美国最高法院通过对麦利亚德案例的判决，会对创造一个更明智和更人道的制度有所贡献。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "有关部门要抓紧研究提出落实意见。 第六，切实改进作风。 要把全面从严治党要求贯穿脱贫攻坚全过程，强化作风建设，确保扶贫工作务实、脱贫过程扎实、脱贫结果真实。 要完善和落实抓党建促脱贫的体制机制，做好脱贫攻坚干部培训，提高各级干部的责任感、使命感和工作能力。 要发挥基层党组织带领群众脱贫致富的战斗堡垒作用，深化扶贫领域腐败和作风问题专项治理，把基层减负各项决策落到实处。 在扶贫一线的扶贫干部绝大部分牢记使命重托，用自己的辛苦换来贫困群众的幸福，有的长期超负荷运转，有的没时间照顾家庭孩子，有的身体透支亮红灯，有的甚至献出了宝贵的生命。 对奋战在脱贫攻坚一线的同志们，我们要关心他们的生活、健康、安全，对牺牲干部的家属要及时给予抚恤、长期帮扶慰问。", "en": "Relevant departments must work quickly to propose specific ways of satisfying these requirements. Sixth, we must improve our conduct. We need to incorporate the requirement of comprehensively governing the Party with strict discipline throughout the entire process of our fight to eradicate poverty, and improve our conduct in order to ensure that concrete efforts are made to alleviate poverty, that channels to exit from poverty are sound, and that poverty alleviation leads to genuine results. We need to implement and improve systems and mechanisms for promoting poverty alleviation through Party building, effectively train poverty alleviation officials, and enhance the abilities of officials at all levels while instilling within them a stronger sense of mission and responsibility. We need to exert the crucial role of local Party organizations in leading the general public out of poverty and toward prosperity, push deeper with efforts to combat corruption and misconduct in poverty alleviation, and implement policy decisions designed to ease the burdens on localities. The vast majority of officials working on the front lines of poverty alleviation have kept their mission firmly in mind, and worked hard for the wellbeing of the poor. Some have long been overloaded in their work, some have had no time to take care of their families and children, some have exhausted themselves to the point that they are unable to go on for health reasons, and some have even sacrificed their lives. We must show great care for the lives, health, and safety of those serving on the front lines of the fight against poverty, and immediately provide subsidies and long-term support for the families of deceased officials."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Democracy’s Broken Promises SANTIAGO – Liberal democracy is under siege. Populists of the right and left are not only lashing out at globalization or stagnating middle-class incomes; they are calling into question the legitimacy of the institutions of liberal democracy and of the political elites who manage those institutions. It’s facile to blame the politics of post-truth practiced by populists. Lies and exaggerations would not work if current democratic practice were without problems. We must re-examine and, if possible, redress what the Italian democratic theorist Norberto Bobbio called the “broken promises of democracy.” Anyone who has ever campaigned for office has heard voters’ familiar refrain: “We only see you politicians at election time.” Politicians seem distant and untrustworthy, citizens tell pollsters. Populists exploit that gap. Modern democracy is representative. When elected representatives spend more time in Parliament than they do interacting with citizens, they are not neglecting their duties; they are doing their job. But the rhetoric of modern democracy claims otherwise: it emphasizes closeness to voters and their concerns. When the contrast with reality is too glaring, political leaders’ credibility suffers. In democratic systems, politicians are agents acting on a mandate from the principals (the voters). And, as in economics, democracies’ principal-agent problem is a problem because the principal may not be able to distinguish capable agents from inept ones.", "zh": "被破坏的民主承诺 圣地亚哥 — — 自由民主正处在重重包围之中。 左翼和右翼民粹主义者不仅猛烈抨击全球化和中产阶级收入停滞不前；他们正在质疑自由民主制度的合法性以及管理上述制度的政治精英。 人们很容易将现状归咎于民粹主义分子奉行的后真实主义政治。 如果当前民主实践没有问题，谎言和夸张将很难奏效。 我们必须重新审视，如果可能的话，彻底解决意大利民主，也就是理论家诺贝尔托·博比奥所谓的“被破坏的民主承诺 。 ” 任何曾经参加过竞选的人都曾听到过选民那种熟悉的疑虑 ： “ 我们只在选举的时候才能看到你们政治家 。 ” 政治家似乎遥远而且不值得信任，民众对民调组织这样说。 民粹主义分子恰恰利用了这种距离。 现代民主采取代议制。 当民选代表花费更多时间在议会而非与民众互动，他们并不是在忽略自己的职责；他们恰恰是在履职。 但现代民主的陈词滥调却提出截然不同的说法：强调贴近选民，保持对他们的关注。 当与现实的对比显得太过刺眼，政治领导人的信誉就会遭受损失。 在民主体制下，政治家是委托人（即选民）所授权的代理。 而且，像经济领域一样，因为委托人可能无法分辨合格和无能代理而产生了民主的委托-代理问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As a result, Spain and Italy have had to pay much more on their own borrowing than they receive from Greece. This gives them the right to opt out of the Greek rescue, raising the prospect that the package may unravel. Financial markets, recognizing this possibility, raised the risk premium on Spanish and Italian bonds to unsustainable levels. ECB intervention helped, but it did not cure the problem. The situation is becoming intolerable. The authorities are trying to buy time, but time is running out. The crisis is rapidly reaching a climax. Germany and the other eurozone members with AAA ratings will have to decide whether they are willing to risk their own credit to permit Spain and Italy to refinance their bonds at reasonable interest rates. Alternatively, Spain and Italy will be driven inexorably into bailout programs. In short, Germany and the other countries with AAA bond ratings must agree to a eurobond regime of one kind or another. Otherwise, the euro will break down. It should be recognized that a disorderly default or exit from the eurozone, even by a small country like Greece, would precipitate a banking crisis comparable to the one that caused the Great Depression. It is no longer a question whether it is worthwhile to have a common currency. The euro exists, and its collapse would cause incalculable losses to the banking system. So the choice that Germany faces is more apparent than real – and it is a choice whose cost will rise the longer Germany delays making it. The euro crisis had its origin in German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision, taken in the aftermath of Lehman Brothers’ default in September 2008, that the guarantee against further defaults should come not from the European Union, but from each country separately. And it was German procrastination that aggravated the Greek crisis and caused the contagion that turned it into an existential crisis for Europe. Only Germany can reverse the dynamic of disintegration in Europe. That will not come easily: Merkel, after all, read the German public’s mood correctly when she made her fateful decision, and the domestic political atmosphere has since become even more inhospitable to extending credit to the rest of Europe. Merkel can overcome political resistance only in a crisis atmosphere, and only in small steps.", "zh": "结果，西班牙和意大利在其自身贷款上所需要支出的金额远远超过了它们从希腊身上得到的金额。 这给了它们不参加希腊救助计划的权利，而这样一来，救助计划功败垂成的风险就会大大增加。 在金融市场意识到这一点之后，西班牙和意大利债券的风险溢价提高到了不可持续的水平。 欧洲央行介入了，收到了一定成效，但并未解决问题。 情况正在变得难以为继。 当局希望赢得行动时间，但时间不等人。 危机正在快速走向井喷。 德国和其他拥有AAA信用评级的欧元区成员国将不得不做出抉择，是否愿意将其自身信用置于险境以使西班牙和意大利能够以合适利率再融资其债券。 否则的话，西班牙和意大利也将无情地被打入救助计划名单中。 简言之，德国和其他AAA国家必须接受某种形式的欧元债券机制。 否则的话，欧元小命难保。 必须指出，无序违约或（即便是像希腊那样的小国）退出欧元区将导致可与引发大萧条的银行危机相提并论的危机。 欧元的崩溃将给银行体系带来不可估量的损失。 因此德国所面临的选择既真实又紧迫，德国晚一日做出抉择，代价就要增加三分。 欧元危机的根源是德国总理默克尔在2008年9月雷曼兄弟公司违约后的决策 — — 对不会发生进一步违约的担保不应该来自欧盟，而应该由各国各自做出。 而正是德国的犹豫逡巡加重了希腊危机，导致了危机的蔓延，最终演变成危及欧洲生存的大危机。 唯有德国能够扭转欧洲瓦解的趋势。 这并不容易：毕竟默克尔在做出重大抉择时是对德国公众情绪做出了正确解读的，而此后德国国内政治氛围越来越反对扩大欧洲其他国家的信用。 直到危机爆发，默克尔才得以克服政治阻碍势力，但也只是向前迈出了几小步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This will allow those most in need of a vaccine to be prioritized accordingly, and prevent a repeat of what happened in the 2009 H1N1 swine flu pandemic, when vaccines went to the highest bidder. Vaccine nationalism in any form must cease. By constraining already limited global supplies, such practices put doses further out of reach for those who need them most, and thus place everyone at risk by allowing the virus to continue to spread and mutate. Global vaccine solidarity is the only solution. The EU, represented at G7 summits by the presidents of the European Commission and the European Council, offers a prime example of why this is the case. Like all buyers in a supply-constrained marketplace, the EU has experienced delays in procuring vaccines, and has been criticized for the speed at which it has made them available to member states. But the Union’s solidarity-based model works, because without it countries would be competing to outbid each other for doses. This would have resulted in costly chaos, almost certainly prolonging the pandemic and creating dramatic disruption in Europe and beyond. The same is true globally, which is why we now need international solidarity in order to work through COVAX. This week, the G7 has an opportunity to demonstrate leadership by making this initiative’s success its top priority. And the G20, under Italy’s presidency, should continue this effort. I am sure that new Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, who has vast experience of dealing with crises, will show the global leadership that the COVID-19 challenge requires.", "zh": "这将让最需要疫苗的人能够优先接种，防止2009年H1N1猪流感疫情重现，当时的疫苗是价高者得。 任何形式的疫苗民族主义都必须停止。 这样的行为让已经十分有限的全球供给再受掣肘，最需要疫苗的扔更加难以获得疫苗，从而让病毒能够继续传播和变异，让所有人都受到威胁。 全球疫苗团结是唯一的办法。 欧盟（由欧盟委员会和欧洲理事会主席代表出席G7峰会）是一个能够证明这一点的有力例证。 和所有在供给受限的市场上的买家爱一样，欧盟经历了疫苗采购延迟，也因为迟迟无法让成员国获得疫苗而饱受批评。 但欧盟的基于团结的模式是有效的，因为若非如此，各国将争相出价竞购疫苗。 这会导致代价高昂的混乱，几乎肯定会延长疫情，造成欧洲和全球剧烈动荡。 对全球而言也是如此，因此，我们现在需要国际团结才能落实COVAX。 本周，G7有一个机会证明其领导力，将确保该计划的成功作为其最重要的议题。 而以意大利为主席国的G20应该接过接力棒。 我肯定拥有丰富处理危机经验的意大利新总理德拉吉将表现出COVID-19挑战所要求的全球领导力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Conversely, the Target debt of the Southern European countries – Greece, Italy, Portugal, and Spain (GIPS) – amounted to €816.5 billion. For the GIPS countries, these transactions are a splendid deal. They can exchange interest-bearing government debt with fixed maturities held by private investors for the (currently) non-interest-bearing and never-payable Target book debt of their central banks – institutions that the Maastricht Treaty defines as limited liability companies, because member states do not have to recapitalize them when they are over-indebted. If a crash occurs and those countries leave the euro, their national central banks are likely to go bankrupt because much of their debt is denominated in euro, whereas their claims against the respective states and the banks will be converted to the new depreciating currency. The Target claims of the remaining euro system will then vanish into thin air, and the Bundesbank and the Dutch central bank will only be able to hope that other surviving central banks participate in their losses. At that time, German and Dutch asset sellers who now hold central bank money will notice that their stocks are claims against their central banks that are no longer covered. One should not assume that anyone is actively striving for a crash. But, in view of the negotiations – set to begin in 2018 – on a European fiscal union (implying systematic transfers from the EU’s north to its south), it wouldn’t hurt if Germany and the Netherlands knew what would happen if they did not sign a possible treaty. As it stands, they will presumably agree to a fiscal union, if only because it will enable them to hide the expected write-off losses in a European transfer union, rather than disclosing those losses now.", "zh": "反之，南欧国家 — — 希腊、意大利、葡萄牙和西班牙（欧猪四国 ） — —的Target债务达到了8,165亿欧元。 对欧猪四国而言，这些交易相当美妙。 它们可以用其央行的（目前）不生息也永不偿付的Target债务交换私人投资者所持有的固定期限的升息政府债务。 根据马斯特里赫特条约，欧元区成员国央行被定义为有限责任公司，因为欧元区成员国在过度负债时不必进行资本重组。 如果发生崩溃，这些国家退出欧元，它们的国家央行有可能破产，因为大部分债务用欧元计价，而它们对各自国家和银行的债权已转换为新的贬值货币。 剩余的欧元系统中的Target债权也将灰飞烟灭，德国联邦银行和荷兰央行只能寄望于其他存活的央行分担损失。 到那时，现在持有央行资金的德国和荷兰的资产卖家将注意到，他们手里拿着的是对不再安全的本国央行的债权。 我们不应该认为有谁会去积极争取崩溃。 但是，从将从2018年开始的欧洲财政联盟（意味着系统性地由欧盟北方向南方进行��移支付）谈判的角度看，如果德国和荷兰知道不在可能形成的条约上签字意味着什么也没有问题。 目前，它们想必都会同意财政联盟，只不过原因是它们能因此隐藏欧洲转移联盟中的预期减记损失，而不是现在就披露这些损失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In just the last few weeks, German Chancellor Angela Merkel cautioned that the current international order is under threat. French President Emmanuel Macron noted that globalization is in the midst of a major crisis, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has stated that the unrest we see around the world is palpable and “isn’t going away.” Whether or not the current correction reflects their fears, the politicians ultimately could be proved right. For one thing, geopolitical risk remains considerable. Bridgewater Associates’ Developed World Populism index surged to its highest point since the 1930s in 2017, factoring in populist movements in the US, the United Kingdom, Spain, France and Italy. So long as populism lingers as a political threat, the risk of reactionary protectionist trade policies and higher capital controls will remain heightened, and this could derail economic growth. Meanwhile the market is mispricing perennial structural challenges, in particular mounting and unsustainable global debt and a dim fiscal outlook, particularly in the US, where the price of this recovery is a growing deficit. In other words, short-term economic gain is being supported by policies that threaten to sink the economy in the longer term. The Congressional Budget Office, for example, has forecast that the US deficit is on course to triple over the next 30 years, from 2.9% of GDP in 2017 to 9.8% in 2047, “The prospect of such large and growing debt,” the CBO cautioned, “poses substantial risks for the nation and presents policymakers with significant challenges.” The schism in outlook between business and political leaders is largely rooted in different time horizons. For the most part, CEOs, hemmed in by the short termism of stock markets, are focused on the next 12 months, whereas politicians are focusing on a more medium-term outlook. As 2018 progresses, business leaders and market participants should – and undoubtedly will – bear in mind that we are moving ever closer to the date when payment for today’s recovery will fall due. The capital market gyrations of recent days suggest that awareness of that inevitable reckoning is already beginning to dawn.", "zh": "仅仅在过去几周内，德国总理默克尔提醒当前国际秩序正在受到威胁；法国总统马克龙指出全球化正处在一场大危机之中；加拿大总理特鲁多认为全世界所发生的动乱令人感同身受并且“不会就这么结束 ” 。 不管最近的回调是否反映了他们的担忧，政客们最终很有可能是对的。 一方面，地缘政治风险依然高企。 2017年，桥水合伙公司（Bridgewater Associates）的发达世界民粹主义指数上升至20世纪30年代以来的最高点，美国、英国、西班牙、法国和意大利都出现了民粹主义运动。 与此同时，市场对于多年来的结构性挑战，特别是日积月累、不可持续的全球债务以及（尤其是美国，其复苏的代价是赤子不断升高）令人担忧的财政前景定价模糊。 换句话说，支持短期经济收益的是有可能拖累长期经济增长的政策。 比如，国会预算办公室（CBO）预测美国赤子将在未来30年增加三倍，从2017年占GDP的2.9%升高到2047年的9.8 % 。 “如此巨量并不断增加的债务 ， ” CBO提醒道 ， “ 对于国家是一个巨大的风险，也给决策者制造了严峻的挑战 。 ” 商界和政界领导人对前景的分期态度主要是拜不同的时间框架所赐。 在大部分情况中，CEO受制于股市的短视，主要关注的是未来12个月，而政客们的视角更偏向中期。 随着2018年的深入，商界领袖和市场参与者应该 — — 并且毫无疑问将会 — — 牢记我们正在日益靠近为今天的复苏付出代价的日子。 资本市场在最近几天所发生的震荡表明，必可避免的清算已经快要开始了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "­Regime Change in the Global Economy MILAN – In 1979, W. Arthur Lewis received the Nobel Prize in economics for his analysis of growth dynamics in developing countries. Deservedly so: His conceptual framework has proved invaluable in understanding and guiding structural change across a range of emerging economies. The basic idea that Lewis emphasized is that developing countries initially grow by expanding their export sectors, which absorb the surplus labor in traditional sectors like agriculture. As incomes and purchasing power rise, domestic sectors expand along with the tradable sectors. Productivity and incomes in the largely urban, labor-intensive manufacturing sectors tend to be 3-4 times higher than in the traditional sectors, so average incomes rise as more people go to work in the expanding export sector. But, as Lewis noted, this also means that wage growth in the export sector will remain depressed as long as there is surplus labor elsewhere. Because labor availability is not a constraint, the key factor with respect to growth is the level of capital investment, which is needed even in labor-intensive sectors. The returns on such investment depend on competitive conditions in the global economy. These dynamics can produce startlingly high growth rates that sometimes continue for years, even decades. But there is a limit: when the supply of surplus labor is exhausted, the economy reaches the so-called Lewis turning point. Typically, this will happen before a country has climbed out of the lower-middle-income range. China, for example, reached its Lewis turning point 10-15 years ago, which brought about a major shift in the country’s growth dynamics. At the Lewis turning point, the opportunity cost of shifting more labor from traditional to modernizing sectors is no longer negligible. Wages start to increase across the whole economy, which means that if growth is to continue, it must be driven not by shifting labor from low- to higher-productivity sectors, but by productivity increases within sectors. Because this transition often fails, the Lewis turning point is when many developing economies fall into the middle-income trap. Lewis’s growth model is worth revisiting because something similar is happening today.", "zh": "全球经济的制度变革 发自米兰—1979年，威廉·阿瑟·刘易斯（W. Arthur Lewis）因其对发展中国家增长动态的分析而荣获诺贝尔经济学奖。 作为得奖者他当之无愧，因为其概念框架在理解和指导一系列新兴经济体的结构性变化方面被证明是相当宝贵的。 刘易斯强调的基本观点是发展中国家最初都是通过扩大出口部门来实现增长，而这些部门吸收的则是来自农业等传统部门的剩余劳动力。 随着收入和购买力的提高，其他国内部门也会与可贸易部门同步扩大。 主要位于城市的劳动密集型制造业部门的生产力和收入往往会比传统部门高出3~4倍，因此随着越来越多的人进入不断扩大的出口部门工作，平均收入也会增加。 但正如刘易斯指出的那样，这意味着只要其他地方依然存在剩余劳动力，出口部门的工资增长就会一直受抑制。 既然劳动力的可用性并不是一个限制因素，因此增长的关键因素就是资本投资水平 — — 即便是劳动密集型部门也需要资本投资。 而这种投资的回报则取决于全球经济中的各项竞争状况。 这些动力可以催生持续几年甚至几十年的惊人高增长率，但有一个限制，那就是当剩余劳动力的供应耗尽时经济就会达到所谓的刘易斯拐点。 通常情况下这会发生在一个国家脱离中低收入区间之前。 比如中国在10~15年前就已经达到了刘易斯拐点，这为该国的增长动力带来了重大转变。 在刘易斯拐点上，将更多劳动力从传统部门转移到现代化部门的机会成本不再是可以忽略的。 经济的整体工资水平开始上涨，意味着如果要继续增长就无法继续以来原本那种将劳动力从低生产率部门转移到高生产率部门的做法，而要提升各部门内部的生产率。 但由于这种转型经常失败，刘易斯拐点到来之日往往也是许多发展中经济体落入中等收入陷阱之时。 刘易斯的增长模式值得我们重新审视，因为当前也出现了类似的情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But these factors explain less than half of the gap. And no, the answer is not that Democrats, unlike Republicans, tend to pursue over-inflationary policies that borrow growth from future generations. When I first encountered Blinder and Watson’s paper, I suspected that the oil factor was the critical issue. The Republican administrations of George H.W. Bush and then George W. Bush – as well as those of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, with Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State – were deeply confused about whether a high or a low oil price would be better for US real income growth. By contrast, other administrations had not hesitated to keep oil prices low when they could. In any case, US history over the past century strongly suggests that Republicans simply have no idea which economic policies are likely to work at any given time. In the 2000s, for example, it seems never to have occurred to Bush or his advisers that under-regulation could produce a catastrophic financial crisis. Moreover, in the 1980s, it seems never to have occurred to Ronald Reagan and his advisers that creating massive federal budget deficits would lead either to a collapse in investment or a commensurate increase in external borrowing. This was when the US started importing much higher volumes of manufactured goods, thus turning the Midwest industrial base into the Rust Belt. Finally, it seems never to have occurred to Nixon and his advisers that low interest rates combined with wage and price controls could keep both inflation and unemployment low. In light of these failures, Trump has played true to type. After calling the North American Free Trade Agreement the worst trade deal in American history and the Trans-Pacific Partnership the second-worst, his administration has merely added various TPP provisions to NAFTA, given the agreement a new name, and pronounced America “great again.” Trump has also launched a full-bore trade war against China, promising that it would be “good, and easy to win.” What have these policies achieved? There has been no improvement in US manufacturing employment, the manufacturing trade deficit has widened, and US consumers’ real incomes have fallen now that they are bearing the costs of import tariffs. Clearly, neither Trump nor his trade advisers have any clue how to conduct a trade war. This should surprise no one. Republican administrations have been failing at economic policymaking at least since the 1920s.", "zh": "但是这些因素也只能解释这些差距中的不到一半。 同时也并非因为民主党人更倾向于奉行透支子孙后代增长的过度通胀政策。 当我第一次读到布林德和沃森的论文时，我怀疑关键因素是石油。 老布什和小布什以及理查德·尼克松（Richard Nixon）和杰拉德·福特（Gerald Ford）的共和党政府，还有国务卿亨利·基辛格（Henry Kissinger）都搞不清楚油价应该在什么水平才更有利于美国的实际收入增长。 相比之下其他各届政府都在尽可能地压低油价。 无论如何，美国过去一个世纪的历史清晰表明共和党人根本不知道应该在什么时段采取哪种经济政策。 例如在2000年代，小布什或其顾问似乎就从未意识到监管不足可能引发灾难性金融危机。 此外在1980年代，罗纳德·里根（Ronald Reagan）及其顾问也似乎从未担心大规模联邦预算赤字会导致投资崩溃或同等规模的对外借款。 当时美国开始更大量地进口各类制成品，进而导致中西部工业基地沦为“铁锈带 ” 。 最后尼克松及其顾问团似乎也没有意识到低利率加上工资和物价管控可以同时使通胀和失业率保持在较低水平。 在这些失败的衬托下，特朗普的表现算是相当出色了。 在将北美自由贸易协定称之为美国历史上最糟糕的贸易协议，同时将跨太平洋伙伴关系定为第二糟糕的贸易协定之后，他的政府仅仅是给北美自由贸易协定添加了跨太平洋伙伴关系的各种规定，然后给该协定安了个新名字并宣布美国“再次伟大了起来 。 ” 特朗普还针对中国发动了一场全面贸易战争，并承诺这将“大有裨益，而且一定能轻松拿下 ” 。 上述政策最终成就了些什么？ 美国制造业就业状况没有改善，制造业贸易逆差进一步扩大，美国消费者的实际收入也有所下降 — — 因为他们如今还得承受进口关税的成本。 显然特朗普和他的贸易顾问都不知道该如何打一场贸易战。 这也没什么好惊讶的。 至少从1920年代开始，共和党政府就一直在经济决策上表现无能。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "That funding gap would disappear, if European pension funds allocated just 0.6% more of their capital under management to venture investments. A related weakness is the lack of a true European single digital market. In the US or China, tech entrepreneurs gain immediate access to a massive market. In Europe, they still must navigate 28 different consumer markets and regulatory regimes. To be sure, the European Commission promised to create a single digital market two years ago, estimating that it could boost the EU economy by €415 billion ($448.5 billion) annually. But Hosuk Lee-Makiyama and Philippe Legrain of the Open Political Economy Network recently delivered a scathing assessment of the results. Europe’s “single digital market,” they argue, currently amounts “to a jumble of outdated, corporatist, counterproductive industrial policies that favor producers over consumers, big companies over small, traditional incumbents over digital startups, and EU firms over foreign ones.” Instead of liberalizing, the EU wants to regulate. For example, it is working to ban companies from refusing online sales (except for copyright reasons) or setting different prices on the basis of a customer’s home country. Other dangerous possibilities – such as an effort to regulate data ownership, access, and usability – lie on the horizon. Despite these risks, the overall trend in Europe’s tech sector is a positive one. A new appetite for risk seems to be sweeping the continent; Atomico reports that more than 85% of founders say it is “culturally acceptable” to start one’s own company. Add to that deep research talent – five of the top ten global computer science faculties are within the EU – and Europe’s start-up boom looks sustainable. Politically, too, there is reason for optimism. Europe’s digital frontrunners are beginning to organize into a potent force, with 16 small EU countries, from Denmark to Ireland and Estonia, having formed a pro-Internet group. Together, these countries have urged the EU to ban data-localization requirements. At a time when the US is pursuing protectionist, insular, and backward-looking policies, Europe is stepping up as an innovative and forward-looking economic force.", "zh": "这一融资差距是可以消除的，只需要欧洲退休基金额外拿出0.6%的管理资本投入风险投资。 一个相关的弱点是欧洲缺少真正的单一数字市场。 在美国和中国，科技创业家能够立刻进入巨大的市场。 在欧洲，他们仍然需要面对28个不同的消费市场和监管机制。 诚然，欧盟委员会两年前就已承诺要建立一个单一数字市场，并估计这每年能给欧盟经济带来4,150亿欧元的提振。 但开放政治经济网络（Open Political Economy Network）的李-牧山浩石（Hosuk Lee-Makiyama）和菲利普·勒格雷因（Philippe Legrain）最近对其成果进行了严厉的批评。 他们指出，欧洲的“单一数字市场”最近的情况是充斥着“一大堆过时的、社团主义的、不事生产的产业政策，它们偏袒生产者甚于消费者，偏袒大公司甚于小公司，偏袒传统老牌企业甚于数字初创企业，偏袒欧蒙企业甚于外国企业 。 ” 欧盟想要的不是自由化，而是监管。 比如，欧盟正致力于禁止公司拒绝在线销售（除非出于版权原因）或根据客户母国情况制定不同的价格。 其他的危险动作 — — 比如监管数据所有权、接入和使用 — — 也呼之欲出。 尽管存在这些风险，但欧洲科技行业的总体趋势是积极的。 新的风险偏好似乎正在席卷整个欧洲；Atomico的报告指出，85%以上的创始人认为开办自己的公司“在文化上可以接受 ” 。 此外欧洲还有很深的研究人才储备 — — 全球最顶尖的十家计算机科学研究所中有五家位于欧盟 — — 欧洲的创业繁荣看上去可以维持。 政治上也有理由保持乐观。 欧洲的数字领先者正在开始形成一股强大的力量，丹麦、爱尔兰和爱沙尼亚等16个欧盟小国已经组成了一个支持互联网的集团。 它们联合在一起，敦促欧盟禁止数据本地化的要求。 眼下，美国正在追求保护主义、孤立主义和倒退主义的政策，而欧洲正在崛起成为创新、前瞻的经济力量。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Recipient governments might misuse the aid, preventing it from trickling down to those who would spend or invest it, or the money may be given on the condition that it is spent on goods or services from the donor country. And, even if development aid does spur GDP growth, this does not necessarily lead to better lives for the poorest citizens, especially in the short term. While eliminating extreme poverty is undoubtedly an urgent moral imperative, ODA may not be the best way to achieve it. In fact, there is a strong case for involving the private sector in development assistance. Over the last two decades – a period when globalization opened up the world financial system – private capital flows have contributed more to developing economies’ growth than has ODA. Indeed, in 2009, more than $1 trillion in private capital flowed to developing countries – nine times more than total aid. Moreover, privately funded organizations like Oxfam or Medecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) tend to allocate resources more effectively than governments, delivering genuine gains where they are needed most. Following this model, countries’ aid budgets could be opened up for bids from development NGOs, which would assume responsibility for allocating and delivering the funds as efficiently as possible – and would be required to provide a careful accounting of how they spent the money. A bolder solution would be direct cash transfers to the poor. With global aid totaling roughly $130 billon, each of the 1.3 billion people living in extreme poverty (less than $1 per day) worldwide would receive $100 in cash.", "zh": "受助国政府可能滥用援助致使援助无法抵达支出或投资者手中；援助金可能存在条件，必须花在来自援助国的商品和服务上。 此外，即使发展援助确实刺激了GDP增长，也不一定会为最贫困人民带来更好的生活，特别是在短期。 消灭极端贫困毫无疑问是紧迫的道德驱动力，但ODA或许并非达到此目标的最佳手段。 事实上，有充分的理由应该让私人部门参与发展援助。 过去二十年来 — — 在此期间，全球化开放了世界金融体系 — — 私人资本流对发展中经济体增长的贡献大于ODA。 事实上，2009年，1万多亿美元私人资本流向了发展中国家，比援助总量多九倍。 此外，乐施会（Oxfam）和无国界医生（Medecins Sans Frontières）等私人出资组织配置资源的效率高于政府，真正做到了将援助送到最需要的人手里。 根据这一模式，国家援助预算可以开放接受发展非政府组织的竞标，让后者负责尽可能有效的配置和资金发放 — — 以及要求提供如何花钱的详细核算。 更大胆的计划是直接把现金送到贫困人口手中。 全球援助总量大约在1300亿美元，这意味着13亿生活在极端贫困（每天花费少于1美元）的人口每人可以获得100美元现金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the FA primaries, José Mujica won the presidential nomination by defying Vázquez and placing himself farther to the left than his rival, Danilo Astori, who represented a continuation of the present administration. Mujica has a populist profile, based on charisma, anti-establishment stances and an appeal to the poor, which was strengthened by his personal traits and his lineage as a member of the 1960’s Tupamaros guerrilla movement, as well as his affinity for the ruling Kirchners of Argentina and the “Bolivarian” left. Given all this, it might seem that Uruguay’s carefully constructed social-democratic alternative could unravel. But the party system and the FA’s internal balance of power do not favor any turn abrupt toward radical left or populism. Indeed, because populist tactics are likely to prove self-defeating in the presidential campaign, Mujica started supporting Vázquez’s administration’s record and made Astori his candidate to be Vice President, entitled to take the lead on economic policy and participate in the executive. To stress their social democratic credentials both candidates, Mujica and Astori, have gone on pilgrimages to the United States, Brazil, and Chile. Moreover, Uruguay’s political structures will invariably have a moderating effect on any government that might be elected. Regardless of the president’s political slant, if the FA remains in office, the social-democratic reforms of recent years are likely to continue, although with different emphases and considerable variations imposed by the economic cycle and the government’s political resources. If the FA does not win the first round, it will not secure the absolute majority that Vázquez has enjoyed, limiting the government’s capacity for innovation. Furthermore, while Mujica has majority support within the FA, he is not the sole chief of the party but just the head of one of its competing factions. His leadership will be sorely tested in the electoral campaign, and also in his presidency should he triumph. A second term for the Frente Amplio would pose new problems, since the balance of power and political competition will be stronger, both between parties and within the left itself. These challenges may eventually tug Uruguay’s social democrats even closer to the experiences of Brazil and Chile. Like their European brethren, Latin America’s social democratic governments should eventually prosper through pluralist democracies and the even more demanding politics of compromise.", "zh": "Mujica以一种基于个人魅力、反体制立场和贫民英雄的民粹主义者形象示人。 他的个人特质和作为1960年代 Tupamaros 游击运动成员的家世以及与执政阿根廷的基什内尔派和“波利瓦尔”左翼的密切关系更加强化了这一形象。 综上所述，乌拉圭悉心缔造的另类社会民主政体似乎有解体之虞。 但该国的政党体系和FA的内部权力平衡并不支持突然的激进左倾或民粹主义。 的确，因为民粹主义策略很可能在总统大选中被证明是自杀性的，所以Mujica也开始支持巴斯克斯政府的记录并使Astori成为他的副总统候选人，主持经济政策并参与最高决策。 为了强调他们的社会民主履历，作为候选人的Mujica 和 Astori 都进行了对美国、巴西和智利的朝圣之旅。 此外，乌拉圭的政治架构也肯定会对任何一个当选政府施加调节作用。 不论总统的政治倾向如何，如果FA仍然执政，近几年的社会民主改革就很可能继续，尽管受经济周期和政府的政治资源影响会有不同的侧重和相当的变化。 如果FA没有在第一轮中胜出，它就不能确保巴斯克斯所享有的绝对多数，因而其政府的创新能力也会受到限制。 另外，尽管Mujica获得了FA的多数支持，但他却并非该党的唯一领袖，而只不过是其内部众多竞争派系之一的当家人而已。 他的领导力将会接受大选的严酷考验。 如果大选获胜，他的总统生涯也将是一个挑战。 这些挑战可能最终将乌拉圭的社会民主党人与巴西和智利的经验拉得更近。 正如他们的欧洲同胞那样，拉美的社会民主政府应通过多元化的民主和更苛刻的妥协政治最终走向成熟。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Whatever those goals turn out to be, some recoupling is already happening. As the US-China Business Council reports, after the two countries signed the Phase One trade agreement in 2020, both sides halted tariff escalations. Furthermore, China instituted a “robust system of tariff exclusions,” with the US also instituting some exclusions. This has contributed to a rebound in bilateral trade. In 2020, US goods exports to China grew by roughly 18%, more than making up for the tariff-driven drop of more than 11% in 2019. With that, China has retained its position as the third-largest market for US goods exports. China has also been maintaining – or even deepening – its ties with the rest of the global economy. As Nicholas R. Lardy of the Peterson Institute for International Economics observes, “despite economic and financial tensions and a plethora of foreign restrictions on the transfer of technology to China,” the country continues to attract “record amounts” of foreign direct investment. In fact, in 2020, China’s inbound FDI grew by more than 10%, to $212 billion, putting its share of global FDI at an all-time high of one-quarter, almost twice its share in 2019. China’s leaders seem happy to continue on this path. In September, China’s central bank and financial regulators pledged to optimize market-access requirements for foreign banks and insurance companies, improve rules on cross-border transactions between parent companies and subsidiaries, and expand channels for foreign capital to participate in the domestic financial market. China is also pursuing complementary domestic reforms, aimed, for example, at achieving competitive neutrality. And it is using market mechanisms (such as exchange-rate flexibility) to balance its trade account. Furthermore, China is working to strengthen its adherence to international rules and norms, such as intellectual-property protections – a key concern of foreign companies operating in China. As the US-China Business Council notes, China has made “steady efforts” to improve protection and enforcement of IP rights, and its IP laws and regulations “increasingly reflect international standards.” China’s leaders are also working to strengthen regional and multilateral cooperation. The country’s calls for revitalizing the World Trade Organization, its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and its application to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership exemplify this effort.", "zh": "无论这些目标最终是什么，中美正在重新建立联系，在“重新挂钩 ” 。 美中贸易全国委员会报告称，在2020年中美第一阶段经贸协议签署过后，两国都停止了增加关税的行为。 此外，中国建立了“强健的关税排除制度 ” ， 美国也建立了一些关税排除制度。 这促进了双边贸易的反弹。 2020年，美国对华商品出口增长约18 % ， 超过并弥补了2019年因关税导致的11%以上的降幅。 因此，中国继续保持着美国第三大商品出口市场的地位。 中国还一直在保持 — — 甚至是深化 — — 与全球其他经济体的联系。 正如彼得森国际经济研究所的尼古拉斯·R. 拉迪所观察到的那样，尽管经济和金融形势紧张，而且外国对中国的技术转移有过多的限制，但中国继续吸引着“创纪录的”外国直接投资额。 事实上，2020年，中国的境内外国直接投资增长超过10 % ， 达到2120亿美元，占全球外国直接投资总额的四分之一，达到历史最高水平，几乎是2019年的两倍。 中国领导人似乎很乐意继续走这条路。 今年9月，中国央行和金融监管机构承诺将优化外资银行和保险公司的市场准入要求，完善子母公司的跨境交易规则，拓宽外资参与国内金融市场的渠道。 中国还在推行国内改革，以实现“内外互补 ” ， 其目标多样，实现竞争中立就是其中之一。 并且中国正在利用市场如（汇率灵活性）来平衡其贸易账户。 此外，中国正在努力遵守国际规范和准则（如保护知识产权，这是在华经营的外国公司关注的一个关键问题 ） 。 美中贸易全国委员会指出，中国已“稳步”提高知识产权的保护和实施力度，其知识产权法律法规“日益反映国际标准 ” 。 中国领导人还致力于加强区域和多边合作。 中国呼吁重振世界贸易组织、参与《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》以及申请加入《全面和进步的跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》的行动都体现了这种努力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Can Turkey Rewrite the Crisis-Management Rules? LAGUNA BEACH – Whether by accident or design, Turkey is trying to rewrite the chapter on crisis management in the emerging-market playbook. Rather than opting for interest-rate hikes and an external funding anchor to support domestic policy adjustments, the government has adopted a mix of less direct and more partial measures – and this at a time when Turkey is in the midst of an escalating tariff tit-for-tat with the United States, as well as operating in a more fluid global economy. How all this plays out is important not only for Turkey, but also for other emerging economies that already have had to cope with waves of financial contagion. The initial phases of Turkey’s crisis were a replay of past emerging-market currency crises. A mix of domestic and external events – an over-stretched credit-led growth strategy; concerns about the central bank’s policy autonomy and effectiveness; and a less hospitable global liquidity environment, owing in part to rising US interest rates – destabilized the foreign-exchange market. A political spat with the US accelerated the run on the Turkish lira by fueling a self-reinforcing dynamic. And all of this occurred in the context of a more uncertain and – aside from the US – weakening global economy. In keeping with the traditional emerging-market-crisis script, Turkey’s currency crisis spilled over onto other emerging economies. As is typically the case, the first wave of contagion was technical in nature, driven mainly by generalized outflows from Turkey’s currency and bond markets.", "zh": "土耳其能重写危机管理规则吗？ 拉古娜海滩—不管是有意还是无意，土耳其正在试图改写新兴市场操作手册的危机管理章。 土耳其政府没有选择升息和寻求外部融资锚来支持国内政策调整，而是采取了一系列不太直接也更局部性的操作 — — 与此同时，土耳其正在与美国进行以牙还牙的关税竞赛，全球经济环境也是波诡云谲。 所有这些会如何展开不仅对土耳其很重要，对其他已必须面对金融传染风波的新兴经济体也很重要。 土耳其危机的起始阶段与过去的新兴市场货币危机无甚差别。 一系列国内和外部事件 — — 过犹不及的信贷拉动增长战略；对央行政策自主权和效率的质疑；以及部分拜美国升息所赐的不利的全球流动性环境 — — 动摇了外汇市场。 与美国的政治冲突助长了自我强化的动态，进而加速了土耳其里拉挤兑。 而所有这些都发生在一个更加不确定和疲软的全球经济中（美国除外 ） 。 与传统新兴市场危机脚本一样，土耳其货币危机溢出到了其他新兴经济体。 按照典型的情况，第一波传染为技术性质，主要因资金一般化地逃离土耳其货币和债券市场导致。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A critical policy question is why the LFPR has continued to decline. Demography clearly plays a role: a larger share of the workforce is reaching retirement age, while the share of those aged 16-24 who are pursuing education is rising. But the recession triggered sudden and sustained declines in the LFPR across all age groups in response to weak demand and poor job prospects. A recent CBO analysis attributes about one-half of the decline in the LFPR from the end of 2007 to the end of 2013 to these cyclical factors, with the remainder explained by secular demographic trends. As has been painfully obvious during the last several years, prolonged labor-market slack means falling real wages for most workers, with the negative effect intensifying as one moves down the wage distribution. By the same logic, stronger growth in 2014 and tightening labor markets should lead to healthier wage gains for the 70% of the workforce whose real wages have not yet returned to their pre-recession level. But, as President Barack Obama argued in his recent State of the Union address, it will take more than faster economic growth for American workers to recover from the Great Recession. Extending unemployment benefits for the long-term jobless, combating the stigma against hiring them, creating more on-the-job training opportunities and apprenticeships, and raising the minimum wage are all essential steps toward a more equitable distribution of the recovery’s benefits.", "zh": "一个关键的政策问题是为何LFPR会持续下降。 人口结构显然是一个因素：更大的劳动力比例达到了退休年龄，而16—24岁年龄段上学的比例也在增加。 但衰退在所有年龄段都引起了突然而持续的LFPR下降，这是拜疲软的需求和暗淡的就业前景所赐。 最新的CBO分析认为2007年底到2013年底的LFPR下降有一半可以归因于周期性因素，其他则可以用长期人口结构趋势解释。 过去几年的一个显而易见的痛苦事实是，劳动力市场的长期不振意味着大部分工人实际工资的下降，工人在工资分布中的地位下移，由此进一步加剧了消极影响。 同理，2014年的增长走强和劳动力市场紧张应该带来比较有利的局面：70%的劳动力 — — 他们的实际工资仍没有回到衰退前水平 — — 工资将有所增加。 但是，正如奥巴马总统在最近的国情咨文中所指出的，更快的经济增长不足以让美国工人从大衰退中走出。 将失业保险范围扩大至长期失业、战胜聘用长期失业者之耻、创造更多的在职培训机会和学徒制，以及提高最低工资都是迈向复苏好处分配更平等的重要步骤。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Among his most timely ideas for building more inclusive and networked multilateralism are an updated Agenda for Peace, supported by a new Emergency Platform to respond to complex global crises; the appointment of a Special Envoy for Future Generations; and innovations involving digital transformation, data analytics, and strategic foresight. We also applaud Guterres’s call for an “investment boost” for the UN Sustainable Development Goals and for a green and just recovery for all countries (complementing next month’s UN climate-change conference in Glasgow). His proposal to hold a biennial summit of world leaders representing the G20 and the UN Economic and Social Council, alongside the heads of the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund is the right way to shepherd this process. The report of the 2015 Commission on Global Security, Justice & Governance, which we co-chaired, made a similar recommendation: a “G20+” that would convene the group’s leaders and all UN member states every two years in September during the General Assembly’s High-Level Week, with a lightly staffed G20 secretariat to sustain and manage the relationship. Given the urgent need to improve governance of the global commons, including the high seas, Antarctica, the atmosphere, and outer space, we support Guterres’s suggestion to repurpose the UN Trusteeship Council. But effectively delivering global public goods and managing global public risks will require authorities that go beyond the reconfigured body’s proposed “advice and guidance” role. In our 2015 report, for example, we proposed upgrading the UN Peacebuilding Commission from an advisory body to one empowered to coordinate international responses and mobilize resources for conflict situations not on the Security Council’s agenda. This Peacebuilding Council could also monitor early warning indicators to avert the outbreak or recurrence of deadly violence. Implementing Guterres’s ambitious proposals will necessitate government buy-in, which in turn will require a dedicated intergovernmental reform process to rejuvenate the global governance system. Time is of the essence: Before the year concludes, UN member states should endorse a follow-on “modalities resolution” supporting Guterres’s call for a Summit of the Future in September 2023. Several steps should be taken to maximize the summit’s impact.", "zh": "在他关于建立更具包容性和网络化多边主义的最新式理念中，应订立一个在新应急平台（Emergency Platform）支持下应对复杂全球危机的更新版《和平议程 》 ； 任命一个未来世代特使（Special Envoy for Future Generations ） ； 还有一些涉及数字转型、数据分析和战略远见的创新。 我们同时也赞扬古特雷斯为联合国可持续发展目标以及所有国家的绿色和公正复苏提供“投资激励 ” （ 以作为下月格拉斯哥联合国气候变化会议的补充）的呼吁。 而他关于每两年召集二十国集团和联合国经济及社会理事会的世界领导人再加上联合国、世界银行和国际货币基金组织负责人共同召开一次峰会的提议则是指导这一进程的正确方式。 我们共同主持的2015年全球安全、司法和治理委员会的报告也提出过类似的建议：一个每两年在联合国大会9月高级别周期间召集二十国领导人和所有联合国会员国出席，由一个人员不多的G20秘书处来维持和管理的“G20+ ” 。 考虑到迫切需要改善对包括公海、南极洲、大气层和外层空间在内的全球公域的治理，我们支持古特雷斯关于重新定义联合国托管理事会职能的建议。 但有效提供全球公共产品和管理全球公共风险需要一些能超越建议赋予重组后实体“建议和指导”职能的机构。 比如我们前面提到的2015年报告就建议将联合国建设和平委员会从一个咨询机构升级为一个有权协调国际应对和针对未列入安理会议程的冲突局势调动资源的机构。 该建设和平委员会还可以监测预警指标以避免致命暴力活动的爆发或复燃。 实施古特雷斯雄心勃勃的建议需要得到各个政府的支持，而这反过来又需要一个专门的政府间改革进程来振兴全球治理体系。 在这方面的时间也相当紧迫：联合国会员国应在今年内批准一项后续的“模式决议”去支持古特雷斯关于在2023年9月召开未来峰会的呼吁。 我们应采取几个步骤去最大限度地提高峰会的影响力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "积极发展社会主义民主政治，推进全面依法治国，党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一的制度建设全面加强，党的领导体制机制不断完善， 社会主义民主不断发展，党内民主更加广泛，社会主义协商民主全面展开，爱国统一战线巩固发展，民族宗教工作创新推进。 科学立法、严格执法、公正司法、全民守法深入推进，法治国家、法治政府、法治社会建设相互促进， 中国特色社会主义法治体系日益完善， 全社会法治观念明显增强。 国家监察体制改革试点取得实效，行政体制改革、司法体制改革、权力运行制约和监督体系建设有效实施。 思想文化建设取得重大进展。 加强党对意识形态工作的领导，党的理论创新全面推进， 马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位更加鲜明， 中国特色社会主义和中国梦深入人心， 社会主义核心价值观和中华优秀传统文化广泛弘扬， 群众性精神文明创建活动扎实开展。 公共文化服务水平不断提高，文艺创作持续繁荣，文化事业和文化产业蓬勃发展， 互联网建设管理运用不断完善， 全民健身和竞技体育全面发展。 主旋律更加响亮，正能量更加强劲， 文化自信得到彰显，国家文化软实力和中华文化影响力大幅提升， 全党全社会思想上的团结统一更加巩固。 人民生活不断改善。", "en": "We have actively developed socialist democracy and advanced law-based governance. We have stepped up institution building across the board to make integrated advances in Party leadership, the running of the country by the people, and law-based governance; and we have continuously improved the institutions and mechanisms by which the Party exercises leadership. Steady progress has been made in enhancing socialist democracy; intraparty democracy has been expanded, and socialist consultative democracy is flourishing. The patriotic united front has been consolidated and developed, and new approaches have been adopted for work related to ethnic and religious affairs. Further progress has been made in ensuring our legislation is sound, law enforcement is strict, the administration of justice is impartial, and the law is observed by everyone. Our efforts to build a country, government, and society based on the rule of law have been mutually reinforcing; the system of distinctively Chinese socialist rule of law has been steadily improved; and public awareness of the rule of law has risen markedly. Good progress has been made in piloting the reform of the national supervision system, and effective measures have been taken to reform the system of government administration and the judicial system, and to develop systems to apply checks and oversight over the exercise of power. We have made significant advances on the theoretical and cultural fronts. We have strengthened Party leadership over ideological work and explored new ground in advancing Party related theories. The importance of Marxism as a guiding ideology is better appreciated. Socialism with Chinese characteristics and the Chinese Dream have been embraced by our people. Core socialist values and fine traditional Chinese culture are alive in the people’s hearts. Initiatives to improve public etiquette and ethical standards have proved successful. Public cultural services have been improved; art and literature are thriving, and cultural programs and industries are going strong. The development, administration, and functioning of internet services have been enhanced. Fitness-for-All programs and competitive sports have seen extensive development. Our country’s underlying values hold greater appeal than ever before, and the wave of positive energy felt throughout society is building. We, the Chinese people, have greater confidence in our own culture. China’s cultural soft power and the international influence of Chinese culture have increased significantly. There is greater unity in thinking both within the Party and throughout society. We have steadily improved living standards."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "他在换衣服，似乎是要出席一个什么场合，早上的衬衣已经脱了下来，身上披的是一件新的。 他穿的那件刚好是方池夏送给他的，白色，一穿在他身上后就英气得让人目光都舍不得移开的颜色，尊贵又优雅。 看到她，他侧目懒懒和她打了声招呼。 “我失败了，合约没签。” 方池夏一想到苏瑞的话，心里有点郁闷。 洛易北似乎并不意外的样子，只是淡淡“哦”了声，示意她过去，“帮忙！” 他在扣衬衣的纽扣，正扣了一半。 他似乎很喜欢让方池夏做这种事，口气自然得很。 方池夏几步走过去，低垂着头，漂亮的指尖帮他把纽扣一颗一颗的扣上，她说，“王室的人让你亲自过去。” “苏瑞？” 洛易北很随口的问。 “你知道？” 方池夏动作一顿，脸蓦然抬了起来。", "en": "He was changing clothes seemingly to attend a party. His shirt in the morning has been taken off and was replaced with a new one. The piece he was wearing happened to be the one Fang Chixia has gifted. The white color, as soon as he wore it, appeared glamorous on him, presenting a noble and elegant visage. “You’re back.” Seeing her, he greeted lazily. “I failed. The contract wasn’t signed.” Fang Chixia thought back of Su Rui and felt a little depressed at heart. Luo Yibei seemed to have expected it and returned just a faint “Oh”. He gestured her to approach him, “Help!” He was buttoning his shirt and was halfway through. He seemed to enjoy letting Fang Chixia perform such tasks, so his tone was naturally more pleasant. Fang Chixia walked over to him and bowing her head down, helped him button his shirt up, one by one. “Those royalty asked you to go in person.” “Su Rui?” Luo Yibei asked casually. “Did you know? Fang Chixia paused and lifted her face up."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When I was in my 20s, I saw my very first psychotherapy client. When I was in my 20s, I saw my very first psychotherapy client. I was a Ph.D. student in clinical psychology at Berkeley. She was a 26-year-old woman named Alex. Now Alex walked into her first session wearing jeans and a big slouchy top, and she dropped onto the couch in my office and kicked off her flats and told me she was there to talk about guy problems. Now when I heard this, I was so relieved. My classmate got an arsonist for her first client. And I got a twentysomething who wanted to talk about boys. This I thought I could handle. But I didn't handle it. With the funny stories that Alex would bring to session, it was easy for me just to nod my head while we kicked the can down the road. \"Thirty's the new 20,\" Alex would say, and as far as I could tell, she was right. Work happened later, marriage happened later, kids happened later, even death happened later. Twentysomethings like Alex and I had nothing but time. But before long, my supervisor pushed me to push Alex about her love life. I pushed back.", "zh": "当我20几岁时， 我见到了我的第一个需要精神疗法的病人。 当我20几岁时， 我见到了我的第一个需要精神疗法的病人。 当时我是一个在伯克利大学读临床心理学的Ph.D学生。 她是一位叫Alex的26岁女性。 第一次会面时Alex穿了 牛仔裤以及略微不修边幅的上衣， 进来后直接坐到我办公室中的沙发上， 踢掉她的鞋子， 然后跟我说她是来跟我讲男性问题的。 当我听到这个时，我松了一口气。 我的一个同学的第一个病人是一个纵火犯。 所以说我有一个二十几岁的人想跟我谈谈男生。 我以为我能处理好这事。 但我没能办到。 Alex在每一次会面时都会带来好笑的故事， 因此对我而言点点头， 不断拖延出结果的时间是一件非常轻松的事情。 Alex会说\"三十就是新的二十\"， 而且就我知道的，她是对的。 工作要以后才有，结婚以后才有， 孩子以后才有，连死亡都是以后才有。 像Alex和我一样是二十几岁的人除了时间外一无所有。 但没过多久，我的监督就催我 开始推动Alex的爱情生活。 我拒绝了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Most analysts agree that the country’s current policies and plans (especially regarding coal production and expansion of its oil and gas pipeline network) are inconsistent with this target. Biden has invited Xi to the upcoming summit. US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate John Kerry, who has said he is “hopeful [but] not confident” of Chinese cooperation in tackling climate change, recently visited China in an attempt to enlist the country’s support for a successful April summit. Both countries issued a joint statement that, while positive in tone, is short on detailed commitments. Rich countries accept that most emerging economies, already hard-hit by the pandemic, need large capital inflows to help finance their green transitions. Much of the climate debate is therefore now focusing on how to leverage multilateral development banks’ balance sheets to attract substantial amounts of private capital in addition to public flows. But even though China’s per capita income (in purchasing-power-parity terms) is still only about one-third of most of the advanced-economy levels, the US wants the Chinese to announce a specific plan to cut emissions in the near future and to participate in financing a green transition in emerging economies. Insufficiently ambitious Chinese plans – and, crucially, actions – are sure to be used as ammunition by domestic opponents of Biden’s climate policies. The Biden administration wants to pursue an overall approach that renders support for democracy and human rights around the world compatible with bilateral and multilateral cooperation with rivals both on common challenges.", "zh": "大多数分析师都认为，中国目前的政策和计划（特别是在 煤炭生产 和 油气管道网络扩建方面）与这一目标不符。 拜登邀请习近平出席即将举行的峰会。 美国总统气候特使 约翰•克里（John Kerry）表示， 他对中国在应对气候变化方面的合作\"充满希望（但）没有信心 \" 。 两国发表了一 项联合声明 ，虽然语气积极，但缺乏详细的承诺。 富裕国家承认，大多数受到新冠疫情重创的新兴经济体需要大量资金流入为它们的绿色转型提供资金。 因此，当前的许多气候辩论都集中在如何利用多边开发银行的资产负债表以吸引大量私人资本增加公共流动。 但是，尽管中国的人均收入（按购买力平价计算）仍只占发达经济体的三分之一左右，但美国希望中国宣布一项具体计划，在近期减少排放，并参与为新兴经济体的绿色转型提供资金。 中国计划不够不够宏大 — — 关键是缺少行动 — — 肯定会被国内反对拜登气候政策的人士所利用。 拜登政府希望采取一种总体方针，既能支持全球民主与人权，也能在共同挑战上与对手进行双边和多边合作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "BMW's and Chinese Justice In most places, the name \"BMW\" implies luxury and exclusivity. But in China, the brand has unwittingly found itself enmeshed in tales that illustrate the powerlessness of ordinary Chinese against the powerful and corrupt. The first scandal occurred last year, after a tractor filled with green onions scraped the side of a BMW in Harbin. The drivers of both the tractor and the metallic-silver luxury car were 45-year-old women, but any similarity between them ended there: the former was a peasant, the latter the wife of a wealthy businessman. After a confrontation between the two, the wealthy wife drove her BMW into the growing crowd of spectators on the roadside, killing the peasant woman and injuring 12 others. The case went to the local court, where the judge ruled it an \"accidental traffic disturbance\" and gave the driver a two-year suspended sentence. The judge's ruling spurred rumors that he went easy on her because her husband was related to senior provincial officials. It quickly became a story of \"rich versus poor,\" widely cited as an example of high-level corruption. Over the next few months, newspapers and television stations ran with the story as it snowballed into a national obsession. Alarmed by the public reaction, the Harbin magistrate ordered the case reopened, only to have the suspended sentence confirmed when the case was closed this March.", "zh": "BMW与中国的司法公正 在世界的大多数地方 ， \" BMW\" 代表着华贵奢侈和与众不同。 但在中国，这一品牌却无意间卷入了一些非常事件。 这些事件反映了普通的中国老百姓面对权势和腐败的无奈。 第一桩丑闻发生在去年的哈尔滨，其起因是一辆满载着大葱的拖拉机与一辆BMW擦挂。 拖拉机和镀着银灰色金属漆的豪华轿车的驾驶者都是45岁的妇女，但她们之间的共同点也仅止于此了：前者是位农妇，而后者则是一位富商之妻。 在一番对峙之后，富商之妻驾车冲进街沿上越来越多的围观者，将农妇当场撞死并撞伤了12个围观者。 这一案件在地方法院进行审理，法官的判决结果是\"意外扰乱交通秩序 \" ， 撞人者被判入狱两年并缓期执行。 法官的判决使得流言四起，其内容都是说法官对肇事者手下留情是因为此人的丈夫与省里的高官有关系。 该案很快就演变成一个\"富对贫\"的故事并被人们广泛引用为高层腐败的写照。 在接下来的几个月里，由于报纸和电视台对该事件滚雪球般地报道使其成为一个全国上下共同关注的话题。 在公众舆论的压力下，哈尔滨地方法院重新开庭审理了该案，但在今年三月结案时的结论也只是维持缓刑的原判。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The example of the 1930’s is a reminder of how much worse things might have been. Eurozone leaders’ temptation to revert to earlier, discredited models of European relationships was bearable for a time, but it has now reached the limit of its tolerability. My impression is that German public and political opinion is beginning to recognize the economic devastation for Europe and Germany implied by a euro breakup. German politicians bear the important democratic responsibility of reinforcing this realization and advocating the steps needed to avert a catastrophe. It can be no part of a well-functioning democracy for leaders to hide unwelcome truths from their electorates. It would be a delusion to imagine that the eurozone need only follow its current path to ensure the single currency’s future. If nothing else, that current path unacceptably accentuates the differences between member states in a way that is politically and economically unsustainable in the longer term. The philosophy of control and reciprocity that until now has characterized the eurozone’s approach to its crisis of governance needs to be replaced by one of solidarity and all that follows from it. This means a more balanced economic policy within the eurozone, an enhanced role for the ECB, a real banking and financial union, and a road map to partial and conditional mutualization of legacy debt. Eurozone leaders have spoken about all of these, but the time has come for unequivocal commitments and a realistic timetable for action. We are now perilously close to the moment when “muddling through” could give way to renewed crisis. So the Bundesbank’s self-righteous zeal in asserting that its responsibilities are somehow graver – and more binding – than those of other central banks is dangerously wrong-headed. “Nein” merely brings calamity closer. None of Europe’s financial problems would look remotely as challenging today if doubts about the eurozone’s future had been dispelled two years ago, and the reputational and financial costs would have been dramatically less than they have been in the past 30 months. In the long run, solidarity is cheaper for all involved, while its absence could become ruinously expensive in the foreseeable future.", "zh": "20世纪30年代的教训提醒我们事情究竟可以变得多么糟糕。 欧元区领导人受到回复从前败事有余的欧洲关系模式的诱惑，在短期是可以忍受的，但如今，忍受力已经达到了极限。 我的感觉是，德国公众和政治意见已开始意识到欧元崩溃将对欧洲和德国造成怎样的经济灾难。 德国政客肩负着强化这一意识、宣传避免灾难必须步骤的重要民主责任。 领导人在选民面前隐瞒不受欢迎的真相，这不是运转良好的民主的特征。 认为欧元只需沿着当前的轨迹前进就能确保单一货币的未来，这种感觉纯属幻觉。 别的姑且不论，这条当前轨迹以一种不可接受的方式强调成员国之间的差异，不管从政治上还是经济上，从长期看都是不可持续的。 此前，控制和互惠原则一直是欧元区危机治理的方法，该原则需要替之以团结原则以及一切据此引申出的原则。 这意味着欧元区内的经济政策必须更加均衡，欧洲央行的作用必须强化，必须建立真正的银行和金融联盟，必须出台遗留债务的局部和有条件的共同化路线图。 这些都是欧元区领导人的老生常谈，但现在需要的是明确的承诺和行动的现实路线图。 眼下，我们的处境非常危险 ， “ 得过且过”可能成为催生新危机的温床。 因此德国央行自以为是的声明 — — 出于个中原因它的责任要比其他央行更大，也更紧迫 — — 大错特错了。 “不”只能让欧洲离灾难更近。 如果关于欧元区未来的疑虑在两年前就被打消，欧洲的诸多金融问题就都不会像今天那样具有挑战性，而名誉和金融成本也会大大低于30个月以前。 从长期看，团结比其他任何方案成本都要低，而若没有团结，那么在可预见的未来成本将会毁灭性地高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Kerry vs. Bush: Will Reason Prevail? With over 1,000 US deaths in Iraq, and the huge pressures that the occupation of that benighted country has put on American troops around the world, it is clear that - for the first time in decades - foreign policy issues may determine the outcome of a US presidential election. Ordinary Americans are asking themselves the same questions that people around the world are asking: how should America's global supremacy be used? What price must be paid for that supremacy to be maintained? What limits on the use of US military power are acceptable or necessary? These have long been dominant questions in America's strategic debate. But, after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, they became confused with another debate, one far more important for a US electorate that feels threatened: how can alliances and multilateral institutions protect Americans? John Kerry's great virtue has been to resist confusing the demand for security and peace with the hegemonic impulses of America the hyper-power. Nationalist and neo-conservative currents within the Bush administration believe that unilateral action best serves US interests because it handcuffs American power the least. On this view, the security of the US can be guaranteed through energetic military action, with or without allies. Hence the Bush administration's tendency to weaken the ties of America's permanent alliances, including those that NATO represents. Unilateral announcement of troop reductions in Europe and Asia, where US forces primarily serve (as in South Korea) to dissuade aggression, can only be seen as a corollary of this tendency.", "zh": "凯利对阵布什：理性能否占据上风？ 随着美国在伊阵亡将士超过千人，以及占领那个蒙昧国家在全球范围内给美军造成的巨大压力，非常明显¾几十年来，外交政策可能首次成为美国总统大选的决定因素。 全世界各国人民都在问的问题，现在普普通通的美国人也在问：那就是美国的全球霸权到底该如何使用？ 为了维持这样的霸权，到底应该付出多大的代价？ 美国军事力量的使用在何种程度上是必要和可以接受的？ 这个问题早就成了美国战略讨论的重点，但在2001年911恐怖袭击发生后，这个问题又和感觉受到威胁的美国选民心目中另外一个重要问题发生了混淆：盟国和多边机构怎样才能保护美国人的安全？ 约翰·凯利最大的优点就是拒绝把对和平安全的需求与希望美国扮演超级大国的霸权冲动混为一谈。 布什政府中涌动的民族主义和新保守主义浪潮认为：采取单边行动最能保护美国的利益，因为它对美国的军事力量限制最小。 按照这种观点，不管我们有没有盟友，积极地采取军事行动都最能确保美国的安全。 紧接着就有了布什政府削弱美国永久性联盟的错误倾向，甚至连北约联盟都未能幸免。 单方面宣布在欧亚这些传统驻军地区的裁军计划(比如南朝鲜)来制止侵略，也只能被看成是上述趋势的必然结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of course, no honest discussion of Obama’s presidency can ignore the role of his race. America, it turned out, was far less ready for a black president than his supporters expected (or hoped), exemplified in virulent attacks that exceed the norm for a president. Moreover, Obama’s approach to issues involving race has been fettered by his fear, expressed in his early memoir Dreams From My Father, of being perceived (even by his white mother) as an “angry black.” To his credit, however, he has been effective in navigating the racial thicket of Ferguson, Missouri, by turning the killing of an unarmed teenager into a focal point for national action to improve police methods. Obama’s personality has also contributed to his problems. In his astonishingly swift rise, he was virtually alone – a Democrat, but not a creature of the Democratic Party, a politician of progressive instincts, but not an ideologue. His tendency toward solitude, however, left him disinclined to build new ties and allies in Washington, leaning instead on his family and close friends from Chicago. Moreover, he has little use for small talk or the grubbier side of politics, and his overweening pride in his exceptional intelligence makes him impatient with others’ ideas. As a result, members of Congress, business figures, and others have felt put off in his presence – even insulted by his remoteness.", "zh": "当然，若要诚实讨论奥巴马的总统任期，就不能忽视他的种族角色。 事实表明，美国远远不像奥巴马的支持者预期（或希望）的那样做好了迎接黑人总统的准备，奥巴马受到了超过总统正常范围的恶毒攻击就是明证。 此外，奥巴马对于种族相关的问题的方针也因为他担心被人（甚至包括他的白人母亲在内）认为是“愤怒的黑人”而饱受掣，他在早期回忆录《我父亲的梦想 》 （ Dreams From My Father）中表达了这一点。 但是，他能游刃有余地驾驭密苏里州弗格森（Ferguson）的种族冲突，将一名手无寸铁的十几岁青年被杀事件转化为对改善警察执法方式的全国行动的关注。 奥巴马的个性也是他的问题原因。 在他的急速窜升时期，他几乎是单枪匹马 — — 作为一位民主党员而不是民主党人物，作为有进步本能的政客而不是思想家。 但是，他的孤僻倾向使他不愿再华盛顿构建新关系和结盟，而是关注家庭和芝加哥的密友。 此外，他很少采取闲聊或政治的阴暗手段，而他对自己卓越智商的自负使他不太听得进他人的观点。 结果，只要有他在场，国会议员、商业人物和其他人就会感到不自在 — — 甚至因为他的疏远感到羞辱。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With the stakes so high and the system so broken, debt markets have little reason to remain in the US. America has always prided itself on the strength of its “rule of law,\" a selling point that has made Wall Street host to the largest sovereign-debt market. But Griesa's ruling, based on a peculiar – and in our view, indefensible – interpretation of certain terms in Argentina's contract, showed that US commercial interests can dominate its courts' decisions. The vaunted American rule of law no longer looks so robust. Perversely, it protects the strong against the weak. The Griesafault is only the latest of many decisions and legal changes that have revealed what one might call a symptom of “corruption, American-style,\" in which lobbying and campaign contributions compromise the entire system, even when no individual official is on the take. The US would be wise to react before the sovereign-debt market migrates from New York. China should stand ready to pick up the slack. Its savings now far outstrip those of the US, and it is striving to make Shanghai a global financial center. That ambition has become more attainable in view of the damage to the US system's credibility in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. But, if Shanghai is to emerge as a leader in sovereign lending markets, China should be aware of the shortcomings of legal frameworks elsewhere, and design a more efficient and equitable alternative. The final, overarching message of the British court's decision is one that all countries should heed. There is an urgent need to renew the United Nations' efforts to create a multinational legal framework for sovereign-debt restructuring. Though the US is striving to undermine these efforts, the UK ruling reminds us that America's judges are not the world's judges. That last revelation may not make Wall Street happy; but, for the many countries around the world that rely on sovereign debt, it is very good news indeed.", "zh": "兹事体大，系统破败，因此市场没有理由唯美国马首是瞻。 美国向来标榜其“法治”之强大，这一卖点让华尔街成为最大的主权债务市场。 但格里萨的裁决基于对阿根廷合同的某些条款的特殊解读 — — 在我们看来，这样的解读根本站不住脚 — — 这表明美国的商业利益可能左右法院判决。 浮夸的美国法治不再强健。 它保护强者、欺凌弱者。 格里萨违约只不过是诸多判决和法律修改的最新例子，这些判决和修改表现出一种可称之为“美国式腐败”的症候，即游说和选举献金威胁到整个系统，即使没有个体官员受贿。 美国最好在主权债务市场抛弃纽约之前采取行动。 中国应该做好收拾局面的准备。 如今，中国储蓄远超美国，并且正在竭力将上海打造成全球金融中心。 考虑到2008年金融危机后美国体系的信誉扫地，这一雄心的可行性更强了。 但是，上海要想崛起成为主权借贷市场的领导者，中国应该了解其他地区法律框架的弱点，并设计出更高效、更公平的替代品。 英国法院判决的最后一个影响深远的意义所有国家都应该注意。 联合国应该重新为主权债务重组建立一套多边法律框架，这一需要十分迫切。 尽管美国正致力于搞破坏，但英国的判决提醒我们，美国法官不是世界的法官。 最后这个意义也许会令华尔街不快；但是，对全球许多依赖主权债务的国家来说，这是名副其实的好消息。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The intergovernmental Energy Charter Treaty, which obliges signatories to apply impartial market rules to energy products and services, has not been signed by the US, the world’s second-largest energy consumer, or ratified by Russia, the world’s largest oil producer. World Trade Organization agreements apply to energy only tangentially, because energy is considered an exhaustible natural resource, and in many cases is thus exempt from the rules. Moreover, non-Western countries – which include big consumers like China and India, and the largest producers (the Gulf states and Russia) – don’t trust the institutional system created mainly by the West. The emerging countries rightly argue that the West is responsible for today’s climate-change problem. From the Industrial Revolution until very recently, the West’s development was free of any environmental restrictions, and the emerging countries believe that they should not have to bear the adjustment cost. Likewise, producing countries oppose giving up one of the few bases of power they have. The solution must include a new institution. Perhaps, for a start, it would be a good idea for the world’s largest emitters to negotiate through the G-20, or something like it, for energy. Later, negotiations could be opened up to all states, placing them under the ambit of the UNFCCC, for example. The focus of the negotiations must be comprehensive, resulting in emission limits and financial and technological support for energy sources that are less harmful to the environment.", "zh": "政府间的能源宪章条约（Energy Charter Treaty）规定，签署国必须实施无差异的能源产品和服务市场规则，但世界第二大能源消费国美国和第一大能源生产国俄罗斯都没有加入。 国际贸易组织协定对能源问题只是略有提及，因为能源被视为可耗竭自然资源，因此很多时候被免于世贸组织规则的束缚。 此外，非西方国家 — — 其中包括中国和印度等大型消费国以及海湾国家和俄罗斯等大型生产国 — — 不信任主要由西方国家设置的国际体系。 新兴国家正确地指出，西方才是当今气候变化问题的始作俑者。 从工业革命到现在，西方的发展一直没有受到任何环境方面的约束，因此新兴国家认为，调整成本不应该由它们来承担。 类似地，能源生产国也反对放弃手中仅有的权力。 解决方案必须包括成立一个新的机构。 也许先让主要排放国通过G20之类的场合进行能源协商是个好主意。 接着，协商应该对所有国家开放 ， （ 比如）以UNFCCC的名义让它们坐下来谈。 协商的关注点必须面面俱到，产生关于排放限制以及对环境破坏性较小的能源予以财务和技术支持方面的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yes, populism is an approach to economic policy that refuses to acknowledge the existence of budget constraints. As a result, when in power, populists tend to undertax, overspend, overborrow, and allow inflation to rise. But populism is also – and above all – a style of politics that weakens checks and balances, runs roughshod over institutions, and replaces pluralistic deliberation with the allegedly infallible leadership of a single charismatic leader. For all these reasons, as writers from Princeton’s Jan-Werner Muller to Harvard’s Yascha Mounk have stressed, political populism is a growing threat to liberal democracy. The United States and Europe may just be discovering (or rediscovering) this, but Latin Americans know well from history that populism harbors a dangerous authoritarian streak. From Getúlio Vargas in Brazil and Juan Domingo Perón in Argentina decades ago to Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua and Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela today, populists have abused democratic rules and, in some cases, become outright dictators. AMLO has spent most of his long political career playing by the rules of the democratic game. One does not have to believe that he is a chavista or a castrista – he is not – to conclude that his presidency could further weaken the already vulnerable institutions of Mexican democracy. AMLO’s behavior after losing the 2006 presidential election by just 0.5% of the vote suggests what may lie in store. Without producing a shred of evidence, he declared the election had been stolen from him and camped out in Mexico City’s main square in a fruitless attempt to prevent the victor from taking power. Mexico had actually made a great deal of progress on democratic reform, strengthening the independent Federal Elections Institute (IFE) to oversee an election that the journalist and writer Héctor Aguilar Camín has called “the most competitive and best counted” in Mexican history. But this did not prevent AMLO from calling IFE directors “thieves,” the election process a “pigsty,” and the winner, Felipe Calderón, an “illegitimate president.” No one should be surprised that AMLO has made fighting corruption the centerpiece of his campaign.", "zh": "是的，民粹主义是一种经济政策方针，它否认存在预算约束。 因此，民粹主义者一旦掌权，大多会出现税收不足、支出过度、借贷过多、通胀抬头。 但民粹主义也是 — — 并且首先是 — — 一种政治风格，它削弱制衡，凌驾制度，用号称永远正确的魅力领袖个人取代多元化思想。 出于这些原因，普林斯顿大学的延-沃纳·穆勒（Jan-Werner Muller）和哈佛大学的亚夏·芒克（Yascha Mounk）强调，政治民粹主义对自由民主的威胁日益增加。 美国和欧洲也许正在发现（或重新发现）这一点，但拉丁美洲已经从历史中汲取了足够的教训，民粹主义总是孕育着危险的独裁统治。 从几十年前巴西的巴尔加斯和阿根廷的庇隆，到今天尼加拉瓜的奥尔特加和委内瑞拉的马杜罗，民粹主义者滥用民主规则，有时甚至演变为彻底的独裁。 AMLO漫长的政治生涯大部分都在国内政坛呼风唤雨。 你不必相信他是查韦斯派或卡斯特罗派 — — 并不是 — — 但你仍可以断定他出任总统可能进一步削弱已经十分脆弱的墨西哥民主制度。 2006年，AMLO以0.5%的微弱劣势在总统竞选中败北，可以他在随后的所作所为推测接下来要发生什么。 在毫无证据的情况下，他宣布他被窃取了选举胜利，并在墨西哥城主广场徒劳地露营阻止获胜者掌权。 墨西哥其实已经在民主改革方面取得了重大进展，强化了独立的联邦选举局（IFE）监督选举。 记者兼作家赫克特·阿奎拉尔·卡明（Héctor Aguilar Camín）将选举称为墨西哥历史上“竞争最强、计票最好”的选举。 但这并未阻止ALMO把IFE官员称为“窃贼 ” ， 把选举流程称为“猪圈 ” ， 把获胜者卡尔德隆称为“非法总统 ” 。 AMLO将打击腐败作为其竞选纲领的核心，这丝毫不令人奇怪。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The IMF’s “Tough Choices” on Greece ATHENS – The International Monetary Fund’s chief economist, Olivier Blanchard, recently asked a simple and important question: “How much of an adjustment has to be made by Greece, how much has to be made by its official creditors?” But that raises two more questions: How much of an adjustment has Greece already made? And have its creditors given anything at all? In May 2010, the Greek government agreed to a fiscal adjustment equal to 16% of GDP from 2010 to 2013. As a result, Greece moved from a primary budget deficit (which excludes interest payments on debt) of more than 10% of GDP to a primary balance last year – by far the largest such reversal in post-crisis Europe. The IMF initially projected that Greece’s real (inflation-adjusted) GDP would contract by around 5% over the 2010-2011 period, stabilize in 2012, and grow thereafter. In fact, real GDP fell 25%, and did not recover. And, because nominal GDP fell in 2014 and continues to fall, the debt/GDP ratio, which was supposed to stabilize three years ago, continues to rise. Blanchard notes that in 2012, Greece agreed “to generate enough of a primary surplus to limit its indebtedness” and to implement “a number of reforms which should lead to higher growth.” Those so-called reforms included sharply lower public spending, minimum-wage reductions, fire-sale privatizations, an end to collective bargaining, and deep pension cuts. Greece followed through, but the depression continued. The IMF and Greece’s other creditors have assumed that massive fiscal contraction has only a temporary effect on economic activity, employment, and taxes, and that slashing wages, pensions, and public jobs has a magical effect on growth. This has proved false. Indeed, Greece’s post-2010 adjustment led to economic disaster – and the IMF’s worst predictive failure ever. Blanchard should know better than to persist with this fiasco. Once the link between “reform” and growth is broken – as it has been in Greece – his argument collapses.", "zh": "IMF在希腊问题上的“艰难选择” 雅典—国际货币基金组织（IMF）首席经济学家奥利佛·布兰查德（Olivier Blanchard）最近提出了一个简单而重要的问题 ： “ 希腊应该做出多大调整，它的官方债权人又应该做出多大调整 ？ ” 但这引出了另外两个问题：希腊做出了多大的调整？ 它的债权人给予过任何东西吗？ 2010年5月，下列政府同意在2010—2013年做出相当于GDP的16%的财政调整。 结果，希腊从超GDP的10%的初级预算赤字（不含债务利息支付）变为去年超GDP的10%的初级预算盈余 — — 到目前为止，这是危机后时期欧洲最大幅度的改善。 IMF一开始预计希腊真实（经通胀调整的）GDP将在2010—2011年间收缩5%左右，在2012年稳定下来，并在此后开始增长。 事实上，GDP下降了25 % ， 并且从未复苏。 而由于2014年名义GDP继续下降，本应在三年前就稳定下来的债务/GDP之比还在继续上升。 布兰查德指出，2012年希腊同意“形成足够大的初级盈余以限制债务负担”并实施“应该能提高增长的多项改革 ” 。 这些所谓的改革包括大幅削减公共支出、降低最低工资 、 “ 大甩卖”式私有化、结束集体讨价还价，以及大幅减少退休金。 希腊履行了改革，但萧条仍在继续。 IMF和其他希腊债权人认为大规模财政收缩只会给经济活动、就业和税收带来暂时的影响，而大幅下降的工资、退休金和公共职位会给增长带来魔法效应。 事实证明这是错误的。 事实上，2010年后的希腊调整导致了经济灾难 — — 以及IMF史上最离谱预测。 布兰查德应该了解情况，不至于出现如此失策。 只要“改革”和增长之间的关系不成立 — — 希腊的情况正是如此 — — 他的观点也就破产了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Hispanic approach emphasizes migrants’ involvement in banking by offering a range of banking services in both the country of origin and the host country, products of specific interest to migrants, and low commissions on foreign transfers. This approach, widely developed by Morocco and the Portuguese-speaking world, is epitomized by the zero-commission policy initiated by the Spanish bank Santander and its Moroccan counterpart, Attijariwafa Bank. Finally, the Francophone approach relies on two types of monopoly. The first is enjoyed by Western Union, which controls up to 90% of the total formal transfer volume within Africa’s 16-member Franc Zone. Western Union charges fees as high as 25% on transfers to these countries, compared to an average global benchmark of 5%, and has required that Franc-Zone countries sign exclusivity agreements, thereby preventing foreign-exchange bureaux, post offices, and micro-finance institutions from carrying out money transfers. The second monopoly is exercised in the banking sector. France has a veto within the boards of directors of the Franc Zone’s two central banks, while two French commercial banks, BNP-Paribas and Société Générale, exercise a quasi-monopoly on lending programs, mainly centered on short-term trade financing and the needs of governments, public and private companies, and the elite. All other local banks have adopted the same approach, severely restricting access to financial services for households and entrepreneurs. Despite the increasing importance of remittances from Italy, Spain, and the United States, the largest share in absolute terms still originates from France. There is thus a real need in the Franc Zone for a financing institution that would convert migrant remittances into productive investments, thereby generating jobs and wealth, and that would broaden access to banking services, mortgages, insurance products, pension plans, and technical assistance. Official statistics for 2009 are likely to show that migrants’ remittances fell sharply, as the global recession severely eroded job opportunities abroad. That makes it all the more important that African countries, many of which have laid a strong groundwork for sustainable growth, have a financial system in place that can leverage remittances effectively as the global economy recovers.", "zh": "西班牙语国家则通过在移民原籍及其所在国提供各种银行服务、推出与移民利益有特殊关系的产品和手续费低廉的跨国汇款服务来吸引移民参与银行业务。 这种方式被摩洛哥和讲葡萄牙语的国家所广泛采用，其中最具代表性的是由西班牙银行桑坦德集团及其摩洛哥同行阿提哈利瓦法银行首创的零手续费汇款服务。 最后，两类垄断构成了法语国家对策的基础。 其一是西联的垄断地位，该机构控制了非洲法郎区16国正式汇款高达90%的份额。 西联针对这些国家汇款收取高达25%的费用，大大高于全球平均标准的5 % ， 并要求法郎区国家签署独家服务协议，以借此防止外汇局、邮局和小额信贷机构开展货币汇款业务。 法语国家的另外一重垄断存在于银行机构。 法国在法郎区两大央行董事会均握有否决权，与此同时两大法国商业银行 — — 法国巴黎银行和法国兴业银行 — — 有权对贷款计划行使准垄断决策，要求贷款计划主要满足短期贸易融资和政府、公私企业及上层人士的需求。 当地其他银行也采用同样的策略，这严重限制了家庭和企业获取金融服务。 尽管来自意大利、西班牙和美国的汇款占比越来越大，但绝对意义上的最大额度依然来自于法国。 因此迫切需要在法郎区出现一家能够将移民汇款转化为高效投资的贷款机构，并以此为起点创造就业机会和财富，能够让更多的人享受到银行服务、抵押贷款、保险产品、养老金计划和技术援助。 2009年的官方数据很可能显示移民汇款总额出现大幅度下降，下降的原因是全球经济衰退严重侵蚀了国外的就业机会。 在这种情况下，随着全球经济的复苏，非洲国家建立能够有效利用汇款的金融体系就显得至关重要，很多非洲国家都为实现可持续发展奠定了坚实的基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "她说话不像苏瑞那么犀利，甚至都没起什么波澜，清清淡淡的，但是，口气间却无形中渗透出了一股魄力，带了那么点傲然，可又不会让人觉得张扬。 一切，她拿捏得恰到好处，打压对方于无形。 苏瑞刚那话其实也纯属气话，方池夏怎么会是随便叫来的？ 洛易北是亲口承认过两人关系的！ 得到洛易北认可的女人，而且两人婚都结了，方池夏的身份，就是洛家的少夫人！ 洛家正牌的少夫人亲自出面，怎么会是随便一个人？ 苏瑞其实很清楚方池夏这次来，容熙并不是随意安排的，但是，就是咽不下这口气。 “我们只愿意和易北谈判，如果他不出现，那这份合约到此为止吧！” 将文件啪的往旁边一掷，苏瑞摆起了公主架子。 方池夏就没期待过她会好说话，只能将求助的目光转向了费司诺。 费司诺尴尬耸了耸肩，一副无能为力的样子。 方池夏揉了揉头疼的额头，盯着两人看了好一会儿，被迫无奈，只能站起身离开了。 之后她开着车直接回的公司。 到的时候，洛易北刚好在办公室。", "en": "She spoke not as sharply as Su Rui, with not a bit of waver in her voice. Light and faint, but the invisible boldness infiltrated her breath, with a point of pride, but at the same time unpretentious. Everything has to be just right to suppress each other invisibly. The fact was that Su Rui only uttered those purely in anger, how could she let go of Fang Chixia so easily? Luo Yibei has personally acknowledged the relationship between them! The woman who was authorized by Luo Yibei, plus the fact that they’re married, the identity of Fang Chixia was the young mistress of the Luo Family! The young mistress has personally come forward, how could she be just anybody? Su Rui was perfectly clear that Fang Chixia’s appearance wasn’t arranged by Rongxi at random. But she just couldn’t swallow this stone. “We are only willing to negotiate with Yibei. If he doesn’t appear, then this contract ends here!” Su Rui tossed the file and acted high and mighty as her princess status allows. Fang Chixia has already anticipated as much, so she turned her attention to Fei Si Nuo. Fei Si Nuo shrugged helplessly. Fang Chixia could feel a headache setting on her forehead. Staring at the two people for a while, she has no way to convince them so she could only stand up and leave. Afterwards, she drove the car back directly to the company. By the time she arrived, Luo Yibei back to his office."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I do worry that the government is not moving fast enough to grant the country’s millions of migrant workers official residency in the cities where they work and live. Migrants’ continued lack of access to public services might prevent a large rise in consumption as a share of GDP. But, as I was told during my visit, the central government’s reluctance to move more quickly reflects its wariness of imposing immense fiscal pressures on local authorities. Another area of serious concern is health care. At some stage, the central government will have to address the sector’s deficiencies. I learned about one example when discussing antimicrobial resistance, to which the government has responded by attempting to limit the quantity of antibiotics a patient may take. The trouble is that many hospitals and doctors rely on drug sales for a large portion of their revenues, which creates a powerful incentive to find ways to circumvent the rules. Pollution remains a grave challenge as well. But it must also be noted that China’s carbon dioxide emissions declined notably in 2014, offering what is perhaps the first tangible evidence that the country is making some progress on this front. Energy efficiency and renewable energy use are both on the rise as well. Most important, despite the challenges it faces, the Chinese economy’s singular importance is now widely recognized. The country’s recent international achievements – particular its ability to secure the backing of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Italy for its Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in the face of opposition from the United States – imply a high degree of confidence that China will address its problems successfully. China’s role within existing international financial institutions could change this year as well. In December, the International Monetary Fund will consider adding renminbi to the basket of currencies that comprise the Fund’s unit of account, known as Special Drawing Rights, alongside the US dollar, the euro, the British pound, and the Japanese yen. And the world is still waiting for the US to implement a 2010 reform of the IMF that would strengthen the position of China and other large emerging economies in the institution’s governance structure. Given the significance of the Chinese economy, continuing to leave this unaddressed is anything but normal.", "zh": "我确实担心政府给予中国数百万农民工在他们工作和生活的城市的正式居留权的动作不够迅速。 农民工仍然无法获得公共服务可能会阻止消费占GDP比重的大幅上升。 但是，在中国之旅中有人告诉我，中央政府不愿加快动作节奏是因为担心给地方当局增加太大的财政压力。 另一个令人严重关注的领域是医疗。 总有一天中央政府必须解决这一部门的缺陷。 在讨论抗耐药性问题是我了解到一个例子，政府对抗耐药性的反应是试图限制病人可用抗生素的剂量。 麻烦在于许多医院和医生的收入很大一部分来自卖药，这给了他们很大的激励想办法规避规则。 污染也仍然是一个严峻的挑战。 但同样应该注意的是2014年中国二氧化碳排放量大幅下降，这也许是第一个实在的证据证明中国正在这方面取得进步。 能源效率和开再生能源的使用也都在增加。 最重要的是，尽管面临这些挑战，中国经济的巨大的重要性已获得广泛承认。 目前，中国的国际成就 — — 特别是它有能力确保英国、法国、德国和意大利不顾美国的反对支持其亚洲基础设施投资银行 — — 表明中国很有信心成功解决它的问题。 中国在现有国际金融机构中的作用也可能在今年发生改变。 12月，国际货币基金组织（IMF）将考虑将人民币与美元、欧元、英镑和日元一起纳入其账户单位即所谓的特别提款权的货币篮子中。 而世界仍在等待美国实施IMF的2010年改革。 这项改革将加强中国和其他新兴大经济体在IMF治理结构中的地位。 考虑到中国经济的重要性，不解决这一问题绝不正常。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "是中国特色社会主义理论体系的重要组成部分，是全党全国人民为实现中华民族伟大复兴而奋斗的行动指南，必须长期坚持并不断发展。 全党要深刻领会新时代中国特色社会主义思想的精神实质和丰富内涵，在各项工作中全面准确贯彻落实。 （一）坚持党对一切工作的领导。 党政军民学，东西南北中，党是领导一切的。 必须增强政治意识、大局意识、核心意识、看齐意识， 自觉维护党中央权威和集中统一领导，自觉在思想上政治上行动上同党中央保持高度一致， 完善坚持党的领导的体制机制，坚持稳中求进工作总基调，统筹推进“五位一体”总体布局，协调推进“四个全面”战略布局， 提高党把方向、谋大局、定政策、促改革的能力和定力，确保党始终总揽全局、协调各方。 （二）坚持以人民为中心。 人民是历史的创造者，是决定党和国家前途命运的根本力量。", "en": "It is an important component of the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and a guide to action for all our members and all the Chinese people as we strive to achieve national rejuvenation. This Thought must be adhered to and steadily developed on a long-term basis. Everyone in the Party should develop a good grasp of the essence and rich implications of the Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era and fully and faithfully apply it in all our work. 1. Ensuring Party leadership over all work The Party exercises overall leadership over all areas of endeavor in every part of the country. We must strengthen our consciousness of the need to maintain political integrity, think in big-picture terms, follow the leadership core, and keep in alignment. We must work harder to uphold the authority and centralized, unified leadership of the Central Committee, and closely follow the Central Committee in terms of our thinking, political orientation, and actions. We must improve the institutions and mechanisms for upholding Party leadership, remain committed to the underlying principle of pursuing progress while ensuring stability, and ensure coordinated implementation of the five-sphere integrated plan and the four-pronged comprehensive strategy. We must strengthen the Party’s ability and resolve to chart our course, craft overall plans, design policy, and promote reform; and we must ensure the Party always provides overall leadership and coordinates the efforts of all involved. 2. Committing to a people-centered approach The people are the creators of history; they are the fundamental force that determines our Party and country’s future."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There were also years of “Russia in China” and “China in Russia” cultural exchanges, meant to underscore that the two countries were tied together not just by geopolitical pragmatism, but by genuine cultural/historical ties as well. But the fact is that 17 years of high-level bilateral cooperation have produced little of substance. Indeed, in the wake of the invasion of Georgia, China may be seriously rethinking its relations with Russia. It may not yet be ready to embark on a full-fledged policy of “containment,” but in the wake of the dismemberment of Georgia – and with Russia claiming a zone of “privileged influence” throughout the former Soviet world – China clearly views Russia as an emerging strategic threat. For example, China has refused to endorse Russia’s recognition of the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and has encouraged the SCO’s other members to do the same. The reasons are not hard to find. As a general principle of foreign policy, China believes that national borders are sacrosanct. No power, not even the United Nations, should be allowed to change them without the consent of the country concerned. More importantly, China views the break-up of the USSR as one of the greatest strategic gifts in its history. Instead of confronting a (usually hostile) Russian/Soviet empire on its border, a vast swath of buffer states appeared after 1991.", "zh": "中俄之间也进行了几年的“俄罗斯在中国”和“中国在俄罗斯”的文化交流，这些交流旨在强调两国不仅仅是因为地缘政治实用主义而联系在一起，而且也被真正的文化/历史关系联系在一起。 但是，事实是，中俄之间17年的高层双边合作并没有产生很多实质性的成果。 确实，在俄罗斯入侵格鲁吉亚之后，中国可能会认真地重新思考其与俄罗斯的关系。 中国可能还没有为开始成熟的“牵制”政策做好准备，但是，在格鲁吉亚被分裂之后 — — 以及随着俄罗斯要求在前苏联国家拥有一个“特殊影响”区域之后 — — 中国已经明确地将俄罗斯作为一个新兴的战略威胁。 例如，中国已经拒绝认可俄罗斯对南奥塞梯和阿布哈兹独立的承认，并鼓励上海合作组织的其他成员国也采取同样的态度。 找到中国这样做的原因并不难。 作为外交政策的一般原则，中国认为国家边界是非常神圣的。 没有大国，即使是美国，应该被允许在没有相关国家的同意下改变它们的边界。 更重要的是，中国认为苏联的解体是其历史上最大的战略机遇之一。 中国不用再在其边界对抗一个（通常是敌对的）苏联/俄罗斯帝国，反而在1991年后在两国之间出现了一个长长的缓冲国地带。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "李建昌 1996年毕业于河南省安阳师范高等专科学校英语系。 1996年至1999年在河南省范县第一中学任教。 1999年攻读同济大学文法学院马克思主义与思想政治教育专业硕士研究生，2002年获法学硕士学位，同年留校工作。 2002年5月至2011年9月历任同济大学校长办公室科员、副科长、驻京办事处主任、副主任（2004年至2008年在教育部规划司、办公厅兼职借调工作，2010年11月至2011年6月在科技部办公厅调研室挂职工作）。 2011年9月至2013年6月任同济大学对外联络与发展办公室副主任（主持工作），2013年6月至2017年8月任同济大学对外联络与发展办公室主任，2012年5月至2017年12月任上海同济大学教育发展基金会副秘书长、秘书长（兼）。 2016年12月至2019年5月任同济大学上海国际知识产权学院党总支书记。 2019年5月起任同济大学人文学院党委书记。", "en": "Jianchang Li He graduated from the English Department of Anyang Teachers College, Henan Province in 1996. And he taught at Fanxian No. 1 Middle School in Henan Province from 1996 to 1999. In 1999, he went to the School of Arts and Law of Tongji University to study for a Master's Degree majoring in Marxism and Ideological and Political Education. And he obtained his Master's Degree in Law in 2002 and then stayed to work at school. From May 2002 to September 2011, he successively served as a Staff Member, Deputy Section Chief of the Office of the Principal of Tongji University, Deputy Director and Director of Tongji University's Office in Beijing (from 2004 to 2008, he worked as part-time secondment in the Planning Department and General Office of the Ministry of Education; and from November 2010 to June 2011, he worked temporarily in the research room of the General Office of the Ministry of Science and Technology). Li served as the Deputy Director of the Office of External Relations and Development of Tongji University from September 2011 to June 2013, Director of the Office of External Liaison and Development of Tongji University from June 2013 to August 2017, Deputy Secretary-General and Secretary-General of Shanghai Tongji University Education Development Foundation from May 2012 to December 2017. And he served as Secretary of the Party Branch of Shanghai International Intellectual Property Institute of Tongji University from December 2016 to May 2019. Since May 2019, he has served as Secretary of the Party Committee of the School of Humanities of Tongji University."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We must enable Afghans to look after themselves and defend their country, to have a future in Afghanistan, to have hope of raising their children in Afghanistan. Recently, I spoke to an Afghan man very close to me. He has a son who works in the Afghan Foreign Office. That young man was born in the US but returned to Afghanistan four years ago. The father asked, “Do you think I should take my son back to the US?” I said, “Why? Let him live here, let him work here, let him be an Afghan.” He said, “Yes, but will he have a future?” A viable future means security as well as bread. We have started to bring hope by educating young Afghans, but we have not yet succeeded in bringing them a secure life, free from the danger of bombs and aerial bombardment. Only when that happens will Afghanistan be secure. And if the two other conditions are fulfilled – removal of political backing for radicalism and help for the desperate – we will have a safer life not only in Afghanistan, but in Pakistan, India, and the rest of the world.", "zh": "我们必须使阿富汗人民有能力照顾自己，保卫自己的国家，看到阿富汗的前途，希望在阿富汗养育他们的子女。 最近，我有一个和我非常熟识的阿富汗人和我交谈。 他的儿子在阿富汗外交部工作。 他儿子在美国出生，但四年前返回阿富汗。 他父亲问我 ： “ 你认为我应该考虑把我的儿子送回美国吗 ？ ” 我说 ， “ 这是为什么？ 让他住在这里，让他在这里工作，让他成为一个阿富汗人吧。 “他说 ： ” 是，但他会不会有前途呢？ “ 可靠的前途意味着安全以及温饱。 我们已经以教育年轻的阿富汗人为开始，为人民带来希望，但我们还没有在给他们带来生活的安全感，让他们免受炸弹和空袭的威胁。 只有到那时，阿富汗才能获得安全。 如果另外两个条件得到满足，即消除对激进主义的政治支持并帮助绝望的人们，我们的生活才会过得更安全，不仅在阿富汗，而且在巴基斯坦、印度和全世界其它地方都是如此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It will mean a greater role for government, but only because that role has been relatively small so far. Take the five-fold increase in public-sector R&D we discussed earlier. That increase would put clean-energy research on par with health research in the US. And just as we have the National Institutes of Health to oversee and coordinate that work, we should create the National Institutes of Energy Innovation (NIEI) to avoid duplication and make the best use of these resources. An Institute of Transportation Decarbonization would be responsible for work on low-carbon fuels. Other institutes would have similar responsibilities and authority for research on energy storage, renewables, and so on. The NIEI would also be responsible for coordinating with the private sector. The goal would be to have research coming out of national labs that leads to breakthrough products that get to market at a very large scale. We need policies that speed up the entire innovation pipeline, from early research to mass deployment. BG: I do think people in the rich world can and should cut back some on their emissions. (As I mention in the book, I’m taking a number of steps to reduce and offset my own emissions.) But energy use is going to double worldwide by 2050, driven by significant growth in low- and middle-income countries. That growth is good in the sense that it means people are living healthier, more productive lives. But we need to do it in a way that doesn’t make the climate problem harder to solve.", "zh": "这意味着政府将发挥更大的作用，但只是因为截至目前为止这种作用还相对较小。 以我们之前讨论的公共部门研发经费增加五倍为例，就算是这种幅度的增长也才能令清洁能源研究与美国的健康研究比肩。 而就像我们有国家卫生研究院来监督和协调相关工作一样，我们应该建立一个类似国家能源创新研究院这样的机构以避免多头监管并充分利用这些资源。 一个交通低碳化研究所将负责低碳燃料方面的工作，其他研究所也会被赋予类似的责任和权力去负责储能、可再生能源等方面的研究。 国家能源创新研究院还将负责与私营部门的协调工作。 我们的目标是让国家实验室的研究能产生一些可以大规模进入市场的突破性产品。 对此我们需要一些能加速整个创新链条（从早期研究到大规模部署）的政策。 盖茨：我确实认为富裕国家的人们可以也应当减少一些排放（正如我在书中提到的，我正在采取一些措施来减少和抵消自身的排放 ） 。 但到2050年时全球的能源使用量将增加一倍，这是由低收入和中等收入国家的显著增长所推动的。 这种增长是好事，因为它意味着人们过上了更健康且更有品质的生活。 但是我们需要以一种不会令气候问题变得更加棘手的方式来实现这一增长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Better Year for Stock Markets? LONDON – Although it has been almost a decade since I gave up a full-time job in finance, markets – and market oddities – still fascinate me, especially when they send signals that run against a widely held consensus among analysts and investors. Given all the disappointments in 2022, the outlook for the new year is quite downbeat. Major corporations are announcing layoffs, and the International Monetary Fund is forecasting that at least one in three countries will experience a recession this year. The reasons for such pessimism are not hard to find. The big inflationary surprises of 2022 triggered a massive and rapid tightening of monetary policies in most major economies, and key central banks have continued to talk tough. Although the US Federal Reserve reduced the size of its interest-rate hikes from 75 basis points to 50 bps in December, it has made clear that more rate hikes are likely – and that a rate cut is not in the cards for 2023. Making matters worse, many other problems, like Russia’s war in Ukraine, continue to simmer, threatening supply chains, markets, and economies around the world. At some point in my career, I was introduced to an old almanac that offered an endless array of heuristics about US stock markets’ past performance. One nugget that always stuck with me is the five-day rule: If the S&P 500 index makes a net gain during the first five trading days of the calendar year, equities will perform well for the year overall.", "zh": "股市更好的一年？ 伦敦 — — 尽管近十年前我就辞去了金融行业的全职工作 — — 但市场 — — 和市场怪现象 — — 仍令我沉迷其中，尤其当市场所发出信号与分析师和投资者所普遍认定的共识背道而驰的时候。 鉴于2022年经历的所有失望，人们对新一年的前景抱有相当悲观的态度。 主要公司宣布裁员，而且，据国际货币基金组织预测，今年至少1/3的国家将陷入衰退。 这种悲观情绪出现的原因不难找到。 2022年的巨大通胀意外引发多数主要经济体大规模、快速收紧货币政策，而主要央行则继续表明强硬态度。 尽管美联储于去年12月将加息幅度从75个基点降至50个基点，但它已明确表示，可能会有更多加息举措 — — 而且2023年降息是不可能的。 更糟的是，许多其他问题，如俄乌战争，继续发酵，威胁着世界各地的供应链、市场和经济状况。 在职业生涯的某个时刻，我经人介绍，知晓了一本曾对美国股市既往表现提供无尽启发的古老年鉴。 5天规则是给我留下深刻印象的一条规则：如果标普500指数在某日历年的前5个交易日出现净增长，那么全年股市将录得良好表现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What we then need is to study the fundamental laws governing consciousness, the laws that connect consciousness to other fundamentals: space, time, mass, physical processes. Physicists sometimes say that we want fundamental laws so simple that we could write them on the front of a t-shirt. Well I think something like that is the situation we're in with consciousness. We want to find fundamental laws so simple we could write them on the front of a t-shirt. We don't know what those laws are yet, but that's what we're after. The second crazy idea is that consciousness might be universal. Every system might have some degree of consciousness. This view is sometimes called panpsychism: pan for all, psych for mind, every system is conscious, not just humans, dogs, mice, flies, but even Rob Knight's microbes, elementary particles. Even a photon has some degree of consciousness. The idea is not that photons are intelligent or thinking. It's not that a photon is wracked with angst because it's thinking, \"Aww, I'm always buzzing around near the speed of light. I never get to slow down and smell the roses.\" No, not like that. But the thought is maybe photons might have some element of raw, subjective feeling, some primitive precursor to consciousness. This may sound a bit kooky to you. I mean, why would anyone think such a crazy thing? Some motivation comes from the first crazy idea, that consciousness is fundamental. If it's fundamental, like space and time and mass, it's natural to suppose that it might be universal too, the way they are. It's also worth noting that although the idea seems counterintuitive to us, it's much less counterintuitive to people from different cultures, where the human mind is seen as much more continuous with nature.", "zh": "然后我们需要做的就是研究 那些掌控着意识的基本定律， 那些将意识与其它基本概念—— 空间、时间、质量、物理过程—— 联系在一起的定律。 物理学家有时候说 我们希望那些基本定律可以简单到 能够把它们写在T恤上。 我想我们在对意识的研究上 也应该这样。 我希望我们发现的关于意识的基本定律也可以简单到 能够把它们写在T恤上。 我们现在还不知道这些定律是什么， 但这是我们正在寻找的。 第二个疯狂的想法 是意识也许是普通存在的。 也许每个系统都有某种程度的 意识。 这种观点有时被称作泛心论： 万物皆有精神或心理活动， 每个系统都具有意识， 不仅是人类、狗、老鼠、苍蝇， 甚至连罗伯·奈特的微生物、 基本粒子都具有意识。 甚至连一个光子都有某种程度的意识。 这个观点不是说光子是智能的 或者能思考的。 不是说一个光子 会由于焦虑而被破坏， 而这种焦虑是因为它想着\"哦，我总是以接近光速的速度 紧张地跑来跑去，从来没有放慢速度来闻一闻玫瑰花香\"。 不，事情不是这样子的。 这种观点想要表达的是也许光子可能会有 一些原始的、主观的体验， 一些原始的意识的前兆。 对你来说，这听起来可能有点怪。 我的意思是，为什么不可以有人思考这样疯狂的事呢？ 有一些动机来自第一个疯狂想法， 即意识是基本概念。 如果它是基本概念，就像空间、时间和质量一样， 那么很自然地可以假定它也可能具有普遍性， 就像其它的基本概念一样。 还有一点值得注意的是虽然这个想法 对我们来说是违反直觉的， 但对来自其他文化的人来说 可能就不是那么违反直觉了， 那些人的心灵 跟自然联系在一起的时间更长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When it comes to monetary policy, the US Federal Reserve has been doing a good job; but its independence is increasingly under attack from Republican politicians. If this assault succeeds, counter-cyclical monetary policy would be impaired. In the past, the Fed has moderated recessions by cutting short-term interest rates by around 500 basis points. But, with those rates currently standing at only 2%, such a move is impossible. That is why, as Martin Feldstein recently pointed out, the Fed should be “raising the rate when the economy is strong,” thereby giving “the Fed room to respond in the next economic downturn with a significant reduction.” Most Fed critics disagree. In 2010, they attacked the Fed for its monetary easing, even though unemployment was still above 9%. Now Trump says he is “not thrilled” about the Fed raising interest rates, even though unemployment is below 4%. This is tantamount to advocating pro-cyclical monetary policy. As we approach the tenth anniversary of the global financial crisis, we should recall how we got there. In 2003-2007, the US government pursued fiscal expansion and financial deregulation – an approach that, even at the time, was recognized as likely to constrain the government’s ability to respond to a recession. If the US continues on its current path, no one should be surprised if history repeats itself.", "zh": "在货币政策方面，美联储一直做得很好；但它的独立性正日益处于共和党政客的攻击之下。 如果他们这次能得逞，逆周期货币政策就将被破坏。 以前美联储会将各项短期利率降低约500个基点来缓和经济衰退的影响。 但由于这类利率目前只有2 ％ ， 这样的举措已经无法实施。 正如马丁·费尔德斯坦（Martin Feldstein）最近指出的那样，美联储应该“在经济景气时提高利率 ” ， 从而给予“美联储在下一次经济衰退中拥有充分的反应空间去进行大幅下调 。 ” 大多数美联储批评者对此不以为然。 在2010年时，尽管失业率仍在9％以上，他们照样对美联储的货币宽松政策加以抨击。 而如今尽管失业率已经低于4 ％ ， 但特朗普却表示对美联储加息的举措感到“不甚高兴 ” 。 这话无异于倡导顺周期货币政策。 在全球金融危机十周年即将来临之际，我们理应回想一下自己是如何走到那一步。 2003~07年，美国政府推行财政扩张并放松金融管制 — — 这种做法即使在当时也被视为可能限制政府应对经济衰退的能力。 如果美国继续沿着当前的道路前进，那么历史重演也就不是什么意料之外的事了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The value that their data generate is being collected by third parties, and sold to whatever cash-rich organization is willing to purchase it. This does not have to be the case. The first step toward reclaiming some of the value of our own data is to view this information as an asset, rather than as a by-product. At that point, Internet users can find ways to take control of their own creation. Already, Facebook users can export all of their personal data as a zip file simply by clicking a link on their profiles. Presumably, they could sell that information directly to the organizations that want it, instead of allowing Facebook to do so. Of course, the data market does not yet exist on this scale. But, as Facebook’s data-export facility demonstrates, a new model that turns data into an asset and consumers into producers is not a distant prospect. Such a model would empower billions of Internet users by making them beneficiaries of a transactional exchange – one that adds value in every direction. Beyond enabling individual Internet users to monetize their data, this model would benefit data buyers by connecting them more closely to consumers – not least by diminishing the mistrust that can arise when users are not complicit in the sharing and use of their data. Indeed, firms that acknowledge that personal data are personal property will be in a better position to build relationships with individual consumers, thereby gaining deeper insights into their specific needs and desires. If passive data are worth hundreds of billions of dollars when sold by third parties, the data that individuals choose to share – reliable, honest insights into their motivations as consumers – should be worth much more. By recognizing the individuals behind the data, companies can access and share in that value, within a fully inclusive data economy. Personal data is exactly that – personal. People should choose whether to share it, and they should be able to share it on their own terms.", "zh": "他们的数据所产生的价值由第三方收集，然后卖给愿意购买的资金雄厚的组织。 并不一定必须如此。 要夺回你自己的数据的部分价值，第一步是将这些信息视为一种资产而非副产品。 目前，互联网用户可以找到控制自己所创造之物的控制权。 Facebook用户只要轻点通往个人信息的链接，就可以将个人数据打包输出。 他们可以直接将这一信息出售给想要的组织而不授权Facebook这样做。 当然，数据市场并不生存于如此规模之上。 但是，Facebook的数据输出便利表明，将数据转化为资产、将消费者转化为生产者的新模式并非天方夜谭。 这一模式能让数十亿互联网用户参与增加所有方价值的交易性交换，让他们从中获益。 除了能让个体互联网用户将自己的数据货币化，该模式还能让数据买家与消费者联系更加紧密，从而从中获益 — — 减少用户不同意共享和使用他们的数据时所可能产生的不信任感。 事实上，认识到个人数据是个人资产的企业将更有利地建立与个体消费者的关系，从而更深度地了解消费者的具体需要和渴望。 如果第三方出售消极数据可以获得数千亿美元，那么个体选择共享的数据 — — 它们是洞察身为消费者的个体的动机的可靠、真实的信息 — — 应该更有价值。 在充分包容的数据经济中，公司可以通过认识数据背后的个体获得和共享这一价值。 个人数据就是个人的数据。 人们应该选择是否共享它，也应该根据自己的条件共享它。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Twice more it was the same on the turns. I do not know, the old man thought. He had been on the point of feeling himself go each time. I do not know. But I will try it once more. He tried it once more and he felt himself going when he turned the fish. The fish righted himself and swam off again slowly with the great tail weaving in the air. I'll try it again, the old man promised, although his hands were mushy now and he could only see well in flashes. He tried it again and it was the same. So he thought, and he felt himself going before he started; I will try it once again. He took all his pain and what was left of his strength and his long gone pride and he put it against the fish's agony and the fish came over onto his side and swam gently on his side, his bill almost touching the planking of the skiff and started to pass the boat, long, deep, wide, silver and barred with purple and interminable in the water. The old man dropped the line and put his foot on it and lifted the harpoon as high as he could and drove it down with all his strength, and more strength he had just summoned, into the fish's side just behind the great chest fin that rose high in the air to the altitude of the man's chest.", "zh": "它又转了两圈，情况还是相同。我实在不懂，老人想。每次拉绳子，他就感觉自己濒临昏厥的边缘。我不懂，但我还要再试一次。他又试了一次，当他把鱼拉动转向时，感觉自己就要昏厥过去了。而鱼又挺直了身体慢慢地游开，大尾巴在空中摇摆着。我要再试一次，老人发誓。虽然他的手现在已是血肉模糊，他的视线也闪烁不明了。他又试了一次，结果还是一样。他这么想着，感觉自己都还没开始就要昏了过去。我要再试一次。他忍住所有痛苦，使尽仅存的力量和长久来已消磨殆尽的骄傲，来和这条鱼的痛苦相互抗衡，鱼终于被他拉近船边，慢慢游向他身边，鱼的尖嘴几乎碰到船板。它开始靠着船边游，它的身影长长的、又深又宽，银色的身躯外裹着紫色的条纹，无止尽地在水中游动。老人把绳线放下来，用脚踩住，尽量举高鱼叉，然后使出所有力量。加上刚才力求振作所凝聚的奋起之力，刺向鱼的身侧，刚好刺在那巨大的胸鳍的后方，胸鳍高高地耸立在空中，有老人胸部那么高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Eastern Europe’s Authoritarian Return MADRID – The European Union is a remarkable achievement of modern statecraft. By building on shared values, it created a space of peace, progress, and freedom that overcame national enmities rooted in decades, if not centuries, of conflict. But the emerging political rift between the EU’s Eastern and Western members, together with resurgent nationalism throughout the continent, is putting those values – and thus the future of European integration – to their most severe test yet. In Eastern Europe, democracy is becoming increasingly illiberal. Leading the way is Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who has been implementing his declared vision of an “illiberal state” for the last six years. Now Poland is following suit, with Jarosław Kaczyński’s right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party having moved swiftly to assert control over public broadcasting, the civil service, and the Constitutional Court since its election in October. Already, the EU has launched an official inquiry into potential violations of its rule-of-law standards. The move toward authoritarianism in Eastern Europe has been accompanied by outright defiance of EU-wide quotas for migrants, aimed at easing the massive refugee crisis that Europe now faces. Meanwhile, Germany registered about a million asylum-seekers last year alone. This split reflects a fundamental divergence in the two sides’ response to history. Germany’s enlightened approach in matters like migration and civil liberties amounts to a direct rejection of its actions during World War II.", "zh": "东欧极权主义的回归 马德里—欧盟是现代治国术的一个令人瞩目的成就。 欧盟通过构建共同价值创造了一个和平、进步和自由的空间，克服了几十年甚至几百年来根深蒂固的民族对立。 但欧盟东部和西部成员国之间的新的政治分歧，以及民族主义在整个欧洲大陆的复兴，正在让这些价值 — — 以及欧洲一体化的未来 — — 经受前所未有的严重考验。 在东欧，民主越来越不自由。 “急先锋”是总理欧尔班治下的匈牙利。 过去六年中，欧尔班一直在实施他所谓的“不自由国家 ” 。 如今，波兰正在步匈牙利后尘，自10月份当选以来，卡钦斯基的右翼政党法律与正义党（PiS）迅速行转向主张控制公共广播、文官体系和宪法法院。 目前，欧盟官方已开始调查是否有违反其法治标准的情况。 东欧在转向极权主义的同时也极力反对旨在缓解欧洲所面临的大规模难民危机的泛欧盟移民配额制度。 而去年德国一国就注册了约一百万寻求庇护者。 这一分歧反映了双方对历史的反应的根本分歧。 德国对移民和公民自由等问题的开明态度是与其二战期间的行为的决裂。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And pro-cyclicalists, both in the US and Europe, represent the worst of all worlds by pursuing expansionary policies during booms, such as in 2003-07, and contractionary policies during recessions, such as in 2008-2012. But, if counter-cyclicalists are right to favor moderating, rather than exacerbating, upswings and downswings in the economy, we still need to know what works best. Given recent conditions, is monetary or fiscal stimulus the more effective instrument? John Hicks addressed this question clearly in a once-famous 1937 article called “Mr. Keynes and the Classics.” Under the conditions that prevailed then, and that prevail again now (high unemployment, low inflation, and near-zero interest rates), monetary expansion is relatively less effective, because it cannot push interest rates below zero. Moreover, firms are less likely to respond to easy money by investing in new physical capital and labor if they cannot sell what they already produce in the factories they already have with the workers they already employ. Fiscal stimulus is relatively more effective in these conditions, because it creates demand for goods without driving up those rock-bottom interest rates and crowding out private-sector demand (as it would in normal times). None of this should be controversial. Introductory economics used to emphasize the Keynesian multiplier effect: recipients of government spending (or of consumer spending stimulated by tax cuts or transfers) respond to the increase in their incomes by spending more, as do the recipients of that spending, and so on. Again, the multiplier is much more relevant under current conditions, because it does not fuel higher inflation and interest rates (and thus crowd out private spending). Unfortunately, many economists and politicians have forgotten much of what they knew (or have been blinded by new theories of policy ineffectiveness). Indeed, by the time the 2008-2009 global recession hit, even advocates of fiscal stimulus had lowered their estimates of the multiplier.", "zh": "推崇顺周期政策的人 — — 无论是在美国还是欧洲，是全世界最差劲的，他们在繁荣期间 — — 比如2003年到2007年 — — 追求扩张政策，而在经济衰退期 — — 比如2008年到2012年 — — 却追求紧缩政策。 但如果逆周期政策的人是对的，是应该倾向于温和而不是剧烈的经济回升与衰退进程，我们仍然需要知道什么运行得最好。 在近期情况下，到底货币刺激还是财政刺激哪个才是更有效的政策工具呢？ 约翰·希克斯（John Hicks）在曾经著名的1937年名为《凯恩斯先生与古典学派》的文章中清楚地解答了这个问题。 在当时的情况下 — — 现在也一样（高失业率、低通货膨胀及几近为零的利率 ） ， 货币扩张相对没那么有效，因为它不可能把利率推到零以下。 此外，如果公司无法卖出已雇佣员工在自家工厂里生产出来的产品，它们也不大可能利用低价货币投资新的实物资本与劳动力。 财政刺激在这些情况下相对会更有效一些，因为它能在无需抬高处于最低点的利率和不压抑私人企业需求（一般情况下则会）的情况下创造对商品的需求。 以上这些都不应该有什么争议。 入门经济学理论过去会强调凯恩斯的乘数效应：即政府支出（或者减税及转移支付刺激下的消费者支出）的受益者对收入增长的反应是花更多的钱，而这种花费的受益者也会因收入增加而花更多的钱，如此循环。 此外，这种乘数在当前情况下更为相关，因为它没有使通货膨胀加剧也没有刺激高利率（从而排挤了私人支出 ） 。 不幸的是，很多经济学家和政治家忘了很多他们曾经学过的知识（或者说被政策失效的新理论所蒙蔽了 ） 。 事实上，在2008-2009年全球危机爆发时，即便是财政刺激的拥护者也调低了对乘数的估算。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Goldilocks Growth LONDON – With Wall Street hitting all-time highs and the US economy certain to set a new record next month, it seems a lifetime since the despondency in financial markets at the end of last year. Fears of recession have been completely refuted, and investors who shared the view expressed here in early January – that markets were just going through a bout of irrational panic – have enjoyed the strongest start to a year since 1998. The market’s roller-coaster behavior is easy to explain, at least in hindsight. Investors were understandably worried by four risks last year: overly aggressive US monetary tightening; escalation of the US-China trade conflict; soaring oil prices (possibly returning to $100 per barrel or higher); and another euro crisis, precipitated by the unprecedented left-right populist coalition that emerged from Italy’s election. By the end of the year, however, all of these risks had subsided: the Fed executed a dovish U-turn, the US-China trade war moved toward a ceasefire, oil prices fell, and Italy resolved its fiscal clash with the European Commission in a fairly innocuous truce. With all of these problems receding, the surge in equity prices from January onward was understandable, and even predictable. The question now is whether this rebound will lead to a resumption of the bull market or turn out to be only a temporary bounce. In my view, the bull market will continue, despite the fact that it has already broken records for longevity. The US economic expansion will also break historic records when it enters its eleventh year in June. The fundamental reason is that the combination of very low inflation and decently strong economic activity that has characterized the world economy since the 2008 financial crisis shows no sign of ending. This benign outlook may seem at odds with two concepts that have dominated economic commentary since the financial crisis: “secular stagnation” and the “deflationary new normal.” Both have proved misleading and confusing. “Secular stagnation,” at least as a description of global economic activity, is simply wrong. Global growth has averaged 3.7% since the end of the recession in mid-2009, which is actually slightly faster than the 3.6% average in the 30 years to 2008. And there has not been a single year this decade in which global growth fell below 3%.", "zh": "温和经济增长 伦敦 — — 随着华尔街再次创下历史新高以及美国经济下月无疑会创造新的纪录，去年年底金融市场的沮丧似乎已经是上辈子的事。 衰退担忧已经被完全排除，而赞同1月初我在此所表达观点 — — 也就是市场不过正在经历一轮非理性恐慌 — — 的投资人，已经享受到1998年来最强势开局。 至少从事后来看，市场的过山车行为很容易解释。 投资者有理由对去年的四大风险表示忧虑：过于激进的美国货币紧缩政策；美中贸易冲突升级；油价飙升（可能回到每桶100美元或更高 ） ； 以及意大利选举中出现的前所未有的左右翼民粹主义联盟所导致的新一轮欧元危机。 但到去年底，上述所有风险均已消退：美联储采取了温和的U型转向、美中贸易战走向停火、油价下跌、而意大利则以一次无伤大雅的休战结束了其与欧盟委员会的财政冲突。 随着上述所有问题的逐步消退，自1月以来的股价飙升不难理解，甚至可以说在意料之中。 现在的问题是这轮反弹是否将导致新一轮的牛市，抑或仅仅是一轮暂时的反弹而已。 我认为牛市将会持续，尽管其在时间长度上屡创记录已是不争的事实。 当美国经济扩张在今年6月进入到第11年时，也已经打破了历史纪录。 根本原因是自2008年金融危机以来伴随世界经济的超低通胀和强劲经济活动组合并未表现出任何结束的迹象。 这样一种不错的前景似乎与金融危机以来主导经济评论的“长期停滞”和“通缩新常态”这两大概念不一致。 事实证明，上述两大概念均具有迷惑性和误导性。 “长期停滞”至少从描述全球经济活动的意义上讲存在根本性的错误。 自2009年中衰退结束以来全球经济平均增长率为3.7 % ， 其实还略高于2008年前30年间3.6％的平均增长率。 而在此十年间，没有一年的全球增长速度比3%还要低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“哼！”虽然轻哼了声，但看着阿德里安的目光已经变得无比柔软，感概的眷恋的氛围随即在三人之间流淌起来。暖洋洋的，非常舒服。 “好了，我们走吧，否则下面的两个小家伙要跑上来了。”半晌后阿德里安这么说道，就这么搂着苏菲和莫妮卡往楼梯走去。 不过没两步，他就伸手在她们依然还算翘挺的臀部用力捏了把。之前的氛围顿时当然无存。苏菲和莫妮卡虽然气恼，却也只能给他一记白眼，阿德里安不由哈哈大笑起来。 到了楼下，抓住跑来跑去的黛娃和朱丽叶，一行人出门上车去了贝弗利山。阿德里安的豪宅，今天是每月一度的母亲们聚会的日子。 坦率的说。随着孩子们的增多，这个聚会渐渐变得有些鸡肋。阿德里安最初这样安排，是考虑到孩子们的母亲聚在一起应该会相对平和一些，相互之间也能更好的交流。只是，随着孩子的增加，母亲团队也在增加，去年和今年就增加了泽塔琼斯、妮可、娜奥米三个人，阿德里安目前已经暗示过瑞切尔，她选择了默认。未来亚历山大、米兰达以及布兰妮、克里斯蒂娜等等，恐怕也是一个都跑不掉，可想而知。", "en": "“Hum!” Although he hummed softly, his eyes became very soft when he watched Adrian. The atmosphere of nostalgic sentiment immediately flows between the three, warm and very comfortable. “Okay, let’s go, otherwise the following two little guys will run up.” Adrian said after a while, so he walked up the stairs with arms around Sophie and Monica. But in two steps, he reached out and squeezed their still buttocks hard, and the previous atmosphere suddenly disappeared. Although Sophie and Monica were annoyed, they could only give him a glance. Adrian couldn’t help laughing. Going downstairs, grabbing Dava and Juliet running around, a group of people went out and got on the car to the Beverly Hills, Adrian mansion. Today is the monthly gathering of mothers. Frankly speaking, as the number of children increases, this party gradually becomes a little tasteless. Adrian initially arranged this to take into account that the children’s mothers should be relatively peaceful when they get together. Can communicate better with each other. However, as the number of children increases, the mother team also increases. Zeta Jones, Nicole and Naomi were added last year and this year. Adrian has already hinted at Rachel and she chose the default. In the future, Alexander, Miranda, Britney, Christina and so on, I am afraid that none of them can run away, one can imagine."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Koizumi had real successes in these reform efforts, which significantly transformed a malfunctioning Japanese state that was in the grip of pork-barrel LDP politicians, bureaucrats, and big business elites. Koizumi had relied on the bureaucrats to implement his reforms, but he did so at the price of postponing an overhaul of the civil service, which became a poisoned chalice that he passed on to Abe. Moreover, Abe’s lack of Koizumi’s star quality and outsider charisma has made him rely more heavily than his predecessor on the LDP’s existing leadership. These leaders are less concerned with the reform agenda than with promoting patriotism among Japanese youth, upgrading the Defense Agency to a ministry, and enacting a law to permit a referendum to revise the pacifist constitution. These are all important matters, but they are not among the electorate’s priorities. Koizumi’s approach was to defy the LDP’s leaders by appealing over their heads directly to the electorate. He successfully portrayed himself as a rebel resisting the LDP’s old guard, actually purging some of them, in defense of ordinary Japanese. But Koizumi’s reforms seemed to abandon not only rent-seekers, but also the disadvantaged who had relied on the state’s protectionist measures. Abe is now confronting the legacy of this strategy: domestic polarization between highly educated and unskilled labor, between competitive and declining sectors, and between urban and rural areas. And, to protect their jobs, Japan’s bureaucrats are now aligning their interests with those who see themselves as having lost out in the Koizumi years.", "zh": "小泉在这些改革中取得了实质性的成功，使得被假公济私的自民党政客、官僚和商业巨头把持的、运转不灵的日本政府发生了重大转变。 小泉依靠官僚实施改革，代价是不得不推迟公务员制度的全面革新，结果这在安倍接手后就成了毒瘤。 此外，安倍不具备小泉那样的明星气质和外在魅力，因此比他的前任更加依赖自民党现有的领导人。 与改革计划相比，这些领导人更关心如何在日本青年中宣传爱国主义、如何将国防机构升级为国防部、以及如何制定法律允许公民投票修改和平主义宪法。 这些都是重要的事情，但却不是选民最关心的。 小泉走的是违逆自民党领导人的路，绕过他们直接投合选民的心意。 他成功地将自己塑造成一个反叛者，为了日本的普通百姓而违抗自民党的保守势力，甚至真的清理了其中一些人。 但是，小泉的改革似乎不但抛弃了寻租者，同时也抛弃了依赖国家保护措施的弱势群体。 安倍现在就面临着这种策略的遗害：国内受过高等教育者和低技能劳动力之间、有竞争力的部门和夕阳部门之间、以及城市和农村地区之间的两极分化。 现在，为了保住工作，日本的官僚将自己的利益与那些认为自己在小泉执政期间失败的人联系在一起。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hacking the Tragedy of the Commons NEW YORK – The word of the week, unfortunately, is Omicron. With yet another new COVID-19 variant dominating the headlines, the global spotlight on climate issues following last month’s COP26 conference is quickly fading. Humanity, after all, tends to focus on the most immediate threat. Still, our response to the pandemic could offer a roadmap for confronting climate change. Both crises involve a classic tragedy of the commons, which occurs when individuals disregard the well-being of society in the interest of personal gain. Yet the global reaction to COVID-19 demonstrated that some unlikely parties could come together, at risk to their individual interests, to accelerate the development, testing, and distribution (at least in the rich world) of successful vaccines. The climate crisis demands a similar approach. Deploying capital to mitigate global warming will require an alignment of unusual bedfellows in finance, technology, social-justice activism, and beyond. Capital, along with government and religion, has been one of the three great levers of change in history. It has the power to alter the trajectory of entire civilizations. For many decades, capital flows have followed a simple rule defined by the Nobel laureate economist Milton Friedman: all that matters is shareholder returns. But the continuing viability of this maxim has been called into question by unprecedented wildfires, more frequent and severe flooding, increasingly visible social inequities, and other worrying problems.", "zh": "破局共同悲剧 纽约—不幸的是，奥密克戎成为本周的热词。 随着又一种新型病毒变种占据新闻头条，继上月联合国气候变化框架公约第26次缔约方会议召开后，全球对气候问题的关注正在迅速消退。 毕竟，人类倾向于关注最直接的威胁。 尽管如此，我们对疫情的反应可以指引气候变化问题的应对。 上述两场危机均涉及经典的共同利益悲剧，如果个体为争夺个人利益而无视社会福祉，就会发生这样的悲剧。 但针对2019年新冠疫情所采取的全球对策表明，某些不太可能的团体或许会联合起来，冒着损害个人利益的风险，加速成功疫苗的研发、测试和分配（至少在富裕世界 ） 。 气候危机也需要采取类似的策略。 为缓解全球变暖而部署资本需要金融、技术、社会公平行动和其他势力结成非同寻常的联盟。 资本、政府和宗教一直发挥着历史上三大变革杠杆的作用。 它们所拥有的力量可以改变整个文明轨迹。 数十年来，资本流动一直遵循着诺贝尔奖得主、经济学家米尔顿·弗里德曼所制定的一条简单的规则：即股东回报才是最重要的因素。 但史无前例的野火、日益频繁和严重的洪水、越来越明显的社会不平等以及其他令人担心的问题正在质疑该准则的长期可行性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe Should Step Up By Standing Down LONDON – Ten years on, the euro is a resounding success. A financial-market heavyweight, it now outperforms the dollar, the yen, and, until recently, the mighty Chinese yuan, while euro-denominated bond trading rivals the US market in size. But Europe should be doing better. It should act with greater imagination to unleash more genuine economic freedom and competition, stop championing national enterprises, and start giving the European Central Bank more support. Euro-zone policymakers should also seize the initiative in the world’s key economic clubs. In particular, members of Europe’s economic and monetary union should give up their seats in the G-7 and the International Monetary Fund. There may be some justification for each EMU state to be represented in the G-8, but not in the main economic organizations. If they volunteered to act collectively at these forums, Europe would free up much-needed space for other important countries at the top table of world economic discussions, which would foster greater respect for global policymakers. Internally, euro-zone “success” can best be measured by the yardstick of economic growth. Many commentators cite the wide disparities between euro-zone members’ growth rates as a sign of failure. But many other single-currency areas, including the US, display similar divergence. It should also be obvious that, in the absence of currency markets to act as a “valve” for economic and financial pressures, economic volatility may increase. In fact, euro-zone leaders should be less worried about variations in internal growth than about clear evidence of overall economic underperformance. While growth has been reasonably stable since EMU started, per capita GDP – probably the best measure of economic success available – shows that Europe has lagged other regions, even when the figures are adjusted for workforce size. It is also well known that European productivity is falling behind, too, probably due to the same factors that make Europe seem dull, cautious, and lacking in ambition when compared with many of its competitors. When it comes to internal competition policies, most European countries still think within the national “box.”", "zh": "欧洲应该以退为进 伦敦—十年以来，欧元是一个巨大的成功。 作为金融市场上的一支重量级货币，它的表现超过了美元、日元，直到最近也一直在强大的人民币之上，同时以欧元计数的债券交易与美国市场相当。 但欧洲应该做得更好。 它应该采取更富想象力的举措，以释放更多真正的经济自由度和竞争，停止扶持国家企业，并开始给予欧洲央行更多的支持。 欧元区的政策制定者们也应该在世界关键性的经济俱乐部中发挥更大的作用。 特别是欧洲经济与货币联盟的成员国更应该放弃它们在G-7和国际货币基金组织的席位。 欧洲货币联盟的每一个成员国都在G-8现身或许还讲得通，但在主要的经济组织中却不然。 如果它们自愿在这些论坛中统一行动，那么欧洲就能在最高级别的国际经济讨论中为其他重要的国家腾出必要的空间，而此举将会赢得全球政策制定者们的更多尊敬。 从内部而言，衡量欧元区的“成功”的最佳指标是经济增长。 许多评论家援引欧元区各成员国之间经济增长率参差不齐的现象作为失败的佐证。 但在许多包括美国在内的其它的单一货币区，也显现出同样的分野现象。 同样明显的是在没有货币市场作为宣泄经济和金融压力的“阀门”的情况下，经济的不稳定性可能增加。 实际上，欧元区的领导人们不应该过分关注内部增长的差异而应该更重视整体经济表现欠佳的明显信号。 尽管自欧洲货币联盟启动以来经济增长较为平稳，但人均GDP—可能是衡量经济成功的最佳指标—却显示欧洲落于其他地区，即便是统计数据由于劳动力规模的原因进行了调整之后依然如此。 欧洲生产力正在掉队也是众所周知，可能正是同样的原因造成了欧洲在和其它对手相比之下的沉闷、谨慎和缺乏雄心。 在内部竞争的问题上，大多数欧洲国家仍然保持着国家“条框”内的思维方式。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Better EU Budget BRUSSELS – Stopping Europe’s economic decline and overcoming its competitiveness crisis will require radical solutions. But European Union leaders remain fixated on old priorities – a lack of vision evident in negotiations over the EU’s 2014-2020 Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). Once again, short-term national interests are taking precedence over the need for a forward-looking, flexible, and efficient EU budget. The European Parliament, which for the first time must approve the MFF, should use its new-found influence to uphold the EU-wide public interest and offset the blinkered, vested interests of individual member states. In a climate of budgetary restraint, it is unsurprising that the European Council agreed earlier this year to reduce the EU budget by 3.4% relative to the 2007-2013 MFF. But, with austerity under fire and EU countries looking to encourage spending, the Council should also consider the budget’s shape, ensuring that the MFF does not impede future growth and investment. For example, the proposed budget slashes funding for cross-border infrastructure projects, including the expansion of high-speed broadband networks into rural areas and the development of transport and energy infrastructure. But the EU can add considerable value by coordinating transnational infrastructure projects, thereby achieving economies of scale and avoiding a duplication of national spending. Europeans would benefit directly through improved Internet access, lower energy costs, and more efficient transport links. Likewise, in order to lay the foundations for future economic growth, the EU should nurture new, sustainable industries and innovative small and medium-size enterprises – not cut funding for important research programs like Horizon 2020.", "zh": "更好的欧盟预算 布鲁塞尔—停止欧洲经济下滑、克服竞争力危机需要激进解决方案。 但欧盟领导人仍纠缠于过时的优先事项 — — 关于欧盟2014—2020多年财政框架（MFF）的谈判显然缺乏远见。 短期国家利益再一次压倒了前瞻性的、灵活的和高效的欧盟预算的需要。 第一次不得不批准MFF的欧洲议会应该利用其新得到的影响力支持泛欧盟公共利益，抵制心胸狭隘、既得利益的个别成员国。 在预算掣肘的环境下，毫不奇怪欧盟理事会会在今年早些时候将欧盟预算较2007—2013MFF削减了3.4 % 。 但是，在紧缩遭到口诛笔伐、欧盟成员国着眼于鼓励支出时，欧盟理事会还应该考虑预算的构成，确保MFF不会进一步阻碍增长和投资。 比如，预算草案削减了对跨国基础设施项目的投入，包括将高速宽带网络扩大到农村地区以及开发运输和能源基础设施。 但欧盟可以通过协调跨国基础设施项目增加大量价值，从而获得规模经济、避免国家重复支出。 欧洲人可以直接得益于互联网接入的改善、能源成本的降低和交通路线效率的提高。 类似地，为了给未来经济增长打好基础，欧盟应该培养新的可持续产业和创新性中小企业 — — 而不是削减诸如Horizon 2020这样的重要研究计划的投入。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I led the way into the hall, my heart like a stone, heavy, numb. Colonel Julyan sat on my right, Frank on my left. I did not look at Maxim. Frith and Robert began to hand the first course. We all talked about the weather. 'I see in The Times they had it well over eighty in London yesterday,' said Colonel Julyan. 'Really?' I said. 'Yes. Must be frightful for the poor devils who can't get away.' 'Yes, frightful,' I said. 'Paris can be hotter than London,' said Frank. 'I remember staying a weekend in Paris in the middle of August, and it was quite impossible to sleep. There was not a breath of air in the whole city. The temperature was over ninety.' 'Of course the French always sleep with their windows shut, don't they?' said Colonel Julyan. 'I don't know,' said Frank. 'I was staying in a hotel. The people were mostly Americans' 'You know France of course, Mrs de Winter?' said Colonel Julyan. 'Not so very well,' I said. 'Oh, I had the idea you had lived many years out there.' 'No,' I said. 'She was staying in Monte Carlo when I met her,' said Maxim. 'You don't call that France, do you?' 'No, I suppose not,' said Colonel Julyan; 'it must be very cosmopolitan. The coast is pretty though, isn't it?' 'Very pretty,' I said. 'Not so rugged as this, eh? Still, I know which I'd rather have. Give me England every time, when it comes to settling down. You know where you are over here.' 'I dare say the French feel that about France,' said Maxim. 'Oh, no doubt,' said Colonel Julyan.", "zh": "我引路进大厅，一颗心沉重得像块石头，一点感觉也没有。朱利安上校坐在我的右首，弗兰克在左侧。我没敢去看迈克西姆。弗里思和罗伯特开始端上第一道菜。大家你一言我一语地谈论起了天气。 “《泰晤士报》上说，昨天伦敦的气温已超过了华氏八十度。”朱利安上校说。 “真的？”我说。 “是的。对于那些无法离开的可怜人来说，简直太可怕了。” “是啊，是很可怕。”我说。 “巴黎有时比伦敦还要热，”弗兰克说，“记得有一年的八月中旬到巴黎度周末，热得睡不成觉。整个城市连一丝风也没有，气温在华氏九十度以上。” “法国人睡觉总关着窗户，是不是？”朱利安上校问。 “不清楚，”弗兰克说，“我住的是旅馆，里边大多是美国人。” “你当然熟悉法国喽，德温特夫人？”朱利安上校说。 “不太熟。”我说。 “哦，我还以为你在法国住过许多年呢。” “不是的。”我说。 “我遇到她时，她住在蒙特卡洛，”迈克西姆说，“你总不会把那儿称为法国吧？” “是啊，大概吧，”朱利安上校说，“那是座国际性城市。海岸倒是很漂亮，对不对？” “非常漂亮。”我说。 “不像这儿的海岸线凹凸不平，是吧？不过，我有自己的选择。要是讲安家过日子，我无论何时都倾向于英国。在这儿你不至于晕头转向。” “我敢说法国人对他们的国家也有同样的感情。”迈克西姆说。 “毋庸置疑。”朱利安上校说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "先进钢铁材料，主要包括先进制造基础零部件用钢制造、高技术船舶及海洋工程用钢加工、先进轨道交通用钢加工、新型高强塑汽车钢加工、能源用钢加工、能源油气钻采集储用钢加工、石化压力容器用钢加工、新一代功能复合化建筑用钢加工国民经、高性能工程、矿山及农业机械用钢加工、高品质不锈钢及耐蚀合金加工、其他先进钢铁材料制造、先进钢铁材料制品制造等。先进制造基础零部件用钢制造，主要包括高性能轴承用钢加工、高性能齿轮用钢加工、高应力弹簧钢加工、高强度紧固件用钢加工、高性能工具模具钢加工、机床专用钢加工、线材制品用钢加工等。高技术船舶及海洋工程用钢加工，主要包括高技术船舶用钢加工、海洋工程用钢加工等。先进轨道交通用钢加工，主要包括车轮用钢加工、钢轨用钢加工、车轴用钢加工、转向架用钢加工、车体用钢加工等。新型高强塑汽车钢加工，主要包括高强度汽车用冷轧板加工、先进超高强度板及其镀层板加工等。", "en": "Advanced steel materials mainly include the manufacturing of advanced manufacturing basic components, processing of high-tech ship and marine engineering steel, processing of advanced rail transit steel, processing of new high-strength plastic automotive steel, processing of energy steel, processing of energy oil and gas drilling and collection storage steel, processing of petrochemical pressure vessel steel, processing of new generation functional composite building steel, processing of high-performance engineering, mining and agricultural machinery steel, processing of high-quality stainless steel and corrosion-resistant alloy, manufacturing of other advanced steel materials, manufacturing of advanced steel material products, etc. The manufacturing of advanced manufacturing basic components mainly includes the processing of high-performance bearing steel, high-performance gear steel, high-stress spring steel, high-strength fastener steel, high-performance tool and die steel, machine tool special steel, and wire product steel processing. The processing of high-tech ship and marine engineering steel mainly includes the processing of high-tech ship steel and marine engineering steel. The processing of advanced rail transit steel mainly includes the processing of wheel steel, rail steel, axle steel, bogie steel, and car body steel. The processing of new high-strength plastic automotive steel mainly includes the processing of high-strength automotive cold-rolled plate and advanced ultra-high-strength plate and its coated plate."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Net Zero Is Not Zero RIO DE JANEIRO/BERLIN – It may seem as if the world is finally taking the climate crisis seriously, judging by the number of pledges to reach “net-zero emissions.” Among the major emitters, both the United States and the European Union have promised to achieve this goal by 2050, while China intends to become carbon-neutral before 2060. Even oil giants Shell and BP plan to reach net-zero emissions by mid-century. Large tech corporations appear more ambitious still. Amazon has committed to reaching net-zero carbon dioxide emissions by 2040. Microsoft has pledged to be “carbon negative” by 2030, and by 2050 it aims to have removed from the air all the CO2 the firm has emitted since it was founded in 1975. Google claims to have been carbon neutral since 2007, and aims to be “carbon free” by 2030. In fact, net-zero pledges have come from all parts of the economy, including the meat and dairy industry, aviation, mining, finance, and retail. But these seemingly ambitious goals in fact amount to yet another round of greenwashing and dangerous distractions that will delay and prevent the adoption of real climate solutions. That is because net zero is not really zero. For starters, 2050 is almost three decades away. Making long-term net-zero pledges enables governments and businesses to avoid drastic emissions cuts now. From a climate-justice perspective in particular, mid-century is way too late. Wealthy, industrialized countries in the Global North, due to their historical emissions and current levels of wealth, have a responsibility to decarbonize much faster. Compounding the problem, many net-zero plans are not backed up by corresponding short-term and interim emissions-reductions targets, such as for 2025. Instead, the majority of countries’ nationally determined contributions under the 2015 Paris climate agreement, which were recently updated or reviewed, are based on a 2030 timeframe. This disregards the five-year review cycle at the heart of the Paris accord. Worse still, the inclusion of “net” in climate pledges confirms that emissions will not actually decline to zero. Instead, they will supposedly be offset – to an unclear and disputable extent – by removal of CO2 from the atmosphere. Many such net-zero schemes rely excessively on natural ecosystems to remove and store atmospheric CO2.", "zh": "净零不是零 里约热内卢/柏林—从实现“净零排放”的承诺数量来看，世界似乎终于开始认真对待气候危机了。 在主要排放国中，美国和欧盟都承诺到2050年实现这一目标，而中国则打算在2060年之前实现碳中和。 甚至石油巨头壳牌和BP也计划在本世纪中叶实现净零排放。 大型科技公司更加雄心勃勃。 亚马逊承诺到 2040 年实现二氧化碳净零排放。 微软承诺到 2030 年实现“碳负排放 ” ， 到 2050 年从空气中去除该公司自 1975 年成立以来排放的所有二氧化碳。 谷歌声称自 2007 年以来一直做到了碳中和，计划到 2030 年实现“无碳 ” 。 实际上，净零承诺来自经济的各个领域，包括肉类和乳制品行业、航空、采矿、金融，和零售。 但这些看似雄心勃勃的目标实际上相当于又一轮漂绿（greenwashing）和危险的干扰，将推迟和阻止真正的气候解决方案的采用。 这是因为，净零其实不是零。 首先，距离 2050 年还有将近 30 年。 做出长期净零排放承诺使政府和企业能够避免现在大幅减排。 特别是从气候正义的角度来看，本世纪中叶为时已晚。 全球北方的富裕的工业化国家，出于其历史排放量和当前的财富水平，有责任更快地脱碳。 使问题更加复杂的是，许多净零排放计划没有相应的短期和中期减排目标（如到2025年如何）的支持。 相反，大多数国家根据 2015 年巴黎气候协定（目前正在更新和评估）做出的国家自主贡献，是基于 2030 年的时间框架。 这根本无视了巴黎协定核心的五年评估周期。 更糟糕的是，将“净”纳入气候承诺坐实了排放量实际上不会降至零。 相反，排放想必只是通过从大气中消除二氧化碳来抵消 — — 其程度是不明确且有争议的。 许多此类净零计划过度依赖自然生态系统来清除和储存大气中的二氧化碳。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Consumer interest in alternative protein sources is increasing globally, owing to concerns about health, the environment, and animal welfare. Plant-based meat substitutes are already widely sold, though the economics of their production needs to be improved. Plant-based milk, for example, accounts for 15% of retail milk sales in the United States and 8% in Britain. And companies like Clara Foods are using advanced yeast engineering and fermentation technologies to produce animal-free egg-white proteins. Likewise, cultured meat and seafood – whereby muscle tissue grown from cells in the lab is made to mimic the protein profile of animal meat – is on the horizon. Earlier this month, Singapore became the first government to approve the sale of lab-grown meat (cultured chicken created by the San Francisco-based company Eat Just). Over the next ten years, cultured meat and seafood could become cost competitive with conventional animal proteins. Selective breeding of plants and animals is not new, but marker-assisted breeding has made the process cheaper and significantly faster, because it enables the selection of desirable traits even if the precise genes that generate them have not yet been identified or understood. The plunging cost of DNA sequencing means that thousands of potential markers can be detected simultaneously. Whereas developing new crop varieties previously could require 25 years, it now can be done in as few as seven. And because marker-assisted selection is not yet as prevalent in developing countries as it is in advanced economies, there are significant opportunities for growth. Since the development of the first genetically engineered plant (tobacco) in the early 1980s, genetic engineering has become well established. But, again, the technology is still improving rapidly. New tools like CRISPR have made gene editing more precise, allowing for crops to be tailored much more effectively to local conditions such as temperature and soil type. CRISPR-edited produce could land on grocery store shelves in the US over the next ten years, starting with sweeter strawberries that have a longer shelf life.", "zh": "因为对健康、环境和动物福利问题的关注，全球消费者对替代蛋白质来源的兴趣正在不断增加。 尽管其生产经济性尚有待改善，但销售基于植物的肉类替代产品已经成为一种普遍现象。 例如，植物奶已占到美国奶类零售总额的15 % ， 而在英国则占到8 % 。 而且，像克拉拉食品公司（Clara Foods）这样的企业正在利用先进的酵母工程和发酵技术来生产不含任何动物成分的蛋清蛋白。 同样，人工培育的肉类和海鲜食品 — — 也就是用实验室培育细胞所制造出来的肌肉组织来模仿动物肉蛋白组态 — — 现在已即将诞生。 本月初，新加坡成为首个批准销售实验室人工培育肉类（由总部位于旧金山的企业East Just所出品的人工培育鸡）的政府。 今后10年，人工培育的肉类和海鲜或许会与传统的动物蛋白展开价格竞争。 动植物选择性育种早已不是什么新鲜事，但分子标记辅助育种却降低了整个过程的成本并大大提升了速度，因为这种技术能使人们在尚未认清或了解产生性状所涉及准确基因的情况下，也能够选择所需的性状。 DNA测序成本的急剧下降意味着可以对数千个潜在标记同时进行检测。 尽管此前研发新一代农产品可能需要耗时25年，但现在仅仅需要7年左右。 而且，因为分子标记辅助育种在发展中国家还远不如发达国家那样普及，因此该领域的发展机会依然十分巨大。 自二十世纪八十年代初诞生首个基因工程植物（烟草）以来，基因工程技术就已经相当成熟。 但这项技术仍在快速改进当中。 CRISPR等新工具已经使基因编辑变得更加精确，从而使作物能更有效地适应温度和土壤类型等当地条件。 CRISPR编辑的农产品有可能在未来10年摆上美国杂货店的货架，最初推出的农产品可能是甜度更高的草莓，而且保质期也更长。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Shell’s analysts also warned of the “disappearance of specific ecosystems or habitat destruction,” predicted an increase in “runoff, destructive floods, and inundation of low-lying farmland,” and said that “new sources of freshwater would be required” to compensate for changes in precipitation. Global changes in air temperature would also “drastically change the way people live and work.” All told, Shell concluded, “the changes may be the greatest in recorded history.” For its part, Exxon warned of “potentially catastrophic events that must be considered.” Like Shell’s experts, Exxon’s scientists predicted devastating sea-level rise, and warned that the American Midwest and other parts of the world could become desert-like. Looking on the bright side, the company expressed its confidence that “this problem is not as significant to mankind as a nuclear holocaust or world famine.” The documents make for frightening reading. And the effect is all the more chilling in view of the oil giants’ refusal to warn the public about the damage that their own researchers predicted. Shell’s report, marked “confidential,” was first disclosed by a Dutch news organization earlier this year. Exxon’s study was not intended for external distribution, either; it was leaked in 2015. Nor did these companies ever take responsibility for their products. In Shell’s study, the firm argued that the “main burden” of addressing climate change rests not with the energy industry, but with governments and consumers.", "zh": "壳牌的分析师还警告“特定生态系统的消失或栖息地的毁灭 ” ， 预测“地表径流、破坏性洪水和低洼农田的淹没”将增加。 壳牌分析师还指出“需要新的淡水资源”来弥补降水量的变化。 全球气温变化还将“彻底改变人们的生活和工作方式 ” 。 总而言之，壳牌的结论是 ， “ 这些可能是有史以来最显著的变化 ” 。 埃克森公司也警告“潜在的灾难性后果是必须要考虑的 ” 。 像壳牌的专家一样，埃克森公司的科学家预测海平面将破坏性上升，并警告美国中西部和世界其他地区可能会变为沙漠。 乐观的看，该公司表示相信“这个问题对人类来讲还不像核浩劫和全球饥荒那样重大 ” 。 这些文件令人毛骨悚然。 鉴于石油巨头拒绝就其自身研究人员所预测的损害向公众作出警示，就更能造成令人不寒而栗的后果。 壳牌的报告标有“机密”字样，是今年早些时候由一家荷兰新闻机构首次披露的。 埃克森的研究也不允许在公司以外传播；该研究成果是2015年遭到泄露的。 这些企业也从不对自身产品负责。 在壳牌的研究中，该公司提出应对气候变化的“主要责任”不在于能源行业，而在于政府和消费者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Similarly, Trump has repeatedly disparaged fellow NATO members for insufficient defense spending. Most recently, Trump has criticized Germany for spending only 1% of GDP for defense, compared to America’s 4.3%. German Chancellor Angela Merkel responded by condemning US isolationism at the Munich Security Conference, and calling for the revival of multilateral cooperation. The Trump administration’s myopic approach is also apparent in its preoccupation with bilateral trade imbalances. Any US deficit with another economy is, from Trump’s perspective, a loss. Given this, if China agrees to cut its bilateral trade surplus with the US, other economies with bilateral surpluses vis-à-vis the US – including close allies, such as the European Union and Japan – may find themselves facing intensifying pressure to do the same. The weakening of trade that could result in this scenario would compound existing negative pressure on global growth, hurting everyone. A global economic downturn is the last thing the world needs at a time when it is already beset with risks, including a possible no-deal Brexit and populist gains in the European Parliament election in May. Of course, while Trump does not spare his allies, his primary target remains China. After all, the competition between the US and China extends far beyond trade. Although the US maintains military, technological, financial, and soft-power superiority, China has been steadily catching up, leading to bipartisan support in the US for a more confrontational approach. Last October, US Vice President Mike Pence bluntly accused China of technology theft, predatory economic expansion, and military aggression.", "zh": "类似地，多次中伤北约成员国防务支出不足。 最近，特朗普又批评德国只将GDP的1%用在防务，而美国高达4.3 % 。 德国总理默克尔的回应则是在慕尼黑安全会议上谴责美国孤立主义，呼吁复兴多边合作。 特朗普政府的短视方针也突出地体现在它只关注双边贸易失衡。 在特朗普看来，美国对另一个国家的贸易赤字是一笔损失（这并不符合经济学常识 ） 。 因此，如果中国同意减少其与美国的贸易盈余，其他对美国有双边贸易盈余的经济体（包括欧盟和日本等紧密盟友）也会发现自己将面临日益沉重的来自美国的压力。 这一情形有可能导致的贸易萎靡将恶化现有全球增长负面压力，导致一损俱损。 目前，世界已经面临各种风险，包括可能的无协议英国脱欧和民粹主义在5月的欧洲议会选举中得势，全球经济衰退将令国际贸易雪上加霜。 当然，特朗普虽然没有放过盟友，但其主要目标仍然是中国。 毕竟，美国与中国之间的竞争远不止于贸易。 尽管美国保持着军事、科技、金融和软实力的优势，但中国一直在稳步追赶，这让美国两党都支持对中国更加对抗的方针。 去年10月，美国副总统彭斯无端谴责中国窃取技术、掠夺性扩张经济以及军事挑衅。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Overcoming the Ideology of Climate Inaction FORT COLLINS/SARASOTA – Three years ago, the United States achieved a grim milestone: its first climate refugees. With rising sea levels quickly engulfing the small town of Isle de Jean Charles, Louisiana, the Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw tribespeople who have long called it home were forced to move. In the coming years, hundreds of communities across the US will suffer a similar fate, even if greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions cease immediately. Despite the consensus among scientists about the causes and dire consequences of global warming, policymakers continue to turn a deaf ear to warnings of the impending climate crisis. Even before US President Donald Trump withdrew America from the 2015 Paris climate accord, the US had not begun to make sharp emissions reductions. The reason, climate activists increasingly argue, is capitalism, or more precisely the neoliberal ideology that has dominated economic policymaking in the West for at least 40 years. As debates about a Green New Deal heat up, it is critical for the public to understand the role that neoliberalism has played in derailing policies to curtail emissions, phase out fossil fuels, and adopt renewable-energy technologies. Climate wonks regularly warn that “business as usual” cannot avert climate change. But, while that is true, the phrase itself betrays a neoliberal obsession with making “business” fit for purpose – a tweak here, a nudge there – as if citizens were merely passive subjects of larger economic forces.", "zh": "推翻气候不作为的理念 发自柯林斯堡/萨拉索塔 — — 三年前，美国越过了一个令人沮丧的里程碑：该国诞生了第一批气候难民。 由于海平面迅速上升，路易斯安那州的让·夏尔岛小镇成为了一片泽国，长期居住在此的Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw印第安部落成员被迫搬迁。 而即便温室气体排放立即停止，美国也会有数百个社区在未来几年中遭遇类似的命运。 尽管科学家们对全球变暖的成因和恶劣后果早有共识，但政策制定者仍然对气候危机即将来临的警告充耳不闻。 而美国甚至在总统特朗普宣布撤出2015年巴黎气候协议之前也未能开始大幅减排。 对此气候活动家逐渐认为造成这一局面的原因是资本主义，或者更确切地说，是在西方经济政策制定中占据了至少40年主导地位的新自由主义意识形态。 随着关于绿色新政的辩论日渐升温，公众有必要去了解新自由主义在遏制减少排放，逐步淘汰化石燃料和采用可再生能源技术等政策方面所发挥的作用。 那些执着于气候问题的人经常警告说“一切照旧”的做法无法避免气候变化。 可这个说法纵然正确，但本身却与新自由主义对“做法”服务于目的的迷恋背道而驰 — — 这里调整一下，在那里轻推一下 — — 仿佛公民只是更宏大经济力量下的被动主体。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Dangerous Interregnum BERKELEY – Presidential transitions are never easy, especially when they involve an incumbent president defeated at the polls. But this time the transition occurs in the midst of an unprecedented crisis. The incumbent refuses to acknowledge the vote as a rejection of his policies and has a visceral dislike for the president-elect, who he accuses of dishonesty and dismisses as too frail to assume the duties of office. He tars his successor as a socialist, an advocate of policies that will put the country on the road to ruin. The year was 1932, and the transition from Herbert Hoover to Franklin D. Roosevelt occurred in the midst of an unparalleled economic depression and banking crisis. The outgoing president, Hoover, had an intense aversion to his successor, whose incapacity of concern was not any lack of mental acuity, but rather Roosevelt’s partial paralysis. He called FDR a “chameleon on plaid” and accused him of dealing “from the bottom of the deck.” In his campaign and subsequently, Hoover insinuated that FDR’s socialistic tendencies would put the country on a “march to Moscow.” Back then, the interregnum lasted four months, during which the lame-duck president and Congress did little if anything to address the ongoing crisis. Bank runs and panics were spreading contagiously, forcing one state governor after another to shut down their banking systems. But Hoover refused to declare a bank holiday unilaterally.", "zh": "危险的美国权力真空期 发自伯克利—总统交接绝非易事，尤其是在现任总统于投票中落败的情况下，而本次交接则发生在一场史无前例的危机之中。 现任总统拒绝承认投票结果（这代表了民众对其政策的反对 ） ， 且毫不掩饰他对继任者的厌恶 — — 他指责其人品不诚实且太过赢弱，根本难当总统大任。 他声称继任者是一个社会主义者，只会倡导一些将把美国拖入深渊的政策。 时间回到1932年，赫伯特·胡佛（Herbert Hoover）和富兰克林·D·罗斯福（Franklin D. Roosevelt）之间的交接发生在一场史无前例的经济萧条和银行危机之中。 即将离任的总统胡佛对他的继任者非常反感，他对继任者能力的不满之处不是其反应迟钝，而是罗斯福的部分瘫痪。 他将罗斯福称之为“格子布上的变色龙 ” ， 还指责他从事“桌底交易 ” 。 胡佛在竞选中及随后的行动中暗示，罗斯福的社会主义倾向会使美国“向莫斯科靠拢 ” 。 当时的权力真空持续了四个月，在这段期间，行将卸任的总统和国会没有采取任何措施来解决危机。 银行挤兑和恐慌情绪四处蔓延，迫使州长们陆续关闭本地的银行系统。 但是胡佛拒绝单方面宣布关闭银行。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When subsidies lead to increased production with little increase in consumption, as is typical with agricultural commodities, higher output translates directly into higher exports, which translate directly into lower prices for producers, lower incomes for farmers, and more poverty in the Third world, including millions of cotton farmers eking out subsistence incomes in semi-arid conditions. America and other advanced countries are the real losers from the demise of the Doha Round. Had the Bush administration fulfilled its commitments, Americans taxpayers would have benefited from the elimination of huge agricultural subsidies – a real boon in this era of yawning budget deficits. Americans would have been better off as consumers, too, with increased access to a variety of low-cost goods from poor countries. Likewise, migration pressure would have been reduced, because it is the huge disparity in incomes more than anything else that leads people to leave their homes and families to immigrate to the US. A fair trade regime would have helped reduce that disparity. Indeed, citizens throughout the rich developed world all stand to benefit from a more prosperous globe – especially a world in which there is less poverty, with fewer people facing despair. For we all suffer from the political instability to which such despair gives rise. But it is America that perhaps now stands to gain the most by reviving the Doha talks with a more credible and generous offer. America’s influence in the world has suffered greatly in the last few years; the Bush administration’s hypocritical use of free-market rhetoric while pursuing protectionist policies has made matters worse. America’s national interests thus dictate a change of policy. But there is also another powerful rationale for doing so: treating fairly those who are poorer and less powerful is the morally right thing to do.", "zh": "在补贴导致产量增加而需求基本不变的情况下，更多的生产就会直接演变成更多的出口，而更多的出口又会直接导致生产者低价格、农民低收入和第三世界国家更贫穷，这其中也包括成百上千万在半干旱地区从事种植的棉农竭尽全力维持仅仅能够糊口的收入。 美国和其他发达国家是多哈回合谈判失败真正的输家。 如果布什政府兑现了自己的承诺，那么巨额农业补贴的取消会使美国的纳税人从中受益¾这在今天财政赤字问题成堆的年代真正可以说是雪中送炭。 美国消费者也会得到好处，享受到各种各样产自贫困国家的低成本商品。 与此同时，移民压力也会得到缓解，因为收入的巨大差异比任何其他因素更能导致人们离乡背井移民到美国。 建立公平的贸易体系本来可以有助于减小这样的差异。 的确，富裕发达国家的所有公民都能从更加繁荣的全球经济中获益¾如果这个世界不滋生那么多的贫困和绝望就更加如此，因为这种绝望所带来的政局动荡会给所有人造成损害。 但如果更可信、更慷慨的提案能够使多哈回合谈判复苏，获益最大的恐怕也正是美国。 过去几年来，美国的国际声誉大打折扣，布什政府假惺惺地借自由市场理论之名行保护主义政策之实的做法使美国的声誉进一步遭到重创。 改变政策符合美国的国家利益，但除此以外还有一个重要的原因：那就是公平地对待贫困和弱势群体符合道德原则的要求。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "赵春晖，2009年获得博士学位，2009-2011年先后于香港科技大学、美国加州大学圣塔芭芭拉分校从事博士后研究工作；12年1月至今为浙江大学控制学院教授。 主要研究数据挖掘、机器学习、模式识别、大数据解析与人工智能在不同领域的应用，包括智能制造、智慧医疗、智慧能源等。 已在过程控制领域发表国际知名期刊SCI论文90余篇。 出版专著一部，授权发明专利13项。 近几年已主持近20项科研项目，包括国家自科基金优青、重点、面上以及省杰青等。 先后获得省部级多项奖励，包括教育部自然科学一、二等奖各一次、浙江省科技进步二等奖等。 曾获全国百篇优博提名、教育部新世纪优秀人才、第一届自动化学会青年女科学家奖、优青基金等，现为IEEE senior member。 先后八次获得控制领域会议的优秀论文奖或提名奖等。", "en": "Zhao Chunhui received his Ph.D. in 2009. From 2009 to 2011, he worked as a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology and the University of California, Santa Barbara. From January 2012 to present, he has been a Professor at the School of Control of Zhejiang University. Her main research areas include Data Mining, Machine Learning, Pattern Recognition, Big Data Analysis and Artificial Intelligence Applications in different fields, including smart manufacturing, smart medical, smart energy, etc. She has published more than 90 SCI papers in internationally renowned journals in the field of process control. And she has published a monograph and authorized 13 invention patents. In recent years, she has presided over nearly 20 scientific research projects, including Outstanding Youth of National Natural Science Foundation of China, State Key Research Project, and Outstanding Youth Project at provincial level. She has won a number of provincial and ministerial awards, including the First and Second Prizes of the Ministry of Education for Natural Sciences, and the Second Prize of Zhejiang Science and Technology Progress Award. She has been nominated by the National Hundreds of Excellent Doctor Papers, and has won New Century Excellent Talents of the Ministry of Education, the First Young Female Scientist Award of the Society of Automation, Excellent Youth Fund, etc., and is now an IEEE senior member. She has won eight Excellent Paper Awards or Nomination Awards in control field conferences."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Does Europe Really Need Fiscal and Political Union? CAMBRIDGE – Greece’s combative former finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, and his nemesis, former German finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble, were at loggerheads on Greek debt throughout Varoufakis’s term in office. But they were in full agreement when it came to the central question of the eurozone’s future. Monetary union required political union. No middle way was possible. This is one of the interesting revelations in Varoufakis’s fascinating account of his tenure as finance minister. “You are probably the one [in the Eurogroup] who understands that the eurozone is unsustainable,” Varoufakis quotes Schäuble as telling him. “The eurozone is constructed wrongly. We should have a political union, there is no doubt about it.” Of course, Schäuble and Varoufakis had different ideas regarding the ends that political union would serve. Schäuble saw political union as a means to impose strong fiscal discipline on member states from the center, tying their hands and preventing “irresponsible” economic policies. Varoufakis thought political union would relax creditors’ stranglehold on his economy and create room for progressive politics across Europe. Nevertheless, it is remarkable that these two officials from opposite ends of the political spectrum arrived at an identical diagnosis about the euro. The convergence is indicative of the growing sense of the need for fiscal and eventual political union if the euro is to be maintained without damage to economic performance or democratic values. French President Emmanuel Macron has advanced similar ideas.", "zh": "欧洲真的需要财政和政治联盟吗？ 坎布里奇—富有战斗精神的希腊前财政部长雅尼斯·瓦鲁法基斯（Yanis Varoufakis）和他的敌人、德国前财政部长沃尔夫冈·朔伊布勒（Wolfgang Schäuble）就瓦鲁法基斯任职期间的希腊债务问题斗得不可开交。 但对于欧元区未来的核心问题，他们的意见完全一致。 货币联盟需要政治联盟。 没有中间道路可走。 这是瓦鲁法基斯对其财政部长生涯的精彩论述中的一个有趣的结论。 “你也许是[欧元集团中]认识到欧元区不可持续的人之一 ， ” 瓦鲁法基斯说朔伊布勒这样对他说 ， “ 欧元区的结构有问题。 我们应该有一个政治联盟，这一点毫无疑问 。 ” 当然，对于政治联盟的目的，朔伊布勒和瓦鲁法基斯是有分歧的。 朔伊布勒将政治联盟看成从中央向成员国施加财政纪律、约束它们并防止“不负责任的”经济政策的手段。 瓦鲁法基斯认为政治联盟能放松债权人对希腊经济的压力，并为整个欧洲的进步政治创造空间。 尽管如此，两位位于政治谱系的两个极端的官员对欧元做出的同样的诊断，这一点相当引人注目。 他们的意见的趋同表明越来越多的人认识到，要想维持欧元又不影响到经济表现或民主价值观，财政和最终的政治联盟是不可或缺的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The 70% Solution BERKELEY – Via a circuitous Internet chain – Paul Krugman of Princeton University quoting Mark Thoma of the University of Oregon reading the Journal of Economic Perspectives – I got a copy of an article written by Emmanuel Saez, whose office is 50 feet from mine, on the same corridor, and the Nobel laureate economist Peter Diamond. Saez and Diamond argue that the right marginal tax rate for North Atlantic societies to impose on their richest citizens is 70%. It is an arresting assertion, given the tax-cut mania that has prevailed in these societies for the past 30 years, but Diamond and Saez’s logic is clear. The superrich command and control so many resources that they are effectively satiated: increasing or decreasing how much wealth they have has no effect on their happiness. So, no matter how large a weight we place on their happiness relative to the happiness of others – whether we regard them as praiseworthy captains of industry who merit their high positions, or as parasitic thieves – we simply cannot do anything to affect it by raising or lowering their tax rates. The unavoidable implication of this argument is that when we calculate what the tax rate for the superrich will be, we should not consider the effect of changing their tax rate on their happiness, for we know that it is zero.", "zh": "70%解决方案 伯克利 — — 通过曲折的互联网链条 — — 普林斯顿大学的克鲁格曼引用俄勒冈大学的汤马（Mark Thoma ） ， 汤马则是从《经济展望杂志》上读到 — — 我获得了一份萨伊兹（Emmanuel Saez）的文章 — — 他的办公室和我相距不过50英尺，与诺贝尔奖获得者戴蒙德在同一层。 萨伊兹和戴蒙德指出，正确的北大西洋社会最富公民的边际税率应该是70 % 。 这是相当醒目的估算 — — 过去三十年来，该地区一直流行着减税狂热 — — 但戴蒙德和萨伊兹的逻辑是相当明晰的。 最富阶层把持和控制着如此之多的资源，以至于他们实际上已经餍足了：在他们的财富中加上一点或拿掉一些对他们的幸福没有任何影响。 因此，不管我们赋予他们相对于其他人的幸福多大的权重 — — 不管我们称他们是劳苦功高的产业掌门人，获得如此高位实至名归，还是认为他们是寄生于社会的窃贼 — — 我们都不能通过增加或降低他们的税率来有所影响。 这一观点的一个不可避免的推论是，当我们计算什么才是适合最富阶层的税率时，我们不应该考虑税率改变对他们的幸福的影响，因为我们知道这种影响是零。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "进一步增强核安全监管部门的独立性、权威性、有效性。明确和强化核行业。主管部门、核电行业主管部门的核安全管理责任，加大核行业主管部门对包括科研院校在内的全行业管理力度。完善应急机制，把应急管理与日常监管紧密结合，充分发挥各涉核部门的职能作用和核企业集团公司的专业技术优势，细化涉核企事业单位的主体责任。加强政策引导，形成由国家投入为牵引、企业投入为主体的核安全技术创新机制。加大研究费用的投入力度，纳入国家科技发展管理体系。行业主管部门将核安全要求作为制定相关产业和行业发展决策的重要依据，确保发展与安全的协调统一。完善核安全监管部门与行业主管部门在制定行业发展战略、规划，项目前期审批和安全监管中的协调机制。建立行业主管部门、核安全监管部门与气象、海洋、地震等部门的自然灾害预警和应急联动机制。优化核安全国际合作体系，实现国际国内工作的协调统一，进一步加强和深化核安全领域与国际组织的交流与合作。", "en": "Further enhance the independence, authority, and effectiveness of nuclear safety regulatory agencies. Clarify and strengthen the responsibilities of the competent authorities and nuclear power industry regulatory departments in nuclear safety management. Increase the management efforts of the nuclear industry regulatory departments, including research institutes and universities. Improve emergency mechanisms by closely integrating emergency management with daily supervision, fully leveraging the functional roles of relevant nuclear departments and the professional technical advantages of nuclear enterprise groups, and specifying the responsibilities of nuclear-related entities. Strengthen policy guidance and establish a nuclear safety technology innovation mechanism driven by national investment and primarily supported by enterprises. Increase investment in research expenses and incorporate them into the national science and technology development management system. The industry regulatory departments will take nuclear safety requirements as an important basis for formulating relevant industrial and sectoral development decisions to ensure the coordination and unity of development and safety. Improve the coordination mechanism between nuclear safety regulatory agencies and industry regulatory departments in formulating industry development strategies, plans, project preliminary approvals, and safety supervision. Establish a natural disaster warning and emergency coordination mechanism between industry regulatory departments, nuclear safety regulatory agencies, and meteorological, oceanic, seismic, and other departments. Optimize the international cooperation system for nuclear safety, achieve coordination and unity between international and domestic work, and further strengthen and deepen exchanges and cooperation with international organizations in the field of nuclear safety."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Beyond the “invisible” work of household maintenance and caregiving, women in low-income households often are expected to contribute financially. Women constitute the majority of frontline workers in public-service sectors, for example. The pressure on single mothers is particularly intense. Being a single parent is challenging in any context. But it is all the more difficult for a poor woman with limited education or training and little or no access to social protection or support. Add to that the pejorative discourse about single motherhood and “dependency culture,” and the situation can be overwhelming. Yet that is the reality women face in many countries. In South Africa, for example, working-age adults receive no social assistance unless they are disabled. While there is a means-tested benefit program for children’s primary caregivers, the Child Support Grant, the funds dispensed are insufficient to meet children’s needs. In any case, those who accept social support are often looked down upon by their communities. In Haiti, women seeking employment do receive some support, through initiatives by the local organization Fonkoze. But little attention is paid to the specific challenges faced by women, who are also expected to continue to act as primary caregivers for their families. With no social support, poor mothers are often left with an impossible choice: either leave their children without sufficient quality care or forego an income that they badly need. When social security provision for impoverished caregivers is linked to an obligation to seek work, even that choice is taken away. Addressing these challenges will require governments to expand and rethink social-protection programs. For starters, it is important to recognize that women are not simply seeking “free money.” While young men may tend to feel greater shame about receiving “unearned” income, owing to cultural expectations that men must be providers, young women also tend to view themselves as providers, not simply nurturers. Evidence from poverty-targeted cash-transfer programs in rural Malawi and Lesotho reinforces this conclusion. While poor women appreciate much-needed cash, they are often uncomfortable with their status as recipients of state benefits, and are keen to make productive contributions to their families and communities. That is why it is vital to deliver to women genuine income-generating opportunities, rather than simply distributing small cash payments that keep them close to the poverty line.", "zh": "除了家务和育儿等“不可见”的工作，低收入家庭妇女还要为家庭财务做出贡献。 比如，妇女构成了公共服务部门前台工作人员的大部分。 单身母亲的压力尤其巨大。 成为单身妈妈在任何环境下都是一个挑战。 但教育或训练程度有限、得不到社会保障和支持的母亲尤其困难。 此外，单身母亲还要承受社会的偏见和“依赖文化 ” ， 令她们不堪重负。 但这就是许多国家妇女所面临的现实。 比如，在南非，工作年龄成年人除非发生残疾，否则得不到社会援助。 有一项基于收入调查的主力育儿者福利计划，儿童支持援助（Child Support Grant ） ， 但其发放的资金不足以满足儿童的需要。 无论如何，接受社会支持的人会被社区看扁。 在海地，找工作的妇女确实能得到一些支持，比如通过Fonkoze等地方组织的计划。 但妇女所面临的具体挑战几乎得不到关注，同时妇女也被要求继续作为家中的助力育儿者。 在没有社会支持的情况下，贫穷的母亲常常只剩下一个不可能的选择：要么把孩子留在品质育儿服务不足的环境，要么放弃她们急需的收入。 当贫困育儿者的社会保障与找工作的条件挂钩时，就连这一选择也被剥夺。 解决这些挑战需要政府扩大并反思社会保障计划。 首先，一个要点是认识到妇女并非只是在寻找“免费的钱 ” 。 年轻男性通常会对收到“不劳而获”的收入而感到羞耻，因为文化要求男性必须养家，而年轻女性也总是将自己视为养家者，而不仅仅是持家者。 马拉维和莱索托农村地区针对贫困的现金转移支付计划的证据强化了这一结论。 贫穷妇女感激急需的现金，但她们常常会因为接受国家福利而感到不安，渴望为家庭和社区做出生产性贡献。 因此，为妇女提供真正的收入机会至关重要，而不仅仅是向她们发放勉强维持在贫困线的小额现金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "`I shall do nothing of the sort,' said the Mouse, getting up and walking away. `You insult me by talking such nonsense!' `I didn't mean it!' pleaded poor Alice. `But you're so easily offended, you know!' The Mouse only growled in reply. `Please come back and finish your story!' Alice called after it; and the others all joined in chorus, `Yes, please do!' but the Mouse only shook its head impatiently, and walked a little quicker. `What a pity it wouldn't stay!' sighed the Lory, as soon as it was quite out of sight; and an old Crab took the opportunity of saying to her daughter `Ah, my dear! Let this be a lesson to you never to lose YOUR temper!' `Hold your tongue, Ma!' said the young Crab, a little snappishly. `You're enough to try the patience of an oyster!' `I wish I had our Dinah here, I know I do!' said Alice aloud, addressing nobody in particular. `She'd soon fetch it back!' `And who is Dinah, if I might venture to ask the question?' said the Lory.", "zh": "“我不吃你这一套，你的这些废话侮辱了我！”老鼠说着站起来就走。 “我没有侮辱你的意思！可是你也太容易生气了！”可怜的爱丽丝辩解着说。老鼠咕噜了―声没理她。 “请你回来讲完你的故事！”爱丽丝喊着，其他动物也都齐声说：“是啊！请回来吧！”但是，老鼠只是不耐烦地摇着脑袋，步子走得更快了。 “它走了，多遗憾哪！”当老鼠刚走得看不见了时，鹦鹉就叹息着，老螃蟹趁这个机会对女儿说：“哦，我亲爱的，这是一个教训，告诉你以后永远也不要发脾气。” “别说了，妈！你这样罗嗦，就是牡蛎都忍耐不了。”小螃蟹耐着小脾气说。 “我多么希望我的黛娜在这儿呀！”爱丽丝自言自语地大声说，“她一定会马上把它抓回来的！” “请允许我冒昧地问一下，那么，黛娜是谁呢？”鹦鹉说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At The MasterCard Foundation, where I manage education and learning programs, we’ve put together a blueprint – called Skills at Scale – to help African educators revitalize their curricula to capitalize more effectively on the economic potential of youth. One of the continent’s most successful efforts already underway is the USAID-funded Akazi Kanoze Youth Livelihoods Project, designed by the Education Development Center (EDC) in Boston. Akazi Kanoze epitomizes how a small initiative can catalyze wider education-sector reform, by emphasizing links to local employers that provide access to entry-level jobs, internships, and apprenticeships. The focus on personal development, interpersonal communication, and leadership training has ensured that students are well equipped to enter the labor market upon graduation. Rwanda’s Ministry of Education has already moved to integrate elements of the program in TVETs across the country. The government recently integrated Akazi Kanoze’s approach in the national curriculum to equip secondary and TVET students with the soft skills they require to succeed. National exams in the 2018-2019 academic year will also reflect the new competency-based curriculum. Since 2009, Akazi Kanoze trainings have prepared more than 37,000 youth for work, with more than 65% of participants in the initial round of training employed six months after graduation. Based on the success of integrating soft skills into the curriculum in Rwanda, The MasterCard Foundation and EDC will launch a similar program in Senegal later this year. Case studies from Skills at Scale highlight six components to a successful skills-training initiative. These include an enabling policy environment, in which the government is supportive and sets clear goals for education sector reform; vocal backing for these changes from strong political champions; wide stakeholder engagement, especially in the design and implementation phases of the reform; decentralization of authority for education; flexibility on the part of donors; and the ability to measure the changes’ impact on youth employment and entrepreneurship. Change is not without challenge. Adapting models of skills training to vastly different education systems across Africa will take time. It will also be difficult to ensure that intensive training models reach all young people, including those no longer in school.", "zh": "在万事达卡基金会，我负责管理教育和学习项目。 我们制定了一个蓝图 — — 称为《大规模技能 》 （ Skills at Scale ） — —以帮助非洲教育者通过课程设置更有效地发挥年轻人的经济潜力。 目前，非洲正在实施的最成功的项目之一是美国国际开发署赞助的阿卡兹·卡诺泽年轻人生计计划（Akazi Kanoze Youth Livelihoods Project ） ， 该计划由波士顿的教育发展中心（Education Development Center ，EDC）制定。 阿卡兹·卡诺泽计划充分说明了一个小规模的项目如何通过强调提供入门岗位、实习和学徒机会的本地雇主，带来大规模的教育改革。 其注重个人发展、人际沟通和领导力培训的做法确保了学生充分做好了一毕业就能进入劳动力市场的准备。 卢旺达教育部已经准备将该计划的药物纳入到全国TVWT项目中。 卢旺达政府最近在全国课程体系中纳入了阿卡兹·卡诺泽计划的方法，让中等学校和TVET学生具备取得成功所需要的软技能。 2018—2019学年国家统考也将体现新的基于能力的课程。 2009年以来，阿卡兹·卡诺泽计划培训了37,000多位年轻人，其中65%的首轮培训参与者在毕业后六个月内找到了工作。 基于在卢旺达取得了将软技能纳入课程的成功，万事达卡基金会和EDC将在今年晚些时候在塞内加尔启动一项类似的计划。 来自《大规模技能》的案例研究强调了成功的技能培训计划的六个要素。 它们包括有利的政策环境（政府持支持台独，并为教育部门改革制定明确的目标 ） 、 政治要人对这些改变的口头支持、相关利益方的广泛参与（特别是在改革的设计和实施阶段 ） 、 教育权力的分散化、出资者的灵活性，以及衡量改变对年轻人就业和企业家精神的影响的能力。 改变不是没有挑战的。 调整技能培训模式依适应非洲多变的教育体系需要时间。 确保密集培训模式触及所有年轻人，包括早已不在上学的人也将十分困难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Emerging Markets’ Feminine Future LONDON – According to the United Nations, 70% of women worldwide experience violence in their lifetime. The World Bank adds that women aged 15-44 are more likely to experience rape or domestic violence than cancer, car accidents, war, or malaria. Such indicators are even more alarming in emerging markets, where discrimination and gender inequality are particularly prevalent. This partly reflects the failure of public policy to ameliorate the distributive consequences of rapid economic growth. With the informal sector continuing to play a major role in emerging economies, women often have access to only unreliable and transitory employment that offers casual and irregular wages. Meanwhile, unprecedented urbanization has disrupted traditional family structures, further undermining the role that women can play in economies and societies. The damaging impact of active gender discrimination – such as bride burning and female infanticide – is clear. But passive discrimination – tolerating rules and institutions that deny women equal say in reproductive decisions, equal access to education and employment, equal pay for equal work, equal rights before the law, and equal political influence – is similarly destructive. In all of its forms, gender discrimination makes women vulnerable to sexual slavery, trafficking, and forced marriage, deprives women of their inalienable rights, and diminishes their quality of life. At the same time, it stunts the capacity of boys and men to understand women’s plight, thus diminishing their motivation to change the situation. While these issues are global, they are most urgent in emerging markets, where they are undermining the social and economic progress on which the rest of the world increasingly relies. In the wake of the global economic crisis, emerging markets have become the engines of worldwide growth. But these countries face growing constraints to sustainability, social cohesion, and political stability, including erosion of their international competitiveness, environmental degradation, weaknesses (including corruption) in national, local, and corporate governance, wasted human capital, and growing social, economic, and gender inequality. Failure to make full use of women’s talents undermines emerging markets’ economic development, while the marginalization and abuse of women threatens their social advancement and impairs their political stability.", "zh": "新兴市场的女性未来 伦敦—根据联合国的数据，全世界有70%的女性经历过暴力。 世界银行则说，15—44岁年龄段的女性遭遇强奸和家庭暴力的机会比癌症、车祸、战争、疟疾还大。 新兴市场的数字更加触目惊心，这些国家的歧视和性别不平等特别普遍。 这部分反映出公共政策没能解决快速经济增长的分配问题。 在新兴经济体中，地下部门仍占据重要作用，女性通常只能找到不稳定的临时性工作，收入低廉且无保障。 与此同时，前所未有的城市化摧毁了传统家庭结构，进一步破坏了女性可以在经济和社会中所能扮演的角色。 性别歧视（如索奁焚妻和扼杀女婴）猖獗的破坏性影响是显而易见的。 但被动歧视 — — 忍受否认女性在生育问题上的平等权利、平等接受教育和工作的权利、获得平等薪酬的权利、获得平等法律对待的权利、获得平等政治影响的权利的规则和制度 — — 具有同样的破坏性。 各种各样的性别歧视让女性处于性奴役、人口买卖、包办婚姻的风险之下，剥夺了女性不可侵犯的权利，也破坏了生命的平等性。 与此同时，这也阻碍了男孩和男人理解女性权利的能力，从而抑制了他们改变现状的动力。 尽管这些问题是全球性的，但在新兴市场中最为紧迫，新兴市场的社会和经济进步正在因此受到打击，而世界越来越依赖新兴市场的社会和经济进步。 全球金融危机爆发以来，新兴市场成为全球增长引擎。 但这些国家面临日渐加剧的可持续性、社会凝聚力和政治稳定性约束，包括国际竞争力的衰落、环境破坏、国家、地方和公司治理不振（包括腐败 ） 、 人力资本浪费以及越来越多的社会、经济和性别不平等。 没能充分利用女性天赋阻碍了新兴市场的经济发展，而边缘化和虐待女性威胁着它们的进步、破坏者它们的政治稳定。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Since January 2014, the CBFP has reined in the use of introductory pricing in mortgage loans, by requiring lenders to verify that borrowers have the assets and income prospects needed to make payments throughout the life of the loan. With regard to the opioid crisis, an equivalent strategy, which should include banning free samples, would limit pharmaceutical companies’ marketing tactics. But no such initiatives have yet been introduced in the US. If the US pharmaceutical industry has anything to say about it, they never will be. Just as the financial sector is resisting the CBFP, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the largest drug-lobby group in the US, vigorously defends the practice of providing free samples of prescription drugs to physicians. Despite the inevitable pushback, official action to end that practice is possible. After the European Council issued a directive in 2001 stating that free samples will be provided only on an “exceptional basis” and prohibiting the supply of samples of “medicinal products containing psychotropic or narcotic substances,” European pharmaceutical companies complied. The European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations later introduced the health-care professional code, which states that “medical samples must not be given as an inducement to recommend, prescribe, purchase, supply, sell or administer specific medicinal products, and should not be given for the sole purpose of treating patients.” According to the HHS, an estimated 130 or more people died from opioid-related drug overdoses each day in 2016 and 2017 – a period during which two million people misused prescription opioids for the first time. Unless regulators limit how addictive prescription drugs are marketed in the US, the crisis will continue to grow – and the body count will continue to rise.", "zh": "2014年2月，CBFP治理了按揭贷款的介绍性定价（introductory pricing ） ， 规定贷款人必须证明借款人的具备在整个贷款生命周期中偿还贷款的资产和收入前景。 在阿片危机中，同样的战略应该包括禁止免费样品，这将限制制药公司的营销策略。 但美国尚未采取这样的计划。 对此，美国制药业绝不会说什么。 正如金融业抵制CBFP，美国制药研究和制造商协会（Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America，美国最大的游说集团）竭力为向医生提供处方药免费样品的做法辩护。 尽管难免会遭到阻力，但消除这种行为的官方措施仍然是有可能的。 欧洲理事会在2001年发布了一项指引，规定免费样品只能在“例外情形”中给予，并禁止提供“含有精神治疗或麻醉成分的医药产品”的样品。 欧洲制药公司只能遵从。 欧洲制药业联合会（European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries and Associations）随后出台保健职业准则，规定“医药样品不可以诱导推荐、开具处方、采购、供应、出售或管理具体医药产品为目的提供，也不得以治疗患者为唯一目的提供 。 ” 据HHS，2016和2017年每天都有130人及以上死于阿片相关药物过量 — — 在此期间，有两百万人第一次错误地使用处方阿片。 除非监管者限制美国致瘾性处方药的营销手段，这场危机还会继续恶化 — — 而人力损失也将继续升高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In the same week, another suicide bombing – this one claimed by a group called Jaish ul-Adl – killed 27 Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps members and injured 13 others in southeastern Iran, and a Taliban strike killed 32 Afghan troops at a remote base. Since then, India and Pakistan have engaged in tit-for-tat aerial incursions, and Iran has vowed to retaliate. The US has stressed the “urgency” of Pakistan taking meaningful action against terrorist groups. If Pakistan is moved from the “gray” to “black” list of the Paris-based Financial Action Task Force (FATF) – which recently chastised the country for failing to cut off terrorist financing and demanded concrete action by May – Western sanctions will probably follow. Pakistan’s position as a mecca of terrorism is now raising concerns among even its main patrons – China, which has long stood with it against India, and Saudi Arabia, its bulwark against Iran – which have lent it no support in its present crisis with India. More than ever, Pakistan finds itself internationally isolated, and risks becoming a global pariah. Beyond the geostrategic repercussions, this outcome poses a grave threat to Pakistan’s economy, which is teetering on the brink of default. Despite having secured emergency loans from China, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, Pakistan desperately needs a large International Monetary Fund bailout. And while a $12 billion IMF deal is in the works, the situation will only deteriorate further if the FATF blacklists Pakistan. To avoid this, Pakistan’s government is signaling its intent to crack down on terrorist groups. But the international community should not get its hopes up. With the military still dominant, the toothless civilian leadership is offering only tentative, reversible measures, suggesting a likely return to business as usual as soon as external pressure has eased. Pakistan’s all-powerful military establishment – which includes the rogue Inter-Services Intelligence agency – is loath to sever its cozy alliances with terrorist groups. It would prefer to continue nurturing armed jihadists as a force multiplier in its low-intensity asymmetric wars against neighboring countries.", "zh": "在同一周，另一起自杀式爆炸事件 — — 某个名为正义军（Jaish ul-Adl）的团体声称对此事负责 — — 在伊朗东南部地区杀害了27名伊斯兰革命卫队成员并打伤了另外13人，而塔利班组织则袭击了阿富汗一处偏远的军事基地，32名阿富汗军人丧生。 从那以后印度和巴基斯坦之间爆发了针锋相对的空战行动，伊朗则誓言报复。 美国为此强调了巴基斯坦对恐怖组织采取有意义行动的“紧迫性 ” 。 如果巴基斯坦被总部位于巴黎的反洗钱金融行动特别工作组（Financial Action Task Force）从“灰名单”转入“黑名单 ” — —该组织最近指责该国未能切断恐怖主义融资并要求其在5月前采取切实行动 — — 西方制裁可能会随之而来。 巴基斯坦作为恐怖主义圣地的地位如今也引发了其背后大金主 — — 长期与该国并肩抗衡印度的中国，以及将其视为对抗伊朗桥头堡的沙特 — — 的担忧，以至于在巴方当前与印度的危机中采取了袖手旁观的立场。 现在这个巴基斯坦在国际上比以往任何时候都更为孤立，并有可能沦为全世界眼中的过街老鼠。 除了带来地缘战略恶果之外，这一情况还会对正处于违约边缘的巴基斯坦经济构成严重威胁。 尽管已经从中国，沙特和阿联酋处获得了紧急贷款，但巴基斯坦迫切需要来自国际货币基金组织的大规模救助。 虽然目前已经在商讨120亿美元的国际货币基金组织协议，可一旦特别工作组将巴基斯坦列入黑名单，情况必将进一步恶化。 为避免上述状况，巴基斯坦政府表态要打击恐怖组织。 但国际社会不应对此抱有过多希望。 由于军方依然占据主导地位，毫无实权的文官领导层只能拿出一些暂时且可逆的措施，这意味着一旦外部压力减少，情况可能会故态复萌。 一手遮天的巴基斯坦军方 — — 包括恣意妄为的巴基斯坦国家情报局 — — 不愿切断与恐怖组织之间的亲密联盟,而宁愿继续培养武装圣战分子作为对邻国低烈度不对称战争的力量放大器。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "信息技术及产品在推动工业转型升级、促进两化深度融合等方面发挥了积极作用，钢铁、化工、汽车、船舶、航空等主要行业大中型企业数字化设计工具普及率超过60%，关键工序数（自）控化率超过50%，制造技术和信息技术融合步伐进一步加快。信息技术在工业领域深度融合和渗透，汽车电子、机床电子、医疗电子、智能交通、金融电子等量大面广、拉动性强的产品及信息系统发展迅速，为加快推进国民经济与社会信息化建设、保障信息安全提供了重要的技术和产品支撑。经过五年的发展，我国电子信息制造大国的地位进一步巩固，总体实力跃上新台阶，但产业发展的深层次问题和结构性矛盾仍然突出，主要表现为：关键核心技术受制于人，产业总体上仍处价值链中低端，代工制造和加工贸易所占比重较高，研发投入强度与发达国家相比尚有差距，资源配置较为分散，产业政策环境亟待完善，内需带动机制尚未健全。这些问题和矛盾制约了我国电子信息制造业由大变强，需要在“十二五”时期着力解决。", "en": "Information technology and products have played a positive role in promoting industrial transformation and upgrading, and promoting the deep integration of the two industries. The popularity rate of digital design tools in major industries such as steel, chemical, automotive, shipbuilding, and aviation exceeds 60%. The rate of key process automation exceeds 50%, and the pace of integration between manufacturing technology and information technology is accelerating. Information technology has deeply integrated and penetrated into the industrial field. The development of products and information systems in automotive electronics, machine tool electronics, medical electronics, intelligent transportation, and financial electronics, which have a large market and strong driving force, has been rapid. It has provided important technical and product support for accelerating the construction of the national economy and social informatization and ensuring information security. After five years of development, China's position as a major electronic information manufacturing country has been further consolidated, and its overall strength has reached a new level. However, there are still prominent deep-level problems and structural contradictions in the development of the industry, mainly manifested as: key core technologies are controlled by others, the industry as a whole is still in the low-end of the value chain, the proportion of contract manufacturing and processing trade is relatively high, research and development investment intensity still lags behind developed countries, resource allocation is relatively scattered, the industrial policy environment urgently needs improvement, and the mechanism for driving domestic demand is not yet sound. These problems and contradictions have constrained the transformation of China's electronic information manufacturing industry from being large to being strong, and need to be addressed during the Twelfth Five-Year Plan period."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How India Could Win Its COVID Vaccination Race WASHINGTON, DC – As the world enters the second year of the coronavirus pandemic, vaccination has moved front and center in policymakers’ responses. But while vaccines offer the surest way out of the crisis, countries are approaching them in different ways. Some are racing to vaccinate their populations, while others await longer-term efficacy data before beginning. Still other countries find themselves in a long line to receive or purchase desperately needed doses. Many have noted the rapid rate of Israel’s vaccination drive, the ambition of the United Kingdom, which was the first country to approve a COVID-19 vaccine for emergency use, and the stumbles to get supplies distributed in the United States and the European Union. But for those seeking lessons on how to protect a population through vaccination, there’s another country to watch: India. With 1.3 billion people, and an estimated 11 million cases of COVID-19 to date, India faces a seemingly mammoth vaccination challenge. But the government recently announced a plan to vaccinate around 300 million people by early August. And, judging by the country’s preparations and actions so far, it may be well equipped to handle the task. That’s because India can meet the challenges of scale with massive manufacturing capacity, a strong public-health infrastructure with experience in vaccine delivery, an army of frontline workers, and meticulous planning. Add to that some innovative digital tracking, and the results could put the country in an enviable position by later this year. Frontline health workers are central players in India’s vaccination rollout, and the first in line to receive the shots. The drive to vaccinate around 30 million frontline and other health workers began on January 16, and in the first 34 days, India achieved ten million vaccinations. The US took 31 days to vaccinate the same number after it authorized vaccines (the rate of China’s vaccine rollout is unclear). After India’s health workers are vaccinated, frontline workers and people aged over 50 – and younger people with serious health conditions – will be next in line. That’s a further 260 million people that the government plans to vaccinate in under seven months. India has the capacity to manufacture all its COVID-19 vaccines domestically.", "zh": "印度如何赢得COVID-19接种竞赛 华盛顿—世界已步入新冠病毒疫情的第二个年头，接种成为决策者应对措施的前沿和核心。 但是，疫苗固然是走出危机的最确定的道路，但各国的接种之路却各不相同。 一些国家忙于接种人民，另一些要等到长期效果数据具备之后再开始。 还有一些国家还需要漫长的等待才能获得或买到翘首以盼的疫苗。 许多人注意到以色列接种计划动作迅速，英国的计划雄心勃勃（它是第一个批准COVID-19疫苗紧急使用的国家 ） ， 而美国和欧盟的疫苗分配是个大问题。 但如果你想知道如何通过接种保护人民，可以看看另外一个国家：印度。 印度有13亿人口，目前估算的COVID-19病例数为11 00万，其接种挑战不可谓不艰巨。 但印度政府最近宣布准备到8月初要接种约3亿人。 而从印度目前的情况看，它可能已经做好了充分的准备。 这是因为印度可以凭借庞大的制造业产能，强大的公共卫生基础设施和接种操作经验，一线工作者队伍，以及精心设计的计划来应对这一挑战。 此外还有创新数字跟踪技术，到今年晚些时候，印度将成为世界艳羡的对象。 一线卫生工作者是印度接种计划的核心，也是第一批接种对象。 接种大约3000万一线和其他卫生工作者的计划在1月16日启动，34天过去了，印度已经完成一千万人接种。 美国在批准疫苗后花了31天时间接种了一千万人（中国接种速度不清楚 ） 。 印度卫生工作者完成接种后，一线工作者和50岁以上人群 — — 以及患有严重基础疾病的年轻人 — — 将是第二批接种对象。 政府计划在七个月内完成这2.6亿人的接种。 印度有能力实现COVID-19疫苗全部国产。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "三人打听了管县城周边地区土地买卖的地保刘甲家在何处，便在点心铺里买了两盒点心去了。 刘甲恰好在家，见三个陌生人上门便知道肯定是生意上门了，便很客气的笑着招呼：“几位贵姓？是来买地的吧？呵呵，快进来坐！” 刘甲说话是向着阿简的，三个人只有阿简是成年男人，他理所当然认为做主的是阿简。 阿简点了点头通了姓名，便说道：“我们是想看看山地，不知道有没有什么合适的？” 连芳洲便加了一句：“我们是大房村的，您看看在大房村或者附近村子可有要卖的！” 刘甲手里正有好几处水田要卖，听到他们问不值钱的旱地，心里那热乎劲儿一下子便下去了许多。不过，蚊子腿也是肉啊，更别说这是他的本职工作了，脸上的笑意仍在，便问道：“我拿册子来看一看，不知你们要买多少呢？” 一边说一边去里间屋子去拿那专门记载的册子。 连芳洲就笑笑，说道：“大概两千来亩吧！”", "en": "The three of them inquired about where to find the home of Liu Jia, the land steward who bought and sold land around the county seat, and bought two boxes of dim sum from a dim sum shop. Liu Jia happened to be at home and when the three strangers appeared, he knew that it must be a business matter. He smiled politely and greeted: “How many surnames? Are you here to buy land? Haha, come and sit!” When Liu Jia spoke, he directed his words to Ah Jian as he was the only adult among the three of them. He took it for granted that Ah Jian was in charge. Ah Jian nodded and said, “We want to look at the mountains. I wonder if there is anything suitable?” Lian Fang Zhou added: “We are from Dafang Village. If you can, see if you can sell something close to Dafang or in a nearby village!” Liu Jia had several paddy fields for sale and hearing them ask about worthless dry land, the enthusiasm in his heart suddenly cooled. However, mosquito legs are also meat, let alone his job, so the smile on his face remained and he asked, “I will take a look at the booklet. I wonder how much you want to buy?” While he spoke, he went into the inner room and retrieved the special recording booklet. Lian Fang Zhou smiled and said, “About two thousand acres!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Faulty Political Narratives LIMA – Across Latin America, voters who, until recently, were enthusiastic about their leftist governments seem to be having a change of heart. In Brazil and Venezuela, voters want to oust their leaders. In Argentina, they already have. In Bolivia, voters rejected President Evo Morales’s effort to amend the constitution so that he could seek another presidential term. And in Peru, no left-wing candidate made it into the second round of the presidential election, to be held on June 5. But learning from experience is much trickier than it seems. We cannot relive the past; we can only tell stories about it – and the stories we tell tend to have a rather loose relationship with what really happened. Nowhere is that more true than in Latin America. The narrative espoused by the region’s recent leftist leaders – particularly Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez, and Argentina’s Cristina Kirchner – was based on a revamped class struggle between “the people” and what could be called the “anti-people.” The policies that preceded theirs were said to be pro-rich, because the governments that pursued them were subservient to the rich. Their own popular movements supposedly rebelled against a political structure – local elites often in bed with imperialism (meaning mainly the United States) – that protected the interests of the anti-people. But if voters are now jettisoning the left and its supposedly “pro-people” policies, it is not because they now prefer the “class enemy.” It is because they have changed narratives. Besides class, at least three other narrative structures are politically salient in Latin America. One focuses on corruption: The previous guys were corrupt, so we kicked the rascals out. Now the new guys started stealing, too, so – regardless of their policies – it is time for them to go. A third narrative is based on competing economic theories. The 1990s was the era of neoliberalism, an economic worldview that wrongly assumed that the benefits of economic growth would trickle down to those at the bottom; government should embrace austerity and do little more than let markets work.", "zh": "有问题的政治叙事 利马 — — 在拉美各国，直到不久前还对左翼政府充满热情的选民心意似乎正在悄然变化。 在巴西和委内瑞拉，选民想要推翻自己的领袖。 在阿根廷，他们已经完成了这项任务。 在玻利维亚，选民否决了莫拉莱斯总统修改宪法寻求连任的努力。 而在秘鲁，没有一位左翼候选人进入到将在6月5日举行的第二轮总统选举。 但从经验中汲取教训比乍看上去棘手得多。 我们无法重温过去；而只能讲述过去的故事 — — 我们所讲的故事往往仅与真实事件有着松散的关系。 在拉丁美洲，这样的状况最为真实。 拉丁美洲左翼领袖 — — 尤其是巴西的路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达席尔瓦、委内瑞拉的查韦斯和阿根廷的克里斯蒂娜·基什内尔所倡导的叙事基于“人民”和所谓“反人民力量”之间经过改造的阶级博弈。 他们称前任实行所谓“亲富政策 ” ， 因为实行这些政策的政府屈从于富人。 他们自己的民众运动据说是为反抗保护反人民力量利益的政治构架 — — 他们称当地精英往往与帝国主义（主要指美国）结为一体。 但如果选民现在抛弃左翼力量及其所谓的“亲民”政策，这并非是因为他们现在更喜欢“阶级敌人 ” ， 而是因为他们已经改变了叙事方式。 除阶级说外，至少有3种其他的叙事架构在拉丁美洲的政界流行。 其中一种专注谈论腐败：之前的那些家伙贪腐成性，因此我们将这些流氓赶下台。 但现在新上来的家伙也开始偷窃，因此无论他们实行何种政策，他们现在都必须下台。 第三种叙事是基于相互竞争的经济理论。 20世纪90年代是新自由主义的年代，当时的经济世界观错误地认为经济增长的好处能够一点一滴地惠及身处底层的民众；政府应当实行紧缩政策，什么也不做而让市场发挥作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Alarmingly, in some of the wealthy countries, where both screening and treatment should be readily available, vaccine coverage now appears to be declining, raising a real danger that socioeconomically disadvantaged girls there will face a similar fate. If it turns out that girls at risk of not receiving all three doses of the HPV vaccine are also those with an elevated risk of being infected and missing cervical screenings as adults, they may be slipping through not one but two nets. It is still not clear why this is happening. What we do know is that HPV is a highly infectious sexually transmitted virus, which is responsible for almost all forms of cervical cancer. HPV vaccines can prevent 70% of these cases by targeting the two most common types of the virus, but only if girls have not yet been exposed to the virus, which means vaccinating them before they become sexually active. Yet efforts to communicate this to the public have been met with skepticism from some critics, who argue that the vaccine gives young girls tacit consent to engage in sexual activity, ultimately leading to an increase in promiscuity. However, quite apart from the evidence to the contrary, intuitively this makes no sense. To suggest that giving girls aged 9-13 three injections over six months gives them a green light to engage in sex and sets them on a path to promiscuity is utter nonsense. It is like saying that people are more likely to drive dangerously if they wear a seat belt; in fact, the opposite is more often the case. Whether such attitudes and misinformation account for poor vaccine coverage in places like France and the US is still not known. It may simply be that some parents or girls mistakenly believe that one shot of the HPV vaccine is enough to provide protection, or that some socially disadvantaged girls lack sufficient access to in-school vaccination services. Or perhaps the cost of the vaccine is a barrier in some of these countries. Whatever the reason, unless coverage for all three doses increases, cervical cancer and pre-cancer rates will increase. In countries like Rwanda, people know this only too well, which is why they have been so eager to tighten the net on HPV. They have seen the horrors of cervical cancer, with women in the prime of their lives presenting with late-stage disease and suffering slow and painful deaths.", "zh": "令人担忧的是，在筛查及治疗手段本应更为普及的富国，现在的疫苗接种率也似乎正在下降，从而导致社会经济地位相对弱势的女孩面临着同样的命运。 如果事实证明没有条件接种全部三种HPV疫苗的女孩成年后恰恰感染几率更大且没有机会接受宫颈筛查，那么她们失去的可能不仅仅是一种保护。 造成这种状况的原因目前还不清楚。 但我们知道HPV是通过性行为传播的感染性很强的病毒，而且差不多是所有宫颈癌背后的元凶。 针对两种最常见病毒的HPV疫苗可以预防70%的病例，但前提是接种疫苗的少女还没有感染上HPV病毒。 这也就是说必须赶在发生性行为之前为她们接种疫苗。 但有些批评者对接种疫苗的宣传持怀疑态度，他们认为疫苗相当于默许年轻女孩从事性行为，并最终加剧滥交现象。 但抛开相反的证据不论，单凭直觉也知道这样的指责有多么荒谬。 声称在6个月内为9-13岁的女孩注射三针疫苗就是为她们从事性行为开绿灯、把她们引向滥交的道路纯属胡说八道。 这就好比说如果系安全带人们就更容易危险驾驶；其实相反的情况却往往更常发生。 是否因此导致美法等国接种率不尽人意仍然不得而知。 也许仅仅是某些家长或女生误以为接种一针HPV疫苗就可以防止感染，或者是某些弱势女孩无法得到校内接种服务。 某些国家起阻碍作用的还有可能是疫苗的价格。 不管出于什么原因，除非打满三针的人数增加，否则宫颈癌及癌前病变率将持续攀升。 卢旺达等国民众对这种情况了如指掌，这也是他们为什么如此急于堵住HPV接种漏洞的原因。 他们亲眼目睹了宫颈癌的可怕后果，目睹了年富力强的女性身患晚期癌症，在漫长而痛苦的折磨中走向死亡。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加快培育互联网新模式新业态。加强政策支持和引导，鼓励企业实现科技创新和模式创新双轮驱动，积极探索互联网创新服务应用。研发推广基于5G、移动物联网、人工智能的新型应用和产品，推进生活性服务融合化、智能化、无人化升级。支持线下业态的数字化改造和转型升级，积极发展平台经济、共享经济等互联网新业态，大力拓展智慧家庭、在线教育、线上办公、互联网医疗等便捷化线上服务应用。大力推进互联网无障碍化普及。聚焦老年人、残疾人、文化差异人群等信息障碍群体需求，增强产品服务供给，补齐信息普惠短板。推进互联网应用无障碍改造优化，支持网站接入服务商搭建互联网信息无障碍共性技术服务平台。加速5G、人工智能等新技术在导盲、声控、肢体控制、手语翻译等信息无障碍方面的研发和应用，支持教育、医疗、就业、交通等领域设施无障碍功能的智能化改造，坚持传统服务和智能创新相结合，促进基本公共服务的信息无障碍优化升级。", "en": "Accelerate the cultivation of new models and new formats in the Internet industry. Strengthen policy support and guidance, encourage enterprises to achieve dual-drive innovation in technology and business models, and actively explore innovative Internet services. Develop and promote new applications and products based on 5G, mobile Internet of Things, and artificial intelligence, and promote the integration, intelligence, and unmanned upgrading of life-oriented services. Support the digital transformation and upgrading of offline business formats, actively develop new Internet formats such as platform economy and sharing economy, and vigorously expand convenient online service applications such as smart homes, online education, online office, and Internet healthcare. Promote the popularization of Internet accessibility. Focus on the needs of information barrier groups such as the elderly, disabled people, and culturally diverse populations, enhance product and service supply, and fill the gaps in information inclusiveness. Promote the transformation and optimization of Internet application accessibility, support website access service providers to build Internet information accessibility common technology service platforms. Accelerate the research and application of new technologies such as 5G and artificial intelligence in information accessibility areas such as guidance for the visually impaired, voice control, body control, and sign language translation, support the intelligent transformation of facilities in education, healthcare, employment, transportation, and other fields to have accessibility features, adhere to the combination of traditional services and intelligent innovation, and promote the optimization and upgrading of basic public services in terms of information accessibility."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ironically, the British government, while no doubt just trying to be hospitable to foreign investors by laying out a red carpet, is helping to set a trap for Chinese financial institutions – and the broader Chinese economy. By encouraging China to build global financial institutions with light regulation, the United Kingdom is not just inviting irresponsible behavior; it could help to pull an entire economy toward ultimately unproductive and even self-destructive activities. China has long kept tight control over its main banks. Credit policies have helped to juice the economy from time to time, but the authorities have also retained the ability to slow things down when warranted. Banking has become an instrument of economic policy to ensure GDP growth and employment creation, while keeping inflation at an acceptable level. But the Chinese policy elite are also very taken with the idea that a first-rank country needs a prominent banking system that is active internationally. There is nothing wrong with this ambition, as long as it is handled with great caution. Unfortunately, it is now becoming clear that the hard lessons of recent financial crises have been lost on China. Bankers never like tight regulation – and they particularly do not appreciate being required to fund their operations with more equity relative to debt. In both good times and bad, their refrain is, “We need lower capital requirements,” meaning they should be allowed to borrow more. Iceland, Switzerland, and the UK have all learned the hard way that allowing banks to become big relative to their economies brings with it great risks.", "zh": "讽刺的是，英国政府 — — 毫无疑问，它正在竭力摆出欢迎外国投资者的姿态 — — 在帮忙给中国金融机构以及更广义的中国经济挖陷阱。 英国以宽松的监管鼓励中国建设全球金融机构，这不仅是诱导不负责任的行为，还可能让整个中国经济最终走向非生产性甚至自我毁灭的行为。 长期以来，中国一直紧紧地控制着其主要银行。 信用政策总是能够有助于滋养经济，但中国当局一直掌握着必要时让速度降下来的能力。 银行业务是一种经济政策工具，用于在确保GDP增长和就业创造的同时将通胀保持在可接受水平。 但中国政策精英同业也十分同意一流国家需要有活跃于国际舞台的一流银行系统的观点。 有这样的雄心壮志并无不妥，只要能谨慎行事。 不幸的是，如今显而易见的是，中国并未吸取最近的金融危机的惨痛教训。 银行家永远不会喜欢严格的监管 — — 尤其不喜欢被要求用更多的股本而不是债务为经营活动提供资金。 不管是在好光景还是坏光景，他们的老生常谈是 ： “ 我们需要更低的资本要求 。 ” 意思是应该允许他们借得更多。 冰岛、瑞士和英国都得到了惨痛的教训 — — 允许银行成为相对经济而言的庞然大物会带来巨大的风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "大医集团紧密围绕肿瘤患者、肿瘤诊疗设备使用者、肿瘤诊疗医疗机构在肿瘤治疗过程中的多维需求，不断在肿瘤医疗创新领域深耕，积极探索最佳的产品与服务模式。 大医集团是放疗设备领域的领军企业，是面向全球市场开展创新国际化经营的开拓者。 公司深耕放疗领域，建立了“产、学、研、医”紧密结合的创新研发体系，不断拓展产品线与市场，经历了从单一产品丰富至多产品线，由国内市场开拓至国际市场的发展历程，形成了成熟增长的伽玛射线立体定向精准放射治疗系统（以下简称“RGS”）业务与创新突破的“多模式引导立体定向与旋转调强一体化放疗系统”（以下简称“多模式一体化数码放疗系统”、“TaiChi”）业务并驾齐驱的发展态势。 RGS系列产品包括头部伽玛刀、体部伽玛刀、数码伽玛刀，TaiChi系列包括多模式一体化数码放疗设备TaiChiB、直线加速器TaiChiA以及伽玛刀产品TaiChiC。", "en": "The large medical group closely focuses on the multidimensional needs of cancer patients, users of cancer diagnosis and treatment equipment, and cancer diagnosis and treatment medical institutions in the process of cancer treatment. It continuously cultivates in the field of cancer medical innovation and actively explores the best product and service models. The large medical group is a leading enterprise in the field of radiotherapy equipment and a pioneer in innovative international operations for the global market. The company deeply cultivates the field of radiotherapy, establishes an innovative research and development system that combines production, academia, research, and medicine, continuously expands its product line and market, and has experienced the development process from a single product to a rich product line, from domestic market development to international market, forming a mature growth trend of the Gamma Ray Stereotactic Radiotherapy System (referred to as \"RGS\") business and the innovative breakthrough of the \"Multi-Mode Guided Stereotactic and Rotational Intensity-Modulated Radiotherapy System\" (referred to as \"Multi-Mode Integrated Digital Radiotherapy System\", \"TaiChi\") business. The RGS series of products include head gamma knife, body gamma knife, and digital gamma knife, while the TaiChi series includes the multi-mode integrated digital radiotherapy equipment TaiChiB, linear accelerator TaiChiA, and gamma knife product TaiChiC."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given the risk implied by a military solution, more robust economic and political pressure remains the international community’s best bet for defusing the North Korean nuclear threat, whether by compelling the Kim regime to abandon its program or by triggering that regime’s collapse. The UN Security Council sanctions are a step in the right direction, but they are not enough, as they do not ban supplies of oil to the North, apparently due to Chinese and Russian opposition. In fact, though China agreed to the sanctions, it remains reluctant to aggravate its already tense relationship with its North Korean client. This must change. Stronger and more focused US-China cooperation is essential if sanctions are to have a chance of working. Avoiding such cooperation will only make a devastating outcome – be it a military conflict or an unruly collapse of the Kim regime – more likely. China could still be persuaded to take a more active role in constraining the Kim regime. Indeed, its uncooperativeness could damage its relationships with the US, Europe, Japan, and South Korea – all of which are ultimately more valuable partners than the unruly, impoverished North Korea. But for China to do more, it needs assurances that it will not immediately lose its strategic buffer on the Korean Peninsula. Hence the need for an agreement now on how to handle the potential collapse of the Kim regime and the reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Like the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Kim regime’s collapse could come about quite suddenly. So China needs to know now that a reunified Korea would not be its enemy, and that the US would withdraw its troops that are currently stationed in South Korea. Of course, the implications of a collapsed regime in North Korea extend far beyond China’s strategic interests. Indeed, it would have a major economic and political impact throughout the region. That is all the more reason to put a comprehensive plan in place to ensure a peaceful transition. I recently conducted a quantitative assessment of the economic impacts of unification on North and South Korea under several hypothetical scenarios, assuming North Korea’s sudden collapse. As it turns out, a peacefully managed unification process, characterized by comprehensive economic reform and opening up, could enable North Korea to achieve sustained double-digit GDP growth, despite a sharp slowdown immediately following the collapse.", "zh": "考虑到采取军事行动所隐含的风险，加强的经济和政治压力仍然是国际社会解决朝鲜核威胁的最好办法，不管是通过迫使金氏政权放弃核计划，还是通过引发政权更迭实现。 联合国安理会的制裁是方向正确的一步，但还不够，因为它没有禁止向朝鲜供给原油，而这显然是因为中国和俄罗斯的反对。 事实上，尽管中国同意了制裁，但它并不愿意进一步恶化与其被保护人朝鲜已经十分紧张的关系。 这一点必须改变。 更强、更集中的中美合作是让制裁起作用的关键。 避免这样的合作只能增加导致灾难性结果的可能性 — — 不管是军事冲突还是金氏政权不可控地倒台。 仍然能够说服中国在约束金氏政权方面起到更加积极的作用。 事实上，不合作可能危及其与美国、欧洲、日本和韩国的关系 — — 而作为合作伙伴，它们都要比难以控制又一贫如洗的朝鲜更有价值。 但要想中国做出更多贡献，就要保证它不会立即失去在朝鲜半岛的战略缓冲。 因此，现在必须达成一个关于如何处理金氏政权可能的倒台、朝鲜半岛可能的统一的协议。 和柏林墙的倒塌一样，金氏政权的倒台可能会在一夜之间发生。 因此中国需要知道，统一的朝鲜不会是它的敌人，并且美国将撤出目前驻扎在韩国的军队。 当然，朝鲜政权的倒台的影响不仅仅限于中国的战略利益。 事实上，这对于整个地区都将产生巨大的经济和政治影响。 因此，更加必须事先制定一套全面的计划以确保和平过渡。 我最近对南北朝鲜的统一的经济影响做了量化评估。 我做了几个假象情景，假设朝鲜突然崩溃。 我的评估结果表明，和平管理的统一过程将伴随全面的经济改革和开放，能够让朝鲜实现持续的两位数GDP增长，但在崩溃之初，经济将急剧放缓。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the assumption or the model is wrong, so is the estimate. The counterfactual needs to be made explicit and assessed carefully and in context. In some countries with high levels of debt and impaired growth, fiscal stimulus could raise the risk premium on sovereign debt and be counterproductive; others have more flexibility. Countries vary widely in terms of household balance-sheet damage, which clearly affects the propensity to save – and hence the multiplier effect. Uncertainty is a reality, and judgment is required. Then there is the time dimension. If infrastructure investment, for example, generates some growth and employment in the short to medium term and higher sustainable growth in the longer term, should we rule it out because some estimates of the multiplier are less than one? Similarly, if fiscal stimulus has a muted effect because the recipients of the income are saving to restore damaged household balance sheets, it is not clear we want to discount the accelerated deleveraging benefit, even if it shows up in domestic demand only later. Policymakers (and perhaps financial markets) may have believed that central banks would provide an adequate bridging function through aggressive unconventional monetary policy designed to hold down short- and long-term interest rates. Certainly central banks have played a critical role. But central banks have stated that they do not have the policy instruments to accelerate the pace of economic recovery. Among the costs and risks of their low-interest-rate policies are a return to the leveraged growth pattern and growing uncertainty about the limits of a central bank’s balance-sheet expansion. In other words, will the elevated asset values caused by low discount rates suddenly reset downward at some point? No one knows. Countries are subject to varying degrees of fiscal constraint, assuming (especially in the case of Europe) a limited appetite for unlimited, unconditional cross-border transfers. Those that have some flexibility can and should use it to protect the unemployed and the young, accelerate deleveraging, and implement reforms designed to support growth and employment; others’ options – and thus their medium-term growth prospects – are more constrained.", "zh": "如果这种假设或模型是错误的，那么由此得出的估计也是错误的。 这种与事实相反的情况需要在具体情况下做出清晰仔细地评估。 在一些高负债且经济增长受损的国家，财政刺激可能会提高主权债务的风险溢价而起到相反的作用；其它国家则有更大的灵活性。 就家庭资产负债表损害（这种损害显然影响了人们的储蓄倾向）而言，各个国家的差异很大 — — 乘数效应也是如此。 既然不确定性是一种现实，我们就需要判断力来支撑。 然后还有时间的问题。 例如，如果基础设施投资在中短期能够推动经济增长增加就业，又能在长期保持更高的可持续增长，那我们要不要因为有些人估计该乘数小于1而放弃？ 同样地，如果人们把收入存起来以弥补受到损害的家庭资产负债表，从而导致财政刺激效果趋缓，我们也并不一定会低估加速去杠杆化的好处，即使它需要推后一段时间才能在国内需求上体现出来。 政策制定者（也许还有金融市场）可能认为中央银行会通过激进的非常规货币政策（这是用来压制短期及长期利率的）来提供足够的桥接功能。 当然央行确实扮演着重要的作用。 但是各国央行已经表明它们并没有用来加速经济复苏速度的政策工具。 这些国家的低利率政策隐含着成本和风险，而其中包括令经济恢复到杠杆型增长模式以及央行资产负债表扩张局限性所带来的不确定性。 换言之，低利率引发的资产价值提升会在某个时候突然倒退到之前的水平吗？ 没有人知道答案。 各个国家都受到不同程度的财政制约，试想一下（尤其是欧洲）有限的容量面对无限且无条件的跨境转移。 那些有灵活性的国家可以也应该用这种灵活性来保护失业者和年轻人，加速去杠杆化，并实施用来支持增长和促进就业的改革；其它国家的选择 — — 以及它们的中期增长前景 — — 就比较受限制。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The plates were cleared away. A soufflé was handed, and a bowl of fruit salad. 'I suppose you are coming to the end of your raspberries,' said Colonel Julyan. 'It's been a wonderful summer for them, hasn't it? We've put down pots and pots of jam.' 'I never think raspberry jam is a great success,' said Frank; 'there are always so many pips.' 'You must come and try some of ours,' said Colonel Julyan. 'I don't think we have a great lot of pips.' 'We're going to have a mass of apples this year at Manderley,' said Frank. 'I was saying to Maxim a few days ago we ought to have a record season. We shall be able to send a lot up to London.' 'Do you really find it pays?' said Colonel Julyan; 'by the time you've paid your men for the extra labour, and then the packing, and carting, do you make any sort of profit worth while?' 'Oh, Lord, yes,' said Frank. 'How interesting. I must tell my wife,' said Colonel Julyan.", "zh": "菜碟撤下去后，仆人端上来一些蛋奶酥和一碗水果色拉。 “你们庄园的覆盆子生长旺季大概快到头了吧？”朱利安上校说，“今年夏天的覆盆子长势不错，对不对？我们做了好多罐覆盆子酱。” “我觉得覆盆子酱没有做得很成功的，里面净是核。”弗兰克说。 “你真该去尝尝我们的酱，”朱利安上校说，“我觉得里面的核并不是很多。” “曼德利的苹果今年是个丰产，”弗兰克说，“前几天我还跟迈克西姆说呢，苹果的产量可能会打破纪录。这样，就能把大量的苹果销往伦敦。” “真的能赚钱吗？”朱利安上校说，“除了付仆人们加班费，还要付包装运输费，赚的利润能划得来吗？” “没问题，当然划得来。”弗兰克说。 “太使人感兴趣了，回去我得告诉我妻子。”朱利安上校说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "——创新创业服务全面升级。创新创业资源共享平台更加完善，市场化、专业化众创空间功能不断拓展，创新创业服务平台能力显著提升，创业投资持续增长并更加关注早中期科技型企业，新兴创新创业服务业态日趋成熟。——创业带动就业能力明显提升。培育更多充满活力、持续稳定经营的市场主体，直接创造更多就业岗位，带动关联产业就业岗位增加，促进就业机会公平和社会纵向流动，实现创新、创业、就业的良性循环。——科技成果转化应用能力显著增强。科技型创业加快发展，产学研用更加协同，科技创新与传统产业转型升级结合更加紧密，形成多层次科技创新和产业发展主体，支撑战略性新兴产业加快发展。——高质量创新创业集聚区不断涌现。“双创”示范基地建设扎实推进，一批可复制的制度性成果加快推广。有效发挥国家级新区、国家自主创新示范区等各类功能区优势，打造一批创新创业新高地。——大中小企业创新创业价值链有机融合。一批高端科技人才、优秀企业家、专业投资人成为创新创业主力军，大企业、科研院所、中小企业之间创新资源要素自由畅通流动，内部外部、线上线下、大中小企业融通发展水平不断提升。——国际国内创新创业资源深度融汇。拓展创新创业国际交流合作，深度融入全球创新创业浪潮，推动形成一批国际化创新创业集聚地，将“双创”打造成为我国与包括“一带一路”相关国家在内的世界各国合作的亮丽名片。", "en": "- Innovation and entrepreneurship services have been comprehensively upgraded. The innovation and entrepreneurship resource sharing platform has become more perfect, and the market-oriented and professional mass entrepreneurship spaces have continuously expanded their functions. The capability of the innovation and entrepreneurship service platform has significantly improved. Entrepreneurial investment continues to grow and pays more attention to early and mid-stage technology-based enterprises. The emerging innovation and entrepreneurship service formats are becoming more mature.- The ability to drive employment through entrepreneurship has significantly improved. More vibrant and sustainably operated market entities are being cultivated, directly creating more job opportunities and increasing employment in related industries. This promotes fair employment opportunities and social upward mobility, achieving a virtuous cycle of innovation, entrepreneurship, and employment.- The ability to transform and apply scientific and technological achievements has significantly enhanced. Technology-based entrepreneurship is accelerating, and the collaboration between industry, academia, research, and application is becoming more coordinated. The integration of technological innovation with the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries has become closer, forming a multi-level structure of technological innovation and industrial development, supporting the accelerated development of strategic emerging industries.- High-quality innovation and entrepreneurship clusters continue to emerge. The construction of double innovation demonstration bases is progressing solidly, and a batch of replicable institutional achievements are being promoted rapidly. The advantages of various functional areas, such as national-level new areas and national independent innovation demonstration zones, are effectively utilized to create a number of innovation and entrepreneurship hubs.- The organic integration of the innovation and entrepreneurship value chain among large, medium, and small enterprises. A group of high-end scientific and technological talents, outstanding entrepreneurs, and professional investors have become the main force of innovation and entrepreneurship. The free flow of innovation resources and factors between large enterprises, research institutes, and small and medium-sized enterprises is promoted, and the level of integrated development between internal and external, online and offline, and large, medium, and small enterprises continues to improve.- Deep integration of international and domestic innovation and entrepreneurship resources. Expanding international exchanges and cooperation in innovation and entrepreneurship, deeply integrating into the global wave of innovation and entrepreneurship, and promoting the formation of a group of international innovation and entrepreneurship clusters. Double innovation is being built into a shining business card for cooperation between China and countries related to the Belt and Road initiative, as well as other countries around the world."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For all this, the Kremlin is not in the least embarrassed by the fact that the CSTO is essentially a mechanical connection of bilateral military agreements between Belarus, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Russia. Nobody knows what vision of collective defense is to be implemented: one needs a fertile imagination to imagine Belarusian paratroopers defending the Tajik border. Moreover, the constitutions of a number of CSTO countries expressly prohibit sending troops outside national territory. But the Kremlin’s myopic concentration on military matters, and its pointless attempts to play a zero-sum game with the West has turned Russia into an object for manipulation by its junior partners. The virtuoso of such manipulation is Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko. Belarus’s economy can function only if Russia subsidizes energy prices and allocates non-repayable credits. Yet, despite all this, Lukashenko manages to avoid implementing economic projects profitable to Russia (i.e., a single currency). Whenever Russia applies pressure, he immediately starts yelling about Moscow’s “ingratitude” – proclaiming that “10,000,000 Belarusians protect Russia from NATO’s tanks.” Worse, whenever Moscow persists in its demands, Lukashenko abrogates agreements without a twinge of conscience. Thus, when Russia banned imports of Belarusian dairy products (in an attempt to punish Lukashenko for accepting a $2,000,000,000 credit but not fulfilling his promise to recognize South Ossetia and Abkhazia), Lukashenko refused to attend a CSTO summit or join its collective agreement for the establishment of an operational response force. Lukashenko avoids any major integration projects, even those in the military sphere. The most telling example is the creation of a joint air defense system. Both Russia and Belarus have been trying to realize this project for ten years; countless agreements have been achieved – on paper. Yet no concrete action is taken. Lukashenko, simply, does not intend to allow even a small part of his army to become subordinated to Moscow.", "zh": "虽然该组织只不过是将白俄罗斯、亚美尼亚、哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦以及俄罗斯间的双边军事协议强行堆砌在一起，而对此克林姆林宫当局依然感觉良好，安之若素。 没有人知道这种集体防御到底要达到什么样的前景： 我们需要很丰富的想象力才能联想到如何教白俄罗斯的伞兵去保卫塔吉克斯坦的边境。 更加荒唐的是，CSTO里许多国家的宪法明令禁止向本国以外派驻军队。 然而克里姆林宫在军事事务上的急功近利，以及其试图同西方来一场零和博弈的无意义企图，已经将俄罗斯变成了被周边小型伙伴国玩弄于股掌之中的一个小木偶。 而最善于玩这种木偶戏的人，则是白俄罗斯总统亚历山大·卢卡申科。 只有在俄罗斯在能源价格上给予补贴并提供不必偿还的贷款的情况下，白俄经济才能运转起来。 然而即便如此，卢卡申科却能成功的避免实施对俄罗斯有利的经济项目（比如推动两国统一使用俄罗斯卢布 ） 。 无论何时，只要俄方施加压力，卢卡申科立即开始抱怨莫斯科方面的“忘恩负义 ” — —类似大肆渲染“一千万白俄罗斯人正保卫俄罗斯避免北约坦克的进犯 ” 。 更为令人担忧的是，一旦莫斯科方面坚持自身的诉求，卢卡申科就立即撕毁协约，而且没有丝毫内疚和迟疑。 比如俄罗斯这边禁止进口白俄罗斯的乳制品（为了惩罚卢卡申科政府接受价值20亿美元贷款，却不依承诺去承认南奥赛梯共和国和阿布哈兹的行为 ） ， 那边卢卡申科就拒绝参加集体合作条约组织的首脑会议，或者拒不签署构建一支CSTO军事反应部队的集体协议。 对于所有主要的综合性方案卢卡申科都置之不理，即使是涉及军事范畴的也毫不例外。 而其中最有说服力的例子莫过于一个跨国联合防空体系的创建过程。 十年以来，俄白双方都试图把这件事办成，为此签订的协议也已数不胜数 — — 不过都是纸上谈兵，从来没有任何具体行动。 简而言之，哪怕是让白俄罗斯军事力量的很小一部分从属于莫斯科，卢卡申科也不情愿。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rethinking the Monetization Taboo LONDON – Now that the pace of the US Federal Reserve’s “tapering” of its asset-purchase program has been debated to death, attention will increasingly turn to prospects for interest-rate increases. But another question looms: How will central banks achieve a final “exit” from unconventional monetary policy and return balance sheets swollen by unconventional monetary policy to “normal” levels? To many, a larger issue needs to be addressed. The Fed’s tapering merely slows the growth of its balance sheet. The authorities would still have to sell $3 trillion of bonds to return to the pre-crisis status quo. The rarely admitted truth, however, is that there is no need for central banks’ balance sheets to shrink. They could stay permanently larger; and, for some countries, permanently bigger central-bank balance sheets will help reduce public-debt burdens. As a recent IMF paper by Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff illustrates, advanced economies face debt burdens that cannot be reduced simply through a mix of austerity, forbearance, and growth. But if a central bank owns the debt of its own government, no net public liability exists. The government owns the central bank, so the debt is to itself, and the interest expense comes back to the government as the central bank’s profit. If central bank holdings of government debt were converted into non-interest-bearing perpetual obligations, nothing substantive would change, but it would become obvious that some previously issued public debt did not need to be repaid. This amounts to “helicopter money” after the fact. In 2003, then-Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke argued that Japan, facing deflation, should increase public expenditure or cut taxes, funding the operation by printing money rather than issuing bonds. This, he argued, was bound to increase national income, because the direct stimulative effect would not be offset by concern about future debt burdens. His advice was not followed; large Japanese deficits were in fact bond-financed. But the debts held by the Bank of Japan (BoJ) could still be written off.", "zh": "反思货币化戒条 发自伦敦 — — 如今人们已经对美联储“缩减”资产收购计划的步骤进行了充分的讨论，而注意力也将逐渐转向对利率上升的预期方面。 但同时又出现了另一个问题：央行们将如何达到一个退出非常规货币政策的最终“出口 ” ， 并把在非常规货币政策下过度膨胀的资产负债表恢复到“正常”的水平？ 对许多人来说，一个更大的问题必须得到处理。 美联储的缩减仅仅是减缓了其资产负债表的增速。 如果想回到危机前水平的话，当局还要发行价值3万亿美元的债券。 但一个很少被承认的真相就是各大央行其实无需去缩减自己的资产负债表规模。 它们可以长期保持更大的规模；而对一些国家来说，这种长期大规模状况将有助于减轻公共债务负担。 正如卡门·莱因哈特与肯尼思·罗格夫最近发表的一篇国际货币基金组织论文所指出的那样，那些发达经济都面临着一些无法仅仅借助一系列紧缩，拖延和增长就能消除的债务负担。 但如果一家央行也持有本国债券的话，那就再也不存在什么纯粹的公共债务责任了。 央行为政府所有，因此等于政府自己向自己借债， 而利息支出又以央行利息收入的形式返还给了政府。 即便央行持有的政府债券被转化成无息长期债券，也不会有任何实质性的改变，但很显然一些从前发行的公共债权都不再需要偿还了。 这等同于债务出现之后投放的“直升飞机货币 ” 。 在2003年，时任美联储主席的本·伯南克认为面临通缩的日本应当增加公共支出或者减税，并通过印钞而非发行债券的方式来为这些措施注入资金。 他认为这最终会增加国家收入，因为这种直接刺激的效应不会被对未来债务负担的担忧所抵消。 但他的建议却没有被采纳；大量的日本财政赤字其实是通过发债支撑的。 但日本银行所持有的债务却依然是可以被注销的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The False Promise of Democratic Peace LONDON – Through persuasion, exhortation, legal processes, economic pressure, and sometimes military force, American foreign policy asserts the United States’ view about how the world should be run. Only two countries in recent history have had such world-transforming ambitions: Britain and the US. In the last 150 years, these are the only two countries whose power – hard and soft, formal and informal – has extended to all parts of the world, allowing them plausibly to aspire to the mantle of Rome. When the US inherited Britain’s global position after 1945, it also inherited Britain’s sense of responsibility for the future of the international order. Embracing that role, America has been an evangelist of democracy, and a central US foreign-policy objective since the fall of communism has been to promote its spread – sometimes by regime change, when that is deemed necessary. In fact, this playbook dates back to US President Woodrow Wilson’s time. As historian Nicholas Mulder writes in The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War, “Wilson was the first statesman to cast the economic weapon as an instrument of democratization. He thereby added an internal political rationale for economic sanctions – spreading democracy – to the external political goal that…European advocates of sanctions have aimed at: inter-state peace.” The implication is that, where the opportunity offers, military and non-military measures should be used to topple “malign” regimes. According to democratic peace theory, democracies do not start wars; only dictatorships do. A wholly democratic world thus would be a world without war. This was the hope that emerged in the 1990s. With the end of communism, the expectation, famously expressed by Francis Fukuyama’s 1989 article, “The End of History?,” was that the most important parts of the world would become democratic. US supremacy was supposed to ensure that democracy became the universal political norm.", "zh": "民主和平的错误憧憬 伦敦—美国外交政策通过说服、劝告、法律程序、经济压力，有时甚至是军事力量，树立美国关于世界应该如何运转的看法。 在近代历史上，只有两个国家拥有这种改变世界的野心：英国和美国。 在过去的 150 年里，只有这两个国家的实力 — — 硬实力和软实力，正式实力和非正式实力 — — 触及到世界各地，让他们可以自称继承罗马的衣钵。 美国在1945年后继承了英国的全球地位，同时也继承了英国对国际秩序未来的责任感。 接过这一角色的美国成为民主的传道者，而自共产主义垮台以来，美国的核心外交政策目标是促进传播 — — 在认为必要时不惜通过政权更迭。 事实上，这个剧本可以追溯到美国总统威尔逊的时代。 正如历史学家尼古拉斯·穆德（Nicholas Mulder）在《经济武器：作为现代战争的工具的制裁的兴起 》 （ The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War）中所写道 ， “ 威尔逊是第一个将经济武器作为民主化工具的政治家。 因此，给外部政治目标添加了经济制裁的内部政治理由 — — 传播民主 … … 欧洲的制裁倡导者的外部政策目标是：国家间和平 。 ” 这意味着，只要有机会，就应该使用军事和非军事手段推翻“恶意”政权。 根据民主和平理论，民主国家不会发动战争；独裁国家才会。 因此，一个完全民主的世界将是一个没有战争的世界。 这是 1990 年代出现的希望。 随着共产主义的终结，弗朗西斯·福山（Francis Fukuyama） 1989 年的文章《历史的终结？ 》 （ The End of History ? ） 提出了著名的期待 — — 世界最重要的部分都会变成民主。 美国的霸权本应确保民主成为普世政治规范。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "廖振良，同济大学环境科学与工程学院副教授，博士，硕士生导师，研究方向为环境系统工程。 1992年本科毕业于河海大学环境工程专业，获学士学位；1997年研究生毕业于同济大学市政工程专业，获硕士学位；2002年研究生毕业于同济大学市政工程专业，获博士学位。 2002年至2004年，同济大学环境科学与工程博士后流动站博士后；2004年7月至2005年6月，同济大学环境科学与工程学院讲师；2005年7月至今，同济大学环境科学与工程学院副教授。 2009年3月至2010年3月，受国家留学基金委资助，赴美国做访问学者，其中，2009年3月至2009年9月在普林斯顿大学土木与环境系进行访问研究，2009年9月至2010年3月在伊利诺伊大学香槟分校美国国家超级计算应用研究中心进行访问研究。 承担和参与了“上海市能耗总量控制下的节能量交易制度设计研究”、“特大城市重大环境污染事件应急技术综合示范”、“苏州河水系水环境改善措施研究”、“国际合作崇明岛生态建设与环境保护研究”等多个国家及省部级重大科研项目。", "en": "Zhenliang Liao, Associate Professor, Doctor, Mater Tutor of School of Environmental Science and Engineering, Tongji University. His research direction is Environmental Systems Engineering. In 1992, he graduated from Hehai University with a Bachelor Degree in Environmental Engineering. In 1997, he graduated from Tongji University with a Master's Degree in Municipal Engineering. In 2002, he graduated from Tongji University with a Doctor Degree in Municipal Engineering. Postdoctoral Fellow at the Postdoctoral Station of Environmental Science and Engineering, Tongji University from 2002 to 2004; Lecturer at School of Environmental Science and Engineering, Tongji University from July 2004 to June 2005; Associate Professor at the School of Environmental Science and Engineering, Tongji University since July 2005. He went to the USA as a Visiting Scholar with support from China Scholarship Council from March 2009 to March 2010, during the period of which he carried out his visiting research at Department of Civil Engineering and Environment, Princeton University from March 2009 to September 2009, and at National Center for Applied Supercomputing Research, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign from September 2009 to March 2010. He has undertaken and participated in the \"Research on the Design of Energy Saving Trading System under the Control of Total Energy Consumption in Shanghai\", \"Comprehensive Demonstration of Emergency Technology for Major Environmental Pollution Incidents in Megacities\", \"Study on Measures to Improve the Water Environment of Suzhou Creek Water System\", and \"International Cooperation on Ecological Construction and Environmental Protection of Chongming Island\" and many other major national, provincial and ministerial scientific research projects."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), a trade group, plays off this fear to demand control of its trade secrets. And trade secrets, not patent rights to COVID-19 vaccines, are clearly the major obstacle to ensuring wider access to COVID-19 vaccines (especially mRNA vaccines). Technically, these trade secrets are not an IP right, but are instead protected by “unfair competition” law. The question is how to compel pharmaceutical companies to provide their trade secrets to other manufacturers to produce the vaccines, subject to a non-disclosure agreement and compensation on a cost or cost-plus basis. Simply put, the incentives of patent-holding companies must shift. Compared to an IP waiver, it is in these firms’ interest to sign contracts with manufacturers subject to non-disclosure agreements, thereby enabling mass production of vaccines for low- and middle-income countries. The threat of a waiver can thus encourage and compel pharmaceutical companies to enter such arrangements. Wealthy countries can bolster these incentives by pooling resources, including through the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX) facility. After all, they have an enormous advantage over poorer economies that are grappling with endemic poverty and unequal negotiating power. To reach a deal, a critical mass of rich countries – as well as other vaccine producers, including China and Russia – should agree not to benefit from any waiver, including from any compensation arrangement. Pharmaceutical companies then could continue to profit as before. And all countries – in both the Global North and South – would benefit, including from the reduction of the risks posed by new virus variants. Nonetheless, the waiver negotiations at the World Trade Organization risk becoming symbolic, thus distracting from needed action. The threat of the IP waiver must be real to persuade companies to contract voluntarily for mass global vaccine production. In parallel, a sufficient number of developing countries could issue, or threaten to issue, compulsory licenses – with the support of the US, the European Union, and other countries from the Global North – to enhance their negotiating leverage. This is not a revolutionary change, because the protection of IP rights has always been subject to public-health requirements. But, because the central difficulty lies with trade secrets and not with patents, the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) is not the main problem.", "zh": "美国制药研究与制造商协会（PhRMA一个贸易集团 ） ， 利用这种恐慌心理要求控制其商业机密。 商业机密，而不是新冠疫苗的专利权，显然才是确保更广泛地获取新冠疫苗（特别是mRNA疫苗）的主要障碍。 从技术上讲，这些商业秘密不是知识产权，而是受\"不正当竞争\"法的保护。 问题是如何迫使制药公司向其他制造商提供其商业机密以生产疫苗，但须遵守保密协议和成本或成本加成补偿。 简言之，专利持有公司的激励必须转变。 与知识产权豁免相比，与受保密协议约束的制造商签订合同符合这些公司的利益，从而使中低收入国家能够大规模生产疫苗。 因此，豁免的威胁可以鼓励和迫使制药公司作出这种安排。 富裕国家可以通过汇集资源来加强这些激励，包括通过 新冠疫苗全球获取 （COVAX）便利。 毕竟，它们相比那些正在与长期贫困和不平等谈判能力作斗争的贫穷经济体，拥有巨大的优势。 为了达成协议，必须有临界数量的富裕国家 — — 以及包括中国和俄罗斯在内的其他疫苗生产国 — — 同意不从豁免中受益，包括补偿协议收益。 制药公司可以继续像以前一样盈利。 全球南北方的所有国家都将受益，包括减少新病毒变异所带来的风险。 尽管如此，世界贸易组织的豁免谈判有可能沦为一种象征，从而分散对必要行动的注意力。 知识产权豁免的威胁必须是真实的，才能说服公司自愿签订合同，实现大规模全球疫苗生产。 与此同时，在美国、欧盟和全球北方其他国家的支持下，足够多的发展中国家可以发出或威胁发出强制许可，以增强其谈判影响力。 这不是一个革命性的变化，因为知识产权的保护一直受到 公共卫生要求的约束。 但是，核心困难在于商业秘密，而不在于专利，因此世贸组织贸易相关知识产权协定（TRIPS）并不是主要问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Hobbes warned us. “The people” is always an artifact. Given the unsociable sociability of human beings, driven by their appetites and passions, the process by which it is fashioned is both brazen and fragile. And, in the real world, it is the social contract, with its institutions and procedures, its modes of deliberation, delegation, and mediation, and, in particular, its votes, that stands behind the noble invention of a “people” and accounts for the fact that those who comprise it occasionally take a break from tearing each other limb from limb. I cannot help but wonder, in the aftermath of France’s “Abstention Sunday,” whether the sound we hear is not the seizing up of this splendid, subtle machine. I wonder, too, if we are not nearing the end of a process of dissolution that now threatens to turn the abstraction of “the people” irreversibly into a fiction, one nearly impossible to imagine (let alone put a face to) and even more difficult to believe. I wonder if the satisfaction of being a people – as invented by the first Europeans and Americans, reinvented by the French celebrants of national unity on July 14, 1790, and celebrated by the French historian and poet Michelet – is not becoming a thing of the past. That would seem to leave us to choose between two stances.", "zh": "霍布斯（Hobbes）警告我们 ， “ 人民”永远是人造的。 考虑到人类来自自身欲望和激情的反社会社会性（unsociable sociability ） ， 他们中间所兴起的过程既无耻，又脆弱。 而在现实世界中，社会契约以及它的制度和程序、它的自由、代表和调和的模式，以及（尤其是）它的选票，才是“人民”的高贵发明背后的基础，也是解释组成人民的人偶尔也会刀枪相向的原因。 在法国的“弃权星期天”后，我禁不住疑惑我们听到的声音是不是这个宏伟而微妙的机器要停止转动的迹象。 我也感到疑惑，我们是不是在接近一个分裂过程的终点，现在，整个过程可能将“人民”的弃权不可逆转地演变为一场海外奇谈（fiction ） ， 让你几乎无法想象（更不用说面对了 ） ， 更无法相信。 我疑惑，成为人民的满足感 — — 由欧洲人和美国人发明，由1790年7月14日法国统一的缔造者重新发明，受到法国历史学家和诗人米什莱（Michelet）的欢呼雀跃的人民 — — 是否正在变成昨天的事。 这让我们需要在两个立场中间做出选择。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "那些淤青痕迹，让他眼睛里多了一份暖意，动作也更加温柔。 乔恋这才回过神来，咽了口口水开口道：“背后。” 沈凉川走到她身后，一下子就掀开了浴巾。 那动作快的，乔恋都来不及反应！ 她下意识想要去捡起来，可是肩膀却被他温热的大手按住，接着他的声音从背后脖颈处传来：“别动。” 温热的呼吸喷涂在她的耳畔，让她全身都僵住了，只感觉小腹处像是有一团火苗，噌的窜了上来，让她觉得口干舌燥。 肩膀上那只大手的温度，也像是一个火炉，顺着她的肩膀慢慢弥漫向全身。 她赤果着身体，肩膀不自觉耸起，紧张的肺部都像是没了空气似得。 背后被热毛巾敷上，那种热度，激的她身上别的地方，起了细密的鸡皮疙瘩，身体上的敏感度到达了人生的极限。 她能清楚的察觉到，毛巾上的那只手，轻柔在她后背揉搓。 从脖颈位置，沿着脊椎一路往下，直到来到了尾椎骨。 乔恋的脸颊烧得更红了，感觉那只大手要往屁股上擦过去，急忙拦住了他，“那里，那里擦过了！” 沈凉川动作一顿，声音明显也有些沙哑，低沉的“哦”了一声，就绕过了她的屁股，松开了她的肩膀。 乔恋整个人都一下子放松下来，就听到他的声音，“好了。” 她当然知道好了！ 好了您倒是快出去啊。 乔恋咬住了嘴唇，悄悄扭头，就看到沈凉川盯着她身体的炙热眼神。", "en": "His eyes filled with warmth when he saw the bruises on her body. His actions also became gentler. Suddenly, Qiao Lian snapped back to reality. She swallowed a mouthful of saliva before saying, “My back.” Shen Liangchuan walked behind her and instantly pulled the towel away from his body. The action was so fast that Qiao Lian had no time to react! She was about to pick the towel up when she felt his warm, enormous hands grab hold of her shoulder. Then, she heard his voice emanating from her neck area, saying, “Don’t move.” She felt his warm breath near her ear, causing her entire body to freeze. She felt a fiery sensation near her abdomen. As the sensation worked its way up her body, she felt increasing hotter and drier. The warmth of the enormous hand on her shoulder felt like it came out of a furnace. Starting from her shoulder, the warmth slowly began to spread to her entire body. Due to her nakedness, her shoulders unconsciously tensed up, and she could feel a tightening sensation sucking out all of the air from her lungs as she grew increasingly nervous. She felt a hot towel being applied to her back. The heat from the towel activated sensations across her entire body, causing her to break out in numerous goosebumps. She felt as though the sensitivity of her body had reached its peak. She could clearly feel his hand gently rubbing her body with a towel. From her neck, the towel worked its way down her spine until it stopped near her tailbone. Qiao Lian’s face was burning red as she felt that huge hand inching towards her derriere. She hurriedly stopped him and said, “That-that area’s been wiped!” Shen Liangchuan’s hand paused in mid-air. He muttered an affirmative, his low voice clearly sounded a bit hoarse. Then, his hand passed by her derriere and his other hand let go of her shoulder. Qiao Lian’s entire body instantly relaxed. She heard him say, “It’s finished.” She obviously knew he had finished. Since you’ve finished, please get out of here now! Qiao Lian bit her lip and steathily turned her head, only to see that Shen Liangchuan was directing a fiery gaze at her body."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "North Korea and US Leadership DENVER – Earlier this month, North Korea went a couple of weeks without launching any missiles or testing nuclear weapons. That short interval, which has since ended, was enough to inspire US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson to declare that North Korean leader Kim Jong-un was showing “restraint.” Perhaps, Tillerson concluded, Kim is ready to engage in dialogue. To some extent, he may be right. To be sure, claims that the North was showing restraint were clearly premature: North Korea has since fired three short-range ballistic missiles from its east coast into the sea, and, more ominously, launched a ballistic missile over northern Japan. Tillerson’s optimism about such a short pause reflects the pressure diplomats face in reassuring allies – and, in Tillerson’s case, his boss, President Donald Trump – and easing tensions with enemies. Nonetheless, Tillerson is probably right that North Korea is ready to talk to the United States – but only as one nuclear-weapons state to another. What the country’s leaders are patently not ready for is to meet America’s own requirement: that negotiations are based on the international commitments made in 2005, at the end of the fourth round of the so-called six-party talks. Chief among those commitments, enshrined in a joint statement released at the end of the talks, is North Korea’s abandonment of “all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs.” In exchange, the other five participants in the talks (China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the US) were supposed to provide North Korea with energy and economic assistance, respect its sovereignty, and pursue the normalization of diplomatic relations. The five participants stood by their commitments, but North Korea repudiated its own in 2009. According to critics, creating the “precondition” that the North stick to its original commitments amounts to a death blow to new talks. And, indeed, the Kim regime has shown no interest in resuming the six-party process, the stated purpose of which is to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula. In its 2013 constitution, North Korea for the first time even referred to itself as a “nuclear state.” Tillerson rightly refers to a two-track policy toward North Korea.", "zh": "朝鲜与美国的领导力 发自丹佛 — — 在8月初那段时间，朝鲜已经连续几周没有发射任何导弹或测试核武器了。 而这一短暂（并很快告终）的停歇启发了美国国务卿雷克斯·蒂勒森（Rex Tillerson ） ， 让他宣布朝鲜领导人金正恩已经表现出“克制 ” 。 蒂勒森总结说，或许金正恩准备好重开对话了。 在某种程度上，他可能是对的。 不过这份朝鲜表现克制的声明显然站不住脚：自那以后朝鲜从东海岸向海面发射了三枚短程弹道导弹；更令人忧心是，还发射了一枚飞越日本北部的弹道导弹。 蒂勒森对这段短暂停歇期所急于表现出的乐观态度反映了外交人员在安抚盟友 — — 还有他老板特朗普 — — 以及缓解与敌人的紧张关系方面压力不小。 尽管如此，蒂尔森认为朝鲜准备和美国谈判的说法可能是对的 — — 但只能一个核武国家与另一个核武国家之间的谈判。 但朝鲜领导人显然没有准备好去遵守美国自己的要求：这场谈判应当基于2005年所谓六方会谈第四轮结束时所作出的国际承诺。 在谈判结束时发表的联合声明中列明，首要承诺是朝鲜放弃“一切核武器及现有核计划 ” 。 作为交换条件，另外五个谈判方（中国，日本，俄罗斯，韩国和美国）应该向朝鲜提供能源和经济援助，尊重其主权并实现外交正常化。 五方都遵守了承诺，但朝鲜却在2009年反悔了。 批评家认为，将朝鲜坚持原有承诺作为“先决条件”是对新谈判的一大打击。 但事实上，金正恩对恢复旨在实现朝鲜半岛无核化六方进程毫无兴趣。 朝鲜甚至在其2013年首次修订的《确立党唯一领导体系的十大原则》中首度将自己称之为“核国家 ” （ 文件原文为 ： “ 具备了以核武器为核心的军事力量 ” ） 。 蒂勒森也适当地提到了对朝执行的双轨政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Initiatives like these are especially successful when complemented with programs that provide access to clean water, energy, safe cooking stoves, and so on. Action to reduce diarrhea – so that children retain the nutritional value of what they eat – is another part of the solution. Of course, in very poor countries and regions, where people cannot afford to buy food on world markets, the supply side should not be neglected. Boosting yields of locally grown staple foods (rather than cash crops) would increase self-sufficiency and strengthen resilience when international food prices are high. At the same time, higher agricultural production must be balanced against the associated ecological and social costs. Output in South America, Southeast Asia, and Central Africa currently is being raised mainly by clearing tropical forests, grasslands, and wetlands. This approach contributes to climate change, interrupts hydrological cycles, and causes soil degradation, all of which undermine our planet’s ability to produce food in the long term. If current trends continue, the majority of the world’s remaining species will be extinct by the end of the century, and it is food production, above all other factors, that has driven the decline. More than 80% of all endangered birds and mammals are threatened by unsustainable land use resulting from agricultural expansion. The lesson is clear: We should focus our attention on making production more efficient, reducing waste, and addressing the problem of unsustainable consumption. Reducing food waste could save more than $250 billion worldwide – the equivalent of 65 million hectares of agricultural land use – by 2030. Building a temperature-controlled supply chain with 30,000 tons of modern storage in China would cost more than $100 million a year for the next 20 years. Many developing countries simply do not have the money for such up-front investment. But, with the right focus and much more modest resources, they could dramatically improve the quality of grain silos where more than 30% of food – typically located close to the rural poor – spoils to the point of being unfit for human consumption. There are already some positive trends that should be capitalized on globally. In the past few years, households in the United Kingdom have cut their food waste by 21% and the food industry has trimmed its waste streams by 8%.", "zh": "类似的举措辅之以推广洁净水、能源、安全厨灶等方面的计划将会尤其成功。 另外一种办法是采取行动控制痢疾（这样儿童才能吸收他们摄入的营养 ） 。 当然，在民众无力在世界市场购买粮食的非常贫困的国家和地区，供应方面的问题不应被忽视。 提高当地种植的主食作物（而非经济作物）的产量能够提高自给率，让当地民众更能抵御高企的国际粮价。 同时，必须对提高农业产量及相关生态社会成本进行综合考量。 南美、东南亚、非洲和中非目前主要通过砍伐热带森林、破坏草原和湿地来提高粮食产量。 这种方法导致气候变化、破坏水循环、造成土壤退化，从而使我们这个星球长期粮食生产能力遭受破坏。 如果任由目前的趋势继续下去，世界多数现存的生物物种将在本世纪末灭绝，而造成这种局面的虽然也有其他因素，但最主要的还是粮食产量。 农业扩张造成的不可持续的土地利用导致80%以上的濒危鸟类和哺乳动物受到威胁。 应该吸取的教训显而易见：我们要重点提高粮食生产效率、减少浪费，并杜绝不可持续的粮食消费。 减少粮食浪费到2030年可以在全球范围内节约2500多亿美元，相当于6500万公顷的农地产量。 在中国建成温控供应链及30,000吨现代仓储设施需要在今后20年内每年保持1亿美元的投入。 许多发展中国家根本无力进行这样的先期投资。 但只要关注重点恰当，他们可以用少得多的资源大幅提高粮仓质量，避免超过30%的粮食 — — 往往靠近那些贫困的农村人口 — — 变质到不适合人类食用。 已经出现了一些积极趋势应当在全球范围内加以利用。 过去几年内英国家庭的粮食浪费率降低了21 % ， 食品业废物流则降低8 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加快建立公民、法人和其他组织统一社会信用代码制度，依托全国统一的信用信息共享交换平台，建设企业信用信息公示系统和“信用中国”网站，共享整合各地区、各领域信用信息，为社会公众提供查询注册登记、行政许可、行政处罚等各类信用信息的一站式服务。在全面实行工商营业执照、组织机构代码证和税务登记证“三证合一”、“一照一码”登记制度改革中，积极运用大数据手段，简化办理程序。建立项目并联审批平台，形成网上审批大数据资源库，实现跨部门、跨层级项目审批、核准、备案的统一受理、同步审查、信息共享、透明公开。鼓励政府部门高效采集、有效整合并充分运用政府数据和社会数据，掌握企业需求，推动行政管理流程优化再造，在注册登记、市场准入等商事服务中提供更加便捷有效、更有针对性的服务。利用大数据等手段，密切跟踪中小微企业特别是新设小微企业运行情况，为完善相关政策提供支持。", "en": "Accelerate the establishment of a unified social credit code system for citizens, legal persons, and other organizations, relying on a national unified credit information sharing and exchange platform. Construct an enterprise credit information disclosure system and the Credit China website, share and integrate credit information from various regions and sectors, and provide one-stop services for the public to inquire about registration, administrative licensing, administrative penalties, and other types of credit information. Actively use big data methods to simplify the handling procedures in the comprehensive implementation of the reform of the three certificates in one and one license, one code registration system for business licenses, organization code certificates, and tax registration certificates. Establish a project parallel approval platform, form an online approval big data resource pool, achieve unified acceptance, synchronous review, information sharing, and transparent disclosure of cross-departmental and cross-level project approval, approval, and filing. Encourage government departments to efficiently collect, effectively integrate, and fully utilize government data and social data, grasp enterprise needs, promote the optimization and reengineering of administrative management processes, and provide more convenient, effective, and targeted services in business services such as registration and market access. Utilize big data and other methods to closely monitor the operation of small and micro enterprises, especially newly established small and micro enterprises, and provide support for improving relevant policies."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He was shown up-stairs, and found Lucie at her work, alone. She had never been quite at her ease with him, and received him with some little embarrassment as he seated himself near her table. But, looking up at his face in the interchange of the first few common-places, she observed a change in it. “I fear you are not well, Mr. Carton!” “No. But the life I lead, Miss Manette, is not conducive to health. What is to be expected of, or by, such profligates?” “Is it not—forgive me; I have begun the question on my lips—a pity to live no better life?” “God knows it is a shame!” “Then why not change it?” Looking gently at him again, she was surprised and saddened to see that there were tears in his eyes. There were tears in his voice too, as he answered: “It is too late for that. I shall never be better than I am. I shall sink lower, and be worse.” He leaned an elbow on her table, and covered his eyes with his hand. The table trembled in the silence that followed.", "zh": "他上了楼，发现露西一个人在干活儿。露西对他一向就有些不大自然。当他在她的桌旁坐下时，她带着几分忸怩接待了他。两人谈家常时，露西抬起头来望了望他的脸，却发现了他的变化。 “我担心你是病了，卡尔顿先生！” “没有病。不过我的生活方式是不利于健康的。这样胡混的人能有什么好结果呢？” “要是不能过一种更好的生活岂不遗憾么？对不起，我话到口边就顺嘴说了出来。” “上帝知道，确实遗憾！” “那你为什么不改一改呢？” 她再温和地望他时却吃了一惊，感到不安了。他眼里噙着泪水，回答时口气也带着泪水： “太晚了。我怕是好不起来了。只能越来越堕落，越来越糟糕。” 他把一只胳膊靠在桌上，用手遮住了眼睛。在随之而来的沉默里那桌子颤动着。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "轩辕御天扫视了在场的年轻小辈一眼，随即将目光凝在了李承乾的身上，透着些许疑惑。 “李丞相，怎么不见李钰玥？” 李钰玥身为未来的太子妃，倘若能够在此次的皇室狩猎赛上取得好表现，那么将更加被人称道。 当轩辕御天说出此话的时候，众人的脸上皆是漫开了看好戏的神色。 此刻正是最敏感的时候，李承乾只怕早就憋着一口气想要给百里红妆和帝北宸一个教训，正巧皇上问起，他也可以趁机发难了。 果不其然，李承乾的脸上瞬间涌上了怒意，一双眸子中的怒火更是恨不得将百里红妆燃烧殆尽。 “这就应该问问宸王妃了！” 李承乾冷声道。 听言，轩辕御天诧异地望着百里红妆。 先前百里红妆和李钰玥在霓裳坊有冲突之事他倒是略有耳闻，难道现在又出了什么事情？ “李丞相，这说话就直接说清楚了，你这样我可不明白是什么意思。” 百里红妆神色淡然，即便知晓李承乾会借机发作，她也根本不在意。 见百里红妆这般态度，李承乾眼中恨意更甚。 “皇上，如今的宸王与宸王妃简直目中无人，昨日在宸王的手下竟然出手打伤了钰玥。” “钰玥并非不想参加皇室狩猎赛，只是伤势十分严重这才不能参加了。” 李承乾越说越是激动，“皇上，你可一定要为钰玥讨回公道啊！” 轩辕御天和江瑾盈在听闻此事之后脸色皆变化了几分，从李承乾这般态度中他们知晓此事是真的，只是一直以来隐忍的帝北宸为何突然转变了态度？", "en": "Xuanyuan Yutian swept over the crowd of youths before finally stopping on Li Chengqian, his gaze revealing a trace of suspicion. “Prime Minister Li, why don’t I see Li Yuyue?” Li Yuyue was the future Crown Prince Wangfei. If she could give a good performance at the royal hunting competition, she would become much more respected. When Xuannyuan Huan spoke, everyone’s faces looked as if they were preparing to watch a good play. The atmosphere turned tense. Li Chengqian was just waiting for a chance to teach Baili Hongzhuang and Dibei Chen a lesson. If the Emperor just so happened to mention it, he could take the chance to strike. Just as expected, Li Chengqian’s face instantly flushed with anger. His eyes stared at Baili Hongzhuang, filled with rage as if he wanted to boil her into stew right then and there. “You should ask Chen Wangfei about this!” Li Chengqian said coldly. Hearing his words, Xuanyuan Yutian looked at Baili Hongzhuang astonished. He had heard before that Baili Hongzhuang and Li Yuyue had a conflict in Nichang Market. Could this be related to that? “Prime Minister Li, speak clearly. I can’t understand what you mean.” Baili Hongzhuang face was indifferent. Even though she knew Li Chengqian would definitely seize the opportunity to attack her, she simply didn’t care. Seeing Baili Hongzhuang’s attitude, Li Chengqian’s eyes were replaced with hatred. “Emperor, right now Chen Wang and Chen Wangfei are acting so arrogant as if no one else mattered.Yesterday at Chen Wang’s hand, Yuyue was actually injured.” “Yuyue truly wanted to take part in the royal hunting competition, but her injury was actually very severe and was in no condition to participate in the competition.” Li Chengqian’s voice grew more and more emotional, “Emperor, you must give Yuyue justice, ah!” Xuanyuan Yutian and Jiang Jinying’s faces changed when they heard his words. From Li Chengqian’s words, they knew that it must be true. But up until today, Dibei Chen was always bearing it patiently. Why would he suddenly change his attitude now?"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "All right, I want to see a show of hands:  how many of you have unfriended someone on Facebook  because they said something offensive about politics or religion,  childcare, food? And how many of you know at least one person that you avoid  because you just don't want to talk to them? You know, it used to be that in order to have a polite conversation,  we just had to follow the advice of Henry Higgins in \"My Fair Lady\":  Stick to the weather and your health. But these days, with climate change and anti-vaxxing, those subjects --    are not safe either. So this world that we live in,  this world in which every conversation  has the potential to devolve into an argument,  where our politicians can't speak to one another  and where even the most trivial of issues  have someone fighting both passionately for it and against it, it's not normal. Pew Research did a study of 10,000 American adults,  and they found that at this moment, we are more polarized,  we are more divided,  than we ever have been in history. We're less likely to compromise,  which means we're not listening to each other. And we make decisions about where to live,  who to marry and even who our friends are going to be,  based on what we already believe. Again, that means we're not listening to each other.", "zh": "好的，我想让大家举手示意一下， 有多少人曾经 在 Facebook 上拉黑过好友， 因为他们发表过关于政治，宗教， 儿童权益，或者食物等 不恰当的言论？ 有多少人至少 有一个不想见的人， 因为你就是不想 和对方说话？ 要知道，在过去 想要一段礼貌的交谈， 我们只要遵循亨利·希金斯 在《窈窕淑女》中的忠告： 只谈论天气和你的健康状况就行了。 但这些年随着气候变化 以及反对疫苗运动的开展 ——  这招也不怎么管用了。 因此，在我们生活的这个世界， 这个每一次交谈 都有可能发展为争论的世界， 政客无法彼此交谈， 甚至为那些鸡毛蒜皮的事情 都有人群情激昂地赞成或反对， 这太不正常了。 皮尤研究中心对一万名 美国成年人做了一次调查， 发现此刻我们的偏激程度， 我们立场鲜明的程度， 比历史上任何时期都要高。 我们更不倾向于妥协， 这意味着我们没有倾听彼此。 我们做的各种决定， 选择生活在何处， 与谁结婚甚至和谁交朋友， 都只基于我们已有的信念。 再重复一遍， 这说明我们没有倾听彼此。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt17"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "在嗜血豆沙包的刺激下，他自身的魂力、气血之力瞬间爆发到了顶点，全身皮肤都浮现出了淡金色的鳞片，右手、右臂以及右胸部分，鳞片格外炫丽。 他是双生武魂？ 琰凤愣了愣。 “哼！” 她根本没有闪避，头顶上火葫芦突然旋转起来，原本的火线变成了大片的火焰喷射，掠过唐舞麟头顶上方，覆盖向他的伙伴们，挡住了其他人。 她要孤立唐舞麟，先解决了这个明显是对方首脑的小家伙再说。 金龙爪闪电般到了对方面前，琰凤的右手也抬了起来，握掌成拳，正面硬撼。 眼看着双方就要碰撞，唐舞麟体内的龙吟声突然变得激昂起来，一个足有直径超过两尺的硕大金龙头毫无预兆出现，直接吞噬了琰凤的右臂。 金龙惊天！ 那天吃了红玉虾之后，唐舞麟自身气血虽然没有能突破金龙王第四道封印，但也有了非常大的提升，让他对金龙惊天的掌控更加熟练了。 琰凤也是吓了一跳，她只觉得一股大力正面传来，紧接着，自己轰出的一拳，火焰就像是被吞噬了似的，金龙爪宛如大钳子一般，抓住了她的右手。", "en": "His blood essence and soul power skyrocketed under the influence of the bloodthirst bean buns. Golden scales covered his entire body now, but shone brightest on his right arm and torso. He has twin martial souls? Yan Feng went wide-eyed with shock. But only for a moment. “Hmph!” She glared at Tang Wulin and stood her ground. The gourd above her turned from Tang Wulin to his comrades, spewing flames to isolate him. She wanted to deal with the enemy leader first. Yan Feng met Tang Wulin’s golden dragon claw with a fist of her own. The instant before the two collided, a draconic roar erupted from Tang Wulin’s body. A golden dragon head half a meter in diameter shot out of his fist and toward Yan Feng’s! It was Golden Dragon Shocks the Heavens! Tang Wulin may not have broken the fourth seal after eating the ruby shrimp, but they had still boosted his power and refined his control over Golden Dragon Shocks the Heavens! Alarms went off in Yan Feng’s head. She sensed a powerful force suddenly appear in front of her, then her flames were devoured. The golden claw opened up and clamped down on her fist."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "With emerging economies (including China) slowing, and with meaningful multilateral policy coordination remaining inadequate, protectionist pressures will mount as major trading powers compete for a stagnant pie. So, whether President Barack Obama or Mitt Romney prevails in November, the next president will be constrained by the twin need for urgent economic stabilization and longer-term reforms. And, with headwinds from Europe and a synchronized global slowdown, the candidates will have no choice but to pursue, at least initially, similar economic policies to restore dynamic job creation and financial stability. In striking the right balance between immediate economic stimulus and medium-term fiscal sustainability, the most urgent step will be to counter properly the looming fiscal cliff, as temporary tax cuts expire and deep, across-the-board spending reductions kick in automatically. Failure to do so would significantly increase the risk of an outright American recession. Serious medium-term budget reforms are needed to deal with the legacy of repeated congressional failures. And, if provided with realistic numbers, the next president will soon recognize that the right mix of tax and spending reforms falls into a much narrower range than today’s competing political narratives suggest. It is certainly not an either/or proposition. Fiscal reforms work best in a dynamic economy. To this end, Obama and Romney will need to lift the impediments to growth and job creation. Here again – in areas like housing, the labor market, credit intermediation, and infrastructure – there is less room for maneuver than most politicians would like us to believe. But this does not mean that there is no scope for differences. There is, and they reflect the fact that general economic tendencies will be accompanied by multi-speed dynamics at many levels. From persistent differences in unemployment rates depending on skills and education to record-high income and wealth inequalities, each economic decision will be accompanied by the need for social judgment – whether explicit or, more likely, implicit – regarding its distributional impact.", "zh": "由于新兴市场（包括中国）的减速，同时有意义的多边政策协调始终不够充分，主要贸易大国将竞争一块不再变大的饼，因此保护主义压力将会大增。 因此，不管现任总统奥巴马还是罗姆尼在11月胜出，新总统都将受到双重压力的约束 — — 一边是急需稳定经济，一边是长期改革。 而在欧洲危机和世界各国同时放缓的压力下，两位候选人别无选择，只能采取相似的经济政策重建就业创造活力和金融稳定，至少在任期开始时是如此。 在寻求短期经济刺激和中期财政可持续性之间的平衡的过程中，最要紧的步骤是合理处置因暂时性减税政策到期结束以及深度跨部门削减支出自动开始所导致的财政悬崖。 在这方面失败将大大增加美国陷入全面衰退的风险。 深度中期预算改革是应对国会一再不作为所造成的问题之所必须。 此外，如能了解到真实的数字，下任总统很快就会认识到，正确的税收和支出改革之路已经非常狭窄，远非今天竞争性政治口号所描绘得那样宽阔。 这绝对不是一个要么/要么命题。 财政改革在充满活力的经济中才能取得最佳效果。 在这方面，奥巴马和罗姆尼必须排除万难，实现增长和就业创造。 与房地产、劳动力市场、信用中介和基础设施等领域一样，在这一领域，办法并不像政客们希望我们所认为的那样多。 但这并不意味着一点改变都无法做出。 改变的空间是有的，这反映出一个事实：总体经济趋势将伴随多重水平不同速度的动态。 根据技能和教育程度的不同，失业率存在持久差异；收入和财富不平等性正在创出历史记录 — — 从分配效应看，任何经济决策都将伴随着社会调整的需要，这种需要可能是直接的，但更多情况下将是隐含的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Sources of Russian Conduct NEW YORK – No set amount of time must pass before journalism gives way to history, but normally historians write with the advantage of perspective that reflects the passage of years, decades, or even centuries. Time is necessary for information to come to light, memoirs to be written, and the significance of events to reveal itself. What seems relatively trivial now may prove to have been anything but, just as what appears to loom large can fade in importance. But, for better or worse, the West does not have the luxury of waiting to make sense of recent events in Ukraine, simply because there is no assurance that what occurred in Crimea is unique. Thousands of Russian troops remain on Ukraine’s eastern border; every day, there are new reports of unrest inside Ukraine, many allegedly instigated by Russia. We thus need to move quickly to understand what recent events imply about Russia, its president, Vladimir Putin, and the international order. It is no less important to apply the lessons swiftly. Putin wants to restore Russia to what he regards as its rightful place in the world. He is genuinely angry over what he views as the humiliations suffered since the end of the Cold War, including the Soviet Union’s breakup and NATO’s enlargement – though he will never admit that Russia actually lost the Cold War. At the same time, Putin is preoccupied with perpetuating his rule and ensuring that he does not suffer the same fate as former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, who had been his proxy in Kyiv.", "zh": "俄罗斯行径的根源 纽约—在新闻和历史之间并无明确的时间界限，但通常，历史学家的优势在于他们所写的东西反映了过去几年、几十年甚至几百年的内容。 时间是信息曝光、回忆录写作和事件重要性自动显现的必要条件。 现在看来琐碎的东西未来可能无比重要，正如现在的突出因素可能随着时间而褪色。 但是，无论如何，西方已经没有奢侈去等待思考最近的乌克兰事件的意义，因为西方不能保证克里米亚发生的事情是独特的。 数千俄军仍集结于乌克兰东境：每一天都会涌现关于乌克兰内部动乱的新报道，其中一些动乱据说是俄罗斯煽动的。 因此，我们必须马上行动起来，弄明白最近的事件对俄罗斯、其总统普京以及国际秩序的意义。 迅速吸取教训也极为重要。 普京想重塑他心目中俄罗斯应有的世界地位。 他对他所认为的自冷战结束以来遭到的羞辱十分愤怒，包括苏联解体和北约东扩，尽管他决不会承认俄罗斯实际输掉了冷战。 与此同时，普京全力以赴地要保证自己的长期统治，确保自己不会重蹈其基辅代理人、前乌克兰总统亚努科维奇的覆辙。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to then-Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke, the problem was that countries running large surpluses were buying so many US Treasuries that they were negating the Fed’s monetary-policy efforts. But, as Claudio Borio, Hyun Shin, and others have pointed out, excessive off-balance-sheet and offshore lending by US and European banks also added procyclical pressure. As a result, risk-taking and leverage grew, facilitated by inadequate regulation, culminating in the global financial crisis of 2008. To prevent asset bubbles from collapsing and buy time for more sustainable policy fixes, advanced-country central banks implemented massive monetary easing and cut interest rates to zero. Unfortunately, policymakers in most countries wasted the time they were given; moreover, so-called quantitative easing had far-reaching spillover effects. Within China, a second displacement occurred: the government implemented a ¥4 trillion ($680 billion) stimulus package in November 2008 to offset weak demand in its major export markets. While the Chinese authorities had the right idea, two of the policy’s outcomes have complicated the reform prcoess today. First, instead of reducing excess capacity and encouraging a structural shift to higher-productivity activities, the authorities’ investment-led strategy increased manufacturing capacity further, along with excess capacity in global commodity production. Second, the stimulus was funded by a debt binge, especially among state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and local governments. The private sector, too, built up debt, with its limited access to equity capital driving firms to the shadow banking sector. The result is a debt overhang of 282% of GDP. In short, China now faces the same debt-deflation challenge that much of the rest of the world must address. The question, of course, is how. Some argue that the answer is more of the same: continued monetary easing and additional fiscal stimulus. Accumulating more debt (at lower interest rates) can indeed buy time for economic restructuring.", "zh": "时任美联储主席伯南克（Ben Bernanke）将问题归结于有巨大贸易盈余的国家购买了太多的美国国债，从而抵消了美联储从紧的货币政策。 但是，博里奥（Claudio Borio ） 、 Hyun Shin和其他人则指出：美国和欧洲的银行过度发展表外和离岸借贷活动加剧了债务的顺周期扩张。 结果，冒险和杠杆日增，而监管不力让这些行为变得更加便利，终于引发了2008年的全球金融危机。 为了阻止资产泡沫爆裂并为更加可持续的政策解决方案赢得时间，发达国家的央行采取了大规模货币宽松政策并将利率削减至零。 不幸的是，大部分国家的决策者都浪费了央行为他们争取到的时间；此外，发达经济体的量化宽松政策给新兴市场经济体带来了影响深远的信贷扩张溢出效应。 中国的债务失衡则始于2008年11月时中国政府开始实施的4万亿元刺激经济计划。 当时中国决策层希望这个计划可以抵消主要出口市场需求萎靡的影响。 这个想法并没错，但计划执行后的两个结果却给今天的中国改革过程平添不少复杂的困扰。 首先，当时以投资为主的发展战略没有能够及时减少已经过剩的产能、也没有及时推动产业结构向生产率更高的方向转型，反而进一步增加了低端制造业及全球大宗商品剩余产能。 其次，当时的刺激经济计划主要通过激增的债务来给项目融资。 不仅新增大量国有企业和地方政府债务，民营企业债务也通过影子银行大增，因为中国企业很难进入股权形式的资本市场，导致中国的债务上升到占 GDP之比达 282 % 。 简而言之，如今中国面临着与世界许多其他国家一样的债务通缩挑战。 当然，关键在于如何应对这一挑战。 一些人认为答案与发达国家采取的措施类似：继续货币宽松及加码财政刺激，包括以较低利率、更长的期限、及更多的债务来置换现有的坏账，从而为调整经济结构赢得时间。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "高性能有色金属及合金材料，主要包括高精度铜及管、棒等。高精度铜及管、棒，线型材产品，铜镍、铜钛、铍铜等铜合金管、棒、线型材，高强高导铜材，电解铜箔，压延铜箔，电子铜，铜合金引线框架，高性能接插元件等电子产品用铜压延材料，其他高性能铜及铜合金压延产品，高性能铝及铝合金线、棒、带、管、板、异型材等产品，电容器铝箔，亲水，特薄铝及铝合金箔材，半凝固态铸造加工的铝和铝合金材，高强度铝合金锻件。高性能钛及钛合金线、棒、带、管、板、异型材等，钛及钛合金模锻件，旋锻件，铸锻件，医用钛合金材料（髋关节，骨钉，骨板），医用钛合金器件，大规格特种钛合金锻件。纯镍，镍合金丝，线、棒、管、带、板等型材，印花镍网，镍基合金、钴基合金铸件。高性能镁合金及变形镁合金，镁合金腐蚀控制及防护，镁合金锻件。", "en": "High-performance non-ferrous metal and alloy materials, mainly including high-precision copper and tubes, rods, etc. High-precision copper and tubes, rods, linear profile products, copper alloy tubes, rods, linear profile products such as copper-nickel, copper-titanium, beryllium copper, high-strength high-conductivity copper materials, electrolytic copper foil, rolled copper foil, electronic copper, copper alloy lead frames, high-performance connectors and other electronic products using copper rolled materials, other high-performance copper and copper alloy rolled products, high-performance aluminum and aluminum alloy wires, rods, strips, tubes, plates, profiles, capacitor aluminum foil, hydrophilic, ultra-thin aluminum and aluminum alloy foil materials, semi-solid cast and processed aluminum and aluminum alloy materials, high-strength aluminum alloy forgings. High-performance titanium and titanium alloy wires, rods, strips, tubes, plates, profiles, titanium and titanium alloy die forgings, rotary forgings, cast forgings, medical titanium alloy materials (hip joints, bone nails, bone plates), medical titanium alloy devices, large-scale special titanium alloy forgings. Pure nickel, nickel alloy wires, rods, tubes, strips, plates, etc., printed nickel mesh, nickel-based alloy, cobalt-based alloy castings. High-performance magnesium alloys and deformable magnesium alloys, corrosion control and protection of magnesium alloys, magnesium alloy forgings."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In terms of technology, Britain’s role in developing the Oxford-AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine underscores its strengths in medical science innovation – as evidenced by a thriving biotech and life sciences sector. And yet the UK has yet to develop a technology company of global stature and renown, and recent stock-market activity has sent mixed messages to investors. The initial public offerings of food-delivery company Deliveroo and semiconductor technology firm Alphawave were challenged: both companies’ share prices fell sharply on their first day of trading and remained below their launch price weeks later. But the UK is well positioned to benefit from investments and advances in emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, that will undoubtedly transform education and health care in the coming years. Moreover, the country has real opportunities to help allies plug technological gaps – not least in semiconductors, where America’s share of global output has fallen from 37% in 1990 to just 12% today. To realize its potential as a science superpower, the UK needs a technology hub that can rival Silicon Valley in its dynamism. That will require aggressively and deliberately building an ecosystem of talent and collaboration across data science, technology, and public policy. For example, the Oxford-Cambridge arc already supports two million jobs and adds £110 billion to the UK economy each year. But to rise to the next level, this region must become a vibrant environment for innovation, and be far more visible to leading global investors.", "zh": "在技术方面，英国在开发牛津-阿斯利康新冠疫苗方面所起的作用突显了其在医学科学创新方面的优势 — — 生物技术和生命科学领域的蓬勃发展证明了这一点。 然而，英国尚未发展出一家具有全球地位和声誉的科技公司，而近期的股市情况也令投资者喜忧参半。 食品 配送公司Deliveroo和 半导体技术公司 Alphawave的首次公开募股遇阻：两家公司的股价在首日交易中大幅下跌，几周后仍低于发行价。 但英国完全有能力从人工智能等新兴技术的投资和进步中获益，它们将毫无悬念地在未来几年内改变教育和医疗。 此外，英国还有现实的机会帮助盟国填补技术缺口 — — 尤其是在半导体领域，美国在全球产出中所占的份额 从1990年的37% 下降到今天的12 % 。 为了实现其作为科学超级大国的潜力，英国需要一个活力堪比硅谷的科技枢纽。 这需要积极并有意识地建立一个横跨数据科学、技术和公共政策的人才和协作生态系统。 例如，牛津-剑桥沿线已经支撑了 200万个工作岗位 ，每年为英国经济带来1100亿英镑增量。 但要提升到一个新的水平，该地区必须营造充满活力的创新环境，并更加显著地引领全球投资者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It was obvious that we did not understand each other. “Pardon me, sir,” I went on, “but that’s merely the freedom that every prisoner has, the freedom to pace his cell! That’s not enough for us.” “Nevertheless, it will have to do!” “What! We must give up seeing our homeland, friends, and relatives ever again?” “Yes, sir. But giving up that intolerable earthly yoke that some men call freedom is perhaps less painful than you think!” “By thunder!” Ned Land shouted. “I’ll never promise I won’t try getting out of here!” “I didn’t ask for such a promise, Mr. Land,” the commander replied coldly. “Sir,” I replied, flaring up in spite of myself, “you’re taking unfair advantage of us! This is sheer cruelty!” “No, sir, it’s an act of mercy! You’re my prisoners of war! I’ve cared for you when, with a single word, I could plunge you back into the ocean depths! You attacked me! You’ve just stumbled on a secret no living man must probe, the secret of my entire existence! Do you think I’ll send you back to a world that must know nothing more of me? Never! By keeping you on board, it isn’t you whom I care for, it’s me!”", "zh": "显然的，我们彼此都没有领会对方的意思。我于是又说： “请原谅，先生，这种自由不过是国徒可以在监狱中走动的自由！这种自由对于我们并不够。” “可是，对这种自由你们应当感到满足了。” “什么！我们将永不能再见我们的祖国，我们的朋友，我们的亲人吗！？” “是的，先生，这不过是使您不再受那世俗的束缚罢了。这种束缚，人们还以为是自由，抛弃了它，不至于像你们所想象的那么难受吧！” “好家伙！\"尼德·兰喊道，“我决不能保证我以后不想法逃走！” “尼德·兰师傅，我井没有要您保证。”船长冷淡地回答。 “先生，”我说，我不由自主地生气了，“您倚势欺人！太蛮横了！” “不，先生，这不是蛮横，这是仁慈！你们是我在战斗以后的俘虏！那时，我只要说一句话就能把你们送到海底下去，但是我留下你们！你们攻击过我！你们盗窃了世上任何人都不应该知道的一种秘密，就是我一生的秘密！您以为我会把你们送回那再不应该看见我的陆地上去吗？那永不能！现在我所以要把你们留在这儿，并不是为了你们，实在是为我自己！”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The nationalist regimes thus gradually lost domestic popular legitimacy, creating a vacuum that non-state actors have now largely filled. The ideological forces and the currency of power have also changed, with political Islam replacing secularism while skillfully integrating social issues and revolutionary, anti-Western nationalism. Today, the old Middle East can still be found in Syria, Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, and Fatah-controlled Palestine. The new Middle East includes Dubai, the Gulf emirates, and Israel, as well as Hezbollah, Hamas, and jihadi terrorism – and, partly, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Jordan and Morocco are also trying to associate themselves with the new Middle East. Obviously, as these examples suggest, “new” does not necessarily mean better, but simply different and more modern. Indeed, modernization by no means implies a solution to the conflicts that continue to fester in the region. Instead, these conflicts are themselves “modernized,” which could make them even more dangerous than in the past. An aspect of such modernization could be seen in the 2006 Lebanon war between Israel and Hezbollah, where tank warfare was rendered obsolete by missiles and Katyushas. At the same time, non-state actors, such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and al-Qaeda, have taken the place of traditional armies, and suicide bombers equipped with road-side and car bombs or explosive belts have replaced guerrilla fighters with their Kalashnikovs. Perhaps the most important change is the shift in the region’s political and military center of gravity. While Israel, Palestine, and Lebanon defined the most important hot spots in the old Middle East, regional power and politics in the wake of the Iraq war is now centered in the Persian Gulf. The dominant conflict is no longer the Israeli-Palestinian struggle, but the threat of a confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia for sub-regional supremacy, and between Iran and the US for regional hegemony. Indeed, it is by now virtually impossible to implement any solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without Iran and its local allies – Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Palestine. In a way, then, the war in Iraq forms the strategic and military bridge between the old and the new Middle East. The US intervention has brought about four far-reaching changes in the region:", "zh": "这些国家主义政权也因此逐渐丧失了在国内民意中的合法性，由此造成的真空现在很大程度上由非国家实体填补了。 意识形态力量和权力潮流的方向也发生了变化，政治伊斯兰教取代了世俗主义，并将社会问题和革命性的反西方民族主义进行有效的整合。 现今，旧的中东仍然能够在叙利亚、埃及、也门、突尼斯、阿尔及利亚和法塔赫控制的巴勒斯坦得以保留。 新的中东则包括迪拜、海湾各酋长国和以色列，以及真主党、哈马斯和圣战恐怖主义—以及一定程度上的伊朗和沙特阿拉伯。 约旦和摩洛哥也正试图将自己与新中东关联起来。 显然，正如这些例子所显示的 ， “ 新”并不一定意味着更好，而只是不同和更现代。 的确，现代化决不意味着是对该地区继续恶化中的冲突的解决之道。 相反，这些冲突本身也“现代化”了，这可能使它们比以往更为危险。 这种现代化的方面在2006年以色列和真主党之间的黎巴嫩战争中可见一斑：坦克站在导弹和“喀秋莎”火箭炮面前显得过时了。 同时，非国家实体，如真主党、哈马斯和“基地组织”等已经取代了传统军队。 而装备了路边和汽车炸弹和炸药皮带的自杀人弹带着他们的AK冲锋枪取代了游击战士。 可能最重要的变化是该地区政治和军事重心的转移。 以色列、巴勒斯坦和黎巴嫩是旧中东最重要的热点地区，而伊拉克战争之后的地区权力和政治现在是波斯湾的中心议题。 首要的冲突不再是巴以斗争，而是伊朗和沙特阿拉伯之间争夺副区域控制权和伊朗与美国之间争夺地区霸权的冲突威胁。 的确，当前要在没有伊朗及其地区盟友—黎巴嫩真主党和巴勒斯坦哈马斯的情况下实施任何针对巴以冲突的解决方案几乎都是不可能的。 也就是说，伊拉克战争在一定程度上形成了新旧中东之间的战略和军事桥梁。 美国的干预给该地区造成了四项长远的影响："}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "进入新世纪以来，我国汽车产业快速发展，形成了种类齐全、配套完整的产业体系。整车研发能力明显增强，节能减排成效显著，质量水平稳步提高，中国品牌迅速成长，国际化发展能力逐步提升。特别是近年来在商用车和运动型多用途乘用车等细分市场形成了一定的竞争优势，新能源汽车发展取得重大进展，由培育期进入成长期。2016年，我国汽车产销突破2800万辆，连续8年位居全球第一，其中中国品牌汽车销量占比50%左右，市场认可度大幅提高。汽车产业不断发展壮大，在国民经济中的地位和作用持续增强，对推动经济。增长、促进社会就业、改善民生福祉作出了突出贡献。汽车相关产业税收占全国税收比、从业人员占全国城镇就业人数比、汽车销售额占全国商品零售额比均连续多年超过10%。与此同时，我国汽车产业大而不强的问题依然突出，表现在关键核心技术掌握不足，产业链条存在短板，创新体系仍需完善，国际品牌建设滞缓，企业实力亟待提升，产能过剩风险显现，商用车安全性能有待提高。巨大汽车保有量带来的能源、环保、交通等问题日益凸显。", "en": "Since entering the new century, China's automobile industry has developed rapidly, forming a complete and well-matched industrial system. The research and development capabilities of complete vehicles have significantly improved, energy conservation and emission reduction have achieved remarkable results, and the quality level has steadily improved. Chinese brands have grown rapidly, and their international development capabilities have gradually increased. Especially in recent years, certain competitive advantages have been formed in the commercial vehicle and sports utility vehicle markets. The development of new energy vehicles has made significant progress, transitioning from the nurturing period to the growth period. In 2016, China's automobile production and sales exceeded 28 million vehicles, ranking first in the world for 8 consecutive years. Chinese brand automobile sales accounted for about 50% of the market share, and market recognition has greatly improved. The automobile industry continues to grow and strengthen, continuously enhancing its position and role in the national economy, and making outstanding contributions to promoting economic growth, promoting social employment, and improving people's well-being. For several consecutive years, the automobile-related industry's tax revenue accounted for more than 10% of the national tax revenue, the number of employees accounted for more than 10% of the national urban employment, and the automobile sales accounted for more than 10% of the national retail sales of goods. At the same time, the problem of China's automobile industry being large but not strong is still prominent, manifested in insufficient mastery of key core technologies, shortcomings in the industrial chain, the need for improvement in the innovation system, slow progress in international brand building, urgent need to enhance corporate strength, risks of overcapacity, and the need to improve the safety performance of commercial vehicles. The problems of energy, environmental protection, and transportation brought about by the huge number of automobiles are increasingly prominent."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Leaving the Data Dark Ages PARIS – During the High Medieval Period, from the eleventh to the thirteenth century, serfs in France had no property rights. Instead, those with land had to hand over most of what they produced to the local seigneur (lord) who could confiscate their land upon their death (“mainmorte”). In return, they did receive services, such as protection from conflict and access to a mill or village oven. They had little choice: opting out of the deal and, say, building their own mill would have been strictly forbidden. This dynamic arrangement – which continued until the French Revolution, when peasants gained full property rights – looks a lot like consumers’ relationships with Internet firms today. In this age of digital feudalism, we have little choice but to agree, with one click, to an impenetrably long and convoluted set of terms and conditions, which subjects us to constant monitoring by the platforms we use. The platforms collect our personal data and sell them to many more actors, including advertising companies that can then serve us targeted ads. For Internet firms, this is a highly lucrative practice: the value of users’ personal data is expected to reach 8% of European GDP by 2020. In exchange, the firms offer “free services,” such as social media, to the digital serfs who produce the data.", "zh": "走出数据暗黑时代 发自巴黎 — — 在从十一世纪到十三世纪的中世纪盛期，法国的农民是没有财产权的。 相反，那些有土地的人不得不将他们生产的大部分东西上缴给当地的领主，而领主可以在农民去世后没收他们的土地。 作为回报，农民确实获得了诸如免遭侵袭以及使用磨坊或乡村公共烤面包房等服务。 不过他们别无选择：选择退出交易，比如建造自己的磨坊是被严格禁止的。 这种动态的安排一直持续到法国大革命爆发农民获得了完整产权为止，而且看起来很像消费者与当今互联网公司之间的关系。 到了如今这个数字封建主义时代，我们依然没多少选择余地，只能点击同意那一串密密麻麻的冗长且复杂的条款条件，将自己置于所使用网络平台的监控之下。 这些平台收集我们的个人数据并将其出售给更多的社会参与者，包括那些可以为我们提供针对性广告的广告公司。 对于互联网公司来说，这是一个利润丰厚的做法：到2020年，用户个人数据的价值预计将相当于欧洲GDP的8 ％ 。 作为交换，这些公司向不断生产数据的数字农奴提供社交媒体等“免费服务 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In those settings, the US, reasonably enough, did not view traditional investment support from the IMF and World Bank as a high priority. Finally, the global financial crisis put considerable strain on the US economy, intensifying pressure on lawmakers to undertake policies aimed at boosting domestic GDP growth and creating jobs. To this end, the White House is investing enormous effort and political capital in two major trade deals – the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Trans-Pacific Partnership – despite domestic opposition. But, while America’s economic woes and hyper-polarized political climate have undoubtedly contributed to the decision to favor controversial trade deals over international financial institutions that the US created and nurtured, what is really driving the policy shift are fundamental geopolitical changes. In short, an internationally diminished US is loath to relinquish its dominance of global institutions, yet unwilling to shoulder the associated financial and political costs. By contrast, the US market’s enduring weight amplifies America’s bargaining power in plurilateral trade agreements, which also serve the country’s immediate commercial interests. Indeed, such deals offer the promise of new export markets, “good” jobs, and rules that lock in US competitive advantages. At the same time, they can help to contain China’s economic power and strategic influence in Asia. As the issuer of the world’s dominant reserve currency, the US can manage without the IMF in the short run, using the Federal Reserve to provide liquidity to countries where it has core political interests, as it did after the 2008 crisis. And World Bank lending is helping the middle-income countries that are increasingly competing with the US in global trade, while boosting demand for private – that is, American – capital. The US is like an aging parent; it is no longer willing to invest much in the family business, but remains averse to ceding control to its increasingly mature children. Resentful and restless, the children are seeking opportunities elsewhere – to the detriment of the family firm. China has nearly two dozen currency-swap arrangements, which serve as an alternative to IMF liquidity support. India just signed a $50 billion swap deal with Japan. Over time, these arrangements will erode the US dollar’s role as the world’s leading reserve currency.", "zh": "在这样的环境下，美国颇为理性地不再将来自IMF和世行的传统投资支持视为高级别优先事项。 最后，全球金融危机给美国经济造成了严重掣肘，加剧了立法者采取旨在提振国内GDP增长和创造就业岗位的政策的压力。 在这方面，白宫顶着国内反对花大力气、投入大量政治资本推出了两个主要贸易协定 — — 跨大西洋贸易和投资合作伙伴以及跨太平洋合作伙伴。 但是，尽管美国的经济不景气和政治气候的高度极端化毫无疑问促使美国的决定偏袒于存在争议的贸易协定而非由美国创造并支持的国际金融机构，但政策变化的真正推动力是基础性地缘政治变化。 简言之，国际地位日趋衰落的美国不愿撒手其在全球机构的主宰地位，但又不愿承担相应的金融和政治成本。 相反，美国市场的持久地位增加了美国在多边贸易协定中的议价能力，也符合美国的眼前商业利益。 事实上，这些协定都承诺了新的出口市场 、 “ 好”工作岗位以及锁定美国竞争优势的规则。 与此同时，这些协定也有助于遏制中国在亚洲的经济实力和战略影响力。 作为世界主要储备货币的发行者，美国可以在短期抛开IMF，通过美联储向其核心政治利益所在国家提供流动性，就像它在2008年危机后做的那样。 而世行贷款有助于在全球贸易中日益与美国竞争的中等收入国家，同时增加私人 — — 即美国资本的需求。 美国就像是年迈的家长；不再愿意大量投资于家族企业，但又不愿意将控制权让给日益成熟的孩子们。 心怀不满又焦虑不安的孩子们则纷纷另辟蹊径 — — 以不利于家族企业的方式。 中国已经签订了二十多宗货币互换协议，作为IMF流动性支持的替代品。 印度刚刚与日本签订了500亿美元的互换协议。 假以时日，这些安排将削弱美元作为世界主要储备货币的地位。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They were competing to see who could memorize the order of a shuffled pack of playing cards the fastest. I was like, this is unbelievable. These people must be freaks of nature. And I started talking to a few of the competitors. This is a guy called Ed Cook who had come over from England where he had one of the best trained memories. And I said to him, \"Ed, when did you realize that you were a savant?\" And Ed was like, \"I'm not a savant. In fact, I have just an average memory. Everybody who competes in this contest will tell you that they have just an average memory. We've all trained ourselves to perform these utterly miraculous feats of memory using a set of ancient techniques, techniques invented 2,500 years ago in Greece, the same techniques that Cicero had used to memorize his speeches, that medieval scholars had used to memorize entire books.\" And I was like, \"Whoa. How come I never heard of this before?\" And we were standing outside the competition hall, and Ed, who is a wonderful, brilliant, but somewhat eccentric English guy, says to me, \"Josh, you're an American journalist. Do you know Britney Spears?\" I'm like, \"What? No. Why?\" \"Because I really want to teach Britney Spears how to memorize the order of a shuffled pack of playing cards on U.S. national television. It will prove to the world that anybody can do this.\" I was like, \"Well I'm not Britney Spears, but maybe you could teach me. I mean, you've got to start somewhere, right?\" And that was the beginning of a very strange journey for me. I ended up spending the better part of the next year not only training my memory, but also investigating it, trying to understand how it works, why it sometimes doesn't work and what its potential might be. I met a host of really interesting people. This is a guy called E.P. He's an amnesic who had, very possibly, the very worst memory in the world. His memory was so bad that he didn't even remember he had a memory problem, which is amazing.", "zh": "还有的在比赛谁能以最快速度 记下一整副打乱的牌的顺序 我当时觉得 这太不可思议了 这些人肯定天赋异禀 所以我开始采访参赛者 这位叫Ed Cook 是从英格兰来的 他在那儿接受了最好的记忆训练 我问他 \"Ed 你是什么时候开始意识到 自己是记忆天才的?\" Ed答道 \"我并不是什么专家 其实 我的记忆力很一般 来参赛的每一个人 都会告诉你他们的记忆力只是一般水平 我们都在训练自己后才能 完成这些奇迹般的记忆游戏 我们运用了一系列古老的技巧 这些技巧是希腊人在两千五百年前发明的 西塞罗正是用了这些技巧 来记忆他的演讲稿的 中世纪学者用这种技巧来背诵正本书籍的内容\" 我惊讶不已 \"哇噻 怎么我从来没听说过呢?\" 我们站在竞技大厅外 聪明过人 令人惊叹 而又稍有些古怪的英国人Ed 对我说 \"Josh 你是个美国记者 你知道小甜甜布兰妮吧?\" 我茫然不解 \"什么? 当然 为什么要问这个?\" \"因为我真的很想在 美国国家电台上教会布兰妮 怎样记住一整副打乱的牌的顺序 就能证明这是人人都可以做到的了\" 我说 \"虽然我不是布兰妮 但你也可以教教我呀 总得找个人开教嘛 不是吗?\" 接着 一段非常奇特的历程在我面前展开了序幕 结果 第二年的大部分时间 我都花在了训练自己的记忆力 同时调查研究记忆上 我想尝试理解产生记忆的原理 为何有时会记了又忘 及其它到底隐藏着什么样的潜力 途中我遇到了很多有趣的人 其中一个叫E.P. 他患有健忘症 他的记忆力 恐怕是世界上最差的了 他的记忆能力差到 甚至记不得自己有健忘症 真的很神奇"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So far, 155 countries – including large emitters – have submitted to the UN plans describing their “intended nationally determined contributions” (INDCs) to the fight against climate change. India, the world’s third-largest emitter, has pledged to reduce emissions intensity by 33-35% from 2005 levels, and generate 40% of its power from non-fossil-fuel sources, by 2030. Brazil promises that its greenhouse-gas emissions in 2025 will be 37% lower than in 2005, and 43% lower by 2030. And the European Union has committed to a minimum emissions reduction of 40% from 1990 levels. Perhaps most important, the United States and China – the world’s top two emitters, which together account for more than one-third of global greenhouse-gas emissions – have finally stepped up, announcing concrete climate commitments in a joint statement last year. This injected significant momentum into global climate efforts. Last month, Chinese President Xi Jinping went a step further, pledging to establish by 2017 a national market to set prices for CO2 emissions. The document signed in Paris will be the first treaty of a new era. Its hybrid governance structure – which combines top-down elements (primarily in monitoring and verification) with bottom-up commitments (the voluntary INDCs) – is revolutionary, as it enables us to avoid the deadlock that often characterizes large-scale multilateral governance processes. Already, this new model has helped to encourage national participation and enhance transparency, with national policies being published openly on the UNFCCC website. But one critical question remains unresolved: How can we ensure that these voluntary individual pledges add up to a collective solution to a global problem? Current calculations indicate that if the submitted INDCs, covering nearly 90% of global emissions, are implemented, global warming will probably still exceed 2° Celsius (3.6° Fahrenheit) – the threshold beyond which climate change’s most disastrous consequences would be triggered. It is therefore vital that negotiators in Paris work together to determine how to boost policy ambition. At this point of no return, we must link national plans to global goals – and thereby ensure that we move in the right direction.", "zh": "迄今为止，155个国家 — — 其中包括大的排放国 — — 已经向联合国递交了“决意为应对气候变化做出贡献 ” （ INDC）的计划。 世界第三大排放国印度已经承诺到2030年实现排放强度比2005年降低33-35 % ， 并实现非化石燃料能源发电量占总发电量的40 % 。 巴西承诺该国2025年温室气体排放量将比2005年降低37 % ， 到2030年则降低43 % 。 而欧盟也已做出比1990年最少减排40%的承诺。 或许最重要的是，美国和中国这两个合并排放量占全球温室气体排量三分之一以上的全世界最大的排放国终于加快了脚步，在去年一份联合声明中公开了具体的气候承诺。 这在极大程度上推动了全球气候工作。 上个月，中国国家主席习近平又进了一步，承诺将在2017年建成为二氧化碳排放定价的全国性市场。 巴黎即将签署的文件将成为新时代的首份条约。 该条约混合自上而下元素（主要是监测与核查）和自下而上承诺（自愿INDC）的混合型治理结构具有革命性的效果，因为我们能借此避开常常伴随着大规模多边治理进程的僵局和停顿。 随着国家政策在联合国气候变化框架公约（UNFCCC）网站上的公开发布，上述新模式已经有效地鼓励了全民参与并提升了透明度。 但有一个关键问题仍未得到解决：我们如何才能确保这些自愿的个体承诺合在一起构成全球问题的集体解决方案？ 目前的计算数据表明如果涉及近90%全球排放的已提交INDC全部得到落实，全球变暖可能仍将超过2摄氏度（3.6华氏度 ） — —一旦超过这一阈值可能会引发气候变化最灾难性的后果。 因此巴黎的谈判人员合作确定如何提升政策目标至关重要。 面对这样一个无法回头的拐点，我们必须协调国家计划和全球目标 — — 从而确保沿着正确的前进方向。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The other long-term inflation risk is subtler, but potentially even harder to forestall. Many people are vastly more skeptical about globalization today than they were three decades ago, largely because evidence suggests that the wealthy have benefited disproportionately from it. While stock markets have soared, labor has been receiving a declining share of the economic pie. And many of the proposed measures that might enable workers to claw back a bigger cut, such as boosting unionization and making offshoring more difficult, will necessarily mean a reduction in trade. A reversal of globalization could have a big impact on inflation. Many Westerners fear that China will “eat our lunch,” as US President Joe Biden recently warned in calling for a much-needed increase in infrastructure investment in America. Maybe, but Westerners need to recognize that when it comes to global manufacturing, China is the one making lunch, and the meal would cost a lot more if it wasn’t. More broadly, central banks’ disinflation efforts from 1980 until the 2008 financial crisis benefited enormously from the hyper-globalization taking place during this period. Trade with China and other developing countries, combined with technological advances, relentlessly drove down the prices of many consumer goods. With productivity rising and many prices visibly falling, for reasons beyond monetary policy, it became relatively easy for central bankers to move the public’s long-term inflation expectations downward. But when I pointed this out at a major conference of central bankers back in 2003, in a paper entitled “Globalization and Global Disinflation,” most of them did not really want to share credit with globalization. Things could now move in the other direction, especially given the strong bipartisan political consensus in Washington on the need to challenge China. The substance of Biden’s policies may not differ from those pursued by former President Donald Trump as quickly or as radically as many internationalists might hope. And even if the US and China manage to patch over their current differences, globalization’s impact is set to fade, owing in part to demographic factors, as Charles Goodhart and Manoj Pradhan have forcefully argued. China’s labor force, for example, is projected to shrink by 200 million over the next two decades.", "zh": "而另一个长期通胀风险则更为隐性却可能更加难以防范。 与30年前相比如今许多人都对全球化有所质疑，这主要是因为有证据表明富人从全球化中攫取了过大比例的利益。 一方面股市飙升，另一方面劳动力在经济总量中占据的份额却不断下降。 而许多旨在为劳动者夺回更多利益（比如推动工会化和对离岸外包设置障碍）的建议措施都必然会遏制贸易。 全球化的逆转可能会对通胀产生重大影响。 正如美国总统拜登最近呼吁尽快增加本国基础设施投资时所警告的那样，许多西方人担心中国会“吃掉我们的午餐 ” 。 这或许有点道理，但西方人也应当认识到中国人才是全球制造业中做午餐的那个厨子，不然的话这顿饭的成本只会更高。 从更广泛意义来看，从1980年到2008年金融危机爆发之前各国央行抑制通胀的努力都大大受益于同一时期的超级全球化进程。 许多消费品的价格都被与中国和其他发展中国家的贸易以及技术进步所大幅拉低了。 随着生产力的提高和多种物价的明显下降，中央银行家们还能借助货币政策以外的各类手段去相对轻易地压低民众的长期通胀预期。 但当我在2003年的一次大型央行行长会议上用一篇题为《全球化与全球通胀不足》的论文指出这一点时，他们中的大多数人却并不乐意将一部分功劳归于全球化。 现在情况可能会朝着另一个方向发展，尤其是鉴于国会两党在挑战中国的必要性上所达成的强烈政治共识。 而拜登政策的实质内容或许也不会像许多国际主义者所希望的那样迅速或彻底地与前总统特朗普的政策做切割。 但就算美中两国能弥合当前的分歧，全球化的影响也注定会逐渐减弱，部分原因 — — 正如查尔斯·古德哈特（Charles Goodhart）和玛诺基·普拉罕（Manoj Pradhan）所有力论证的那样 — — 是人口构成因素。 比如中国就预计会在未来20年内减少2亿劳动力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Ungovernable Budget NEW YORK – The heart of any government is found in its budget. Politicians can make endless promises, but if the budget doesn’t add up, politics is little more than mere words. The United States is now caught in such a bind. In his recent State of the Union address, President Barack Obama painted a convincing picture of modern, twenty-first-century government. His Republican Party opponents complained that Obama’s proposals would bust the budget. But the truth is that both parties are hiding from the reality: without more taxes, a modern, competitive US economy is not possible. Obama rightly emphasized that competitiveness in the world today depends on an educated workforce and modern infrastructure. That is true for any country, but it is especially relevant for rich countries. The US and Europe are in direct competition with Brazil, China, India, and other emerging economies, where wage levels are sometimes one-quarter those in high-income countries (if not even lower). America and Europe will keep their high living standards only by basing their competitiveness on advanced skills, cutting-edge technologies, and modern infrastructure. That is why Obama called for an increase in US public investment in three areas: education, science and technology, and infrastructure (including broadband Internet, fast rail, and clean energy). He spelled out a vision of future growth in which public and private investment would be complementary, mutually supportive pillars. Obama emphasized these themes for good reason.", "zh": "无药可救的美国预算 纽约 — — 任何政府的核心都是预算问题。 政治家尽可以没完没了地许诺，但如果预算跟不上，政治就不过是空话而已。 这样的窘境已经在美国成为现实。 在刚刚发表的国情咨文中，巴拉克·奥巴马总统描绘出二十一世纪现代政府的一幅诱人图景。 奥巴马的共和党对手抱怨这项提案会让政府破产。 可事实是两党都没有勇气承认现实： 如果不增加税收，就不可能缔造出现代化、有竞争力的美国经济。 奥巴马明智地认识到当今世界的竞争力取决于现代化的基础设施和知识型劳动力。 这条规律对任何国家均不例外，但对富裕国家尤其如此。 美国和欧洲必须与巴西、中国、印度和其他新兴国家直接竞争，而他们的工资水平在某些情况下只有高收入国家的四分之一（甚至更低 ） 。 只有将竞争力建立在先进技术、尖端科技和现代化基础设施之上，美国和欧洲才能保持自己的生活水平。 奥巴马也因此呼吁美国加大对以下三大领域的公共投资： 教育、科学技术和基础设施（包括宽带网络、快速轨道交通和清洁能源 ） 。 他详细描绘了一幅未来公共和私人投资相互补充、相互支持的经济发展愿景。 奥巴马有充分理由强调这些主题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many are not so fortunate. There's a long tradition in Asian culture that celebrates the fluid mystery of gender. There is a Buddhist goddess of compassion. There is a Hindu goddess, hijra goddess. So when I was eight years old, I was at a fiesta in the Philippines celebrating these mysteries. I was in front of the stage, and I remember, out comes this beautiful woman right in front of me, and I remember that moment something hit me: That is the kind of woman I would like to be. So when I was 15 years old, still dressing as a boy, I met this woman named T.L. She is a transgender beauty pageant manager. That night she asked me, \"How come you are not joining the beauty pageant?\" That moment changed my life. All of a sudden, I was introduced to the world of beauty pageants. Not a lot of people could say that your first job is a pageant queen for transgender women, but I'll take it. So from 15 to 17 years old, I joined the most prestigious pageant to the pageant where it's at the back of the truck, literally, or sometimes it would be a pavement next to a rice field, and when it rains -- it rains a lot in the Philippines -- the organizers would have to move it inside someone's house. I also experienced the goodness of strangers, especially when we would travel in remote provinces in the Philippines.", "zh": "但很多人并不是那么幸运。 在亚洲，我们有一个悠久的传统 去赞颂性别不定的神秘。 这是佛教中的观世音菩萨。 这是印度教中的希吉拉女神。 所以当我八岁那年， 我在菲律宾的一个嘉年华会 庆祝这些神秘宗教。 我在舞台前， 我记得，这个美丽的女人 迎面向我走来， 我记得，在那一刻我的内心被触动了： 那就是我想成为的那种女人。 在我15岁时 我已男孩的身份 见到了这位叫做T.L女士。 她是变性选美大赛的经理。 那一晚她问我， \"你为什么不参加变性选美大赛呢？\" 那一刻改变了我的一生。 倾刻之间，我迈入了 选美大赛的世界中。 没有多少人敢说你的第一份工作 是变性选美大赛中的女王， 不管被人怎样想，我接受了。 在我十五到十七岁那些年间， 我加入了最有名望的选美大赛 坦白的说，在卡车背后举行的选美大赛， 或者有时在庄稼地旁的马路上， 在下雨的时候 举办者就得把选美大赛 移到别人的房子里。 我也感受到了陌生人的善意， 特别是当我们身处于 菲律宾偏远的省市中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "众汉子齐呼：“洪教主伸通广大，寿与天齐，寿与天齐！”呼喊完毕，突然一齐坐倒，各人额头汗水有如泉涌，呼呼喘气，显得疲累不堪。这一战不到一盏茶时分便分胜败，这些人却如激斗了好几个时辰一般。韦小宝心中连珠价叫苦，寻思：“这些人原来都会妖法，无怪陶姑姑一提到神龙教，便吓得什么似的，果然是神通广大。”那老者坐在椅上闭目养神，过了好一会才站起身来，抹去了额头汗水，在大厅上走来走去，又过了好一会，他手下众人纷纷站起。那老者向着徐天川等道：“你们一起跟着我念！听好了，我念一句，你们跟一句。洪教主神通广大，寿与天齐！”徐天川骂道：“邪魔歪道，装神弄鬼，要老子跟着捣鬼，做你娘的清秋大梦！”那老者提起判官笔，在他额头一击，冬的一声，鲜血长流。徐天川骂道：“狗贼，妖人！”", "en": "'Our Great Leader Hong is All-Powerful! Long Life to Our Great Leader Hong!' The chant rang out once more. Then, in another perfectly coordinated movement, the men all sat down. Sweat was pouring from their brows, and they were panting fiercely. They had obviously drained themselves in the intensity of the onslaught. The whole battle had been decided in no more than the length of time it would take a man to drink a cup of tea. But they looked like warriors who had been fighting for several hours. 'No wonder Auntie Tao was so scared of them!' thought Trinket to himself. They're using black magic! They really are All-Powerful!' The old man sat down on a chair and composed himself. After a while he stood up again, wiped the sweat from his brow, and began pacing up and down the hall. Gradually his men also rose to their feet. The old man addressed Xu Tianchuan: 'Repeat after me: Our Great Leader Hong is All-Powerful! Long Life to our Leader!' 'Me, chant that mumbo-jumbo of yours!' cried Xu. 'You must be dreaming!' The old man swung one of his clubs and struck Xu full on the forehead. Blood gushed down his face. 'Bastard!' yelled Xu. 'Sorcerer!'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The False Promise of Financial Liberalization Something is amiss in the world of finance. The problem is not another financial meltdown in an emerging market, with the predictable contagion that engulfs neighboring countries. Even the most exposed countries handled the last round of financial shocks, in May and June 2006, relatively comfortably. Instead, the problem this time around is one that relatively calm times have helped reveal: the predicted benefits of financial globalization are nowhere to be seen. Financial globalization is a recent phenomenon. One could trace its beginnings to the 1970’s, when recycled petrodollars fueled large capital inflows to developing nations. But it was only around 1990 that most emerging markets threw caution to the wind and removed controls on private portfolio and bank flows. Private capital flows have exploded since, dwarfing trade in goods and services. So the world has experienced true financial globalization only for 15 years or so. Freeing up capital flows had an inexorable logic – or so it seemed. Developing nations, the argument went, have plenty of investment opportunities, but are short of savings. Foreign capital inflows would allow them to draw on the savings of rich countries, increase their investment rates, and stimulate growth. In addition, financial globalization would allow poor nations to smooth out the boom-and-bust cycles associated with temporary terms-of-trade shocks and other bouts of bad luck. Finally, exposure to the discipline of financial markets would make it harder for profligate governments to misbehave. But things have not worked out according to plan. Research at the IMF, of all places, as well as by independent scholars documents a number of puzzles and paradoxes. For example, it is difficult to find evidence that countries that freed up capital flows have experienced sustained economic growth as a result. In fact, many emerging markets experienced declines in investment rates. Nor, on balance, has liberalization of capital flows stabilized consumption. Most intriguingly, the countries that have done the best in recent years are those that relied the least on foreign financing. China, the world’s growth superstar, has a huge current-account surplus, which means that it is a net lender to the rest of the world. Among other high-growth countries, Vietnam’s current account is essentially balanced, and India has only a small deficit. Latin America, Argentina and Brazil have been running comfortable external surpluses recently.", "zh": "金融自由化的虚幻前景 当今金融世界中出了问题。 问题并不是某个新兴市场再次发生金融危机，并且其可以预料得到的传播危及到邻国。 即使是风险最大的国家在2006年5月和6月发生的上一轮金融突发事件中也相对比较轻松。 相反，相对平缓的时期却暴露了现今的问题，那就是，人们所预想的金融全球化所带来的利益无处可见。 金融全球化是一个新现象。 其起源可以追溯到七十年代，当时，石油美元循环促使大量的资本向发展中国家流动。 但是，只是到了九十年代左右大多数新兴市场体才摈弃谨慎，解除了私有投资组合以及银行资金流动的控制。 从此以来，私有资本流动剧增，令货物贸易和服务贸易相形见绌。 因此，当今世界经历真正的金融全球化只不过有15年时间左右。 表面上而言，解除资本流动的限制具有坚实的逻辑。 这一理论认为，发展中国家具有大量的投资机会，但是却缺少储蓄。 外国资本流入可以让这些国家利用富国的储蓄，提高其投资比率，并且刺激经济增长。 此外，金融全球化还将让穷国平稳渡过与进出口货价比率巨变以及其他时运不济相联系的繁荣破灭的周期。 最后，承受金融市场戒律将会让某些无所顾忌的政府有所收敛。 但是，实际情况并非如此。 国际货币基金组织以及独立学者所作的研究表明了几个疑点和窘境。 例如，难以发现证据表明解除资本流通管治的国家因此经历了持续不断的经济增长。 实际上，许多新兴市场的投资比率出现了下降。 总体而言，资本流通的自由化也并没有稳定消费。 最为有趣的是，最近几年中表现最佳的国家却是依赖外国融资最少的国家。 中国是当今世界经济增长的超级明星，拥有巨大的经常帐户盈余，这就意味着中国是向世界其他各地的净贷方。 在其他高增长国家中，越南的经常帐户基本持平，印度则只有些许赤字。 在拉美，阿根廷和巴西在最近几年中一直有较高的对外盈余。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "1998年，英国权威专业刊物《舞蹈时代》杂志4月刊将刘世宁评选为当月最优秀的舞者。 1999年，刘世宁随英国皇家芭蕾舞团回国在北京、上海等地公演， 在《精品晚会》中《协奏曲》第一乐章里跳转俱佳的双人领舞，则使他成为群星璀璨的演员阵容中最为令人瞩目者之一，受到江泽民等党和国家最高领导人的赞赏和接见，博得广大中国观众的欢呼和青睐，并因此成为《人民日报》、《文艺报》、《中国文化报》、《新民晚报》、《舞蹈》、《时尚》等报刊杂志争相报道，中央电视台《东方之子》、北京电视台《舞韵》等重要栏目专题采访的主人公， 被誉为“中国芭蕾海外第一人“。 2002年以特殊人才身份回归沈阳音乐学院附属舞蹈学校出任校长助理、特聘教授一职，除培养了第七届桃李杯获奖选手外还积极参与了独立学院与舞蹈团等的行政计划与建设工作。 在此期间，更接受国内四大芭蕾舞蹈团的邀请，定期为团员进行大师班专业训练。 2005年移师上海同济大学担任舞蹈专业副主任，2008获评为教授。 其指导的学生自2005年至今为同济大学舞蹈专业赢得国内外专业比赛奖项共9个。", "en": "The April issue of British authoritative professional publication \"Dance Times\" magazine selected Shining Liu as the Best Dancer of the Month in 1998. In 1999, Liu Shining returned to China with the Royal Ballet to perform in Beijing, Shanghai and other places, and the Duo performance made him one of the most eye-catching dancers in the star-studded cast, and he was appreciated by Zemin Jiang and other party and state leaders and won the cheers and favor of the Chinese audience, and he was thus reported by newspapers and magazines such as People's Daily, Art News, China Culture News, Xinmin Evening News, Dance, Fashion and became the protagonist in the special interviews of important columns such as \"Son of the East\" of CCTV and \"Dancing Rhyme\" of Beijing TV. He was known as the First Man of Chinese Ballet Overseas. In 2002, he returned to the Dance School Affiliated to Shenyang Conservatory of Music as an Assistant to the Principal and a Distinguished Professor as a special talent. In addition to training the 7th Taoli Cup winners, he also actively participated in the administrative planning and construction of independent colleges and dance troupes. During this period, he also accepted invitations from the four major ballet troupes in China to regularly conduct professional master classes for their members. In 2005, he moved to Shanghai Tongji University as the Deputy Director of the Department of Dance and was promoted to Professor in 2008. The students he has directed have won 9 domestic and international professional competition awards for the dance major of Tongji University since 2005."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Poland’s Double Trouble Much of the world seems fascinated by the fact that Poland is now governed by a set of identical twins who first became famous as child movie actors: President Lech Kaczynski and Prime Minister Jaroslaw Kaczynski. They are indeed intriguing, but the political forces they represent are even more interesting – and worrying. Since the fall of 2005, the Kaczynskis have led a conservative-populist coalition, with a dose of nationalism – represented by the small League of Polish Families (LPR) – thrown in. The Polish right was last in power in 1997, having previously governed in the years 1990-1993. The post-communist Party of the Democratic Left (SLD) was voted out in 1997, despite a five-year streak of economic prosperity and rapidly falling unemployment. Although the SLD’s popularity remained high, the previously fragmented right prevailed due to temporary unity. In 1998, however, prosperity vanished. So the right’s turn in government was followed by years of stagnation and exploding unemployment. Unable to cope with the downturn, the right was replaced by another SLD-led government in 2001. During this period, the right disintegrated. Among the splinter groups that arose were the conservative Law and Justice (PiS) and the nationalist LPR. As they emerged on the political stage, the left was failing: the economy did not improve, unemployment remained high, and the SLD, which attracted all kinds of riffraff, became mired in corruption scandals. The scandals provided the right with an opportunity to deliver a coup de grace to the SLD in the form of parliamentary investigative commissions. The hearings, reminiscent of Joe McCarthy’s witch hunts in 1950’s America, humiliated the SLD and, in large part, compromised the entire post-1989 period. But the large swings in Polish politics are not merely the result of political shenanigans. They reflect the instincts of Polish voters. People vote for all kinds of parties, from the far right all the way to the left, so long as they are convinced that the parties will deal with their social concerns and grievances.", "zh": "波兰的双重麻烦 世界上很多人似乎都对波兰现在由一对长相一模一样的双胞胎兄弟 — — 总统莱赫·古钦斯基和总理雅罗斯瓦夫·古钦斯基掌权的事实感到非常有趣，他们一开始是作为童星而成名的。 他们俩确实迷人，但是他们所代表的政治力量更令人感兴趣也更令人担忧。 自从2005年秋季以来，古钦斯基兄弟领导了一个由保守派和民粹主义加上一点民族主义、由波兰家园联盟（LPR）所代表组成的联盟。 波兰的右翼上次掌权是在1997年，在此前是1990至1993年间。 后共产党民主左翼联盟（SLD）在1997年选举中下台，尽管在其统治期间保持了五年的经济繁荣和失业率的快速下降。 尽管民主左翼联盟的支持率依然很高，但还是为此前各自为政的右翼党派的暂时联合所击败。 然而，1998年繁荣消失了。 右翼政府遭遇了连续数年的经济停滞和爆发性的失业增长。 因为无法抵御经济下滑，右翼政府在2001年又一次被民主左翼联盟领导的政府所取代。 在这一段时间，右翼联盟分解了。 在新冒出来的众多小派别中就有保守的法律和公正党（PiS）以及民族主义的波兰家园联盟（LPR ） 。 当他们出现在政治舞台上时，左翼正面临失败。 经济并未增长，失业率依然维持高位，而吸收了各种各样的地痞流氓的民主左翼联盟，深陷于腐败丑闻的泥潭中。 这些丑闻给右翼提供了以议会调查委员会的形式给予民主左翼联盟以致命一击的机会。 使人想起50年代美国的乔·麦卡锡推动的政治迫害的这场听证会羞辱了民主左翼联盟，并且在很大程度上拖累了89年后的整个阶段。 但是波兰政坛的巨大摇摆并不仅仅是政治把戏的结果。 它们反映了波兰选民的本能。 波兰人会选各种各样的政党，从极右到极左，只要他们确信这些政党会解决他们关心的社会问题和苦难。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Now reality has hit: newspapers report cases of borrowers whose mortgage payments exceed their entire income. Globalization implies that America’s mortgage problem has worldwide repercussions. The first run on a bank occurred against the British mortgage lender Northern Rock. America managed to pass off bad mortgages worth hundreds of billions of dollars to investors (including banks) around the world. They buried the bad mortgages in complicated instruments, buried them so deep that no one knew exactly how badly they were impaired, and no one could calculate how to re-price them quickly. In the face of such uncertainty, markets froze. Those in financial markets who believe in free markets have temporarily abandoned their faith. For the greater good of all (of course, it is never for their own selfish interests), they argued a bailout was necessary. While the US Treasury and the IMF warned East Asian countries facing financial crises ten years ago against the risks of bail-outs and told them not to raise their interest rates, the US ignored its own lectures about moral hazard effects, bought up billions in mortgages, and lowered interest rates. But lower short-term interest rates have led to higher medium-term interest rates, which are more relevant for the mortgage market, perhaps because of increasing worries about inflationary pressures. It may make sense for central banks (or Fannie Mae, America’s major government-sponsored mortgage company) to buy mortgage-backed securities in order to help provide market liquidity. But those from whom they buy them should provide a guarantee, so the public does not have to pay the price for their bad investment decisions. Equity owners in banks should not get a free ride. Securitization, with all of its advantages in sharing risk, has three problems that were not adequately anticipated. While it meant that American banks were not hit as hard as they would otherwise, America’s bad lending practices have had global effects. Moreover, securitization contributed to bad lending: in the old days, banks that originated bad loans bore the consequences; in the new world of securitization, the originators could pass the loans onto others. (As economists would say, problems of asymmetric information have increased.)", "zh": "现实显露出残酷的一面：报纸上报导着借款人的总收入不够偿还按揭的案例。 全球化意味着美国的贷款问题已经造成了世界范围内的影响。 第一波受到冲击的是英国按揭贷款银行Northern Rock。 美国成功地将数以千亿计的不良贷款转卖给全世界的投资者（包括银行 ） 。 他们通过复杂的金融工具埋葬这些坏账，埋葬得如此之深以至于没人知道这些坏账究竟有多坏，也没人能够很快地为它们重新定价。 面对这样的不确定性，市场就冻结了。 那些笃信自由市场原则的金融从业人士也暂时将他们的信念抛诸脑后。 他们说为了所有人的更大福祉（当然，他们从来就是为他人利益着想 ） ， 政府救市是必要的。 尽管美国财政部和国际货币��金组织在十年前警告面临金融危机的东亚各国政府救市有风险并告诫它们不要提高利率，但今天美国却全然不顾对其他国家有关道德危险的教导，收购了巨额的（不良）贷款，并降低了利率。 但更低的短期利率导致了更高的中期利率，而后者与按揭贷款市场更有关联或许是因为对通胀压力的担心日益增加。 各中央银行（或美国主要的政府主办贷款银行—美国联邦国民抵押贷款协会Fannie Mae）购入抵押贷款支持证券以增加市场的流动性可能会起到一些作用。 但证券的出售方应该提供某种担保，这样公众就不必为他们糟糕的投资决策埋单。 银行的股权拥有者也不应该搭顺风车。 证券化在分担风险方面虽然有其优势，但也存在三个让人没有充分认识到的问题。 尽管这意味着美国的银行所遭受的打击还不算最坏，但美国的不良贷款方式却已经产生了全球性的影响。 另外，证券化也为不良贷款火上浇油：在过去，产生不良贷款的银行自食其果；但在证券化的新世界里，坏账的始作俑者可以将其转嫁给他人。 （就像经济学家们会讲，信息不对称的问题更严重了。 ）"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Crowd goes wild, and the fans are with him every step of the way, watching from every perspective. Now this is something that will create massive excitement in the game. It will make tons of people watch, because people want this experience. Fans want to be on the field. They want to be their favorite player. Augmented reality will be a part of sports, because it's too profitable not to. But the question I ask you is, is that's all that we're content to use augmented reality for? Are we going to use it solely for our panem, our circenses, our entertainment as normal? Because I believe that we can use augmented reality for something more. I believe we can use augmented reality as a way to foster more empathy within the human species itself, by literally showing someone what it looks like to walk a mile in another person's shoes. We know what this technology is worth to sports leagues. It's worth revenue, to the tune of billions of dollars a year. What is this technology worth to a gay Ugandan or Russian trying to show the world what it's like living under persecution? What is this technology worth to a Commander Hadfield or a Neil deGrasse Tyson trying to inspire a generation of children to think more about space and science instead of quarterly reports and Kardashians? Ladies and gentlemen, augmented reality is coming. The questions we ask, the choices we make, and the challenges we face are, as always, up to us. Thank you.", "zh": "球场沸腾了，球员的每一步 粉丝都可以身临其境去感受到 从每一个角度去体会 而这就能为比赛带来 无穷的刺激 它吸引无数人去观赛 因为大家想要体会那种感受 粉丝们想要身处球场之中 想要变身他们最爱的球员 扩增实境将成为运动的一部分 因为它能带来太多的好处和利益 但我现在想要问你们 难道我们就满足于 这样使用扩增实境吗？ 仅仅是为了赚钱 赢得比赛，增强娱乐性？ 我认为我们可以利用扩增实境 实现更多 我们能用它 让人们对人类自己 产生更多的同感 让人们真真正正地 体会到 穿着别人的鞋走一英里的感受 我们都知道这项技术 对于体育联盟的价值 它能带来每年数十亿美元的收入 这项技术对于 乌干达或俄罗斯的同性恋也有价值 它能让世界上其他人 体会到被迫害的感受 这项技术对于 指挥官哈德菲尔德或奈尔·德葛拉司·泰森 这样的人也有用 利用扩增实境启发下一代人 让孩子们去更多地思考太空、科学 而不是季刊和卡戴珊 女生们，先生们 扩增实境的时代就要来临 我们提出的问题， 做出的选择 面临的挑战 全都取决于我们自己 谢谢"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“Considering the devastation that would be visited upon all mankind by a nuclear war,” the NPT begins, there is a “consequent need to make every effort to avert the danger of such a war and to take measures to safeguard the security of peoples.” To this end, the treaty committed all signatories to “undertake negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament.” The US, the Soviet Union, and Britain signed the NPT. France and China, the only other nuclear weapon states at the time, held out for more than 20 years, until 1992. Israel, India, and Pakistan have never signed, while North Korea signed and then withdrew. Although all professed support for achieving a nuclear-weapon-free world, disarmament negotiations never began. Countries without nuclear weapons – the overwhelming majority – took matter into their own hands. Through the UN General Assembly, they asked the International Court of Justice to rule on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons. In July 1996, the ICJ issued an advisory opinion, with two key conclusions. First, “the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, and in particular the principles and rules of humanitarian law.” And, second, “There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.”", "zh": "“考虑到核武器对全人类所造成的破坏 ， ” NPT开宗明义 ， “ 因此，绝对有必要竭尽全力避免核战争的危险，采取措施保护人类安全 。 ” 在这方面，NPT要求所有签署方“在谈判时要真心实意地相信要在核武器竞赛的萌芽期就采取有效措施予以扼杀，也要采取有效措施核裁军化 。 ” 美国、苏联和英国签署了NPT。 当时仅有的其他两个有核国家法国和中国则逡巡了20多年，直到1992年才加入其中。 以色列、印度和巴基斯坦从未在NPT上签字，而朝鲜曾经签字，后来又退出了。 尽管所有国家都公开承诺要实现无核的世界，但核裁军谈判从未开始。 没有核武器的国家 — — 它们是绝大多数 — — 不得不“越俎代庖 ” 。 它们通过联合国大会要求国际法院裁定核威胁或使用核武器的合法性。 1996年7月，国际法院发布了一份参考意见，做出了两个重要结论。 首先 ， “ 核威胁或使用核武器总体而言违反适用于武装冲突的国际法规则，特别是人道主义法律规则的原则 。 ” 其次 ， “ 以良好的意愿追求并实现有严格有效的国际控制的全方位的核裁军化谈判，这是一项义务 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Education Emergency WASHINGTON, DC – In the fall of 2020, many local and state authorities in the United States decided not to reopen schools for in-person learning. This will be remembered as a shameful failure by policymakers to get their priorities straight. Absurdities abounded. In Georgia, adults could enter tattoo parlors, but fifth graders could not go to math class. In many states, adults could gather in a bar, but children were forced to sit in front of computer screens, receiving online lessons that, in many cases, were equivalent to no schooling at all. We now know the consequences. Newly released test scores from the National Assessment of Educational Progress this month show a dramatic reduction in nine-year-olds’ math and reading abilities. Math scores were lower in 2022 than in 2020 – the first-ever decline in the NAEP’s five-decade history – and reading scores were down by the largest amount in over three decades. Moreover, this year’s math and reading test scores were both below their 2004 level. The pandemic erased two decades of progress. It is no surprise that students struggled to learn. Zoom is no substitute for real classrooms, which were closed for far too long in much of the country. Worse, the lowest-performing students were hit the hardest by school closures and remote learning. Math test scores for students performing at the 10th percentile fell by four times more than did scores for students at the 90th percentile. For reading, the lowest-performing students’ scores dropped by five times as much as the highest-performing test takers.", "zh": "美国的教育紧急状况 华盛顿特区 — — 2020年秋，美国许多地方及州政府决定不重新开放学校的面对面学习。 这将作为决策者在确定其优先政策时可耻的失败而被铭记。 荒谬的事情比比皆是。 在佐治亚州，成人可以进入纹身店，但五年级学生却不能上数学课。 在许多州，成人可以聚集在酒吧，但孩子们却被迫坐在电脑屏幕前接受在线教育，在很多情况下，这等同于根本不受教育。 我们现在已经知道后果。 本月国家教育进步评估全新发布的考试成绩显示9岁儿童的数学和阅读能力均呈急剧下降之势。 2022年的数学成绩低于2020年 — — 这是国家教育进步评估50年历史上首次出现下降 — — 而阅读成绩也出现了30多年来最大幅度的降低。 此外，今年的数学和阅读成绩均低于2004年水平。 这场疫情抹杀了20年来的进步。 学生竭尽全力想要学习不足为奇。 Zoom无法替代真正的课堂，而后者在这个国家的绝大部分地区经历了太长时间的关闭。 更糟的是，学习成绩最差的学生受学校停课和远程学习的打击最大。 后10%学生的数学考试成绩比前90%的学生下降超过4倍。 在阅读方面，表现最差的学生分数下降是表现最好考生的5倍。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Three Lessons from the Hong Kong Protests LONDON – The massive protests in Hong Kong in recent weeks have demonstrated the depth of its citizens’ determination to uphold their democratic way of life – something they were supposedly guaranteed when the United Kingdom returned sovereignty over the city to China in 1997. Moreover, the protests hold three powerful lessons: for Hong Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, for the demonstrators themselves, and for China’s rulers. Over the past few years, the Chinese authorities have steadily increased their interference in Hong Kong’s affairs, gradually eroding the “one country, two systems” principle that was meant to ensure a “high degree of autonomy” for the city after 1997. The current crisis stems from China’s desire for a legal framework to return fugitives from the mainland who have allegedly used the city as a safe haven for ill-gotten wealth. In many respects, the extradition law introduced by Lam represented an extension of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption campaign to Hong Kong, and was intended to avoid further incidents like Chinese security officers’ 2017 abduction of tycoon Xiao Jianhua from the city. There is no evidence that China gave Lam detailed instructions on enacting the law. Instead, she seems to have taken it upon herself to introduce it. However, Lam exceeded her remit by making the proposed extradition law applicable not only to fugitive mainland Chinese, but also to all ordinary Hong Kong citizens, as well as foreigners temporarily residing in or visiting the city. The proposed legislation was so sweeping that democratic activists, as well as businesspeople who had fallen out with mainland partners, feared they might be legally extradited to China to stand trial under its party-controlled legal system. Businesses also worried that their assets might be confiscated. As banners and slogans at the demonstrations made clear, the protesters were not targeting the Communist Party of China (CPC) or Xi. Nor was it the popular perception of Lam as Beijing’s puppet that eventually brought two million Hong Kong residents – almost 30% of the city’s population – onto the streets. Rather, the enormous protests reflected citizens’ widespread concern for their way of life, and anger at Lam’s gross mismanagement. The chief executive has shown staggering political ineptitude.", "zh": "香港示威的三个教训 伦敦—最近几周的香港群众示威说明了香港市民坚持民主生活方式决心之坚决。 民主理应在1997年英国将香港主权交还中国时得到保障。 此外，示威表现了三个强大的教训，对香港首席行政长官林郑月娥，对示威者本身，以及对中国统治者。 在过去几年中，中国当局逐步增加对香港事务的干预，逐渐侵蚀1997年后为保持香港“高度自治”而制定的“一国两制”原则。 当前的危机源自中国想获得一个法律框架，让它能够遣返利用香港作为不义之财的避风港的大陆逃亡者。 从诸多方面看，林郑月娥所引入的引渡法体现了中国国家主席习近平的反复运动扩大至香港，也是为了避免2017年中国国安官员从香港绑架大亨肖建华这样的事件再度发生。 没有证据表明中国给了林郑月娥详细的指示实施法律。 相反，她似乎是主动要引入这部法律。 但是，林郑月娥所提出的引渡法不仅适用于中国大陆逃亡者，也适用于全体香港老百姓以及暂时定居或访问香港的外国人，这就属于越界。 立法提案所涉过大，民主活动家和已与大陆合作方断了关系的商人担心他们可能会被合法引渡至中国，在党所控制的司法体系中接受审判。 企业也担心资产遭到没收。 游行所打出的横幅和口号清楚地表明，示威者不是针对中共或习近平。 让两百万香港居民 — — 占市民总人口的近30 % — —走上街头的也不是林郑月娥是北京的傀儡这一流行的看法。 相反，大规模示威反映了香港市民普遍担心他们的生活方式，以及对林郑月娥“乱搞”的愤怒。 首席行政长官之政治不成熟令人震惊。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One can only hope so. Without structural reforms, especially of the labor market, Abenomics cannot succeed in the long run. The timing of the April 2014 consumption-tax hike (from 5% to 8%) was also unfortunate. It would not have been easy for Abe to postpone the move, given that it had been locked in place by broad-based political agreement before he took office. But the government could have engaged in more aggressive fiscal stimulus to counteract the hike’s short-term effects. Instead, two successive quarters of negative growth have had a dispiriting psychological impact. True, the slump is partly an illusion: the earlier boom was fueled by Japanese households’ effort to beat the tax by front-loading purchases of consumer durables – a nuance that seems to have been lost in the public debate. But the big picture remains: Abenomics so far has failed to turn around a deflationary mindset. Mind you, Japan’s outsize government debt and undersize pension assets are a huge problem, and only the most reckless and crude Keynesian would advise the authorities to ignore it. For the moment, the risks are notional, with interest rates on ten-year government debt below 0.5%. But saying that Japan’s debt is irrelevant is like saying that a highly leveraged hedge fund is completely safe; the risks may be remote, but they are not trivial. Think about what would happen if the Bank of Japan actually managed to convince the public that inflation will average 2% on a sustained basis. Would ten-year interest rates still be 0.5%?", "zh": "人们只剩下了希望。 没有结构性改革，特别是劳动力市场改革，安倍就无法取得长期成功。 2014年4月消费税提高（从5%提高到8 % ） 的时机也很不幸。 安倍要暂停这一措也不会容易，因为在他成为首相前，这就已经是广泛的政治共识。 但政府本可以实施更果断的财政刺激抵销增税的短期效应。 相反，连续两个季度的负增长已经产生了令人丧气的心理影响。 诚然，从某种程度上说，这一下降时一种幻觉：早前的繁荣是受日本家庭试图通过提前消费耐久品以规避增税的行为推动的���—这一细节似乎被公共争论所遗忘。 但大图景仍然不变：到目前为止，安倍并没有扭转通缩思维。 别忘了，日本的大规模政府债务和规模不足的退休金资产是一个巨大的问题，只有最鲁莽、最粗放的凯恩斯主义者才会建议当局忽视这一问题。 此时此刻，风险还只是概念上的，十年期政府债务利率尚不足0.5 % 。 但要说日本债务无关紧要就好比是认为高杠杆对冲基金完全安全一样；风险也许还十分遥远，但绝不是可以忽略不计。 想一想，如果日本银行真的让公众认为通胀将持续处于平均2%的水平，十年期利率还会是0.5%吗？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "However psychologically bent some people are, one can bet that they will pick up the money as soon as they spot it. Both Miller and Ross made wonderful contributions to financial theory. But their results are not the only descriptions of economic and financial forces that should interest us, and Thaler has been a major contributor to a behavioral research program that has demonstrated this. For example, in 1981, Thaler and Santa Clara University’s Hersh Shefrin advanced an “economic theory of self-control” that describes economic phenomena in terms of people’s inability to control their impulses. Sure, people have no trouble motivating themselves to pick up a ten-dollar bill that they might find on a sidewalk. There is no self-control issue there. But they will have trouble resisting the impulse to spend it. As a result, most people save too little for their retirement years. Economists need to know about such mistakes that people repeatedly make. During a long subsequent career, involving work with UCLA’s Shlomo Benartzi and others, Thaler has proposed mechanisms that will, as he and Harvard Law School’s Cass Sunstein put it in their book Nudge, change the “choice architecture” of these decisions. The same people, with the same self-control problems, could be enabled to make better decisions. Improving people’s saving behavior is not a small or insignificant matter.", "zh": "但是有些人的行为会在心理的影响下有所扭曲，我敢打赌一旦他们看见地上的钱就会立刻捡起来。 米勒和罗斯都对金融理论做出了巨大的贡献。 但是他们的研究结论不应是对我们所感兴趣的经济和金融力量的唯一描述，而一直以来泰勒都是一项已经证明这一观点的行为研究计划的主要贡献者。 例如，1981年，泰勒和圣塔克拉拉大学的赫斯·谢弗林（Hersh Shefrin）提出了一套“关于自制力的经济理论”去描述人们无法控制自身冲动的经济现象。 当然人们没什么理由不让自己捡起人行道上的10美元钞票，这里不存在自制力的问题。 但是他们往往难以抵制花钱的冲动。 结果大多数人都会发现自己的退休金不够用了。 经济学家需要去研究这些人们反复会犯的错误。 在随后的职业生涯中，通过与加州大学洛杉矶分校的什洛莫·贝纳提兹（Shlomo Benartzi）等人合作，泰勒提出了一些机制 — — 就像他和哈佛法学院的卡斯·桑斯坦（Cass Sunstein）在两人合著的《轻推：改善关于健康，财富和幸福感的决定》一书所指出的一样 — — 来改变了这些决定的“选择架构 ” 。 让一个具有相同自我控制问题的人可以做出更好的决定。 改善民众的储蓄行为可不是一件微不足道的事请。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Some mornings he dismissed the maid and brought her the breakfast tray himself and fed her as though she were a child, took the hairbrush from her hand and brushed her long dark hair until it snapped and crackled. Yet other mornings she was torn rudely out of deep slumber when he snatched all the bed covers from her and tickled her bare feet. Sometimes he listened with dignified interest to details of her businesses, nodding approval at her sagacity, and at other times he called her somewhat dubious tradings scavenging, highway robbery and extortion. He took her to plays and annoyed her by whispering that God probably didn’t approve of such amusements, and to churches and, sotto voce, retailed funny obscenities and then reproved her for laughing. He encouraged her to speak her mind, to be flippant and daring. She picked up from him the gift of stinging words and sardonic phrases and learned to relish using them for the power they gave her over other people. But she did not possess his sense of humor which tempered his malice, nor his smile that jeered at himself even while he was jeering others.", "zh": "有时他早上不用女佣人，亲自用托盘把早点给她送到房里，一点一点地喂她，仿佛她是个孩子，他还把头刷从她手里拿过来，给她刷头发，刷得那乌黑的长头发噼啪作响。可是，有时候他早上突然把她身上盖的东西全掀开，挠她的脚，粗暴地把她从酣睡中惊醒。有时候他很认真的仔细听她述说生意中的各项细节，点头称赞她办事有头脑，有时候他就把她那些不是很正当的做法叫做捡便宜，叫做投机取巧。他带她去看戏，却悄悄地对她说也许上帝不赞成她到这种娱乐场所来，惹得她心烦，他带她到教堂去，却小声对她说些有趣的下流话，然后又责怪她发笑。他鼓励她有什么说什么，随便说，不拘束。她从他那里学了一些讽刺人挖苦人的字眼，而且逐渐喜欢使用这些字眼，觉得这样可以压人家一头，但是她还不会像瑞德那样，在恶毒之中搀上几分幽默，讥笑自己的时候，实际上是在讥笑别人。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The government has, among other things, raised gas tariffs by 450% (from absurdly low levels). Dissension has been relatively moderate. As a result, Ukraine’s core institutions are undergoing fundamental change. The central bank – once in the pocket of the country’s oligarchs, supplying inside information on exchange rates and liquidity in exchange for bribes – has been put under the command of a governor committed to reform, surrounded by an increasingly professional team. The energy monopoly Naftogaz, previously a cesspool of illicit transactions, has in a year managed the seemingly impossible: making Ukraine virtually independent from direct gas delivery from Russia for at least a year. Perhaps Ukraine’s single most important achievement is the establishment of the National Reform Council. Originally set up to coordinate reforms across ministries and monitor their implementation, it has come to serve as an important tool to discuss and ensure coherence among the different branches of government. This latter role is particularly important, given the constitutional ambiguity created by the reversion back to a parliamentary system and the uneasy co-habitation of President Petro Poroshenko and Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk in government. Meetings are held every three weeks and are attended by the president, the prime minister, and his entire cabinet, providing a forum in which tensions can be discussed and eased. In between meetings, the council’s special project-management office assists in the preparation and implementation of key reforms by ministries. With support from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the George Soros-funded International Renaissance Foundation, and bilateral assistance from, among others, the Swedish government, the office has been able to hire staff at market rates, raising the quality of the government administration. Ukraine’s government has also benefited from the expertise of private-sector leaders. Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Dmytro Shymkiv, who drove the National Reform Council, was CEO of Microsoft Ukraine. Finance Minister Natalie Jaresko and Economic Development and Trade Minister Aivaras Abromavicius were both investment bankers (neither was a Ukrainian citizen when they joined the government). Infrastructure Minister Andriy Pivovarsky, also a former investment banker, was most recently CEO of Continium, one of the country’s largest holding companies.", "zh": "除此之外，政府把天然气关税（从原本荒谬的低水平）提高了450 % 。 各派之间斗争也一直相对温和。 在此基础之上，乌克兰的核心体制正在经历根本性的变化。 中央银行 — — 曾经是国内寡头的囊中物，通过提供汇率和流动性的内部信息以换取贿赂 — — 已经任命了一位致力于改革的行长，招募了一个更为专业的团队。 能源寡头乌克兰天然气公司过去一直是充斥非法交易的藏污纳垢之地，却在这一年多以来实现了看似不可能的任务：让乌克兰几乎摆脱了对俄罗斯天然气的依赖。 而或许乌克兰最重要的成就则是建立国家改革委员会。 原本是为了协调跨部门改革并监督其进程，如今委员会已成为讨论和确保政府各部门之间一致性的重要工具。 鉴于向议会体系的回归所产生的体制模糊状况，以及总统彼得·波罗申科（Petro Poroshenko）和总理阿尔谢尼·亚采纽克（Arseniy Yatsenyuk）在政府中一山难容二虎的形势，后者的作用尤为重要。 会议每三周举行一次，总统、总理和他的整个内阁都会出席，为大家提供了一个可以讨论和缓解紧张关系的平台。 在会议期间，委员会的特别项目管理办公室协助各部委策划和实施关键改革。 在欧洲复兴开发银行，乔治•索罗斯（George Soros）资助国际复兴基金会以及瑞典等多国政府的双边援助下，办公室已经能够以市场认可的工资水平雇佣员工，从而提高政府管理的质量。 乌克兰政府也受益于私营部门领导人的专业知识。 主管国家改革委员会的总统办公厅副主任迪米特罗·什姆基夫（Dmytro Shymkiv）是原微软乌克兰分公司的首席执行官。 财���部长娜塔莉·雅雷斯科（Natalie Jaresko）和经济发展与贸易部长艾瓦拉斯·阿布罗马维丘斯（Aivaras Abromavicius）都曾是投资银行家（两人在加入政府时都不是乌克兰公民 ） 。 基础设施部长安德烈·皮沃瓦尔斯基（Andriy Pivovarsky）也是前投资银行家，曾任全国最大的控股公司之一Continium集团的CEO。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Emerging “New Middle East” President George W. Bush’s Middle East policy undeniably managed to achieve one thing: it has thoroughly destabilized the region. Otherwise, the results are not at all what the United States had hoped to accomplish. A democratic, pro-Western Middle East is not in the cards. But, while things are not developing as American neo-conservatives had intended, they are nevertheless developing. The historical failure named Iraq war, the demise of secular Arab nationalism and the soaring oil and gas prices have wrought profound changes in the region. From Damascus to Dubai, from Tel Aviv to Teheran, a new Middle East is now emerging. The old Middle East arose from the borders and political identities created by the European powers after the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1918. Its driving ideological force was a European-inspired secular nationalism, which strove for political and social modernization through top-down government action. This type of nationalism, or “Arab socialism,” reached its apex during the Cold War, when it could lean on Soviet military, political, and economic support. Its end came with that of the Soviet Union, as it petrified into authoritarian, corrupt, and inefficient military regimes and dictatorships. The end of the Soviet Union also triggered a profound military crisis in many Arab states: without Soviet support as an external guarantor of their military capabilities, the nationalist regimes were no longer able to keep pace with military modernization.", "zh": "“新中东”浮出水面 布什总统的中东政策毫无疑问地实现了一件事：它已经彻底地破坏了该地区的稳定。 否则，这种结果也完全不是美国所希望达到的。 一个民主、亲西方中东不是美国想出的牌。 然而，尽管事情没有朝着美国新保守主义者希望的方向发展，但也毕竟在发展之中。 那场名为伊拉克战争的历史性失败、世俗阿拉伯国家主义的终结和高涨的石油和天然气价格给该地区带来了深远的变化。 从大马士革到迪拜，从特拉维夫到德黑兰，一个新的中东正在出现。 旧的中东建立在欧洲列强在1918年土耳其帝国崩溃以后所创建的边界和政治认同之上。 为它提供驱动力的意识形态力量是受到欧洲启发的世俗国家主义，企图通过自上而下的政府行动实现政治和社会的现代化。 这种国家主义，或“阿拉伯社会主义”在冷战中到达了顶点。 当时它可以依赖苏联的军事、政治和经济支持。 它随着苏联的解体而终结，僵化为专制、腐败和低效的军事政权和独裁统治。 苏联的解体还在许多阿拉伯国家引发了深层的军事危机：没有了苏联的支持作为其军事能力的外部保证，这些国家主义的政权不再能够保持军事现代化的步伐。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The debtor economies, such as Spain and Portugal, now run small current-account surpluses, and are gradually reducing their debt. But the traditional creditors have seen their current-account surpluses grow so much that the debtor/creditor asymmetry continues to increase. Most notably, since the start of the financial crisis, Germany's current-account surplus has increased to nearly 8% of GDP, meaning that the country has accumulated more surpluses in that period than in its entire previous history. On current trends, the German creditor position might rise from 60% of GDP to 100% of GDP. Central bankers are supposed to be patient. Indeed, economists supported the global movement toward central-bank independence precisely because it seemed that central bankers would be less inclined to try to stimulate the economy for short-term gain. But central bankers seem to have become impatient, fretting about low inflation, even though the output gap is slowly closing and full employment has been reached in the US and Japan. Creditor countries’ central bankers must stop trying to manipulate their economies with more potentially counterproductive monetary easing. Instead, they should allow the recovery to run its course, even if that happens slowly, and wait for the base effect of lower oil prices to disappear. ECB President Mario Draghi recently admitted that, in today’s global context, the current monetary-policy approach might not be effective. But promising more of the same is not the answer.", "zh": "债务经济体，比如西班牙和葡萄牙，现在都有销量经常项目盈余，并在逐步降低债务。 但传统债务国的经常项目盈余太高，以至于债务国/债权国不对称性继续增加。 最值得关注的是，自金融危机爆发以来，德国经常项目盈余增加到GDP的近8 % ， 这意味着德国在此期间所积累的盈余超过了此前的历史总和。 按照当前趋势，德国债权头寸可能从GDP的60%增加到100 % 。 央行行长应该是耐心的。 事实上，经济学家之所以支持央行独立的全球潮流，正是因为央行行长较少渴望刺激短期经济增长。 但央行行长们似乎耐心并不好，为低通胀大伤脑筋，尽管产出缺口正在慢慢填补，美国和日本还实现了充分就业。 债务国央行行长必须停止用更多可能不利于生产的货币宽松操纵经济。 相反，他们应该允许复苏自己发展，即使它十分缓慢，并等待油价下跌的基数效应消失。 欧洲央行行长德拉吉最近承认，在今天的全球环境下，当前货币政策方针也许并不有效。 但承诺更多老方一帖不是解决之道。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Inflation and unemployment are low, but growth is largely flat, and few experts I spoke with in Tokyo recently expect it to accelerate significantly. The first two components (or “arrows”) of Abenomics – loose monetary and fiscal policies – helped to restore demand. But the third arrow of structural reform has remained in the quiver. Since his success in the Diet election last year, Abe has talked about liberalizing electricity markets, improving corporate governance, and undertaking tax reform. In addition, he hopes to use the recently concluded Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement to force reform of the inefficient agriculture sector. One important constraint is labor supply. Abe has proposed relaxing visa conditions for expatriate workers; but immigration on a scale that would make a major economic difference is unlikely, given the homogeneity and insularity of Japan’s traditional culture. The difficulty of loosening limits on immigration will require Japan to mobilize its underused female human resources. But that effort, too, must overcome formidable cultural obstacles. Abe has spoken frequently (including at the United Nations) about opportunities for women, and has called for women to make up 30% of Japan’s managers. But today they account for less than 10% of managers and about 1% of senior executives. The World Economic Forum’s index of gender inequality gives Japan a low rating. Government measures like family leave and more nurseries for working mothers can help, but traditional attitudes change slowly. Unless it is addressed, the labor constraint implies that Japan will not reach its full potential economically – and thus in regional and global affairs as well. Japan is a successful, comfortable society, which has much to contribute to the world. The danger is that it is so comfortable that it will look inward and prove the conventional wisdom right.", "zh": "通货膨胀和失业率很低，但经济增长基本持平，而我所接触的东京专家几乎没有人认为近期的增长速度将明显加快。 安倍经济学的前两项举措（也叫前两支“箭 ” ） — — 宽松的货币和财政政策 — — 有效地恢复了需求。 但结构改革的第三支箭一直在颤抖。 去年议会选举成功后，安倍一直提倡开放电力市场、改善公司治理并推进税收改革。 此外，他希望利用最近签署的泛太平洋伙伴关系贸易协定强制对低效农业进行改革。 一个重要的限制条件是劳动力供给。 安倍提出放宽对外籍工人的签证条件；但鉴于日本传统文化的一致性和狭隘性，靠大规模移民带来经济重大变化几乎没有可能。 难以放宽移民限制使得日本必须调动其利用不足的女性人力资源。 但这一努力也必须克服巨大的文化障碍。 安倍发言（包括在联合国）时经常谈到为女性提供机会，并呼吁女性在日本管理者中占据30%的份额。 但目前她们仅占管理人员的不到10%和高管队伍的1%左右。 世界经济论坛的性别不平等指数给日本打分很低。 为就业母亲设置家庭假和增加托儿所等政府措施可能有所助益，但传统观念的改变是非常缓慢的。 除非这个问题得到解决，否则劳动力限制意味着日本将无法发挥其全部的经济潜力 — — 在地区和全球事务中也是一样。 日本是个成功、舒适的社会，能对世界做出的贡献很大。 但危险在于日本社会太过舒适，以至于他们只关注国内，那样就应验了传统智慧的看法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Having failed to forewarn Greece, Portugal, Ireland, and Spain about the perils of joining a currency bloc, the IMF should have considered whether it was proper or necessary for it to intervene at all in the eurozone crisis. Its rationale for doing so highlights the risks associated with its decision. The most obvious reason for the IMF’s actions is that Europe was failing to address its own problems, and had the power and influence to drag in the Fund. The IMF’s managing director has always been a European, and European countries enjoy a disproportionate share of the votes on the IMF’s board. Equally important, however, is the fact that the IMF made its decision while facing an existential crisis. Historically, the biggest threat to the IMF has been irrelevance. It was almost made redundant in the 1970s, when the US floated the dollar, only to be saved in 1982 by the Mexican debt crisis, which propelled it into the role of global financial lifeguard. A decade later, the IMF’s relevance had started to wane again, but was revived by its role in the transformation of the former Soviet-bloc economies. At the time of the euro crisis, the Fund was floundering once more in the aftermath of the East Asian crisis, as its fee-paying clients did anything they could to avoid turning to it. The IMF’s participation in the eurozone crisis has now given powerful emerging economies another reason to be disenchanted. After the US stymied their demands for a greater say within the Fund, they now find that the organization has been doing Europe’s bidding. It will be difficult for the IMF to regain the trust of these increasingly prominent members. Unless the US and the EU relinquish their grip, the Fund’s latest bid for relevance may well turn out to be its last.", "zh": "IMF没有事先警告希腊、葡萄牙、爱尔兰和西班牙加入共同货币区的风险，既然如此，IMF应该考虑干预欧元区危机的合理性和必要性。 IMF干预的理由彰显出与其决定相关的风险。 IMF采取行动的最显而易见的理由是欧洲无法解决其自身的问题，并且它有将IMF拖下水的力量和影响力。 IMF总裁永远是欧洲人，欧洲国家在IMF理事会中享有不成比例的投票权。 但是，同样重要的是以下事实：IMF在做决定是面临着生存危机。 从历史上看，对IMF最大的威胁是遭到冷落。 20世纪70年代美国决定让美元浮动时，IMF��乎被晾在一旁，直到1982年墨西哥债务危机才得到了救赎，这场危机让IMF成为全球金融卫士。 十年后，IMF有表现出式微之势，但其在前苏联经济体转型中的作用拯救了它自己。 欧元危机爆发时，IMF正处于东亚危机后的又一次低谷中，其付费客户纷纷对它敬而远之。 如今，IMF参与欧元区危机让强大的新兴经济体新的另起炉灶的理由。 在美国从中作梗妨碍它们要求在IMF中获得更大的话语权后，现在它们又发现该组织一直是欧洲的应声虫。 IMF将很难重获这些日益重要的成员的信任。 除非美国和欧洲放松它们对IMF的把持，否则IMF重获重要性的最新努力也许将是最后一次。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So we get less food back than we put into the birds – and less protein, too – while disposing of the concentrated chicken manure causes serious pollution to rivers and ground water. Animal-welfare advocates protest that crowding the chickens keeps them from forming a natural flock, causes them stress, and, in the case of laying hens, prevents them from even stretching their wings. The air in the sheds is high in ammonia from bird feces, which are usually allowed to pile up for months – and in some cases for a year or more – before being cleaned out. Medical experts warn that because the birds are routinely fed antibiotics to keep them growing in such crowded, filthy, and stressful conditions, antibiotic-resistant bacteria could cause a public-health threat. Yet, despite these well-founded criticisms, over the last 20 years factory farming – not only of chickens, but also of pigs, veal calves, dairy cows, and, in outdoor feedlots, cattle – has spread rapidly in developing countries, especially in Asia. Now we are discovering that the consequences may be far more deadly than we ever imagined. As University of Ottawa virologist Earl Brown put it after a Canadian outbreak of avian influenza, “high-intensity chicken rearing is a perfect environment for generating virulent avian flu viruses.” Other experts agree. In October 2005, a United Nations task force identified as one of the root causes of the bird flu epidemic, “farming methods which crowd huge numbers of animals into small spaces.” Supporters of factory farming often point out that bird flu can be spread by free-range flocks, or by wild ducks and other migrating birds, who may join the free-range birds to feed with them or drop their feces while flying overhead. But, as Brown has pointed out, viruses found in wild birds are generally not very dangerous. On the contrary, it is only when these viruses enter a high-density poultry operation that they mutate into something far more virulent. By contrast, birds that are reared by traditional methods are likely to have greater resistance to disease than the stressed, genetically similar birds kept in intensive confinement systems. Moreover, factory farms are not biologically secure. They are frequently infested with mice, rats, and other animals that can bring in diseases.", "zh": "这样，从禽鸟身上回收的食物及蛋白质就小于我们的初始投入，而家禽粪便的集中处理又给河流和地下水造成严重的污染。 动物福利人士抗议把肉鸡挤在一起，认为这样会阻碍其形成自然群落，并造成它们紧张焦虑，而蛋鸡甚至无法伸展自己的翅膀。 鸡棚内的空气充斥着氨气和鸡屎的味道，几个月都得不到清理，有时会堆上一年甚至更长。 医学专家警告因为禽鸟日常须饲喂抗生素才能在如此拥挤、肮脏和压抑的环境内持续生长，造成对抗生素有耐受能力的细菌会给公众健康造成威胁。 虽然这些批评不无道理，但过去20年来工厂养殖¾不仅包括肉鸡，还包括肉猪、肉用小牛和室外牧场饲养的肉牛¾在发展中国家，特别是亚洲国家得到迅速的推广。 现在我们发现由此带来的后果可以比我们预想的要严重得多。 正如渥太华大学病毒学家厄尔·布朗在加拿大爆发禽流感之后所说的那样 ， “ 高密度养殖禽鸟是产生致命禽流感病毒的绝佳温床 。 ” 其它专家也持同样的意见。 2005年10月，联合国特遣部队指出禽流感疫情的根源之一是“把大量动物挤入狭小空间的养殖方法 。 ” 工厂式养殖的支持者常常指出：自由放养的家禽也能够传播禽流感，不仅如此，野鸭和其它候鸟与放养家禽争食或飞过时排出粪便也有可能传播这种疾病。 但正如布朗指出的那样，野鸟身上发现的病毒一般危险性不大。 恰恰相反，只有当病毒进入高密度禽鸟养殖场时才会出现致命变异。 与之形成鲜明的对照，按照传统方法饲养的禽鸟可能比囚禁在狭小环境内性格压抑、基因相似的禽鸟具有更强的免疫力。 不仅如此，工厂式养殖从生物角度讲并不安全。 棚里到处滋生着能传播疾病的老鼠和其它生物。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "光通天下是一家以云安全技术为核心的互联网安全服务提供商，公司通过搭建“睿盾安全大脑”，为各行业客户提供包括计算、网络、存储、边界安全、应用安全在内的云安全服务和云计算基础服务，致力于为客户提供更安全、更稳定，更高效的网络服务。 经过近几年的快速发展，公司已成为国内云安全领域具有较强竞争力的服务提供商。 公司自成立起就专注于网络安全行业，是国内较早进入专业抗DDoS攻击服务领域的企业之一，现已具备丰富的网络攻防经验。 公司研发搭建了单点T级防御能力的超高安全防护架构及系统，并通过近源智能调度技术实现全国7T级的联防能力。 公司现已形成以浙江、重庆、广东、陕西、河南、江苏为核心节点的国内骨干网络，与中国电信、中国联通、中国移动等基础电信运营商保持着良好合作关系。 公司客户行业涉及IDC服务商、云服务商、网络视频、网络游戏、电子商务和工业企业等，与国内知名互联网企业建立了业务合作关系，包括：腾讯云、华为云、星云融创（百度子公司）、幻电（哔哩哔哩）、网宿科技、金山云、盛大比格云等。 公司是中国云安全与新兴技术安全创新联盟理事单位、中国网络空间安全协会会员单位、云清联盟会员单位，先后被授予“金华市十大数字经济标杆企业”、“浙江省科技型中小企业”、、“中国网络信息安全服务领军企业”“安全牛抗DDoS优秀服务商”的称号。 公司建有省级高新技术企业研究开发中心，已取得28项软件著作权，并有6项正在申请的发明专利，是国家高新技术企业，并获得“双软”认证。", "en": "Guangtong Tianxia is an internet security service provider with cloud security technology as its core. The company provides cloud security services and cloud computing infrastructure services, including computing, networking, storage, boundary security, and application security, through the construction of the \"Ruidun Security Brain\". It is committed to providing customers with safer, more stable, and more efficient network services. After years of rapid development, the company has become a competitive service provider in the domestic cloud security field. Since its establishment, the company has focused on the network security industry and is one of the early enterprises to enter the professional DDoS attack defense service field in China. It now has rich experience in network attack and defense. The company has developed a high-security protection architecture and system with single-point T-level defense capability, and has achieved national 7T-level joint defense capability through near-source intelligent scheduling technology. The company has formed a domestic backbone network with Zhejiang, Chongqing, Guangdong, Shaanxi, Henan, and Jiangsu as core nodes, and maintains good cooperative relationships with basic telecommunications operators such as China Telecom, China Unicom, and China Mobile. The company's customers include IDC service providers, cloud service providers, online video, online games, e-commerce, and industrial enterprises. It has established business cooperation relationships with well-known domestic internet companies, including Tencent Cloud, Huawei Cloud, Xingyun Rongchuang (a subsidiary of Baidu), HuanDian (Bilibili), Wangsu Technology, Kingsoft Cloud, and Shengda Big Cloud. The company is a member of the China Cloud Security and Emerging Technology Security Innovation Alliance, a member of the China Internet Space Security Association, and a member of the Yunqing Alliance. It has been awarded the titles of \"Top Ten Digital Economy Benchmark Enterprises in Jinhua City\", \"Zhejiang Province Science and Technology Small and Medium-sized Enterprise\", \"Leading Enterprise in China's Network Information Security Services\", and \"Excellent Service Provider for Security Bull DDoS\". The company has a provincial-level high-tech enterprise research and development center, has obtained 28 software copyrights, and has 6 invention patents under application. It is a national high-tech enterprise and has obtained \"Double Soft\" certification."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To be sure, that it ended when it did had a great deal to do with four decades of concerted Western effort in every region of the world, the defeat of the Soviets in Afghanistan, the deep-seated flaws within the Soviet system, and the words and deeds of Mikhail Gorbachev. But none of this meant that the Cold War was preordained to end quickly or peacefully. It did, in part, because Bush was sensitive to Gorbachev’s and later Boris Yeltsin’s predicament and avoided making a difficult situation humiliating. He was careful not to gloat or to indulge in the rhetoric of triumphalism. He was widely criticized for this restraint, but he managed not to trigger just the sort of nationalist reaction that we are now seeing in Russia. He also got what he wanted. No one should confuse Bush’s caution with timidity. He overcame the reluctance, and at times objections, of many of his European counterparts and fostered Germany’s unification – and brought it about within NATO. This was statecraft at its finest. Bush’s other great foreign policy achievement was the Gulf War. He viewed Saddam Hussein’s invasion and conquest of Kuwait as a threat not just to the region’s critical oil supplies, but also to the emerging post-Cold War world. Bush feared that if this act of war went unanswered, it would encourage further mayhem. Days into the crisis, Bush declared that Saddam’s aggression would not stand. He then marshaled an unprecedented international coalition that backed sanctions and the threat of force, sent a half-million US troops halfway around the world to join hundreds of thousands from other countries, and, when diplomacy failed to bring about a complete and unconditional Iraqi withdrawal, liberated Kuwait in a matter of weeks with remarkably few US and coalition casualties. It was a textbook case of how multilateralism could work. Two other points are worth noting here. First, Congress was reluctant to act on Saddam’s aggression. The vote in the Senate authorizing military action nearly failed. Bush, however, was prepared to order what became Operation Desert Storm even without congressional approval, given that he already had international law and the United Nations Security Council on his side. He was that determined and that principled. Second, Bush refused to allow himself to get caught up in events.", "zh": "可以肯定的是，冷战的终结确实与前面四十年间西方在世界各地的协同努力、苏联在阿富汗的失败，苏维埃体系内部根深蒂固的缺陷以及米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）的言行密不可分。 但这并不意味着冷战就一定会快速或平静地落幕。 而冷战之所以能顺利终结，部分原因在于老布什敏锐地感受到了戈尔巴乔夫及其继任者鲍里斯·叶利钦（Boris Yeltsin）所处的困境，并避免让一个困难的局面沦为一场羞辱。 他小心翼翼地避免幸灾乐祸或沉迷于胜利主义的言论。 他因这种克制而受到了广泛批评，却也成功避免了激发我们当前在俄罗斯所看到的那种民族主义反应。 他也得偿所愿。 没有人应该把老布什的谨慎与胆怯混为一谈。 他在克服了许多欧洲领导人的不情愿（有时甚至是反对）的情况下推动了德国的统一，而且是在北约内部实现了这一点。 这可算是最高超的治国方略。 老布什的另一项伟大的外交政策成就是海湾战争。 他认为萨达姆·侯赛因对科威特的入侵和征服不仅会威胁到该地区的关键石油供应，还有损于新兴的冷战后世界。 老布什担心如果各界不去对这场战争行动做出回应，那么进一步的混乱必将到来。 在危机爆发刚几天的时候老布什就声言萨达姆的侵略不会持久。 随后他组织了一个规模空前的国际联盟来实施制裁和武力威胁，从全世界调集了50万美军与其他国家的数十万部队组成联军，并且在外交努力未能实现伊拉克完全和无条件撤军后在几周内以轻微的联军伤亡代价解放了科威特。 一切都堪称是多边主义如何运作的教科书式案例。 在此还有必要留意另外两点。 首先，当时的美国国会不愿对萨达姆的侵略做出反应。 参议院批准军事行动的投票差点就遭遇失败。 而老布什早已准备在没有国会批准的情况下命令执行沙漠风暴行动，因为他已经获得了国际法和联合国安理会的支持。 当时的他是如此坚定而有原则。 其次，老布什拒绝让自己陷入这个事件。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "R.I.P. Chinese Exceptionalism? NEW DELHI – From Argentina to Turkey and from South Africa to Indonesia, emerging markets are once again being roiled by financial turbulence. But let us not lose sight of the biggest and potentially most problematic of them all: China. Over the past few decades, China’s growth has appeared to violate certain fundamental laws of economics. For example, Stein’s Law holds that if something cannot go on forever, it will stop. Yet China’s debt keeps on rising. Indeed, according to the International Monetary Fund, Chinese corporate, government, and household debt has increased by about $23 trillion in the last decade alone, and its debt-to-GDP ratio has risen by around 100 percentage points, to more than 250%. That is orders of magnitude above the level at which financial crises normally occur. To be sure, some of China’s debt has been used to expand its industrial base and infrastructure. But much of it has also gone toward sustaining money-losing public enterprises and endless investments in superfluous public facilities and housing. China’s domestic imbalances point to another economic law that it has managed to break. For any normal country, the build-up of extensive surplus capacity would lead to sharp declines in investment and GDP growth. And that, in turn, would produce financial distress, followed by a crisis if the warning signs were ignored. But China has had a different experience. Its GDP growth has slowed, but investment remains robust, and there is no strain on its banking system.", "zh": "中国例外论寿终正寝？ 新德里—从阿根廷到土耳其，从南非到印度尼西亚，新兴市场再次被金融动荡席卷。 但我们不要忘了其中最大，也许也是最有问题的一个：中国。 在过去几十年中，中国的增长似乎违反了一些经济学基本定律。 比如，斯坦因定律（Stein’s Law）认为，既然事情不能永远继续下去，它总会停止。 但中国债务一直在上升。 事实上，据国际货币基金组织（IMF）数据，中国公司、政府和家庭债务在过去十年就增加了23万亿美元左右，其债务-GDP之比升高了大约100个百分点，来到250%以上。 这已经超过经常导致金融危机的水平几个数量级了。 诚然，中国的议席而债务被用来扩大工业基础和制造业。 但大部分用来维持亏钱公营企业和重复建设的公用设施和住房投资。 中国的内部失衡指向了另一个它成功打破了的经济学定律。 对正常国家，累积巨量剩余产能会导致投资和GDP增长大幅下降。 这反过来将产生金融抑制，如果警示信号得不到重视的话，危机也将接踵而至。 但中国的经验截然不同。 其GDP增长有所放缓，但投资保持强劲，银行体系也没有承压。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“他砍了不笑那么多次，当然会被通缉。”无誓之剑淡淡地道，继续在美眉面前表现他的冷静，“走，我和你去看看。” 无誓之剑潇洒地扬手和几个美眉道了个别，沉稳地走出行会，轻轻地带上了房门，回身：“哇靠！！他怎么会被通缉的？砍了不笑那么多次，难道他没去自首坐牢吗？这样大家一追捕他，他的身份不就曝光了？之前蒙面还有什么意义？” 风行：“……” “说啊你！”无誓之剑此时猴急的模样和之前在行会里时判若两人。 “我……我也不知道啊！我就听说通缉任务那边出了一个pk值15的犯人，我想除了这家伙没有别人了。” “快去看看……”无誓之剑大步朝通缉任务发放处飞奔。", "en": "“After cutting down No Smile so many times, of course he will be on it,” Oathless Sword said matter-of-factly, remaining composed in front of the babes, “Come. Let’s go take a look.” Oathless Sword suavely waved goodbye to the ladies and calmly exited the guild house. He gently closed the door behind him as he agitatedly said, “F*CKING HELL! HE’S BEING HUNTED?! Why did he not turn himself in and squat in prison? Won’t his identity be exposed now that everyone is after him?! What’s the point of covering his face, then?!” Gale Force was speechless. “Say something!” Oathless Sword’s hurried expression was completely different from how he had acted inside the guild house just now. “I don’t – I don’t know either! All I heard is that the place with ‘Bounty Mission’ released a new Wanted Players list with a fugitive with 15 PK points. Who else could it be besides that Masked Slayer?” “Let’s go take a look!” Oathless Sword and Gale Force hurriedly strode off toward the Bounty Assignment Hall."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On this basis, the US and China avoided conflict over the issue for nearly two decades. But China did not avoid conflicts with its maritime neighbors. Although it pledged to adhere to a code of conduct negotiated by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2002, it used its superior military might in disputes with the Philippines and Vietnam. In 2012, Chinese patrol vessels chased Philippine fishing boats away from Scarborough Shoal off the Philippine coast, and the Philippine government has taken the dispute to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS), which China claims has no jurisdiction. In 2014, after China stationed an oil rig in waters claimed by Vietnam, ships from the two countries engaged in ramming and water-cannon battles at sea; anti-Chinese riots in Vietnam followed. The region’s smaller states sought American support. But the US remained careful not to be drawn into the competing claims over sovereignty, some of which are tenuous, while on others China sometimes has a stronger legal position. Moreover, the US had to focus on larger issues in its relationship with China. This began to change when China initiated an active policy of dredging sand to fill in reefs and build islands in at least five locations. Earlier this year, analysts released images of what is expected to be a 10,000-foot (3,000-meter) runway on Fiery Cross Reef. The US argues that UNCLOS grants foreign ships and planes free access beyond a 12-mile territorial limit, while China claims that military flights cannot cross its 200-mile economic zone without its permission.", "zh": "基于此，美国和中国在近二十年的时间里没有发生摩擦。 但中国没能避免与其海上邻国的冲突。 尽管中国承诺遵守2002年由东盟谈判确定的准则，但它在于菲律宾和越南的纠纷中使用了强大的军事力量。 2012年，中国海监船驱赶菲律宾渔船离开菲律宾海岸外的黄岩岛，菲律宾政府将纠纷上诉至国际海洋法法庭（ITLOS ） ， 而中国宣称ITLOS对此不拥有司法管辖权。 2014年，中国在越南主张主权的水域建立油井，双方船只在海上用水炮互相攻击；越南更是爆发了反华骚乱。 该地区的小国寻求美国的支持。 但美国仍保持谨慎，不愿被拖入主权纠纷 — — 其中一些纠纷微不足道，而另一些纠纷有时候中国的法理更令人信服。 此外，美国需要关注更大的对华关系问题。 当中国开始积极地在至少五个地方进行挖沙填礁造岛时，情况发生了改变。 今年早些时候，分析师公布了一组影像，永暑礁上似乎正在建设一条3,000米长的跑道。 美国指出，UNCLOS授予外国船只和飞机自由进入12海里领海线以外区域的权利，而中国主张军用飞机不可在没有获得其允许的情况下飞越其200英里经济区。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In fact, the US has not intervened in a major way in the currency market to sell dollars since the coordinated interventions associated with the Plaza Accord in 1985. Other criteria besides currency-market intervention are used to ascertain whether a currency is deliberately undervalued or, in the words of the International Monetary Fund's Articles of Agreement, “manipulated\" for “unfair competitive advantage.\" One criterion is an inappropriately large trade or current-account surplus. Another is an inappropriately low real (inflation-adjusted) foreign-exchange value. But many countries have large trade surpluses or weak currencies. Usually it is difficult to say whether they are appropriate. Ten years ago, the renminbi did seem to meet all of the criteria for undervaluation. But this is no longer the case. The renminbi's real value rose from 2006 to 2013. The most recent purchasing power statistics show the currency to be in a range that is normal for a country with per capita real income of around $10,000. By contrast, the criterion on which the US Congress focuses – the bilateral trade balance – is irrelevant to economists (and to the IMF rules). It is true that China's bilateral trade surplus with the US is as big as ever. But China also runs bilateral deficits with Saudi Arabia, Australia, and other exporters of oil and minerals, and with South Korea, from which it imports components that go into its manufactured exports. Indeed, imported inputs account for roughly 95% of the value of a “Chinese\" smartphone exported to the US; only 5% is Chinese value added.", "zh": "事实上，自1985年广场协定后的合作干预以来，美国从未大幅干预货币市场出售美元。 除了货币市场干预，其他标准包括确定货币是否有意低估或用国际货币基金组织（IMF）协定条款说，为了“不公平的竞争优势”而“进行干预 ” 。 一个标准是异常大的贸易和经常项目赤字。 另一个标准是异常低（经通胀调整）的外汇价值。 但许多国家都存在巨大的贸易赤字或弱势货币。 通常很难说这些情况是否属于异常。 十年前，人民币确实似乎满足低估的所有标准。 但今非昔比 。 2006至2013年间，人民币实际价值一直在上升。 最近的购买力统计表明人民币币值已处于人均实际收入10,000美元左右国家的正常范围。 相反，美国国会所关注的标准 — — 双边贸易余额 — — 与经济学家（以及IMF规则）的标准无关。 诚然，中国对美国的双边贸易盈余无比巨大。 但中国同时也存在对沙特阿拉伯、澳大利亚和其他石油和矿产出口国的双边赤字，对韩国也是如此（中国从韩国进口元件然后组装成制造品出口 ） 。 事实上，进口投入品占出口至美国的“中国”智能手机价值的95%左右；而只有5%是中国的增加值。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Coming Bear Market? NEW HAVEN – The US stock market today is characterized by a seemingly unusual combination of very high valuations, following a period of strong earnings growth, and very low volatility. What do these ostensibly conflicting messages imply about the likelihood that the United States is headed toward a bear market? To answer that question, we must look to past bear markets. And that requires us to define precisely what a bear market entails. The media nowadays delineate a “classic” or “traditional” bear market as a 20% decline in stock prices. That definition does not appear in any media outlet before the 1990s, and there has been no indication of who established it. It may be rooted in the experience of October 19, 1987, when the stock market dropped by just over 20% in a single day. Attempts to tie the term to the “Black Monday” story may have resulted in the 20% definition, which journalists and editors probably simply copied from one another. In any case, that 20% figure is now widely accepted as an indicator of a bear market. Where there seems to be less overt consensus is on the time period for that decline. Indeed, those past newspaper reports often didn’t mention any time period at all in their definitions of a bear market. Journalists writing on the subject apparently did not think it necessary to be precise. In assessing America’s past experience with bear markets, I used that traditional 20% figure, and added my own timing rubric. The peak before a bear market, per my definition, was the most recent 12-month high, and there should be some month in the subsequent year that is 20% lower. Whenever there was a contiguous sequence of peak months, I took the last one. Referring to my compilation of monthly S&P Composite and related data, I found that there have been just 13 bear markets in the US since 1871. The peak months before the bear markets occurred in 1892, 1895, 1902, 1906, 1916, 1929, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1961, 1987, 2000, and 2007. A couple of notorious stock-market collapses – in 1968-70 and in 1973-74 – are not on the list, because they were more protracted and gradual.", "zh": "熊市将临？ 发自纽黑文 — — 当前美国股市的特点是一个看似不寻常的组合：经历了强劲盈利增长期后的极高估值，加上极低的波动幅度。 那么为什么这些表面上相冲突的信息意味着美国存在着走入熊市的可能性？ 为了回答这个问题，我们必须回顾过去的一系列熊市。 这首先需要我们准确地定义熊市，而当今的媒体则将股价下跌20％定义为“经典”或“传统”熊市。 但这个定义在1990年代以前的媒体报道中是不存在的，也没有迹象表明是由谁确立的。 它可能源自于1987年10月19日的经历，当时美国股市在一天内下跌了20％以上。 将这个术语与“黑色星期一”事件联系在一起的尝试可能催生了与20％下跌有关的定义，而那些记者和编辑们可能只是一个接一个地复制前人的话语而已。 无论如何，20％的数字现在已经被广泛接受为熊市的指标。 但关于这种下跌究竟以多长时间为限则似乎并没有明显的共识。 事实上在过去的报章报道中关于熊市的定义中根本没有提到任何时间段，那些撰写这一话题的作者显然并不认为有必要去确切说明。 在评估美国过去的熊市经历时，我会用传统的20％数字，并增加了自己设定的时间标示。 根据我的定义，熊市前的高峰是最近的12个月高点，而随后一年则有某个月的指数相对高点下降了20 ％ 。 如果连续出现高点月份的话，我会取最后一个。 关于我对每月标准普尔综合指数和相关数据的汇编，我发现自1871年以来美国只有13个熊市。 熊市前的高峰月份出现在1892、1895、1902、1906、1916年、1929、1934、1937、1946、1961、1987，2000和2007年。 一些臭名昭著的股票市场崩盘事件 — — 在1968~1970年和1973~1974年期间 — — 都不在名单上，因为它们更加持久和渐进。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As such, it cannot, by itself, transform the Indian economy. Chinese growth is widely regarded as furiously export-driven, but domestic investment has in fact been the major component. Even at the height of global trade expansion in 2002-2007, exports (in value-added terms) accounted for only a little more than one-quarter of GDP growth, whereas domestic investment contributed a substantially larger share. Moreover, contrary to popular belief, much of the dramatic poverty reduction in China over the last three decades was due not to integration into the global economy, but to domestic factors like growth in the agricultural sector (where mass poverty was concentrated). This is attributable largely to public investment in rural infrastructure, and, in the initial period, to institutional changes in agrarian production organization and an egalitarian distribution of land-cultivation rights. Expansion of exports of labor-intensive manufactures has nonetheless lifted many Chinese out of poverty. That is not true of India, where exports are still mainly skill- and capital-intensive. Economic reform clearly has made the Indian corporate sector more vibrant and competitive, but most of the Indian economy is not in the corporate sector (public or private). Indeed, 92% of the labor force is employed in the informal sector. Indian poverty reduction has been significant, but not substantial.", "zh": "因此，仅靠这一部门还不能令印度的经济成功转型。 此外，中国的经济增长普遍被认为是出口拉动的，但殊不知国内投资也是主要动力之一。 即便是在2002-2007年那段国际贸易大肆扩张的鼎盛时期，出口（从附加值角度看）对GDP增长的贡献仅为1/4多一点，反倒是国内投资的贡献更大。 而且，与普遍的看法相反，在过去30年里，中国国内贫困人口数量的急速下降并不是由于融入了全球经济，而是由诸如农业部门（大量的贫困人口都处在这一领域）的发展等国内因素所导致的。 而这些因素的出现则主要归结于对农村基础设施的投资以及早期对农业生产组织形式和耕地平均分配的改革。 劳动密集型产业的出口扩张无疑让许多中国人摆脱了贫困。 不过以技术密集型和资本密集型出口为主的印度却没有那么幸运了。 毫无疑问，经济改革使印度的企业部门生机勃勃，更具竞争力，但（无论是公共的或私人的）企业部门仅仅是印度经济的一小部分。 事实上，92%的劳动力都在非正式部门就业。 印度的贫困状况的确有了明显下降，但还没达到大规模下降的程度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Perhaps Cortés, blinded by his dreams of glory, was ready to sacrifice his troops even when the odds of victory were too slim. Nowadays, fortunately, democratically elected governments make these decisions, which thus should reflect the people’s will. Yet, given their nature, these decisions deserve special scrutiny. After all, they are – by design – irreversible decisions that tie the hands of future governments, which makes them tantamount to constitutional norms. As such, they should not be subject to the same approval process as normal legislation. This problem is particularly severe when the up-front action that seals the commitment has short-term benefits that are more attractive than burning the ship. When a government starts to borrow abroad or chooses to enter a currency union, these benefits take the form of reduced interest rates. Thus, the immediate benefits become more politically salient than potential future costs. By using this strategy, a Machiavellian government can induce a reluctant electorate to accept a policy that is contrary to its will. Many people would say that this is exactly the point. For southern European countries, joining the euro was – explicitly or implicitly – a way to force their citizens to accept a degree of fiscal discipline that they were incapable of adopting on their own. But was this a democratic decision, or one that an “enlightened” elite forced upon its unwitting citizens? I fear that the latter is true – hence the growing resentment against the European Union. To add insult to injury, current European leaders do not “own” their past decisions.", "zh": "寇蒂斯被光荣之梦蒙了心，即使获胜希望渺茫也不惜牺牲手下的军队。 幸运的是，如今的民选政府会进行投票，因此它们的所作所为反映的是民意。 但这些决定的性质意味着它们必须被仔细审视。 毕竟，它们被设计成不可逆转的决定，将束缚住政府的手脚，成为宪法性质的约束。 从这个角度讲，它们不能像常规立法那样走同样的批准程序。 如果先期作出承诺者具有比烧船更有吸引力的短期好处，则这一问题会变得尤为严重。 当一国政府开始借外债或加入货币联盟时，好处是利率的下降。 因此，立刻获得的好处就会比潜在的未来成本具有更大的政治吸引力。 通过使用该策略，马基雅弗利主义政府能够促使不情愿的选民接受与他们的意愿背道而驰的政策。 许多人会说，这是如此。 对南欧国家来说，加入欧元���直接或间接地迫使其公民接受了一定程度的他们本无能力接受的财政纪律。 但这到底是民主决策，还是“启蒙”的精英在强迫不知情的公民做选择？ 我担心后者才是正确的，对欧盟反对声四起也是如此。 让受害者雪上加霜的是，当前的欧洲领导人并不“拥有”过去的决策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Postponing structural reforms eventually constrains any economy’s performance, as we saw in Japan in the 1980’s and 1990’s. China has similar problems, with the investment-growth nexus threatening macroeconomic stability – witness the overheating that occurred in 2003 and 2004. Indeed, China faces tremendous challenges in maintaining macroeconomic stability under conditions of export-led growth, with huge repercussions for the rest of the world. Given China’s size and its rising share in the global market, macroeconomic instability there fuels volatility in global prices for basic commodities and raw materials. But the political reality is that China’s government favors rapid growth in the short run over the structural reforms needed to sustain long-term economic performance. Fiscal consolidation and the abrupt closure and restructuring of inefficient banks and state enterprises would, after all, constitute a powerful brake on short-term growth, threatening social peace and political stability. This may explain the growing efforts of Chinese businesses in recent years to go global themselves. Globalization is increasingly viewed as an alternative to domestic structural complexity. This strategy will exact a heavy price, just as it did in Japan twenty years ago. The main lesson of Japan’s approach is that launching an aggressive buying spree overseas merely upsets established international balances of interests – thus generating greater tensions with the rest of the world – while hiding the seriousness of structural problems at home. China has much to gain by avoiding such a strategy. Focusing squarely on structural reforms would allay some of the fears that China’s rise has inspired in the rest of the world, while winning praise from the international business community. Rather than scaring global corporations and their home states, China would retain strong political support abroad – and the financing that it needs for its continued development. In economic terms, China has no choice: it must remove the structural obstacles that stand in the way of rapid growth over the next decade or two. Above all, truly secure and sustainable economic development requires that it build a large consumer base at home. Of course, the global imbalances associated with China’s economic rise can take longer to adjust than they otherwise would, simply because the US welcomes it as being in America’s own interest. But China’s long-term interest, and that of the world, requires that it get serious about domestic structural reform.", "zh": "推迟结构性改革最终会限制经济增长，如同二十世纪八十年代和九十年代的日本一样。 中国存在相似的问题，其投资与增长的关系威胁了宏观经济稳定。 这一点只要看看发生在2003年和2004年的经济过热就可以知道。 确实，中国在出口拉动增长的条件下面临维持宏观经济稳定的艰巨挑战，其对世界其他地方有着巨大影响。 鉴于中国国土庞大，在全球市场中的份额不断上升，宏观经济不稳将会加剧全球基本商品和原料价格的不稳定。 但是，政治现实是，中国的各级政府偏好于短期快速经济增长胜过长期经济表现所需要的结构性改革。 巩固财政的要求以及突然关闭和重组效率低下的银行及国有企业毕竟会对短期增长踩急刹车，威胁到社会安定和政治稳定。 这也是为何中资企业近年来不断努力走向世界的原因。 “走出去”战略正越来越被视为解决国内结构性复杂问题的替代手段。 但是，这一战略的代价昂贵，正如二十年前的日本一样。 日本做法的主要教训是发动海外收购狂潮，结果破坏了现存的国际利益平衡，从而造成于世界各国关系紧张，而与此同时却隐藏了国内结构性问题的严重性而陷入僵局。 中国如能避免这一战略将会大有益处。 集中精力处理结构性改革会减少因中国的崛起而在世界各地所造成的担心，同时赢得国际工商界的赞誉。 这样做，中国不仅不会令全球性公司及其所在国忧心忡忡，而且会在国外维持强大的政治资源的支持以及获得继续发展所需要的投资流入。 从经济意义上说，中国别无选择。 它必须消除未来十年到二十年快速发展道路上的结构性障碍。 归根到底，要实现真正安全的和可持续的经济发展，中国需要依托一个广大的国内消费的基础支撑。 当然，调整与中国经济崛起息息相关的全球性不平衡需要更长的时间。 这是因为这样符合美国的利益，因此受到美国的欢迎。 中国严肃对待国内结构性改革也是中国自己乃至世界的长久利益的所在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In 1998, when Chávez was first elected, oil was languishing at $8 per barrel; in 2012, prices averaged $104. But, rather than using the windfall to build a financial cushion for a rainy day, Chávez chose to use high oil prices as collateral to borrow massively, quadrupling the public external debt. This allowed him to spend in 2012 as if the price of oil were $197 per barrel. But now, with Venezuelan crude below $30 dollars and the country cut off from international capital markets, imports are declining to a fraction of their 2012 level. The previous destruction of productive capacity has come home to roost. Without the market mechanism, the adjustment is taking place with too little information and too many perverse incentives, making its impact on production and welfare even more devastating. The coming year will see a further drastic cut in imports. Not only are oil prices even lower, but imports in 2014-2015 were financed in part by running down reserves and other assets, and by authorizing private imports but not paying for them, de facto expropriating the working capital – the seed grain – of private companies. The implications of this madness are ominous. To prevent a humanitarian catastrophe, swift action needs to be taken: restoration of the market mechanism; exchange-rate unification (as President Mauricio Macri just implemented in Argentina); an alternative system of social transfers to substitute for rationing; fiscal retrenchment; orderly foreign-debt restructuring; and massive financial support from the international community. Maduro is not trying to do any of this; instead, he is devoting his energy and creativity to maintaining power, by fair means or foul. But time is running out. Unless Maduro changes, the new National Assembly – where the opposition’s two-thirds majority enables it to amend the constitution – will have to change him.", "zh": "1998年查韦斯首次当选时，油价徘徊在8美元一桶；而到2012年，油价则涨到平均每桶104美元。 但查韦斯非但没有用这笔飞来横财建立应对不时之需的资金储备，反而利用高油价大规模抵押贷款，致使公共外债总额达到原来的四倍。 他因此在2012年支撑了油价相当于197美元一桶的消费。 但现在随着委内瑞拉原油跌至不到30美元一桶且国家得不到国际资本市场的支持，进口额已经骤降至2012年的一小部分。 此前对生产力的破坏行为终于带来了报应。 没有市场机制的调整信息太过闭塞、激励举措也太过负面，从而导致对生产和福利的影响更具破坏性。 来年进口额仍将进一步大幅降低。 不仅油价仍将继续下降，而且2014-2015年部分进口资金源于消耗储备和其他资产，以及授权私人进口但却拒绝支付费用（相当于起到种子粮作用的私人企业营运资金被没收 ） 。 如此疯狂之举的后果极为严重。 为了避免人道主义灾难，我们必须迅速采取行动：恢复市场机制；统一汇率（就像毛里西奥·马克里总统刚刚在阿根廷实施的那样 ） ； 通过社会转移支付代替配给系统；财政紧缩；国外债务有序重组；和来自国际社会的大规模财政援助。 马杜罗没有采取任何一项举措；相反，他正不择一切手段、发挥一切能力和创造力把持权力不被夺走。 但剩下的时间已经不多。 除非马杜罗自己改变，否则新一届国民大会 — — 反对党所占三分之二的多数席位足以修订宪法 — — 必须用尽一切手段改变他。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The template is not a solar panel connected to an electrolysis unit, but rather a thin roll of sandwiched plastic-like layers, much like the high-performance fabrics found in rain jackets, that can be unfurled as needed. The top material would absorb the water and carbon dioxide from the air, and the next, light-absorbing layer would harness the sun’s energy to produce the fuel. Separated by the membrane, the fuel would not be vented to the air but instead would wick out through the bottom of the material into a collector tank for use on demand in our existing energy-supply infrastructure. Ideally, solar-fuel generation should offer flexibility in the types of chemical fuels that can be produced from sunlight. In its simplest incarnation, water is split into hydrogen and oxygen gases. The hydrogen could be converted into a liquid fuel by upgrading biofuels, for example, or it could be reacted with carbon dioxide from flue gas or otherwise processed to produce liquid fuels for use in transportation applications. Alternatively, catalysts, as in natural photosynthetic systems, could directly reduce carbon dioxide, in this case to methanol or methane. The most effective systems would be able to offer either gaseous or liquid fuels. Recent advances in nanoscience, materials science, chemistry, and physics have provided the tools needed to make rapid progress in this field. The ultimate prize is a clean-energy technology that is within reach and that could provide the basis for a safe, secure, and sustainable energy future.", "zh": "其模式并非与电解单元相连的太阳能板，而是由类似塑料的夹层组成的薄卷，能够按需展开，很像防雨夹克所用的高性能纤维。 顶层材料吸收空气中的水和二氧化碳，次层是光吸收层，利用太阳能生产燃料。 在薄膜的分离下，燃料不会排放到空气中，而是透过材料底部进入收集器，以备现有能源供应基础设施按需使用。 在理想状况下，太阳能燃料的生产能提供从阳光中生产的化学燃料的灵活性。 在最简单的模式中，水被分解成氢气和氧气。 氢气（比如）可以通过升级生物燃料转换为液体燃料，也可以与废气中的二氧化碳反应或经过处理生产液体燃料用于运输。 或者，与自然光合作用系统一样，催化剂能直接减少二氧化碳 — — 在这个例子中将二氧化碳转换为乙醇和甲烷。 最有效的系统可以提供气态或液态燃料。 纳米技术、材料科学、化学和物理学的最新进展提供了在这方面取得快速进步的必要工具。 最终的好处是摸得着的清洁技术，为我们提供安全、有保障、可持续的能源未来的基础。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Lehman’s Morbid Legacy NEWPORT BEACH – As the fifth anniversary of the disorderly collapse of the investment bank Lehman Brothers approaches, some analysts will revisit the causes of an historic global “sudden stop” that resulted in enormous economic and financial disruptions. Others will describe the consequences of an event that continues to produce considerable human suffering. And some will share personal experiences of a terrifying time for the global economy and for them personally (as policymakers, financial-market participants, and in their everyday lives). As interesting as these contributions will be, I hope that we will also see another genre: analyses of the previously unthinkable outcomes that have become reality – with profound implications for current and future generations – and that our systems of governance have yet to address properly. With this in mind, let me offer four. The first such outcome, and by far the most consequential, is the continuing difficulty that Western economies face in generating robust economic growth and sufficient job creation. Notwithstanding the initial sharp drop in GDP in the last quarter of 2008 and the first quarter of 2009, too many Western economies have yet to rebound properly, let alone sustain growth rates that would make up fully for lost jobs and income. More generally, only a few have decisively overcome the trifecta of maladies that the crisis exposed: inadequate and unbalanced aggregate demand, insufficient structural resilience and agility, and persistent debt overhangs. The net result goes beyond the weak growth, worsening income inequality, high long-term unemployment, and alarming youth joblessness of the here and now. Five years after the global financial crisis, too many countries are being held back by exhausted and out-dated growth engines. As a result, prospects for a rapid, durable, and inclusive economic recovery remain a serious concern. Given this harsh reality, it is not surprising that the second previously unthinkable outcome concerns inadequate policy responses – namely, the large and persistent imbalance between the hyperactivity of central banks and the frustrating passivity of other policymakers. The big surprise here is not that central banks acted decisively and boldly when financial markets froze and economic activity plummeted. Given their relatively unrestricted access to the printing press and their high degree of operational autonomy, one would expect central banks to be active and effective first responders.", "zh": "雷曼兄弟的坏遗产 纽波特海滩—随着投资银行雷曼兄弟公司无序倒闭五周年的临近，一些分析家将重温这一引起巨大经济和金融乱象的历史性的全球“停摆”的原因。 也有人将描述这一至今仍在造成巨大人道灾难的事件的后果。 还有一些人会分享全球经济可怕时刻（也是对决策者、金融市场参与者及其日常生活的个人可怕时刻）的个人经验。 这些见解都将十分有趣，但我希望我们可以看到另一个角度：分析此前不可想象但最后成为现实 — — 并对当前和子孙后代造成了深远影响 — — 且我们的治理体系至今仍无法合理处置的结果。 出于这一目的，我提供四点分析。 第一个结果，也是目前后果最严重的一个，是西方经济体在产生鲁棒经济增长和充分就业创造方面遇到的持续困难。 尽管最初的GDP大幅下降发生在2008年四季度和2009年一季度，但许多西方经济体至今仍没能很好地恢复，更不用说维持能全面恢复失去的就业岗位和收入的增长率了。 更一般地，只有少数国家决定性地克服了危机所暴露的三重困境 — — 总需求不足和失衡、机构性恢复力和灵活性的缺失，以及持久的债务积压。 净结果不止是增长疲软、收入不平等性恶化、长期失业高企以及随处可见的令人警觉的年轻人失业。 全球金融危机爆发五年来，太多的国家因为过时的增长引擎一蹶不振而被拖住了后腿。 结果，快速、持久、包容的经济复苏前景仍然是一大隐忧。 在如此艰难的现实面前，毫不奇怪第二个此前不可想象的结果与政策反应不足有关 — — 即央行的极度活跃和其他决策者令人沮丧的消极被动之间的持久失衡。 在这方面，大大出人意料的不是央行行长在金融市场冻结、经济活动大降时采取了果断大胆的行动。 他们拥有相对不受限制的印钞的权力，还拥有较大程度的操作自主权，因此你不难想到中央银行应该是活跃且高效的首批反应者。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This means that government can no longer afford to view issues in isolation; its operations need to be de-compartmentalized and flattened, as well as streamlined. This is a difficult task, given that some of our systems have been in place for many years, often entrenched in law. Of course, pragmatism has its limits, because good government is also about upholding core values. I have often referred to what I call the four pillars of Hong Kong’s success: the rule of law, a level playing field for business, a clean and efficient civil service, and the free flow of information. These are values that we simply will not compromise. To do so would mark the beginning of the end for Hong Kong. Since reunification with our motherland, we have the added safeguard of the Basic Law, which gives effect to the principles of “one country, two systems” and “Hong Kong’s people running Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy.” Good government also requires sharing a vision of the future – the purposes and thinking behind public policies – with the community. Our vision is to develop Hong Kong as Asia’s world city. This is an all-encompassing brief, covering everything we do as a community and an economy in areas ranging from international trade to art, culture, and tourism. The Basic Law embodies this vision, laying the foundations for our development over a 50-year period and providing the freedom and the power for us to position ourselves as Asia’s world city – and to do it on our own. At the same time, it also embodies the depth of the central government’s support for Hong Kong. It is thus crucial to the good governance of the Hong Kong Special Administration Region. In many areas – financial services, infrastructure, communications technology, and tourism – I would say we have reached our goals for Hong Kong. Hardly a day goes by when we don’t read something in the local press that refers to our status as Asia’s world city. Even when people feel we have not lived up to the standards expected of a world city, we are glad to be held to a high benchmark, because it keeps us on our toes.", "zh": "这就意味着政府不能再孤立地看待问题。 政府运作需要精简增效、扫平障碍，并消除分工太过琐细的情况。 这一任务相当艰巨，因为我们的一些制度已经存在了多年，且多有法律保证。 当然，实用主义也有其局限性，因为善政也意味着坚持核心价值。 我经常提到我称之为香港成功的四大支柱：法制、为商业活动提供的公平竞争环境，行政部门廉洁高效，信息流动畅通无阻。 对于这些价值，我们决不会妥协。 这种妥协将标志着香港灭亡的开始。 回归祖国后，我们又多了基本法的保障。 基本法赋予了“一国两制”原则和“香港高度自治”原则法律效力。 善政还要求与公众分享政府对未来的展望，这是公共政策背后的目的和思路。 我们对未来的展望是使香港发展成为亚洲的国际都会。 亚洲国际都会这一简短提法无所不包，涵盖了我们从事的各种公众事务和经济活动，包括了从国际贸易到艺术、文化、旅游业等的各个领域。 基本法体现了我们对未来的这一展望，为香港未来50年的发展奠定了基础，并赋予了我们自由与力量，使我们能够自力更生地将香港建设成为亚洲的国际都会。 同时，基本法还体现了中央政府对香港的大力支持。 因此，基本法对管理好香港特别行政区至关重要。 应该说，在很多领域，如金融服务、基础设施、通信技术、旅游业方面，我们香港都已经达到了自己的目标。 几乎每天我们都可以在地方报纸上读到有关香港作为亚洲国际都会方面的报道。 即使别人觉得我们还没有达到国际都会应具备的标准，我们也应该为人们对我们的高标准要求感到高兴，因为这样可以让我们一直保持高度警觉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Inflation Catch-Up Game CAMBRIDGE – Inflation is now on the front page of newspapers around the world, and for good reason. Prices of more and more goods and services are increasing in a manner not seen for decades. This inflationary spike, accompanied by actual and feared supply shortages, is fueling both consumer and producer anxiety. By also threatening to worsen inequality and derail a much-needed sustained and inclusive economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, it is also becoming a hot political issue. For their part, policymakers at central banks in the United Kingdom and the United States have started to move away from the narrative of “transitory” inflation. (The cognitive transition at the European Central Bank is less pronounced, which makes sense, given that the inflation dynamics there are less pronounced.) But the pivot is far from complete and not nearly quick enough, particularly at the US Federal Reserve, the world’s most powerful and systemically important monetary institution. Delays in Congress approving measures to increase productivity and enhance labor-force participation are not helping, either. The reasons for the rise in inflation are well known. Buoyant demand is encountering inadequate supply – a result of disrupted transportation and supply chains, labor shortages, and an energy squeeze. While notable, this price surge does not herald a return to a 1970s scenario of double-digit inflation rates. Rigid cost-price indexing is rarer these days. Initial conditions regarding the formation of inflationary expectations are a lot less unstable. And central banks’ credibility is much higher, although it is currently facing its severest test in decades. But inflation will nonetheless be much more pronounced than top Fed officials had thought when they repeatedly dismissed increasing price pressures as a temporary phenomenon. Even today, their inflation forecasts – despite having been revised up several times already – still underestimate what lies ahead. Survey-based inflation expectations compiled by the New York Federal Reserve have risen above 4% on both a one- and three-year time horizon. Knock-on cost-push inflation tendencies are broadening. Quit rates among US workers are at record highs as employees feel more comfortable leaving their jobs to seek better-paying positions or strike a better work-life balance. There is more talk of labor strikes.", "zh": "奋起直追，应对通胀 剑桥—如今，通货膨胀登上了世界各地报纸的头版，这是有充分理由的。 越来越多商品和服务的价格正在上涨，这种涨幅几十年未见。 通胀的飙升，伴随着切实存在的、令人担忧的供应短缺，正加剧消费者和生产者的焦虑。 通胀还可能加剧不平等，阻碍疫情后急需的可持续的、包容性的经济复苏，这也使得它成为了一个热门的政治问题。 对于英国和美国央行的决策者来说，他们已经逐渐放弃“临时性”通货膨胀的说法。 (欧洲央行的认知转变还不那么明显，这是合理的，因为该地区的通胀动态也不那么明显。 )但对于美联储(世界上最强大、最具系统重要性的货币机构)来说，转变远未完成，转变速度也远远不够快。 国会延迟批准提高生产力和劳动力参与率的措施也是于事无补的。 通货膨胀上升的原因广为人知。 由于运输和供应链中断、劳动力短缺和能源短缺，旺盛的需求正面临供应不足的问题。 尽管问题显著，但这种物价飙涨并不预示着会再现70年代时的两位数通胀率的情景。 如今，死板的成本-价格指数已经很少见了。 形成通胀预期的初始条件要稳定得多。 央行的可信度也高得多，尽管它目前正面临几十年来最严峻的考验。 但通胀情况仍将比美联储高级官员们此前预期的要严重得多，当时他们一再将渐增的物价压力视为一种暂时的现象而不予理会。 即使在今天，他们的通胀预测（尽管已被多次上调）仍然低估了未来的情况。 纽约联邦储备银行编制的基于调查的一年期通胀预期和三年期通胀预期均已升至4%以上。 成本推动型通胀趋势正在扩大。 美国劳工的辞职率创下历史新高，这是因为对于他们来说，辞职后去寻觅薪酬更高的职位或更好地实现工作与生活之间的平衡是更加舒适的。 关于劳工罢工的讨论也越来越多。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Happens to the United Kingdom Now? LONDON – The United Kingdom’s Brexit psychodrama continues. Although the UK government and the European Union reached a revised withdrawal agreement in mid-October, Prime Minister Boris Johnson was unable to push the deal through Parliament so that the UK could leave the bloc by his hoped-for date of October 31. EU leaders have therefore granted a further three-month extension of the Brexit deadline until January 31, and the UK will now hold a parliamentary election on December 12, which may help to resolve the current impasse. Johnson secured the withdrawal agreement partly by reversing his previous position and accepting a customs border between Northern Ireland and the rest of the UK, and partly by settling for worse terms than his predecessor, Theresa May, had negotiated. Although the deal still must clear some parliamentary hurdles – and, here, the upcoming election could be the biggest hurdle of all – we may before long be able to see for ourselves how good or bad Brexit will turn out to be. But perhaps I should revise the phrase “before long.” Assuming Brexit happens, if the first few years afterward are economically tough for the UK, Brexiteers will tell us that we should just give it time. In fact, one of Johnson’s senior ministers has said that we might not know the full economic impact of Brexit for 50 years. Between now and then, the results will need to be good to make up for what we are going to lose by leaving the EU.", "zh": "英国目前境况如何？ 伦敦 — — 英国脱欧再次上演离奇剧情。 尽管英国政府与欧盟在10月中旬达成了修订后的脱欧协议，但由于议会未通过该协议，英国无法如约翰逊所愿于10月31日之前脱离欧盟。 因此，欧盟领导人批准将英国脱欧最后期限再延长三个月至1月31日。 为此，英国将于12月12日举行议会选举，这可能有助于解决目前的僵局。 约翰逊尝试重新谈判脱欧协议，一改先前立场并接受设立北爱尔兰和英国其他地区之间的海关边界，以及接受前首相特蕾莎·梅谈判期间达成的不利条款。 尽管该协议仍需扫清一些议会方面的障碍 — — 最大的障碍可能就是即将到来的选举 — — 但英国脱欧所带来的影响积极与否可能不久就要揭晓了。 但也许我应该修改一下“不久”一词。 假设英国真的实现脱欧，如果之后头几年英国经济状况窘迫，那么脱欧支持者将表示，转变将需要一些时间。 事实上，约翰逊内阁的一位高级部长曾表示，在今后50年内，我们都无法预测英国脱欧带来的影响。 从现在起，我们需要维持一个良好积极的局面，以应对脱欧带来的负面影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The New Thirty Years’ War NEW YORK – It is a region wracked by religious struggle between competing traditions of the faith. But the conflict is also between militants and moderates, fueled by neighboring rulers seeking to defend their interests and increase their influence. Conflicts take place within and between states; civil wars and proxy wars become impossible to distinguish. Governments often forfeit control to smaller groups – militias and the like – operating within and across borders. The loss of life is devastating, and millions are rendered homeless. That could be a description of today’s Middle East. In fact, it describes Europe in the first half of the seventeenth century. In the Middle East in 2011, change came after a humiliated Tunisian fruit vendor set himself alight in protest; in a matter of weeks, the region was aflame. In seventeenth-century Europe, a local religious uprising by Bohemian Protestants against the Catholic Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand II triggered that era’s conflagration. Protestants and Catholics alike turned for support to their co-religionists within the territories that would one day become Germany. Many of the era’s major powers, including Spain, France, Sweden, and Austria, were drawn in. The result was the Thirty Years’ War, the most violent and destructive episode in European history until the two world wars of the twentieth century. There are obvious differences between the events of 1618-1648 in Europe and those of 2011-2014 in the Middle East. But the similarities are many – and sobering. Three and a half years after the dawn of the “Arab Spring,” there is a real possibility that we are witnessing the early phase of a prolonged, costly, and deadly struggle; as bad as things are, they could well become worse. The region is ripe for unrest. Most of its people are politically impotent and poor in terms of both wealth and prospects. Islam never experienced something akin to the Reformation in Europe; the lines between the sacred and the secular are unclear and contested. Moreover, national identities often compete with – and are increasingly overwhelmed by – those stemming from religion, sect, and tribe. Civil society is weak. In some countries, the presence of oil and gas discourages the emergence of a diversified economy and, with it, a middle class. Education emphasizes rote learning over critical thinking.", "zh": "新三十年战争 纽约—这是一个被信仰传统相悖的各方之间的宗教斗争蹂躏的地区。 但冲突也存在于军方和温和派之间，并受到试图捍卫自身利益、扩大影响力的邻国统治者的推波助澜。 冲突在国家内部和国家之间存在；内战和代理战争已难以区分。 政府往往无力控制游曳在国内和国家间的军事或其他小集团。 生命的损失触目尽心，更有数百万人流离失所。 这可以是当今中东的写照。 事实上，它描述的是十七世纪上半叶的欧洲。 在2011年的中东，一位受尽屈辱的突尼斯小水果贩自焚以示抗议，拉开了剧变的序幕。 在几周时间里，中东地区已成燎原之势。 在十七世纪的欧洲，一场波西米亚新教徒与信奉天主教的哈布斯堡皇帝费迪南二世的地方宗教冲突引起了一场时代冲突。 新教徒和天主教徒都转向日后成为德国的领地内宗教盟友寻求支持。 许多当时的列强，包括西班牙、法国、瑞典和奥地利，纷纷卷入其中。 结果是三十年战争（Thirty Years’ War ） — —欧洲历史上最暴力、破坏力最强的事件，直到20世纪才被两次世界大战超越。 1618—1648年的欧洲与2011—2014年的中东存在显著不同。 但相似点也很多 — — 并且令人警觉。 在“阿拉伯之春”爆发三年半后，我们正在目睹的极有可能只是一场长期的、代价沉重的、你死我活的斗争的初级阶段；事件极有可能朝着更加糟糕的方向发展。 该地区是动乱的温床。 其大部分人民在政治上孱弱不堪，并且一贫如洗，前途渺茫。 伊斯兰教从未经历过类似于欧洲的宗教革命；宗教和世俗之间的界线模糊不清并且互相冲突。 此外，国家身份通常与宗教、宗派和部落身份冲突，并且被后三者压制。 公民社会十分孱弱。 在一些国家，石油和天然气的存在阻止了多样化经济的产生，中产阶级也无从兴起。 教育强调机械学习而不是批判性思维。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But they don’t address the underlying issues, and they come with their own set of costs, forms of collateral damage, and unintended consequences. The strongest protection against Japanification, then, is a combination of demand- and supply-side measures at the national, regional (in the case of Europe), and global levels. In countries with adequate fiscal space, this could mean looser government budgets and more productivity-enhancing investments (such as in infrastructure, education, and training). And in any country facing skills shortages, increased legal migration and better policies to facilitate labor mobility can help close the gap. Moreover, these policies would need to be accompanied by more effective protections for the most vulnerable segments of the population, particularly when it comes to health, training, and labor retooling. None of this will materialize without better political leadership and more enlightened global policy interactions. Japanification offers three lessons that Western policymakers and politicians have yet to internalize sufficiently. First, structural pressures make prompt action to reverse low growth, disinflation, and zero-to-low interest rates all the more critical. Second, unconventional monetary measures may be necessary, but they certainly are not sufficient. And, third, when crafting the required comprehensive policy response, we must recognize that the hurdles are a lot less technical, and a lot more political.", "zh": "但它们并不解决根本性问题，并且本身也会造成成本，各种附带伤害，以及意料外后果。 因此，针对日本化的最强保护是在国家、地区（如欧洲）和全球层面，需求侧和供给侧措施双管齐下。 在财政空间充裕的国家，这意味着放松政府预算和增加提高生产率的投资（如基础设施、教育和培训 ） 。 而凡是面临技能短缺的国家，增加合法移民和更好地便利劳动力流动的政策有助于弥补缺口。 此外，这些政策必须辅之以更有效地保护人口中最脆弱的群体，特别是在健康、培训和劳动重组方面。 除非有更好的政治领导和更开明的全球政策互动，否则所有这些政策都无法实现。 日本化带来了三个教训，西方决策者和政客还没有充分消化。 首先，结构性压力使得扭转低增长、反通胀和零或低利率动作变得非常关键。 其次，非常规货币措施可能必要条件，但绝非充分条件。 第三，在制定必要的全面政策响应时，我们必须承认，障碍的技术因素很小，而政治因素很大。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There is clearly a trend. The climate threat is so great – and democracies are doing so little about it – that people conclude that maybe democracy is part of the problem, and that perhaps people ought not to be allowed to express heterodox opinions on such an important topic. This is scary, although not without historical precedent. Much of the American McCarthyism of the 1940’s and 1950’s was driven by the same burning faith in the righteousness of the mission – a faith that saw fundamental rights abrogated. We would be well served to go down a different path. Gore and others often argue that if the science of climate change concludes that CO2 emissions are harmful, it follows that we should stop those harmful emissions – and that we are morally obliged to do so. But this misses half the story. We could just as well point out that since science tells us that speeding cars kill many people, we should cut speed limits to almost nothing. We do no such thing, because we recognize that the costs of high-speed cars must be weighed against the benefits of a mobile society. Indeed, nobody emits CO2 for fun. CO2 emissions result from other, generally beneficial acts, such as burning coal to keep warm, burning kerosene to cook, or burning gas to transport people. The benefits of fossil fuels must be weighed against the costs of global warming. Gore and Hansen want a moratorium on coal-fired power plants, but neglect the fact that the hundreds of new power plants that will be opened in China and India in the coming years could lift a billion people out of poverty. Negating this outcome through a moratorium is clearly no unmitigated good. Likewise, reasonable people can differ on their interpretation of the Waxman-Markey bill. Even if we set aside its masses of pork-barrel spending, and analyses that show it may allow more emissions in the US for the first decades, there are more fundamental problems with this legislation. At a cost of hundreds of billions of dollars annually, it will have virtually no impact on climate change.", "zh": "这个趋势显而易见，因为气候变化的威胁如此之大 — — 而民主制度对此却鲜有建树 — — 因此人们得出结论说民主制度也是问题的一部分，并以此认为不该有人在这么一个重要的议题上表达离经叛道的观点。 但上述看法不但耸人听闻，而且也是有历史教训的。 比如1940~1950年代美国的麦卡锡主义，其绝大部分行动就是被同样一种义愤填膺，且自以为正当的所谓使命感所推动 — — 而正是这种使命感剥夺了人们的基本权利。 如果我们选择第二条道路，那我们的境况会变得更好。 戈尔和其他人经常争辩说如果气候变化研究能证明二氧化碳排放是有害的，那么人们就该停止排放 — — 而人们是有道义责任去这样做的。 但这些话只说对了一半，因为研究同样也证明超速驾车造成了大量伤亡，因此把限速指标下降到蜗牛那样就最好了。 但没人这么做，因为大家都意识到，必须在车速所引致的伤亡和汽车带来的好处之间权衡利弊。 事实上，没人会闲着无聊去排放什么二氧化碳。 二氧化碳的排放是其他行为的结果，而这些行为往往是有益的，比如燃煤取暖，烧油煮饭或者是消耗汽油用于交通运输。 因此燃烧矿物燃料所带来的好处应该和全球变暖所带来的成本相权衡。 戈尔和汉森希望能推迟火电厂的建设，但却忽视了未来几年即将在中国和���度建成的数百座火电厂将帮助近十亿人脱离贫困。 相比之下，用推迟的方式毁掉了这一成果显然得不偿失。 同样地，理性的人们可以对华克斯曼-马基气候变化法案进行不同的解读。 即使我们把法案中大量公饱私囊的“政治分肥”忽略不计，并将法案可能允许美国在其生效的头十年内排放更多温室气体的分析放在一边，这一立法依然存在着许多根本性问题。 作为一个每年耗费上千亿美元的法案，它却对气候变化实际上没有任何影响。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America Is (Sort of) Back TEL AVIV – In the first foreign-policy speech of his presidency, Joe Biden had a simple message for the world: “America is back.” But restoring the credibility of US diplomacy and implementing an effective foreign policy will be an uphill battle. To his credit, Biden is taking steps to reverse many of Donald Trump’s most damaging policies. As he noted in his speech, he already signed the paperwork to re-join the Paris climate agreement and has reengaged with the World Health Organization. Biden also announced the suspension of Trump’s planned troop withdrawals from Germany – a clear attempt to reassure America’s alienated European allies. Moreover, he warned Russian President Vladimir Putin that the days of the United States “rolling over in the face of Russia’s aggressive actions … are over.” And he pledged to end US support for the Saudi-led offensive in Yemen, and to step up diplomacy to end the catastrophic war. At the same time, Biden seems poised to uphold some of Trump’s more sensible policies. Notably, Trump was resolute in his desire to avoid “stupid, endless” wars in the Middle East, and he withdrew US troops from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan, resigning himself to the Afghan Taliban’s return to power. Biden is likely to take a similar approach (which, to be sure, began with Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama). And for good reason: the US has expended vast amounts of blood and treasure in the Middle East, and has very little to show for it. As for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Biden has endorsed the Trump-brokered Abraham Accords between Israel and a number of Arab countries, even though they represented a strategic setback for the Palestinian cause. While he is not expected to endorse Trump’s bogus Israeli-Palestinian peace plan, he also seems unlikely to invest much political capital in advancing the two-state solution – by now a lost cause. But there remain major foreign-policy tests ahead. Start with Iran, which Biden barely mentioned in his recent speech.", "zh": "美国（某种程度上）的回归 特拉维夫—在就任总统以后的首次外交政策演讲中，乔·拜登向世界传达了一个简明扼要的信息 ： “ 美国已经回归 。 ” 但恢复美国外交政策公信力及落实有效的外交政策将不啻于一场艰苦的战争。 值得称道的是，拜登正在采取措施，竭力扭转唐纳德·特朗普实行的绝大多数破坏性措施。 正如他在讲话中所指出的那样，他已经签署了重新加入巴黎气候协定的文件，并且重新接触了世界卫生组织。 拜登还宣布暂停特朗普从德国撤军的计划 — — 这显然是为安抚与美国关系日益疏远的欧洲盟国。 此外，他还警告俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京，美国“屈从于俄罗斯侵略性行动的日子…已经结束 。 ” 他还承诺，结束美国对沙特所领导也门攻势的支持，并且强化外交斡旋来结束这场灾难性的战争。 与此同时，拜登似乎准备支持特朗普某些相对明智的政策。 值得注意的是，特朗普坚决希望避免在中东卷入“愚蠢、无休止”的战争，而他撤回了驻叙利亚、伊拉克和阿富汗等国的美军，虽不情愿但却接受权力重新回到阿富汗塔利班的手中。 拜登很有可能延续类似的策略（可以肯定，从特朗普的前任巴拉克·奥巴马开始，上述策略就已经落地生根 ） 。 而且拜登这样做的理由非常充分：美国已经在中东地区耗费了大量的鲜血和财富，但却几乎没有留下可供炫耀的资本。 在以巴冲突问题上，拜登已经认可了在特朗普斡旋下以色列和若干阿拉伯国家所达成的亚伯拉罕协议，即使这样做会对巴勒斯坦解放事业构成战略性的打击。 尽管外界预测他不会支持特朗普伪造的以巴和平计划，但他似乎也不太可能为推进现在已然是失败事业的两国方案投入过多的政治资本。 但未来依然不乏重大的外交政策考验。 首先是伊朗，拜登在最近的讲话中，几乎没有提到伊朗问题。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Desecrating a shrine, defacing a cross, or, in the US, burning a flag, is an aggressive and insulting act, one that causes real pain for believers. It may incite a conversation, but it does so from a position of profound disrespect. Charlie Hebdo, of course, used humor precisely to challenge sacred cows. And its editors bravely and nobly stood by their convictions, even when their lives were threatened. We should uphold their right to publish. But to embrace the images they published as a statement of Enlightenment conviction weakens the values that are essential to a civilized society. The new issue of Charlie Hebdo, which featured another image of the Prophet on its cover, sparked protest marches in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kuwait, Lebanon, and Tunisia. Commenting on the intensity of these protests, Iyad El-Baghdadi, a self-described “Islamic libertarian,” aptly tweeted: “Unapologetic hatred is going mainstream everywhere. I worry for our world.” Mobilizing mass demonstrations around whether you “are” or “are not” Charlie Hebdo invites demagoguery from extreme factions in all societies that gain from fueling sectarian conflict. The easiest way to compound the tragedy in Paris would be to use the deaths of Charlie Hebdo’s editor, Stéphane Charbonnier, and 11 others to fan the flames of religious hatred. Surely we can defend people’s right to express themselves without approving or endorsing their views.", "zh": "亵渎神社、丑化十字架、或在美国焚烧国旗都属于冒犯和侮辱行为，会引起信仰者的真正痛苦。 它可能会引起对话，但是以大不敬的姿态引起的。 当然 ， 《 查理周刊》运用的幽默恰恰挑战了神明。 它的编辑们勇敢而优雅地捍卫自己的主张，即使生命受到威胁。 我们应该坚持他们的出版权利。 但将他们所出版的形象作为启蒙运动信念的表达则削弱了对文明社会至关重要的价值。 新一期《查理周刊》在封面上又刊登了一幅先知漫画，在巴基斯坦、阿富汗、科威特、黎巴嫩和叙利亚造成反对大游行。 自称“伊斯兰自由派”的伊亚德·巴格达迪（Iyad El-Baghdadi）在Tweet上评论了这些游行的强度，他恰当地指出 ： “ 无悔意的仇恨到处都在成为主流。 我为世界担心 。 ” 动员广大群众就你“是”或“不是 ” 《 查理周刊》举行示威不啻在所有得益于不断升温的宗派冲突的社会中煽动极端派系。 加剧巴黎悲剧的最佳办法莫过于用《查理周刊》编辑查波涅尔（Stéphane Charbonnier）和其他11人的死煽动宗教仇恨之火。 当然，我们可以捍卫人们表达自我的权利而不认可或支持他们的观点。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Putin Wants in Syria NEW YORK – On February 7-8, according to Western sources, a US-led airstrike on forces aligned with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad killed at least 300 Russians, all working for the private military firm Wagner. Russia’s Foreign Ministry, however, claims that only five Russian citizens, with no connection to Russia’s armed forces, were killed and a few dozen wounded. Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has even condemned Western reports about the deaths as “attempts to speculate on war.” At first glance, Russia’s response is somewhat surprising. At a time of rising tensions with the United States, the attack amounted to a golden opportunity for the Kremlin to condemn its rival. And, typically, Russia seizes such opportunities: just recently, Russia’s United Nations envoy, Vasily Nebenzya, attacked his US counterpart, Nikki Haley, for calling Vladimir Putin’s “legitimately elected” government a “regime.” Moreover, Russia is eager to hail its countrymen killed in battle as heroes. The military pilot Roman Filipov, killed in battle a few days before the US airstrike, has been celebrated for his valor. Andrei Malakhov, a television personality on the Kremlin-affiliated Rossiya 1 TV network, is now in Syria shooting a documentary about Filipov. Yet, in the case of the US-led strike, it was not Russian soldiers who died, but mercenaries, whose participation in the conflict reflects the Kremlin’s desire to maintain plausible deniability.", "zh": "普京在叙利亚想要什么 纽约—据西方信报，2月7—8日美国领导的针对叙利亚总统巴沙尔·阿萨德派系武装的空袭杀死了至少300名俄罗斯人，他们都是私人武装企业瓦格纳公司（Wagner）的员工。 但俄罗斯外交部宣城只有五名俄罗斯公民死亡，另有几十人受伤，他们和俄罗斯武装部队都没有关系。 俄外交部长拉夫罗夫（Sergei Lavrov）甚至西方谴责的伤亡报道是“妄度战争 ” 。 乍一看，俄罗斯的反应有些出人意料。 在与美国关系日益紧张的当前，这次袭击可以说为克里姆林宫提供了谴责对手的黄金机会。 而在通常情况下，俄罗斯也不会放过这样的机会：最近俄罗斯驻联合国代表涅边贾（Vasily Nebeznya）抨击他的美国对手哈雷（Nikki Haley）将普京“合法当选”的政府称为“政权 ” 。 此外，俄罗斯很热衷授予在战争中牺牲的国民英雄称号。 在美国空袭前几天牺牲于一场战斗中的俄空军飞行员菲利波夫（Roman Filipov）便以其英勇事迹被俄国人民争相传颂。 克里姆林宫支持的Rossiya 1电视网络工作人员马拉可夫（Andrei Malakhov）正在叙利亚拍摄关于菲利波夫的纪录片。 但在美国领导的空袭一事中，死亡的不是俄罗斯士兵，而是雇佣兵，他们加入叙利亚冲突表明克里姆林宫既希望介入叙利亚又不愿承认。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Given this, the European Investment Bank – a longstanding source of energy investment in Africa – should approve an existing proposal to halt all lending for fossil fuel-reliant energy projects by the end of 2020. As for Africans, they are already promoting sustainable development. The African Union’s Agenda 2063, created in 2013, set an ambitious blueprint for attaining sustainable and inclusive growth over the subsequent half-century. The African Renewable Energy Initiative (AREI), founded in 2015, focuses on drastically increasing the use of renewables, while expanding overall energy access. On the ground, solar mini-grids are delivering cheap renewable energy to communities across Africa, increasingly at competitive prices (relative to comparably sized diesel-powered grids). Solar home systems and clean-cooking solutions (which use cleaner, more modern equipment and fuels) are also providing cost-competitive clean energy access. In East Africa, households equipped with solar systems saved an estimated $750 each on kerosene and eliminated 1.3 tons of carbon dioxide over the first four years of use. What a Green New Deal must do is bring such innovations to scale, through coordinated public and private investment in wind- and solar-power generation – both on- and off-grid – and support for the deployment of clean-cooking solutions. This should be integrated with broader efforts to foster green industrialization and entrepreneurship. Substantial funding is already on offer.", "zh": "因此，欧洲投资银行 — — 非洲能源投资的老牌来源 — — 应该批准一项已有方案，到2020年年底中止所有依赖化石燃料的能源项目贷款。 至于非洲人民，他们已经开始推动而可持续发展。 2013年出台的非盟2063日程，为此后半个世纪的可持续和包容性增长制定了一个雄心勃勃的蓝图。 成立于2015年的非洲可再生能源计划（AREI ） ， 聚焦于大幅提高可再生能源的使用，同时扩大总体能源普及度。 在非洲，太阳能迷你电网为整个大洲的社区输送廉价可再生能源，价格日益具有竞争力（相对于可比规模的柴油发电电网 ） 。 太阳能家庭系统和情节烹饪方案（使用更清洁、更现代的设备和燃料）也在普及高性价比清洁能源。 在东非，装了太阳能系统的家庭在使用的前四年可以节约大约750美元的煤油费用和大约1.3吨的二氧化碳排放。 绿色新政必须要做到一点，即要让这些创新规模化，这需要风能和太阳能发电 — — 不管是在网还是网下 — — 的公共和私人投资协作，以及对清洁烹饪部署方案的支持。 这应该纳入到培养绿色工业化和企业家精神的更加广泛的政策中。 已有大量资金可以提供。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There is no denying that strong bilateral ties are good for Greece’s economy and security. But our proactive policy of rapprochement was not designed merely to serve national interests. It was part of a regional vision to promote stability from the Balkans to the Middle East. As a result, Greece and Turkey cooperated in humanitarian efforts in Kosovo and undertook a joint peace mission to Israel and Palestine. Greece and Turkey also worked together to prevent the war in Iraq from spilling over into neighboring countries. Greek-Turkish rapprochement has created the framework for closer relations between Turkey and the EU. As a progressive party, PASOK has every interest in Turkey’s progress on democratic reforms. That is why we have always supported a real rather than “virtual” European candidacy for Turkey – with full rights, but also with full responsibilities for completing the domestic reforms that have so far been implemented as a result of Turkey’s enhanced “Accession Partnership” with the EU. Turkey’s governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) was elected on a pro-European platform, reflecting the public’s demand for modernization and democratization. The biggest obstacles to membership are Turkey’s record on human and minority rights and the inordinate power of the military. Clear EU benchmarks and targets for reform will help, but it is now up to the AKP government to show the necessary political will to fulfill its membership obligations. However, Turks are all too aware of the passions that their country’s EU candidacy stokes in Europe. Several EU leaders have claimed that Turkish membership would spark a wave of migration and strain the European economy. Others see no place for a Muslim country in Europe. None of these objections is persuasive. If properly managed, migration can enhance Europe’s cultural wealth and meet its labor-market needs, as fertility rates in the EU fall and its population ages. Immigrants come to Europe in large measure because Europe needs them. At the same time, to deny Turkey a European future on religious grounds is to deny our Union’s diversity.", "zh": "改变人们根深蒂固观念不可能一蹴而就：它需要有一个从基层到政治权力的高层进行信心塑造的，渐进式的过程。 5年过去了，事实胜于雄辩。 希腊和土耳其在从贸易和能源到环境保护和打击有组织犯罪的诸多领域签署了18个互利的协议。 无庸置疑，良好的双边关系对于希腊的经济和安全都是大有好处的。 然而我们前瞻性的睦邻友好政策并不仅仅服务于国家利益。 它也是促进我们从巴尔干到中东的邻近国家稳定的区域性理想的一部分。 其结果是希腊和土耳其在科索沃的人道主义行动中携手合作，并在巴勒斯坦和以色列联手执行过一项维和行动。 希腊与土耳其还协同努力防止伊拉克的战火蔓延到邻国。 希土之间的睦邻友好关系也为欧盟和土耳其之间建立更紧密的关系创建了一个框架。 作为一个进步政党，PASOK非常关注土耳其国内改革的进程。 这就是为什么我们一直倡议给予土耳其真正的，而不是“虚拟的”候选国资格。 这会使其享有所有的权利，但同时也要承担所有的责任 - - 与欧盟的强化后的“入盟伙伴关系”引导下实施内部改革的责任。 土耳其的执政党，正义与发展党(AKP) 大选的胜利是建立在一个亲欧洲的平台之上，这反映了公众对现代化和民主化的要求。 土耳其在人权和少数民族权利方面的记录及其军队的权力混乱是其加入欧盟的最大障碍。 但土耳其人非常清楚他们国家的入盟候选在欧洲所激起的抗拒声浪。 几位欧盟领导人宣称土耳其加入欧盟会引发一股移民潮，从而给欧洲的经济发展造成压力。 其他人索性认为欧洲没有穆斯林国家的立足之地。 然而这两种反对意见都不具有说服力。 在欧盟各国人口的生育率下降，老龄化日益严重的情况下，如果管理得当，移民可以增加欧洲的文化财富，并满足劳务市场的需求。 数量众多的移民涌入欧洲是因为欧洲需要他们。 同时，以宗教为由拒绝土耳其融入欧洲也就等于是否认我们这个联盟现有的多元化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America Has Stopped Playing by the Monetary Rules BEIJING – In The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War, historian Nicholas Mulder reminds us that even when Britain and Russia were savagely battling each other during the 1853-56 Crimean War, they continued to service their debts to each other. Likewise, when hedge funds launched predatory attacks on Asian currencies during the 1990s Asian financial crisis, they ultimately still played by the rules (even though their unethical behavior brought some East Asian countries’ economic progress to a halt). The United States’ February 28 decision to freeze around half of Russia’s foreign-exchange reserves would seem to fall into a different category. Though the US has taken similar actions against Iran, Venezuela, and Afghanistan, Chinese economists thought those were exceptional situations and find it shocking that the US would carry out such measures against Russia. The international financial system is based on the trust that all participants will play by the rules, and honoring debt obligations is one of the most important rules there is. Whatever the justification, freezing a country’s foreign-exchange reserves is a blatant breach of that trust. The US, which issues the main global reserve currency, is jeopardizing its financial credibility for the sake of some elusive short-term tactical advantages. That is a big mistake. For many years, China’s ability to amass foreign-exchange reserves was a symbol of its burgeoning economic success. But this has been a controversial issue since the mid-1990s (when China’s reserves reached $100 billion), because the purpose of trade is not to earn ever-greater foreign-exchange reserves, but rather to to participate in the international division of labor in a way that improves resource allocation across borders. The Asian financial crisis in 1997 seemed to vindicate the argument that China needed large foreign-exchange reserves with which to fend off predatory attacks by international speculators. By 2003, China’s reserves had quadrupled to $400 billion, and there was growing international pressure on Chinese authorities to allow the renminbi to appreciate. But they were reluctant to do so, because they didn’t want to cause a slowdown in export growth. China’s vast foreign-exchange holdings thus continued to increase at an accelerated pace. Then came the 2008 global financial crisis, which compelled China to recognize that its foreign-exchange reserves might be in jeopardy.", "zh": "美国已不再尊重货币规则 北京—在《经济武器：作为现代战争工具的制裁的兴起 》 （ The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War）中，历史学家尼古拉斯·穆德（Nicholas Mulder）提醒我们，即使英国和俄罗斯在 1853-56 年的克里米亚战争期间进行了激烈的战斗，他们仍继续彼此偿还债务。 同样，当对冲基金在 1990 年代亚洲金融危机期间对亚洲货币发起掠夺性攻击时，它们说到底还是在照章办事（尽管它们的不道德行为导致一些东亚国家的经济发展停滞不前 ） 。 美国 2 月 28 日决定冻结俄罗斯大约一半的外汇储备有些不一样。 尽管美国对伊朗、委内瑞拉和阿富汗采取了类似的行动，但中国经济学家认为这是特殊情况，而美国对俄罗斯采取此类措施则让他们感到震惊。 国际金融体系建立在所有参与者都会遵守规则的信任之上，而履行债务义务是最重要的规则之一。 无论有什么理由，冻结一个国家的外汇储备都是公然违反这种信任的行为。 发行主要全球储备货币的美国，为了一些模糊的短期战术优势，正在危及其金融信誉。 这是一个很大的错误。 多年来，中国积累外汇储备的能力是其迅速发展的经济成功的象征。 但自 1990 年代中期（当时中国的外汇储备达到 1000 亿美元）以来，这成为一个有争议的问题，因为贸易的目的不是为了赚取越来越多的外汇储备，而是为了以一种改善跨境资源配置的方式参与国际分工。 1997 年亚洲金融危机似乎证明了中国需要大量外汇储备来抵御国际投机者的掠夺性攻击的论点。 到 2003 年，中国的外汇储备翻了两番，达到 4000亿美元，出现了越来越大的国际压力要求中国当局允许人民币升值。 但中国不愿意这样做，因为不想导致出口增长放缓。 因此，中国庞大的外汇持有量继续加速增长。 然后是 2008 年全球金融危机，这迫使中国认识到其外汇储备可能处于危险之中。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While reducing the annual flow of emissions by, say, 2050 would be a positive step, it does not necessarily guarantee success in terms of limiting the eventual rise in global temperature. From a climate perspective, the temperature rise over time is arguably more a function of the size of the fossil-fuel resource base and the efficiency of extraction at a given energy price. As supply-chain efficiency increases, so does the eventual extraction and use of resources and, ultimately, the accumulation of CO2 in the atmosphere. This means that efficiency may drive, not limit, the increase in emissions. In fact, since the Industrial Revolution, efficiency through innovation has revolutionized just a handful of core energy-conversion inventions: the internal combustion engine, the electric motor, the light bulb, the gas turbine, the steam engine, and, more recently, the electronic circuit. In all of these cases, the result of greater efficiency has been an increase in energy use and emissions – not least because it improved access to the fossil-resource base. Countries’ efforts to rely on renewable energy supplies are similarly ineffective, given that the displaced fossil-fuel-based energy remains economically attractive, which means that it is used elsewhere or later. And, in the case of rapidly developing economies like China, renewable-energy deployment is not replacing fossil fuels at all; instead, renewables are supplementing a constrained fuel supply to facilitate faster economic growth. In short, placing all bets on renewable-energy uptake outpacing efficiency-driven growth, and assuming that enhanced efficiency will drive down demand, may be a foolish gamble. Instead, policymakers should adopt a new climate paradigm that focuses on limiting cumulative emissions. This requires, first and foremost, recognizing that, while new energy technologies will eventually outperform fossil fuels both practically and economically, demand for fossil fuels to meet growing energy needs will underpin their extraction and use for decades to come. Most important, it highlights the need for climate policy that focuses on the deployment of CCS systems, which use various industrial processes to capture CO2 from fossil-fuel use and then store it in underground geological formations, where it cannot accumulate in the biosphere. After all, consuming a ton of fossil fuel, but capturing and storing the emissions, is very different from shifting or delaying its consumption. Unfortunately, a policy framework built on this thinking remains elusive.", "zh": "尽管到（比如）2050年实现每年的排放流减少是个积极的进步，但这并不能保证阻止全球温度最终上升等目标的成功。 从气候角度看，温度随时间升高更大程度上是化石燃料资源基础规模和给定能源价格上的开采效率的函数。 随着供应链效率的增加，资源的最终开采和使用量也会增加，从而大气中的二氧化碳积累量也会增加。 这意味着效率��能促进而不是限制排放的增加。 事实上，自工业革命以来，通过创新实现效率的做法仅仅实现了极少数核心能源转换发明：内燃机、电动马达、电灯泡、燃气轮机、蒸汽机、以及更为晚近的电路等。 在所有这些例子中，效率提高的结果都是能源使用和排放的增加 — — 不仅是因为这让获得化石燃料资源基础更加容易了。 类似地，各国依赖可再生能源的努力也没什么效果，因为被取代的基于化石燃料的能源仍然具有经济吸引力，这意味着会在其他国家或其他时间使用。 此外，对于中国等快速发展的经济体，可再生能源部署完全没有取代化石燃料；相反，可再生能源构成了燃料供给约束，妨碍了更快的经济增长。 简言之，完全寄希望于可再生能源的利用超过效率推进型增长、认为效率的强化能拉低需求很可能只是自欺欺人。 相反，决策者应该采取新的气候范式，将注意力集中在限制累计排放量上。 这首先需要决策者认识到，尽管新能源技术最终会在实用性和经济性两方面胜过化石燃料，但使用化石燃料满足能源需要增长的要求将在未来几十年中继续支撑化石燃料的开采和使用。 最重要的是，这凸显出我们需要专注于部署CCS体系的气候变化的重要性。 CCS使用各种工业过程捕捉化石燃料使用过程中释放的二氧化碳，然后把它们储藏在地下地质构造中，不让它们在生物圈中积累。 毕竟，消费一吨化石燃料但捕捉并储存其排放与改变或推迟化石燃料的消费是完全不同的。 不幸的是，基于这一思维的政策框架仍然有待浮现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It could not have attained its position as the world’s second-largest economy otherwise. But the key to China’s success has been constant experimentation, and the pursuit of that credo appears to have intensified. For example, the networking of telecommunications, roads, rail, air, and maritime transport enabled China to become a global hub for the production of consumer durables, and improve their distribution. More recently, China began to apply the same approach to building a more innovative, knowledge-based economy – one in which the services sectors, together with domestic consumption, drive growth. As a result, the country has increasingly been focusing on the so-called “killer apps” that, according to the historian Niall Ferguson, drove the West’s rise to economic dominance: competition, science, property, modern medicine, consumerism, and an ethic of hard work. In particular, China has worked to boost market competition and foster science and innovation, with progress in these areas underpinned by efforts to improve governance, strengthen mechanisms of accountability, and boost investment in public goods. Crucially, even as China’s specific goals have shifted, its policymakers have adhered to the experimental approach that has served the country so well thus far. Indeed, it was the combination of broad-based education, openness to science and innovation, investment in advanced telecommunications infrastructure, and knowhow in manufacturing smart-phones that fueled China’s rapid advancement in the e-tail and Internet industries. This openness to innovation – along with what some say is lax regulation – also allowed platforms like Alibaba to integrate payments and logistics before many Western players did. China’s “learning by doing” approach is likely to continue to yield innovative solutions to emerging problems. For example, faced with a shrinking labor force, the government has ramped up investment in robotic automation and other productivity-enhancing technologies. The impact on China’s competitiveness of rising real wages – which have been increasing by more than 15% annually since 2008 – will, the country’s leaders expect, ultimately be offset by the benefits of productivity-led growth, not to mention the much-needed increase in domestic consumption. Of course, China’s approach has brought significant stresses, setbacks, and failures.", "zh": "否则中国也无法成为世界第二大经济体。 但中国成功的关键是持续改革实验，并且这方面的执着似乎还在增强。 比如，通讯、公路、铁路、航空和航海的网络化让中国成为全球耐用消费品生产枢纽，也改善了这些产品的分销。 最近，中国开始以同样的改革实践模式来构建更加创新、更加强调知识基础的经济，即由服务业和国内消费驱动的增长。 结果，中国日益重视所谓的“经济发展杀手软件包 ” — —用历史学家尼尔·弗格森（Niall Ferguson）的话说，这类软件包推动了西方崛起成为经济主导力量 — — 他们包括竞争、科学、产权、现代医学、消费主义和努力工作的伦理。 特别是，中国致力于刺激市场竞争和推进科学与创新。 中国在这些领域获得进步的三个基础指标是：改善治理、强化问责机制、有效的公共品投资。 至关重要的是，即使中国的具体目标发生了改变，其决策者也一直坚持了到目前为止让中国取得巨大成功的实验主义方针。 事实上，宽基础教育、向科学和创新开放、投资先进通讯基础设施、以及智能手机制造技术所组成的合力，让中国在电子和互联网行业迅速崛起。 向创新的开放 — — 以及一些人所谓的宽松监管 — — 也让阿里巴巴等平台得以抢在西方竞争对手之前整合支付和物流服务。 中国的“干中学（摸着石头过河 ） ” 的政策有望继续产生对新问题的创新性解决办法。 比如，面临劳动力减少的局面，中国政府与企业加大了对机器人自动化和其它提高生产率的技术的投资。 中国领导人期望，由于实际工资的迅速增长（2008年以来每年增加了15 % ） 对中国竞争力的影响，最终可以由生产率增长所带来的收益以及急需的国内消费增长来抵消。 当然，中国的“干中学”改革实践也带来了巨大的压力，包括一些领域的倒退及失败。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Silence in the court! Charles Darnay had yesterday pleaded Not Guilty to an indictment denouncing him (with infinite jingle and jangle) for that he was a false traitor to our serene, illustrious, excellent, and so forth, prince, our Lord the King, by reason of his having, on divers occasions, and by divers means and ways, assisted Lewis, the French King, in his wars against our said serene, illustrious, excellent, and so forth; that was to say, by coming and going, between the dominions of our said serene, illustrious, excellent, and so forth, and those of the said French Lewis, and wickedly, falsely, traitorously, and otherwise evil-adverbiously, revealing to the said French Lewis what forces our said serene, illustrious, excellent, and so forth, had in preparation to send to Canada and North America. This much, Jerry, with his head becoming more and more spiky as the law terms bristled it, made out with huge satisfaction, and so arrived circuitously at the understanding that the aforesaid, and over and over again aforesaid, Charles Darnay, stood there before him upon his trial; that the jury were swearing in; and that Mr. Attorney-General was making ready to speak.", "zh": "法庭里鸦雀无声！查尔斯·达尔内昨天对公诉提出了无罪申辩。那公诉状里有数不清的响亮言辞，说他是一个丧心病狂的叛徒，出卖了我们沉静的、辉煌的、杰出的、如此等等的君主、国王、主子。因为他在不同的时机，采用了不同的方式方法，帮助了法国国王路易进攻我们上述的沉静的、辉煌的、杰出的、如此等等的国王。这就是说，他在我们上述的沉静的、辉煌的、杰出的、如此等等的国王的国土和上述的法国国王路易的国土上穿梭往来，从而十恶不赦地、背信弃义地、大逆不道地，诸如此类地向上述法国国王路易透露了我们上述的沉静的、辉煌的、杰出的、如此等等的国王已经部署齐备打算派遣到加拿大和北美洲的兵力。法律文件里芒铩森然，杰瑞的脑袋上也渐渐毛发直竖，揸开了铁蒺藜，他经过种种曲折之后才大为满足地获得了结论，懂得了上述那个一再被重复提起的查尔斯·达尔内此时正站在他面前受审，陪审团正在宣誓；检察长先生已准备好发言。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Half-a-Loaf Growth MILAN – At a time of lackluster economic growth, countries around the world are attempting to devise and implement strategies to spur and sustain recovery. The key word is strategy: to succeed, policymakers must ensure that measures to open the economy, boost public investment, enhance macroeconomic stability, and increase reliance on markets and incentives for resource allocation are implemented in reasonably complete packages. Pursuing only some of these objectives produces distinctly inferior results. China provides a telling example. Before Deng Xiaoping launched the policy of “reform and opening up” in 1978, the country had relatively high levels of public-sector investment. But the centrally planned economy lacked market incentives and was largely closed to the global economy’s major markets for goods, investment, and technology. As a result, returns on public investment were modest, and China’s economic performance was mediocre. China’s economic transformation began with the introduction in the 1980s of market incentives in the agricultural sector. These reforms were followed by a gradual opening to the global economy, a process that accelerated in the early 1990s. Economic growth surged ahead, and returns on public investment soared, reaching an annual growth rate above 9% of GDP, shortly after the reforms were implemented. The key to a successful growth strategy is to ensure that policies reinforce and enhance one another. For example, boosting returns on public investment – critical to any growth plan – demands complementary policies and conditions, in areas ranging from resource allocation to the institutional environment. In terms of effectiveness, the policy package is more than the sum of its parts. Of course, the specific portfolio of policies varies depending on the stage of a country’s development; early-stage growth dynamics are distinctly different from those in middle-income and advanced countries. But the imperative is the same. Just as a developing China achieved rapid growth only when a comprehensive policy package was implemented, the advanced countries struggling to restore sustainable growth patterns today have found that incomplete policy packages produce slow recoveries and below-potential growth and job creation. Consider the post-crisis performance of the European Union and the United States. Though both have had their share of problems, the US is performing somewhat better (though it still faces major challenges in generating middle-income employment).", "zh": "“半个面包”增长 米兰—在经济增长萎靡的时期，全球各国都在尝试构思和实施刺激和维持复苏的战略。 这里的关键词是战略：要想成功，决策者必须保证这些措施能开放经济、提振公共投资、加强宏观经济稳定、增加市场恢复力、资源配置激励以合理且完整的方案实施。 只追求其中几个目标所产生的结果会大大下降。 中国就是一个绝佳的例子。 1978年邓小平启动“改革开放”政策之前，中国公共部门投资相对较高。 但中央计划经济缺少市场激励，也基本对全球经济的主要商品、投资和技术市场封闭。 结果，公共投资回报十分平庸，中国经济表现也十分低下。 中国的经济转型起始于20世纪80年代在农业部门中引入市场激励。 随后是逐渐向全球经济开放的过程，这一过程在20世纪90年代有所加速。 经济增长大踏步向前，公共投资回报也大幅上升，改革是时候不久年GDP增长率就达到了9%以上。 成功增长战略的关键是确保政策之间要相互加强和强化。 比如，提振公共投资回报 — — 对任何增长计划，这一点都是关键 — — 需要相辅相成的政策和条件，从资源配置到制度环境在内的诸多领域都是如此。 就效率而言，一揽子政策要大于各部分之和。 当然，政策组合的具体内容要根据一国发展阶段而定；早期阶段增长动态与中等收入和发达国家截然不同。 但重要性是一样的。 正如发展中的中国在实施了全面一揽子政策后才实现了高速增长，如今挣扎于重塑可持续增长模式的发达国家发现，全面的政策计划组合只能产生缓慢复苏和低于潜力的增长和就业创造。 以欧盟和美国在危机后的表现为例。 尽管两大经济体问题相似，但美国的表现要更好一些（尽管它仍面临创造中等收入就业机会的巨大挑战 ） 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The first, critical step is to adopt a mission-oriented approach that focuses both public and private investments on achieving a clearly defined common goal: developing an effective COVID-19 vaccine(s) that can be produced at global scale rapidly and made universally available for free. Realizing this aim will require firm rules regarding intellectual property (IP), pricing, and manufacturing, designed and enforced in ways that value international collaboration and solidarity, rather than competition between countries. Second, to maximize the impact on public health, the innovation ecosystem must be steered to use collective intelligence to accelerate advances. Science and medical innovation thrives and progresses when researchers exchange and share knowledge openly, enabling them to build upon one another’s successes and failures in real time. But today’s proprietary science does not follow that model. Instead, it promotes secretive competition, prioritizes regulatory approval in wealthy countries over wide availability and global public-health impact, and erects barriers to technological diffusion. And, although voluntary IP pools like the one that Costa Rica has proposed to the World Health Organization can be helpful, they risk being ineffective as long as private, for-profit companies are allowed to retain control over critical technologies and data – even when these were generated with public investments. Moreover, collective steering is vital in order to select and pursue the most promising potential vaccines. Otherwise, marketing authorization may go to the best-resourced candidate rather than the most suitable one. Third, countries must take the lead in building and buttressing manufacturing capabilities, particularly in the developing world. While an effective COVID-19 vaccine probably will not be available for another 12-18 months, a concerted effort is needed now to put in place the public and private capacity and infrastructure needed to produce rapidly the billions of doses that will be required. Because we don’t know yet which vaccine will prove most effective, we may need to invest in a range of assets and technologies. This poses a technological and financial risk that can be overcome only with the help of entrepreneurial states backed by collective, public-interest-driven financing, such as from national and regional development banks, the World Bank, and philanthropic foundations. Finally, conditions for ensuring global, equitable, and affordable access must be built into any vaccine-development program from the start.", "zh": "关键的第一步是采用以任务为导向的方法，将公共和私人投资都集中在有明确意义的共同目标上：开发有效的2019冠状病毒疫苗，这种疫苗可以在全球范围内快速生产并广泛地免费提供。 要实现这一目标，就需要有关知识产权(IP ) 、 定价和制造的牢固规则，其设计和实施应重视国际合作与团结，而不是国家之间的竞争。 其次，为了最大程度地提高创新生态系统对公共卫生的影响，必须引导其利用集体智慧来加速进步。 当研究人员公开交流和共享知识时，科学和医学创新便会蓬勃发展，从而使他们能够实时借鉴彼此的成功和失败。 但是如今专利保护制度下的科学并不遵循这种模式，相反，它促进了私底下的竞争。 它让技术的广泛获得以及对于全球公共卫生的影响让位于在富裕国家获得监管批准，并为技术扩散设置了障碍。 而且，尽管像哥斯达黎加向世界卫生组织提议的那样，自愿性知识产权池可能会有所帮助，但只要允许私有的，以营利为目的的公司保留对关键技术和数据的控制，它们就有可能失效，尽管那些通过公共投资产生的。 此外，集体引导对于选择和追求最有希望的潜在疫苗至关重要。 否则，营销授权可能会分配给疫苗资源最丰富的候选人，而不是最合适的候选人。 第三，国家必须带头建立和加强制造能力，特别是在发展中国家。 尽管有效的2019冠状病毒疫苗可能还要再等12-18个月才会面世，但现在我们需要齐心协力来提高公共和私营部门的能力，并加强基础设施建设，以迅速生产所需的数十亿剂量。 由于我们尚不知道哪种疫苗最有效，因此我们可能需要投资一系列资产和技术。 这带来了技术和金融风险，只有在由国家和地区开发银行、世界银行和慈善基金会等集体的公共利益驱动的融资支持下的企业型国家的帮助下，才能克服这种风险。 最后，疫苗开发计划必须满足确保全球可平等共享的条件。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Restaurant chains such as McDonald’s, for example, have transformed agriculture around the world with their homogenizing requirements for meat, bread, potatoes, and the like. Under the assumption that consistency equals quality, variation in the size or color of, say, tomatoes has come to be considered bad (unless one calls them “heirloom” tomatoes and emphasizes their uniqueness). In schools, too, pre-packaged foods are now considered better than hand-prepared foods, not only because they can be set out again on Tuesday if the kids do not eat them on Monday, but also because they all look alike. This trend is now being reversed in school food, thanks to legislative innovations such as allowing a preference (of up to about 10%) for locally grown products. But there is another issue: serving better school lunches often requires restoring the food-preparation facilities that existed before. Instead of loading docks to unpack boxes and store packages, schools need stoves, refrigerators, cooking utensils, and serving dishes, among other things. One speaker at the National Gathering noted that it is easier to obtain funding for capital equipment than for daily food purchases. And vendors such as Revolution Foods, founded by two mothers of school-age children, provide not only food, but also nutrition curricula for students, and even vocational training for food workers. Like most large-scale social change, the shift to mass consumption of healthier food requires both awareness and capacity. Just as recycling has gained currency through both regulation and a new social consciousness, vendors who learn how to sell healthy food to schools may someday tap a much larger adult market, whether because of regulation, a change in expectations, or the simple fact that their customers have grown up.", "zh": "比如，麦当劳等食品连锁店通过其均质化的肉、面包、土豆等原料的需求改变了全世界的农业。 在一致性等于质量的假设下，大小和颜色异常的（比如）西红柿被认为是劣等的（除非有人称它们是“传家宝”西红柿，强调它们的独特性 ） 。 学校也是如此，如今预包装食品被认为比手工准备的食品更优等，不仅因为它们可以在孩子们星期一没有吃掉的情况下在星期二继续拿出来吃，也因为它们看起来都一样。 这一趋势在校园餐领域正在发生逆转，这要归因于立法创新，比如允许优先考虑（不能超过10 % ） 本地产品。 但还有另一个问题：提供更好的校园午餐通常需要重建早先存在的食品准备设备。 学校需要的不是卸下箱子、保存货品的装卸坞，而是炉灶、冰箱、炊具、碗碟等。 国家大会的一位发言人指出，资本设备比日常食品采购更容易获得融资。 由两位学龄儿童母亲创办的革新食品连锁公司（Revolution Foods）等销售商不但为学生们提供食品，还提供营养课程，甚至为食品工作者提供职业培训。 和大部分大规模社会变迁一样，更健康食品的大众消费需要认识和能力双管齐下。 正如回收利用从监管和新的社会意识两方面获得动力，学会如何向学校出售健康食品的销售商也有望在有朝一日进入更广阔的成人市场，不管是因为监管、预期变化还仅仅是因为客户长大了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "加快既有住宅和社区设施数字化改造，鼓励新建小区同步规划建设智能系统，打造智能楼宇、智能停车场、智能充电桩、智能垃圾箱等公共设施。引导智能家居产品互联互通，促进家居产品与家居环境智能互动，丰富“一键控制”、“一声响应”的数字家庭生活应用。加强超高清电视普及应用，发展互动视频、沉浸式视频、云游戏等新业态。创新发展“云生活”服务，深化人工智能、虚拟现实、8K高清视频等技术的融合，拓展社交、购物、娱乐、展览等领域的应用，促进生活消费品质升级。鼓励建设智慧社区和智慧服务生活圈，推动公共服务资源整合，提升专业化、市场化服务水平。支持实体消费场所建设数字化消费新场景，推广智慧导览、智能导流、虚实交互体验、非接触式服务等应用，提升场景消费体验。培育一批新型消费示范城市和领先企业，打造数字产品服务展示交流和技能培训中心，培养全民数字消费意识和习惯。", "en": "Accelerate the digital transformation of existing residential areas and community facilities, encourage the simultaneous planning and construction of intelligent systems in new neighborhoods, and create public facilities such as smart buildings, smart parking lots, smart charging stations, and smart trash bins. Promote the interconnection of smart home products, facilitate the interaction between home products and the home environment, and enrich the application of one-click control and voice response in digital home life. Strengthen the popularization and application of ultra-high-definition television, develop new formats such as interactive videos, immersive videos, and cloud gaming. Innovate and develop cloud life services, deepen the integration of technologies such as artificial intelligence, virtual reality, and 8K ultra-high-definition videos, expand applications in socializing, shopping, entertainment, exhibitions, and promote the upgrade of the quality of life consumption. Encourage the construction of smart communities and smart service life circles, promote the integration of public service resources, and improve the level of professional and market-oriented services. Support the construction of digital consumption new scenes in physical consumer places, promote the application of smart navigation, intelligent flow control, virtual and real interactive experiences, and contactless services, and enhance the consumer experience in different scenarios. Cultivate a group of new consumption demonstration cities and leading enterprises, establish digital product service exhibition and exchange centers, and skill training centers, and cultivate the awareness and habits of digital consumption among the general public."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The European Research Council, which is to award research grants on the basis of peer-reviewed excellence, will therefore be an important step forward, and the EU should further increase its funding. But just throwing money at universities isn’t enough. As the former Financial Times editor Richard Lambert, together with Nick Butler, commented in a report published by London’s Centre for European Reform entitled The future of European universities: Renaissance or decay? , EU governments are stuck in a vicious circle: “The universities will get no more money unless they reform, and they cannot reform without more money”.", "zh": "Le Conseil européen de la recherche, qui devra accorder des bourses de recherche sur la base de l’excellence jugée par des pairs, constituera par conséquent un important progrès, au financement duquel l’UE devra participer de manière plus conséquente. Mais jeter de l’argent aux universités ne suffit pas. Comme le commentaient Richard Lambert, ancien rédacteur en chef du Financial Times , et Nick Butler, dans un rapport intitulé The future of European universities: Renaissance or decay? publié par le Centre for European Reform de Londres, les gouvernements de l’UE sont coincés dans un cercle vicieux : “ Les universités n’obtiendront pas plus d’argent sans se réformer, et elles ne peuvent entamer de réformes sans davantage d’argent . ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Teaching Journalists How to Survive ROCHESTER, NEW HAMPSHIRE – In 2014, two years after kidnapping my son, James Wright Foley, while he was working as a freelance correspondent in Syria, the Islamic State tortured and killed him. Jim’s murder underscored the extraordinary risks journalists take to report the news in dangerous areas – and the need for stronger action to protect them. In 2018, 80 journalists were killed worldwide, with more than half having been deliberately targeted. While many of these crimes took place in conflict zones, especially Afghanistan and Syria, nearly half occurred in countries not at war, led by Mexico, India, and the United States, where four journalists were killed when a man opened fire in their Annapolis, Maryland, newsroom. Journalists are not safe in Europe, either. In Slovakia, the 27-year-old Ján Kuciak was killed in his home, along with his partner, Martina Kušnírová, after investigating allegations of tax evasion and fraud involving high-ranking officials and businesspeople. Perhaps the most prominent recent example is Jamal Khashoggi. A Washington Post columnist and prominent critic of the Saudi government, Khashoggi went to Saudi Arabia’s consulate in Istanbul to pick up documents he needed to marry his Turkish fiancée. Soon after he entered the compound, he was tortured, murdered, and dismembered. As violence against journalists has risen, calls for greater accountability have grown louder. As it stands, impunity is rampant, not least because of the frequent involvement of government officials or other powerful figures. Bringing those responsible for abducting, imprisoning, torturing, and murdering journalists to justice is critical to create an effective deterrent. But working to increase accountability is not enough; steps must be taken to increase the safety of journalists now. First and foremost, this means ensuring that journalists – especially the freelance and locally based journalists who are most at risk – have the knowledge, skills, and resources to protect themselves while engaging in potentially dangerous reporting. That is the goal of the A Culture of Safety Alliance.", "zh": "教记者如何生存 罗切斯特，新罕布什尔—2014年，伊斯兰国折磨并杀死了我的儿子詹姆斯·赖特·弗雷（James Wright Foley ） 。 两年前，他作为自由职业记者在叙利亚工作时被伊斯兰国绑架。 吉姆惨遭杀害突显出记者在危险区域报道新闻所面临的巨大风险 — — 以及采取更强的保护措施的必要性。 2018年，全世界有80名记者被杀，其中一大半是被有意识地针对。 许多罪行发生在冲突地区，特别是阿富汗和叙利亚，但也有接近一半发生在没有战事的国家，主要是墨西哥、印度和美国，其中，一名男子在马里兰州明尼阿波利斯市的一个记者站大开杀戒，四名记者遇害。 欧洲记者也不安全。 在斯洛伐克，27岁的延·库夏克（Ján Kuciak）在自己家中与搭档玛蒂娜·库什尼罗娃（Martina Kušnírová）一同被害。 此前他们在调查与斯洛伐克高官和商人有关的逃税和欺诈指控。 也许最著名的最新例子是《华盛顿邮报》专栏作家、沙特政府的著名批评者贾马尔·卡舒吉（Jamal Khashoggi ） 。 卡舒吉前往沙特阿拉伯驻伊斯坦布尔领事馆领取他与土耳其未婚妻结婚所需要的材料。 在进入领事馆后不久，他惨遭折磨、杀害和肢解。 随着针对记者的暴力的增加，加强问责的呼声也日益高涨。 目前，逍遥法外是普遍现象，频繁涉及到政府官员或其他权势人物是原因之一。 将绑架、囚禁、折磨和杀害记者的责任人绳之以法是形成有效威慑的关键。 但仅仅加强问责是不够的；还必须采取措施增加记者的安全性。 首先也是最重要的是，这意味着要确保记者 — — 特别是自由职业记者和本地记者，他们最危险 — — 具备在参与可能带来危险的报道时保护自己所需要的知识、技能和资源。 这便是安全联盟文化（ACOS）的目标。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "公司是一家电力技术综合服务商，主营业务是以电力设计为核心，主要为“输、变、配、用”各个环节客户提供电力设计服务、电力工程服务、电力检测服务及智能电力设备产品。 公司产品和服务已广泛应用于电网公司及相关产业，以及新能源、石油化工、轨道交通、地产、港口等诸多领域。 公司已形成四大业务板块，公司的电力设计服务由母公司紫泉能源开展，电力检测服务由子公司联能研究院开展，电力工程服务由子公司泰州敬道开展，智能电力设备产品由上海敬道生产制造。 公司主营业务在公司及其各子公司之间分工明确，具有良好的协同效应。 在电力设计服务及电力工程服务领域，公司作为全国电力工程设计服务第二梯队企业，在江苏省具有较强的竞争优势和较高的行业地位。 公司自成立以来，深耕江苏电力工程设计市场多年，业务已全覆盖江苏十三个地级市。 公司通过不断的优质项目积累，在江苏省已形成知名的品牌影响力和较高的行业知名度。 在电力检测服务领域，公司同时获得CMA和CNAS两项资质。 ", "en": "The company is a comprehensive power technology service provider, with its main business focusing on power design. It primarily provides power design services, power engineering services, power testing services, and intelligent power equipment products for various stages of the \"transmission, transformation, distribution, and utilization\" process. The company's products and services have been widely applied in power grid companies and related industries, as well as in new energy, petrochemicals, rail transportation, real estate, ports, and many other fields. The company has formed four major business segments. The power design services are carried out by its parent company, Ziquan Energy. The power testing services are conducted by its subsidiary, Lian Neng Research Institute. The power engineering services are provided by its subsidiary, Taizhou Jingdao. The intelligent power equipment products are manufactured by Shanghai Jingdao. The company's main business is clearly divided among the company and its subsidiaries, resulting in good synergy. In the field of power design services and power engineering services, the company is a leading enterprise in the national power engineering design service sector and has a strong competitive advantage and high industry status in Jiangsu Province. Since its establishment, the company has been deeply involved in the Jiangsu power engineering design market for many years, and its business has covered all thirteen prefecture-level cities in Jiangsu. Through continuous accumulation of high-quality projects, the company has established a well-known brand influence and high industry reputation in Jiangsu Province. In the field of power testing services, the company has obtained both CMA and CNAS qualifications."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "对以上问题，各地区各部门要高度重视，统一思想，抓好落实。 解决“三保障”突出问题，要坚持中央统筹、省负总责、市县抓落实的体制机制。 扶贫领导小组要加强统筹协调和督促指导，及时调度情况。 教育部、住房城乡建设部、水利部、国家卫生健康委、国家医保局既是扶贫领导小组组成部门，也是“三保障”工作的主管部门，主要负责同志要亲自抓，分管同志具体抓。 要根据部门职能，明确工作标准和支持政策，指导各地进行筛查解决。 相关省区市要组织基层进行核查，摸清基本情况，统筹组织资源，制定实施方案，研究提出针对性措施。 市县具体组织实施，逐项逐户对账销号，确保不留死角。 我多次强调，要坚持现行脱贫标准，既不拔高，也不降低。 实现义务教育有保障主要是让贫困家庭义务教育阶段的孩子不失学辍学； 实现基本医疗有保障主要是所有贫困人口都参加医疗保险制度，常见病、慢性病有地方看、看得起，得了大病、重病后基本生活过得去； 住房安全有保障主要是让贫困人口不住危房； 饮水安全有保障主要是让农村人口喝上放心水，统筹研究解决饮水安全问题。 这是国家统一的基本标准，但各地情况不一样。", "en": "Authorities and departments at all levels must take the above problems seriously, get on the same page, and carry out relevant initiatives effectively. To resolve outstanding problems concerning the \"three guarantees,\" we must adhere to systems and mechanisms under which the central government formulates overarching plans, provincial governments assume overall responsibility, and city and county governments take charge of implementation. The central leading group on poverty alleviation should enhance overall coordination, oversight, and guidance, and make relevant arrangements in a timely manner. The Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development, the Ministry of Water Resources, the National Health Commission, and the National Healthcare Security Administration are not only part of the leading group on poverty alleviation, but also responsible for managing work related to the \"three guarantees.\" Principal leaders of these departments must personally take the initiative, while officials in charge of specific tasks must make concrete efforts. These departments must define clear standards for their work and establish supporting policies in line with their respective functions, and guide local authorities in analyzing and resolving problems. Relevant provincial-level governments should organize local units to conduct checks, feel out the situation on the ground, organize resources in a coordinated manner, formulate and implement plans, and work out targeted measures. City and county governments should take responsibility for the implementation of specific initiatives and verify exits from poverty on a case-by-case and household-by-household basis to ensure that no blind spots exist. I have emphasized on many occasions that we must adhere to current poverty alleviation standards and refrain from raising or lowering them. Guaranteeing access to compulsory education mainly entails ensuring that the school-age children of poor families complete their education. Guaranteeing access to basic medical services mainly entails ensuring that all poor people are covered by the medical insurance system, that there are facilities where they can access affordable treatment for common illnesses and chronic conditions, and that they can maintain a basic standard of living in the event that they become seriously ill. Guaranteeing access to safe housing mainly entails ensuring that poor people do not live in dilapidated housing. Guaranteeing access to safe drinking water mainly entails ensuring that rural citizens feel at ease about the water they drink and that we make coordinated efforts to analyze and resolve safety issues in this regard. These are the country’s unified, basic standards, but conditions vary from region to region."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How to Prevent the Japanification of East Asia’s Economies NEW YORK – At the annual meeting of the American Economic Association (AEA) in early January, former US Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen, former European Central Bank President Mario Draghi, and eminent economists warned that Western economies risked “Japanification”: a future of sluggish growth, low inflation, and perpetually low interest rates. Yet, surprising as it may seem, this malaise also threatens East Asia. Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan, once called the “Asian tigers,” now face slow growth and disinflationary pressures. Last year, Hong Kong’s economy contracted by 1.2%, while the other three grew only modestly – Singapore by 0.6%, and South Korea and Taiwan by about 2% each. Inflation in each of these three countries was about 0.6%. East Asia’s economies suffered from weaker external demand – a result of slow growth in major industrialized countries and China – as well as domestic structural and supply factors. Moreover, their growth potential is trending downward. Economically and demographically, these East Asian countries seem to be tracking Japan. For starters, Japan is the world’s most rapidly aging society, with 28% of its population aged 65 and above, up from 14% in 1994. This age cohort’s share of the population in Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan now averages about 14%, and is forecast to increase rapidly in the coming decades. A shrinking workforce will in turn reverse the demographic dividends that previously supported strong regional growth. In South Korea, for example, average annual GDP growth between 2020 and 2040 is forecast to be about one percentage point lower than now. Moreover, like Japan in recent decades, the four East Asian economies are experiencing slowing productivity growth. Their export industries have encountered fierce competition from low-cost Chinese firms, while low service-sector productivity hampers overall productivity improvements. And because these countries are already at the high-tech frontier, they may find it harder to develop new technologies in the future. How East Asia’s policymakers respond to these challenges will be crucial.", "zh": "东亚经济体应如何防范日本化 发自纽约 — — 在1月初举行的美国经济协会年会上，美联储前主席珍妮特·耶伦（Janet Yellen ） ， 欧洲央行前行长马里奥·德拉吉（Mario Draghi）以及一众知名经济学家都警告称西方经济体存在陷入“日本化”的风险 — — 也就是低增长，低通胀和近乎无尽的低利率。 但令人惊讶的是，这一说不清道不明的困局似乎也在威胁着东亚地区。 曾经人称“亚洲四小龙”的香港，新加坡，韩国和台湾都面临增长缓慢和通货紧缩的压力。 在过去的2019年香港经济萎缩了1.2 ％ ， 而其他三个国家和地区也仅实现了些许增长：新加坡增长率为0.6 ％ ， 韩国和台湾分别是约2 ％ ， 同时这三地的通胀率约为0.6 ％ 。 东亚经济体受到了因主要工业化国家和中国增长放缓导致的外部需求疲弱以及国内结构性和供应因素的影响，此外它们的增长潜力也在下滑。 从经济和人口构成角度看，这些东亚国家和地区似乎都追随日本的脚步。 首先，日本是世界上老龄化趋势最为严峻的社会，其总人口中有28％为65岁或以上（1994年时为14 ％ ） 。 如今香港，新加坡，韩国和台湾处于同一年龄段的人口比例平均约为14 ％ ， 并且预计会在未来几十年内迅速增加。 不断萎缩的劳动力数量将反过来扭转以往支撑该地区强劲增长的人口红利。 比如韩国就预计2020年至2040年间年均GDP增长将比目前低约一个百分点。 此外,正如近几十年的日本一样，四个东亚经济体的生产率增长也在放缓。 它们的出口行业受到来自中国低成本企业的激烈竞争，而服务业生产率低下则阻碍了整体生产率的提升。 鉴于这些经济体本身已位于高科技前沿，因此它们可能会发现未来新技术的开发将变得更为困难。 而东亚政策制定者对这些挑战的应对措施则极为关键。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Flows of foreign direct investment (FDI), portfolio equity, and portfolio debt to emerging markets reached record highs, with portfolio debt, the most volatile and most sensitive to sudden shifts in investor sentiment, growing the fastest. Unfortunately, several emerging economies – with the notable exception of China – relied on these abnormally large capital flows to finance domestic demand, and their current accounts slid into unsustainably large deficits. Their real exchange rates also appreciated, eroding external competitiveness. The emerging economies hit hardest by short-term capital outflows and equity-market declines during the last year had experienced large appreciations in their real exchange rates and large deteriorations in their current-account positions. In response to heightened sensitivity to risk and unanticipated losses on their emerging-market assets, investors have become more discriminating, differentiating among countries and sectors. Mexico, with its popular and reform-minded government, strong growth, and a current-account deficit below 2% of GDP, has gained favor with investors, who have turned away from Brazil, with its political risk, faltering growth, and yawning external deficit. At the sector level, businesses providing consumer goods to the growing middle class in emerging markets have become more attractive to global investors, while capital-intensive and cyclical businesses have lost their luster. Three of the largest emerging markets – India, China, and Russia – confront distinctive challenges. India is suffering from a marked growth slowdown, substantial fiscal and current-account deficits, labor-market rigidities, and uncertainty about economic policy until after its month-long general election ends in May. The Russian economy was slowing even before the Kremlin’s destabilizing incursion into Crimea. Now Russia is teetering on the brink of recession and expects capital outflows to top $70 billion during the first quarter of this year, exceeding the outflows for all of 2013. With its excess of domestic saving and its maintenance of capital controls, China is comparatively insulated from volatility in short-term flows. But global investors’ sentiment about China manifests itself in a variety of ways, including in the Hong Kong stock market, where many Chinese companies have dual listings, and in the performance of China-tracking exchange-traded funds. Right now, sentiment is decidedly bearish, reflecting concerns about slowing growth, excessive buildup of local-government debt, and possible defaults in the shadow banking sector.", "zh": "有史以来最大的规模的国外直接投资，投资组合基金和组合投资债券纷纷流入新兴市场，而其中流动性最快，对投资者情绪突变最为敏感的组合投资债券规模增长最为迅速。 不幸的是，有几个新兴市场经济体 — — 除中国之外 — — 依赖于这些非常常规的巨额资产流动来为国内需求融资，使其经常帐户也陷入了不可持续的巨大赤字之中。 这些国家货币的实际汇率也随之上涨，导致外部竞争力下挫。 那些在去年遭遇短期资本流出和资本市场下跌情况最严重的新兴经济体都经历了实际汇率大幅上升以及经常帐户状况的严重恶化。 基于对不断提升的风险敏感性以及在新兴市场资产所遭遇的意外损失，投资者的鉴别能力有所增强，开始区分对待不同国家和行业部门。 投资者们不满意巴西的政治风险，低速增长以及庞大外部赤字，纷纷转投拥有高支持率改革型政府，增长强劲且经常帐户赤字低于GDP总额2%的墨西哥。 在行业层面，全球投资者们更加青睐那些为不断壮大的新兴市场中产阶级提供商品的行业，而资本密集型和周期性行业则黯然失色。 三个规模最大的新兴市场国家 — — 印度，中国和俄罗斯 — — 都面临着各不相同的挑战。 印度正面对增长显著放缓，大量财政和经常帐户赤字，劳动力市场僵化，以及5月大选结束后的经济政策不确定状况。 俄罗斯经济早在克里姆林宫入侵克里米亚之前就已经减速了。 如今俄罗斯经济正在衰退的边缘徘徊，预计在今年第一季度将出现最多700亿美元的资本流出，超过2013年的总流出额。 而中国由于拥有巨大国内储备以及资本管制，所以受短期资金流变化的影响相对较小。 但求求投资者对中国的情绪依然用其他许多种方式表现出来，包括在许多大陆企业拥有B股的香港股票市场，以及中国指数基金的表现。 目前投资者情绪呈现一面倒地看跌，反映出对增长放缓，地方政府债务债务过度积累以及影子银行系统潜在违约的担忧。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Colonial Trap NEW YORK – On February 20, 1947, Clement Attlee, the socialist British prime minister, informed parliament that India would become independent no later than June 1948. Attlee could not wait for the British to withdraw from a country whose leaders, Muslim and Hindu, had long been clamoring for independence. But India was seething with violent unrest. Muslim leaders were afraid of Hindu dominance. Worried that a civil war might land the British in an uncontrollable situation, Attlee decided to end the British Raj even earlier. Indian independence began on August 14, 1947. Pakistan broke away. Horrendous violence between Hindus and Muslims claimed a half-million lives. Many more lost their homes. The wounds of partition are yet to heal. Attlee was widely blamed for getting out too soon and leaving the former colony in chaos. If only a better police force had been organized. If only the army could have kept order. If only the British could have left once the country was stable. US President Joe Biden now finds himself in the same situation. American troops have left Afghanistan in a bloody mess. Critics of Biden’s decision to withdraw claim that the United States should have stayed longer. In the opinion of Robert Kagan, a well-known American promotor of robust military policies, the US should have promised to stay at least 20 years, instead of being non-committal. After all, the US military presence was minimal and could easily be afforded.", "zh": "殖民陷阱 纽约—1947 年 2 月 20 日，英国社会党首相艾德礼通知议会，印度最迟将在 1948 年 6 月独立。 艾德礼迫不及待地想要英国撤出印度。 长期以来，印度领导人，不论是穆斯林还是印度教徒，要求独立已久。 但此时印度暴力骚乱频仍。 穆斯林领导人害怕印度教徒的统治。 由于担心内战可能使英国陷入无法控制的局面，艾德礼决定更早结束英国统治。 印度独立始于 1947 年 8 月 14 日。 巴基斯坦脱离印度。 印度教徒和穆斯林之间的可怕暴力夺去了 50 万人的生命。 还有更多的人失去了家园。 分裂的伤口至今没有愈合。 艾德礼因过早离开并使前殖民地陷入混乱而受到广泛指责。 要是能组建一支更好的警察部队就好了。 要是军队能维持秩序就好了。 要是英国人能在国家稳定后离开就好了。 美国总统拜登现在发现自己处于同样的境地。 美军在血腥的混乱中离开了阿富汗。 拜登撤军决定的批评者说美国应该停留更长时间。 在美国著名的强硬军事政策鼓吹者罗伯特·卡根（Robert Kagan）看来，美国应该承诺至少停留 20 年，而不是含糊应付。 毕竟，美国的军事已是最小限度，而且完全承担得起。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The difference between seeing an image and imagining seeing that same image is next to nothing. Next let me share with you one other experiment, this from Jack Gallant's lab at Cal Berkeley. In this experiment, individuals were shown hundreds of hours of YouTube videos while scans were made of their brains to create a large library of their brain reacting to video sequences. Then a new movie was shown with new images, new people, new animals in it, and a new scan set was recorded. The computer, using brain scan data alone, decoded that new brain scan to show what it thought the individual was actually seeing. On the right-hand side, you see the computer's guess, and on the left-hand side, the presented clip. This is the jaw-dropper. We are so close to being able to do this. We just need to up the resolution. And now remember that when you see an image versus when you imagine that same image, it creates the same brain scan. So this was done with the highest-resolution brain scan systems available today, and their resolution has increased really about a thousandfold in the last several years. Next we need to increase the resolution another thousandfold to get a deeper glimpse. How do we do that? There's a lot of techniques in this approach. One way is to crack open your skull and put in electrodes. I'm not for that.", "zh": "真正看一张图片 和想像看同一张图片 之间几乎没有差别。 下面我再给你们看一个实验， 是在加州大学伯克利分校 杰克•加蓝特的实验室做的。 在这个实验里，受试者 要看几百小时的youtube视频， 看的时候他们的大脑会被扫描， 这样就建立了一个巨大的数据库，里面纪录下了 他们的大脑对一系列视频的反应， 然后给他们看一段新视频，里面有新的图像， 新的人物，新的动物， 并且新的大脑扫描图也被纪录下来。 电脑仅仅通过大脑扫描数据 就可以解析新的扫描图， 推测出受试者实际看到的是什么图像。 右边是电脑的猜测， 而左边是给受试者看的片段。 这真是让人印象极为深刻。 我们离真正实现这一点已经不远了， 只是需要提高分辨率。 请记住当你看一副图片 或者你想同一副图片时， 大脑扫描的结果是一样的。 这是用当今分辨率最高的 大脑扫描系统做的。 这个系统的分辨率在近几年里 提高了将近一千倍。 下一步我们需要将分辨率 再提高一千倍， 才能看得更深。 我们怎样实现呢？ 这方面有很多技术可用。 一种方法是把头骨撬开把电极放进去， 我不做这个。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Foremost among these, perhaps, is the Union's open character. The European Union is neither closed nor static; it is a living organism. The European Union, as I grasp it, is primarily a process, leading from worse to better; a process with only one end - the continuous development of European prosperity and peace. Indeed, it is vital to understand that Europe's integration process is not mechanical but organic. It is not a machine that goes on of its own accord, but is instead something that must be lived and worked for by Europeans. For no one should be mistaken: there are alternatives to European integration - all of them bad, unwanted, and dangerous. Unless all Europeans remain devoted to integration and the creation of an open Europe, the Continent's dark past may once again become its future. There are a number of qualities that must be understood if integration is to continue to build an ever more open Europe. Voluntary self-restraint, a voluntary sharing of our own rights and privileges with a wider collective, is paramount here. While states once enforced their rights at the expense of others, they now transfer their rights in favor of others. The heart of this miracle is that it benefits all - Europe's citizens, its states, the whole continent, and the world. For states to voluntarily limit themselves is unique in human history. Europe's states have been able to achieve this discipline primarily because they are democracies. Europe's peoples have sanctioned limiting their own governments powers so as to achieve peace across Europe. There would be no Union and no integration, were it not built on the principles of democracy. This is why, having regained their democratic regimes, Central and Eastern European countries unequivocally voted to join the continent's integration process. This is why these countries associate the future of their democracies with ever-closer and more integrated cooperation with other European states. Of course, democracy does not automatically mean integration. But without democracy, no genuine, fair, and universally beneficial integration would be possible. The people of the Czech Republic, like most Europeans, wish to jointly build an irreversible system of mutual relationships among states, regions, municipalities, and their inhabitants.", "zh": "在这个价值体系中最重要的大约就是欧盟开放性的特点。 欧盟既不是封闭的也不是静态的；它是一个充满生命力的有机体。 按照我的理解，欧盟首先是一个不断向上的进程；这个进程的唯一目标就是-持续发展欧洲的繁荣与和平。 确实，明白欧洲一体化进程不是机械的而是有机的这一点至关重要。 它不是一台自行其是的机器，而是一个所有欧洲人都必须为之生活和工作的理念。 因为所有人都应该明白：欧洲一体化的方式还有其它的选择-但都是糟糕的、不受欢迎的和危险的。 除非所有的欧洲人都致力于一体化和塑造一个开放的欧洲的进程，否则这片大陆黑暗的过去就会在未来重演。 如果一体化要继续建设一个更加开放的欧洲，那么有些品质是我们必须了解的。 最重要的一种品质就是主动的自我约束-一种自发与更广泛的集体分享权利和待遇的品质。 一些国家曾经以牺牲他国的权利为代价来贯彻自己的权利，而它们现在却以有利于他国的方式转让自己的权利。 这种奇迹发生的动因是它让所有人获益-欧洲的公民、国家、整个欧洲大陆以至全世界。 国家主动限制自身的行为在人类历史上是绝无仅有的。 欧洲国家能够实现这种约束首先因为它们都是民主国家。 欧洲的人民同意限制政府的权力以使全欧洲的和平得以实现。 如果没有民主的原则作为基础，就不会有欧盟，更不会有欧洲的一体化。 这就是为什么中欧和东欧的国家在重建民主政体之后都不约而同地选择加入洲大陆一体化的进程。 这也就是为什么这些国家将它们民主的未来和与其他欧洲国家更紧密的合作联系起来。 诚然，民主并不自动地意味着一体化。 但没有民主也就不可能有真正的、公平的和让所有人获益的一体化进程。 捷克共和国的人民和大多数欧洲人一样，希望在欧洲的国家、地区、城市及其居民之间共同建立一种不可撤销的相互关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Let the Negotiations Begin Having successfully integrated ten new members in May – including eight former communist countries with significantly lower levels of economic development – some argue that the EU should stop there. But drawing a line under the enlargement process would be both a missed opportunity for the EU and a cruel blow to those countries in the Balkans and elsewhere for whom the prospect of membership is an important incentive for reform and renewal. Greece knows this very well. It was our belief in Europe as a catalyst for peace and prosperity that led us to support Turkey’s EU aspirations. When the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) government launched its policy of Greek-Turkish rapprochement during my tenure as foreign minister, many people were suspicious of mending ties with an old enemy. Changing entrenched attitudes could not happen overnight: it required a step-by-step process of confidence-building measures, from the grassroots level to the heights of political power. Five years later, the results speak for themselves. Greece and Turkey have signed eighteen mutually beneficial agreements in areas ranging from trade and energy, to environmental protection and the fight against organized crime.", "zh": "让会谈开始吧 拥有25名成员国，并代表着近4.56亿人口的欧盟是多边治理的范畴内最大规模和最具胆识的一次试验。 我们这个从战争的灰烬中建立起来联盟，在一个日益不安全和多极化的世界上是一支维护和平与推进合作的力量。 现在欧盟委员会已准备好面对另一个巨大的挑战：12月17日，欧洲理事会将会决定在何时以及何种条件下开始与土耳其的入盟谈判。 这一决定将对欧洲的未来产生根本性的影响。 由于欧盟在今年5月成功地吸纳了10个新成员国-包括8个经济发展水平低得多的前共产主义国家-有人就认为欧盟应该到此为止了。 但在欧盟扩大的进程中划一条界线不但会使欧盟错失良机，对于那些位于巴尔干和其它地区的国家而言也是一种残酷的打击。 对于这些国家来说，加入欧盟的前景是它们进行改革和复兴的重要动因。 希腊对此感触颇深。 正是我们对欧洲的信心，作为促进和平与繁荣的催化剂，使我们与土耳其达成和解，并支持其加入欧盟的渴望。 当泛希腊社会主义运动（PASOK）政府在我担任外交部长期间出台其希腊-土耳其睦邻友好的政策时，许多人都对这一与夙敌修好的政策表示怀疑。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Soccer Mafia NEW YORK – The only surprise about the arrest of seven FIFA officials in a Swiss hotel in the early morning of May 27 is that it happened at all. Most people assumed that these pampered men in expensive suits, governing the world’s soccer federation, were beyond the reach of the law. Whatever rumors flew or reports were made on bribes, kickbacks, vote-rigging, and other dodgy practices, FIFA President Joseph “Sepp” Blatter and his colleagues and associates always seemed to emerge without a scratch. So far, 14 men, including nine current or former FIFA executives (but not Blatter), have been charged with a range of fraud and corruption offenses in the United States, where prosecutors accuse them, among other things, of pocketing $150 million in bribes and kickbacks. And Swiss federal prosecutors are looking into shady deals behind the decisions to award the World Cup competitions in 2018 and 2022 to Russia and Qatar, respectively. There is, of course, a long tradition of racketeering in professional sports. American mobsters have had a major interest in boxing, for example. Even the once gentlemanly game of cricket has been tainted by the infiltration of gambling networks and other crooked dealers. FIFA is just the richest, most powerful, most global milk cow of all. Some have likened FIFA to the Mafia, and Blatter, born in a small Swiss village, has been called “Don Blatterone.” This is not entirely fair.", "zh": "足球黑手党 纽约—5月27日清晨，七名国际足联官员在瑞士一家饭店被捕，此事的唯一令人震惊之处是它居然发生了。 大部分人认为这些管理着世界足球联盟的养尊处优、金履华服之士享受着“刑不上大夫”的待遇。 不论关于贿赂、回扣、选举操纵和其他不法行为的流言和报道如何日嚣尘上，国际足联主席“赛普”约瑟夫·布拉特（Joseph “Sepp” Blatter）及其同僚和相关人士总是可以逍遥法外。 目前，包括九名现任或前任国际足联高官在内的14人（但不包括布拉特）在美国被控从事一系列欺诈和腐败行为，检方指控他们收受1.5亿美元贿赂和回扣。 瑞士联邦检察官正在调查2018年和2022年世界杯主办权（分别授予了俄罗斯和卡塔尔）决定的幕后交易。 当然，职业体育的勒索传统已是老生常谈了。 比如，美国黑帮涉入拳击运动很深。 甚至曾经的绅士运动板球也被赌博网络和其他不法商人染指。 国际足联只不过是其中最富有、最强大、最全球化的奶牛罢了。 有人将国际足联和黑手党相提并论，而出生于一个瑞士小村庄的布拉特被称为“唐布拉特龙 ” （ Don Blatterone ） 。 这并不完全公平。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Taming the Populists MADRID – In many Western democracies, right-wing populists, energized by self-proclaimed victories over “establishment elites,” are doubling down on the claim that globalization lies at the root of many citizens’ problems. For those whose living standards have stagnated or declined in recent decades, even as political leaders have touted free trade and capital flows as the recipe for increased prosperity, the argument holds considerable appeal. So it must be addressed head on. Of course, economic grievances alone do not fuel anti-globalization sentiment; populism has emerged even in countries with low unemployment and rising incomes. But such grievances provide the kernel of truth that populist leaders need to attract support, which they then attempt to secure with distortions and exaggerations. If the economic issues are not addressed, support for such leaders will continue to grow, potentially taking their societies backward, to a less tolerant – and less prosperous – time. The likes of Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen did not gain a foothold in their countries’ politics – not to mention the chance of leading them – on their own. They exploited the feeling of many citizens that the political classes – which touted the benefits of globalization, while allowing inequality to rise to unprecedented levels – had abandoned them. To be sure, globalization has reduced inequality among countries substantially. But within countries, inequality has risen sharply.", "zh": "驯服民粹主义份子 马德里 — — 在众多西方民主国家，右翼民粹主义者在自封的对“体制精英”胜利的鼓舞下正在双倍下注，将很多民众问题的根源归结为全球化。 对那些几十年来生活水平停滞不前甚至下滑的民众来说，即便政治领袖将自由贸易和资本流动奉为日臻繁荣的秘方，认为全球化损害很多人利益的观点仍颇具吸引力。 因此我们必须正面解决这个问题。 当然，经济不满本身并不能催生反全球化情绪；即使低失业率和收入增长的国家也出现了民粹主义。 但这样的不满提供了民粹主义领袖争取支持所需的内核，这些人惯用扭曲和夸张等手段来争取民众的支持。 如果经济问题得不到改善，对上述领导人的支持率将继续上升，可能导致社会退回到不那么宽容 — — 也不那么繁荣的 — — 时代。 唐纳德·特朗普和马琳·勒庞等人在国内政治中获得立足点 — — 更不要说领导机会 — — 并非凭借他们自身之能。 他们利用了民众的感情，很多民众认为在鼓吹全球化收益的同时坐视不平等上升到前所未有水平的政治阶层抛弃了他们。 可以肯定，全球化大幅抑制了国家间不平等。 但在国内，不平等现象却急剧上升。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A common explanation for China’s apparent invulnerability is that it has large pools of domestic savings and enormous foreign-exchange reserves (over $3 trillion), which can be spent down to head off financial panics. And because the government’s balance sheet is still strong enough to bail out unviable financial firms, it can address any emerging sources of stress in that crucial sector. Another common explanation for China’s resilience is political. Highly centralized decision-making allows for swift, concerted action, such as official clampdowns on foreign-exchange outflows. And in such a uniquely controlled – and controllable – society, the normal social stresses that arise from economic disruptions are eminently manageable. Plausible as these arguments are, it is time to revisit them. China’s economic exceptionalism is now being threatened by a perfect storm of existing stresses – namely, the domestic debt build-up – and new complications, including US trade barriers, the geopolitical pushback against China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and tightening monetary conditions, particularly in the United States. After the 2008 financial crisis, China shifted its economic model away from exports and toward internal sources of growth. But such a rebalancing requires ever more debt and investment, thus creating greater risks of collapse. As a result, the government has had to tread carefully, providing only moderate dollops of stimulus to the economy as needed. There is no how-to manual for managing this balancing act. Policy interventions that seem moderate in the moment could turn out to have been excessive. At some point, Stein’s Law will assert itself.", "zh": "对于中国经济突出的坚韧性，一个常规的解释是它拥有巨大的国内储蓄池和外汇储备（超过3万亿美元 ） ， 可以用来消除金融恐慌。 并且政府资产负债表仍足够救助没有自生能力的金融企业，因此能够解决重要行业的任何压力信号。 对中国的恢复力的另一个常见解释是政治。 高度集中的决策使其能够迅速地集中力量办大事，比如官方遏制外汇外流。 在这个独一无二的受控制 — — 并可控制 — — 社会，源自经济破坏的常见经济压力都可以游刃有余地得到管理。 这些观点固然有理，但值得商榷。 中国经济例外论正受到已有压力 — — 即国内债务累积 — — 和新情况 — — 包括美国贸易壁垒、针对中国一带一路计划的地缘政治反弹以及（特别是美国的）货币条件紧缩所组成的完美风暴的威胁。 2008年金融危机后，中国改变了经济模式，从出口转向内源增长。 但这一再平衡要求更多的债务和投资，从而制造了更大的崩溃风险。 因此，政府不得不如履薄冰，在经济需要的时候小心翼翼地予以刺激。 其平衡政策没有行动指南。 现在看似温和的政策干预，有可能很快就会显得过度。 斯坦因定律总会在某个时候证明自己。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "More important, the huge dividend of the just-launched domestic housing reform had yet to pay off. The resulting surge of new investment opportunities diminished the risks posed by idle capital and risky debt, while driving increases in investment efficiency and labor productivity. But the latest round of deflation-fighting policies, together with the massive stimulus package that the government launched in the wake of the global economic crisis, has led to oversupply in the housing market and idle capital in the manufacturing sector. Making matters worse, demand for Chinese exports in Europe and the United States has weakened considerably, and is not expected to rebound. All of this has diminished short-term investment opportunities in China, raising fears of a hard landing. Of course, China still boasts tremendous investment potential in the long term, especially given the relatively low urbanization rate and the need for structural reform and industrial upgrading. In the interim, however, Premier Li Keqiang’s government must achieve a prudent balance between economic growth and financial risk. To that end, the government has adjusted its policy target from “economic recovery” to “growth stabilization,” expressing its willingness to accept declining GDP growth up to a certain point – probably 7%, or even lower – in order to keep financial risk under control. But the balance itself is not the goal. In Li’s view, what the government really needs to do is buy time for structural adjustment and reform, which are critical to generating the next wave of investment opportunities. Li has even adopted a structural approach to stimulating economic growth. For example, the mini-stimulus package that was unveiled last month diverts investment to railroads, agriculture, the smart grid, and other productive services. But maintaining this balance will not be easy. The first challenge will be to ensure that the real-estate market progresses into the adjustment and clearance phases. This will require cautious but continuous policy action. The good news is that many local governments have recently loosened their grip on local real-estate markets, most likely following a central-government directive. This could be the start of a virtuous circle, with price adjustments helping to clear up stock. The movement of the housing market into a clearance phase, without causing a panic or collapsing, would be a crowning achievement for Li’s tenure. Another major challenge is managing credit risk.", "zh": "更重要的是，刚刚启动的国内住房改革还有巨大的红利可供收割。 由此带来的新投资机会的大量涌现抑制了闲置资本和高风险债务带来的风险，同时也推动了投资效率和劳动生产率的提高。 但最近的反通缩政策加上政府在全球经济危机时所采取的大规模刺激计划导致了房地产市场的供给过度和制造业的闲置资本。 更糟糕的是，欧洲和美国对中国出口的需求大幅降低，并且在中长期看起来也反弹无望。 所有这些都抑制了中国的短期投资机会的出现，引起了硬着陆之忧。 当然，从长期看，中国仍有巨大的投资潜力，特别是考虑到其相对较低的城镇化率以及结构性改革和产业升级的需要。 但是，在中期，李克强总理的政府必须在经济增长和金融风险之间取得审慎的平衡。 在这方面，政府的政策目标已从“经济复苏”转为“稳增长 ” ， 表现出接受GDP增长降到一定程度 — — 可能是7%甚至更低 — — 以保持金融风险可控的意愿。 但平衡本身并非目标。 在李克强看来，政府真正需要做的是为结构性调整和改革赢得时间，而后两者又是创造新一轮投资机会的关键。 李克强甚至在刺激经济增长的问题上持有结构性观点。 比如，上个月实施的微刺激方案以铁路、农业、智能电网和其他生产性服务为投资目标。 但维持这一平衡并不容易。 第一个挑战是确保房地产市场向调整和清理阶段平稳发展。 这需要谨慎而持续的政策动作。 好消息是，许多地方政府已开始放松对本地房地产市场的控制，这很有可能是遵照了中央政府的指示。 这或许是良性循环的开端，让价格调整帮助出清存货。 房地产市场向清理阶段运行而不引起恐慌或崩溃将是李克强执政生涯的一大成就。 另一个主要挑战是管理信用风险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Workd Bank's Anti-Corruption Fight Continues The recent turbulence surrounding the resignation of Paul Wolfowitz from the Presidency of the World Bank has underscored the need to push ahead with the Bank’s good governance and anti-corruption agenda. This is necessary not only for the sake of the Bank itself, but, more fundamentally, for the sake of the poor in developing countries, whose access to public services and opportunities for a better life are undermined by weak governance and graft. Some have suggested that the president’s departure is the result of his making too many waves with his anti-corruption agenda. This is simply not true. The leadership crisis did not reflect a weakening commitment to the governance agenda either by the Bank’s professionals or by the countries and shareholders with whom we work. On the contrary, that anti-corruption/good governance agenda precedes and outlives the person at the helm of the institution. The Bank began focusing its efforts on improving governance and combating graft ten years ago. Breaking the taboo of never mentioning corruption, in 1996 the Bank’s then president, James Wolfensohn, identified the “cancer of corruption” as a major burden for the poor in developing countries. Over the last decade, improving governance and fighting corruption has been seen as a high priority by governments, civil society, the private sector, and the international community. This is reflected in the World Bank’s lending. The Bank’s loans targeting governance and related areas now amount to roughly $4.5 billion, or almost 20% of total lending.", "zh": "世界银行的反腐战役继续推进 最近围绕世界银行行长Paul Wolfowitz辞职的纷扰凸现了推进世行良好治理和反腐败议程的必要性。 这不仅对于世行本身是必要的，从更根本的层面上讲，也是为了广大贫穷的发展中国家的需要。 治理不力和以权谋私严重影响了这些国家的人民获得公众服务和更美好生活的机会。 有人暗示说行长的下台是他在执行自己的反腐败议程时太过激进的结果。 但事实却并非如此。 领导力危机并不反映我们对推进治理议程的承诺的弱化（不论是在世行的专业人员或我们与之共事的国家或股东的层面上 ） 。 相反，反腐败/良好治理的议程会继续推进并会超越该机构首脑的任期而持续下去。 世行从十年前就开始致力于改善治理和反以权谋私。 1996年，世行的时任行长James Wolfensohn打破了从不提到腐败字眼的禁忌，指出“腐败之癌”是发展中国家穷人的主要负担。 在过去的十年里，改善治理和对抗腐败成为各国政府、公民社会、私营部门和国际社会的当务之急。 这从世界银行的贷款活动中也可见一斑。 该行以改善治理和相关领域为目标的贷款现在约45亿美元，几乎占贷款总量的20 % 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Yet even when his eyes were opened on the mist and rain, on the moving patch of light from the lamps, and the hedge at the roadside retreating by jerks, the night shadows outside the coach would fall into the train of the night shadows within. The real Banking-house by Temple Bar, the real business of the past day, the real strong rooms, the real express sent after him, and the real message returned, would all be there. Out of the midst of them, the ghostly face would rise, and he would accost it again. “Buried how long?” “Almost eighteen years.” “I hope you care to live?” “I can’t say.” Dig—dig—dig—until an impatient movement from one of the two passengers would admonish him to pull up the window, draw his arm securely through the leathern strap, and speculate upon the two slumbering forms, until his mind lost its hold of them, and they again slid away into the bank and the grave. “Buried how long?” “Almost eighteen years.” “You had abandoned all hope of being dug out?” “Long ago.” The words were still in his hearing as just spoken—distinctly in his hearing as ever spoken words had been in his life—when the weary passenger started to the consciousness of daylight, and found that the shadows of the night were gone.", "zh": "但是，即使他的眼睛在雾和雨、在闪动的灯光、路旁晃动着退走的树篱前睁了开来，车外夜里的黑影也会跟车内的一连串黑影会合在一起。伦敦法学院大门旁头有的银行大厦，昨天实有的业务，实有的保险库，派来追他的实有的急脚信使，以及他所作出的真实回答也都在那片黑影里。那幽灵一样的面孔仍然会从这一切的雾影之中冒出来。他又会跟它说话。 “埋了多久了？” “差不多十八年。” “我希望你想活。” “很难说。” 挖呀-一挖呀--挖呀，直挖到一个乘客作出一个不耐烦的动作使他拉上了窗帘，把手牢牢地穿进了皮带，然后打量着那两个昏睡的人影，直到两人又从他意识中溜走，跟银行、坟墓融汇到一起。 “埋了多久了？” “差不多十八年。” “对于被挖出来你已经放弃了希望么？” “早放弃了。” 这些话还在他耳里震响，跟刚说出时一样，还清清楚楚在他耳里，跟他生平所听过的任何话语一样--这时那疲劳的乘客开始意识到天已亮了，夜的影子已经消失。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The upcoming election will determine how far the country will go along this route. Pakistan is not the only Muslim country seeking to redefine its political and economic future. Similar processes are playing out in other large countries in the western part of the Islamic world. By contrast, other large Muslim countries like Indonesia and Malaysia have succeeded in establishing political orders that serve all segments of highly diverse populations reasonably well. That may eventually happen in the western Islamic world as well, but only after a struggle of the type occurring now in Pakistan. The large countries in this part of the Islamic world – most notably Egypt, Pakistan, and Turkey – are attempting to address four problems, the most challenging of which is to define Islam’s role in the political system. Turkey seems to have found an answer, prodded in part by its wish to join the European Union. A conservative ruling party with deep religious roots is content to leave religion to private observance, with no direct influence on public policy. The issue remains less settled in Egypt, while in Pakistan a small but highly motivated part of the population has embraced extreme violence as a form of political expression. The role of the military in politics also needs to be resolved. Once again, Turkey has taken the lead; in both Egypt and Pakistan, the men in uniform have returned to their barracks, but they have not lost influence over public policy. Then there is sectarianism, particularly the growing strife between Sunni and Shia Muslims. This conflict may be exacerbated by the outcome in Syria. If Sunnis triumph there, they may become more assertive in countries that have large Shia populations. It is not often recognized that Pakistan has the world’s second-largest Shia population, after Iran, with roughly 50 million adherents. They have been mercilessly attacked in Karachi and Quetta in recent years, with more than 400 killed. Finally, there is the question of the Muslim world’s relations with the West, particular the United States. The old post-Ottoman “grand bargain” – Western acceptance of authoritarianism in exchange for the secure flow of oil, use of sensitive sea-lanes, and some tolerance for the existence of Israel – has broken down. What replaces it will be determined by the shape of the new political order that finally emerges in the western Islamic world.", "zh": "即将到来的选举将决定巴基斯坦会在这条道路上走多远。 巴基斯坦并非唯一一个寻求重新定义期政治和经济未来的穆斯林国家。 类似的过程正在伊斯兰西部其他诸大国上演。 相反，印尼和马来西亚等其他穆斯林国家已经成功地建立了非常适合高度多元化人口所有部分的政治秩序。 这可能也会最终发生于西方伊斯兰国家，但在此之前必须经过类似目前巴基斯坦发生的挣扎过程。 这部分伊斯兰大国 — — 最显著的是埃及、巴基斯坦和土耳其 — — 在尝试解决四个问题，其中最具挑战性的问题是定义伊斯兰教在政治制度中的角色。 土耳其似乎已经找到了答案，其加入欧盟的愿望就是某种程度的证明。 有着深刻宗教根基的保守的执政党对于把宗教留给私人惯例、不对公共政策产生直接影响颇为满意。 埃及的这一问题就没有那么简单，而在巴基斯坦，一小部分相当热情的国人将极端暴力作为政治压迫的一种形式。 军队在政治中的角色问题也需要解决。 在这方面，土耳其再次领先；在埃及和巴基斯坦，军方人士虽然已经回归军营，但从未失去对公共政策的影响力。 接着是宗派主义问题，特别是日益激烈的逊尼派和什叶派穆斯林之争。 该冲突可能因叙利亚的结果而放大。 如果逊尼派在叙利亚获胜，那么他们可能会在什叶派人口众多的国家更加强硬。 不多的人注意到，巴基斯坦有着世界第二大什叶派人口，仅次于伊朗，多达约5000万人。 近几年来，他们在卡拉奇和奎塔饱受残酷打击，超过400人被杀。 最后还有穆斯林世界与西方特别是美国的关系问题。 旧的后奥斯曼帝国时代“大妥协 ” — —西方接受独裁换取安全的石油流动、敏感海路的使用和接受以色列的存在 — — 已经崩溃。 取而代之的将是什么，取决于西方伊斯兰世界最后出现什么政治秩序。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Elected Dirty Dealers CHICAGO – Imagine that you are an elected member of the United States House of Representatives in the middle of the debate on the health-care reform act that was passed in 2010. In a House committee meeting, you learn before anyone else that a proposed public-insurance option – a program that would compete with private insurance – will not be included. This information will have a large impact on health-care companies’ stock prices. Can you trade these companies’ shares before it is made public? Morally, it is difficult to separate this example from traditional cases of corporate insider trading. Yet no law prohibits the practice. The US Congress – the legislative branch of the country’s government – effectively exempts itself from the normal rules of insider trading. Congress and the US Supreme Court are the only federal agencies whose employees may, without restrictions, trade stocks based on non-public information. All other US government employees who traded on privileged information of the type described above would be acting illegally. Not only can members of Congress legally trade on confidential information; they do, despite the potential cost to their reputations. The US television program 60 Minutes recently reported that several current members of Congress allegedly used confidential information that they acquired on the job for personal gain. While the nexus between the privileged information and the trading is difficult to prove (as it is in most insider trading cases), the timing is highly suspicious. But it is difficult to challenge this congressional “privilege” in the US, in part because insider trading is an ambiguous concept under US law, with no statutory definitions of the terms “insider,” “inside information,” or “insider trading.” In contrast, the European Union has tried to define these terms in directives aimed at prohibiting the practice. According to a directive issued in 1989, “An insider is one who, due to his relationship to the company as manager, director, employee, or major shareholder, possesses inside information (material non-public facts) and knowingly uses such inside information to acquire or dispose of securities to which the information relates for his own account or another.”", "zh": "民选的肮脏交易者 发自芝加哥 — — 试想现在是2010年，你是个选举上台的美国众议院议员，而且正在对即将通过的医疗改革法案进行激烈辩论。 先前提交审议的某个公共保险选项将对私人保险公司构成竞争，而在众议院委员会会议上，你比其他人早一步得知该选项将被排除在议程之外。 在知道这条消息将对医疗企业股价造成极大影响的情况下，你是否可以在消息公布之前买卖这些公司的股票？ 在道德层面，上述例子跟传统企业内幕交易案件非常相似，但却没有相关法律可以禁止上述行为。 作为美国政府立法机关的国会实际上让自己逍遥于内部交易法规的管辖之外。 在众多联邦机构中，只有美国国会和最高法院的成员可以不受限制地利用非公开信息进行股票交易，而同样的行为放在其他政府机构雇员身上都是违法的。 而国会成员不仅可以合法地利用机密信息进行交易，他们也确实这样做了，连这些行为对自身名誉造成损害的在所不惜。 美国电视栏目《60分钟时事杂志（60 minutes ） 》 最近报道了数名国会议员利用议员身份所接触到的机密信息牟取私利。 虽然这些机密信息和交易之间的关联难以确证 — — 正如大多数内部交易案件一样，但这些行为发生的时机却非常可疑。 但要在美国挑战这个国会“特权”却相当困难，这在某种程度上是因为内幕交易在美国法律中是个模糊概念，同时对“内幕交易者 ” ， “内部信息”或者“内幕交易”都缺乏法律定义。 相比之下，欧盟则尝试在打击内部交易的相关文件中对这些词汇予以明确定义。 根据一个在1989年颁布的法令“内幕交易者是指以公司经理，董事，雇员或者主要股东身份掌握内部信息（指意义重大的非公开事实 ） ， 在知情的情况下，利用这些相关内部信息购买或者抛售相关联的证券，以此为自身或他人谋取利益的人 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There, all about us, I swear that the shores and ice floes were crowded with marine mammals as far as the eye could see, and I involuntarily looked around for old Proteus, that mythological shepherd who guarded King Neptune’s immense flocks. To be specific, these were seals. They formed distinct male-and-female groups, the father watching over his family, the mother suckling her little ones, the stronger youngsters emancipated a few paces away. When these mammals wanted to relocate, they moved in little jumps made by contracting their bodies, clumsily helped by their imperfectly developed flippers, which, as with their manatee relatives, form actual forearms. In the water, their ideal element, I must say these animals swim wonderfully thanks to their flexible backbones, narrow pelvises, close-cropped hair, and webbed feet. Resting on shore, they assumed extremely graceful positions. Consequently, their gentle features, their sensitive expressions equal to those of the loveliest women, their soft, limpid eyes, their charming poses, led the ancients to glorify them by metamorphosing the males into sea gods and the females into mermaids.", "zh": "在那里，我简直可以说，我们周围，陆地上和冰层上，一望无际都是被海中哺乳动物挤满了，我眼光不期然而然地找那老头蒲罗德，他是神话中给海神涅豆尼看守家畜群的老收人。海豹特别多。它们形成个别分开的队伍，雄的和雌的一起，父海豹关心它的家族，母海豹给它的小海豹喂奶，有些已经壮大的年轻海豹随意走开；在远一些的地方。当这些哺乳动物要走动的时候，它们由于躯体的伸缩，一跳一跳地走，同时它们相当笨，拿它们的不发达的鳍来帮助走动，但这鳍在它们的同类海牛身上，就成为真正的前臂了。我得说，它们在海水里面生活环境优越，这些脊骨活动，骨盘狭窄，毛又短又密，掌形脚的动物，是游泳的好手。当它门休息和在地上的时候，它们的姿态十分美观，使人喜欢。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "徐忠义是省游泳队的主教练，更培养出了于菲菲这种世界纪录保持者。放眼全国的运动员，世界纪录保持者也是屈指可数，平均下来好几个省才能出一个世界纪录。也因此徐忠义在整个汉北省的教练当中，算是金字塔顶端的存在，在省体工大队中，徐忠义也拥有不小的话语权。 徐忠义的话语权虽然不至于可以直接拿到一个正式的编制，但却可以向上级推荐人才。若是换成别的教练去推荐，或许不会得到重视，但徐忠义的亲自推荐，那效果就完全不同了，因为徐忠义培养出于菲菲这种世界顶级的运动员，已经证明了徐忠义的眼光，所以徐忠义所推荐的人才，自然也会让人高看一眼。 这可以看做是一种江湖地位。就比如写网络小说的，如果能够获得一位顶级大神的章推，读者和其他的作者都会高看你一眼；可若是给你写章推的是个没名气的作者，谁会理你！ 徐忠义知道，如果不是李戴的话，于菲菲的职业生涯可能就毁掉了。为了还李戴一个人情，徐忠义也是尽心尽力的去操办编制的事情，他找了不少的关系，不久之后，徐忠义就得到了一个好消息，他的推荐已经得到了省体育局一位分管副局长的重视。 第二天，徐忠义在省体育局见到了这位副局长。", "en": "Coach Xu was the chief coach of the provincial swimming team, and he had even helped Feifei Yu grow into the world champion. Around the nation there were only a few world champions, and on average there was only one world record holder across several provinces, which was quite low. Therefore, Coach Xu was at the top among all the coaches in the Hanbei Province, making him very respectable and powerful. Coach Xu may not have been powerful enough to directly get a formally organized personnel, but he could recommend talent to superiors. If it was some other coach's recommendation, it might have been disregarded, but Coach Xu's words were quite powerful. He had coached the world's top swimmers, which had proved his knack for spotting talent. His recommendation was weighed heavily. Social status mattered. Take online novels, for example: if a newbie's work could receive a famous author's recommendation, then both readers and other authors would think highly of them; if the referrer was not known by many people, then his recommendation would probably be useless. Coach Xu knew that if Dai Li hadn't offered his help, Feifei Yu would probably have been destroyed. To pay Li back, he tried his best to work things out. He used his reputation to his advantage. Soon after that, Coach Xu heard great news—his recommendation was valued highly by a sub-administration vice-director of the Sport Bureau. The next day, Coach Xu want to meet this vice-director."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Haiti’s State-Building Challenge SANTO DOMINGO -- The $5 billion in short-term aid for Haiti, and the $10 billion pledged for its long-term reconstruction at the International Donors’ Conference on March 31, is a vote of confidence in the potential of collective international action. The question, however, is not only one of money; it is about whether Haiti’s agony is to be addressed as just one more humanitarian crisis or as a structural problem of state building – a long-term quest for institutional stability and sustainable development. Conspicuously, Haiti’s Dominican neighbors were the first to gauge the magnitude of the problem and the global nature of the required solution. The Dominican government’s decision to hold a summit on Haiti’s future has the objective of securing the international community’s ongoing commitment to Haiti, beyond the generous response to the catastrophe produced by the earthquake in January. In addition to harmonizing the flow of donations and an agreed-upon list of development projects, Dominican President Leonel Fernandez seeks to make clear that the task is a long-term enterprise: re-founding the failing Haitian state. A believer in the essentially political nature of Haiti’s tragedy, Fernandez rightly aspires to turn the current crisis into the lever for state-building, Haiti’s extraction from political isolation, and its maturation into an active member of the regional and world community. It is to be hoped that the current global economic crisis does not undermine the reliability of the world’s commitments to Haiti. After all, even in times of prosperity, the international community has been notorious for making grand pledges, only to renege when it comes to following through with the money. Keeping alive the international community’s commitment – that is, seeking an international solution to Haiti’s tragedy – is a vital necessity for the Dominicans. Their initiative is essentially driven by the fear that once Haiti’s immediate humanitarian crisis is addressed, the country’s underlying problems could be left at the door of the “prosperous” neighbors across the border. A case like the island of La Española (Hispaniola), where a simple border can reflect such vast differences, is not very common.", "zh": "海地的建国挑战 圣多明哥 — — 对海地50亿美元的短期援助，以及3月31日国际捐助者会议承诺的100亿美元的长期建设资金是为世界各国可能采取的集体行动投下了信任票。 不过钱还并不是问题的全部，真正的问题在于是将海地的痛苦仅当作又一次人道主义危机还是国家建设的结构性问题 — — 也就是追求体制稳定和可持续发展的长远目标。 显而易见，海地的多米尼加邻国是最早认识到问题的严重性和解决方案全球性的国家。 多米尼加政府决意召开有关海地未来前景的讨论会，会议目标是在1月震灾带来的慷慨解囊之外，寻求国际社会对海地问题的持续关注。 除协调捐赠物流和各方认可的发展项目外，多米尼加总统莱昂内尔·费尔南德斯还力图表明重建失败的海地国家 是一项长期的任务。 费尔南德斯坚信本质上是政治原因造就了海地的悲剧，并且合理地期望利用建国、助海地摆脱政治孤立并积极融入地区和国际社会的方法来解决目前的危机。 希望目前的全球经济危机并没有破坏国际社会对于海地的关注。 毕竟即使在繁荣期间，国际社会也经常作出慷慨的承诺，结果却在兑现善款时背信弃义。 保持国际社会对寻求海地悲剧国际解决方案的关注对多米尼加而言至关重要。 他们的动力从本质上来自于担心一旦海地目前的人道主义危机得到缓解，与海地接壤的这些“繁荣”国家可能不得不独自解决这个国家存在的根本问题。 像拉埃斯帕诺拉岛那样一条边界线折射出两个截然不同世界的例子并非常规情况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "深度融入国家科技创新体系，强化部门、行业、地方、企业沟通衔接。深化企业为主体、市场为导向、产学研用深度融合的技术创新体系建设。发挥政府引导作用，推进战略目标协同，强化规划政策引导，推动优质资源互补，加强风险管控，促进成果共享。统筹铁路行业各类资源和各方力量，组建铁路科技创新联合体，深化创新链产业链融合，提升行业整体创新效能。推行重大科技项目立项“揭榜挂帅”制度，引导更多的科技力量参与研发，推动关键核心技术实现突破。完善铁路科技创新成果转移转化与评价机制，构建科技创新成果交流共享平台。加强跟踪新技术、新装备研发、试验、考核等工作，完善相关制度。发挥企业、。科研院校和社团组织在标准编制中的积极性和技术优势，鼓励将科研成果转化为标准，逐步形成铁路标准体系建设工作新格局。强化铁路科技知识产权保护，优化科研资金利用，完善科研经费管理，激发铁路科技创新动能和活力。", "en": "Deeply integrate into the national science and technology innovation system, strengthen communication and connection between departments, industries, regions, and enterprises. Deepen the construction of a technology innovation system that is led by enterprises, guided by the market, and integrates production, education, research, and application. Play a guiding role of the government, promote the synergy of strategic goals, strengthen planning and policy guidance, promote complementary use of high-quality resources, enhance risk control, and promote the sharing of achievements. Coordinate various resources and forces in the railway industry, establish a railway technology innovation consortium, deepen the integration of innovation chains and industrial chains, and enhance the overall innovation efficiency of the industry. Implement the system of revealing the list and appointing the leader for major scientific and technological projects, guide more scientific and technological forces to participate in research and development, and promote breakthroughs in key core technologies. Improve the mechanism for the transfer, transformation, and evaluation of railway technology innovation achievements, and build a platform for the exchange and sharing of technology innovation achievements. Strengthen the tracking of new technology, new equipment research and development, testing, assessment, and other work, and improve relevant systems. Give full play to the enthusiasm and technical advantages of enterprises, research institutes, and associations in standard formulation, encourage the transformation of research results into standards, and gradually form a new pattern of railway standard system construction. Strengthen the protection of intellectual property rights in railway technology, optimize the use of research funds, improve the management of research funds, and stimulate the driving force and vitality of railway technology innovation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Water Management Is Health Management LONDON – With climate change accelerating and its effects exacerbating other geopolitical and development crises, the role of environmental protection in preserving and improving human wellbeing has become starkly apparent. This recognition lies at the heart of the concept of “planetary health,” which focuses on the health of human civilization and the condition of the natural systems on which it depends. The concept’s logic is simple: if we try to deliver better health to a growing population, without regard for the health and security of our natural resources, we will not just struggle to make new strides; we will reverse the progress already made. Where things get complicated is in applying the concept, particularly when addressing the nexus of water services, health, and ecosystem integrity. Since at least 1854, when John Snow discovered that cholera was spread through contaminated water supplies in central London, humans have understood that polluted water is bad for our health. The degradation of freshwater ecosystems often brings disease, just as the protection or strengthening of such ecosystems improves health outcomes. But, while it is now well understood that progress in one area improves outcomes in another, such co-beneficial dynamics often are insufficient to spur investment in both areas. For example, investing to protect a watershed can also protect biodiversity and improve water quality in associated rivers, thereby benefiting human health. But if the goal is explicitly to improve human health, it might be more cost-effective simply to invest in a water-treatment plant. A more compelling dynamic is complementarity: when investment in one area increases the returns on investment in other areas. In this scenario, investments in protecting a watershed would aim not just to produce returns directly, but also to boost the returns of simultaneous investments in human health. Complementarity produces mutually reinforcing dynamics that improve outcomes across the board. A well-functioning water sector already attempts to balance complementary interventions. Indeed, such a system amounts to a multidisciplinary triumph of human ingenuity and cooperation – involving engineering, hydrology, governance, and urban planning – with far-reaching complementary impacts on both human health and economic development. In 1933, through the Tennessee Valley Authority Act, the United States established an agency whose purpose was to build hydroelectric dams on the Tennessee River.", "zh": "水管理就是健康管理 伦敦—随着气候变化的加快，其影响令其他地缘政治和发展危机变得更加严重，环境保护在捍卫和改善人类福祉方面的作用也变得异常突出。 这一认识成为“地球健康”概念的核心，这一概念关注人类文明的健康和作为人类文明的基础的自然系统的状况。 这一概念的逻辑很简单：如果我们想要让日益增加的人口变得更加健康，而不顾我们的自然资源的健康和安全，那么我们将举步维艰，甚至已经取得的进步也有可能遭到逆转。 复杂之处在于如何应用这一概念，特别是在解决水利、卫生和生态系统完整性这一连锁问题上。 1854年，约翰·斯诺（John Snow）发现霍乱通过伦敦市中心被污染的供水系统传播，此后，人类便已认识到受到污染的水对我们的健康非常不利。 淡水生态系统的破坏常常会带来疾病，一如保护或强化这类生态系统能够改善健康状况。 但是，尽管如今人们已经十分清楚，一个领域的进步能够改善另一领域的结果，但这一共赢动态常常不足以刺激同时加大两个领域的投资。 比如，投资于保护分水岭同时也有利于保护生物多样性，改善相关河流的水质，从而有利于人类健康。 但如果把目标直接定位改善人类健康，那么也许仅仅投资于水处理工厂性价比更高。 互补性的动态更加令人信服：一个领域的投资能提高另一个领域的投资回报。 在这一情形中，投资于保护分水岭不仅着眼于产生直接回报，更着眼于提高同时做出的人类健康投资的回报。 互补性产生互相强化的动态，全面改善多领域结果。 运转良好的水部门已经开始尝试平衡互补性干预。 事实上，这套系统能产生人类智能与合作的多学科胜利（multidisciplinary triumph ） — —包括工程学、水文学、治理和城市规划 — — 对人类健康和经济发展产生意义深远的互补性影响。 1933年，美国通过田纳西流域管理局法案（Tennessee Valley Authority Act ） ， 成立了一个负责沿田纳西河建造水电站的机构。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, while this approach would certainly help to catch counterfeits, it would miss the substandard or degraded products made by legitimate firms, which are tested only by the consumer – and often at great cost in terms of health risks. It is therefore imperative to develop new detection technologies that will work in poorer countries, and that complement existing systems such as bar codes. Detection technology must be capable of analyzing all forms of a drug – whether powder, pill, capsule, or syrup – and of detecting several different grades of quality, not just the junk. It must be simple, affordable, adaptable, and scalable; and it must work at all stages of distribution, whether at customs, in hospitals, or in remote villages. But technology alone will not be enough. Regulators, hospitals, and drug-safety authorities must take the lead, rather than placing the burden on often poor and uneducated citizens who are struggling to care for loved ones. The search for new, sustainable solutions, requires at least three initiatives. First, we must encourage innovation by offering research grants to support small initiatives or large-scale projects (like campaigns to fight HIV, malaria, and maternal mortality). Ideally, an international group would coordinate and develop all of the ideas and products, and take them from the laboratory to the field. Second, we need to harness the creativity and commitment of young students, so that they understand the devastating impact of bad pharmaceuticals and become motivated to make a difference in people’s lives. Third, we must make use of the media. Just as the world cries foul when an illegal shipment of ivory is uncovered, we must launch campaigns in the press, on television, and online to bring to account any trader, state official, or company caught selling or promoting low-quality drugs. In this way, we will remind those in the industry of a fundamental premise: their most precious commodity is not a blockbuster drug, but the public’s trust. If drug makers and pharmacists cannot protect their customers’ health, they cannot protect their business.", "zh": "但是，尽管这一方法必然有助于抓获伪劣产品，但合法企业生产的劣质或减料产品会成为漏网之鱼，消费者只有在使用后才能知道产品质量低下，通常这意味着极高的健康风险。 因此，开发可以用于穷国并与现有系统（比如条形码）形成互补的新检测技术十分重要。 检测技术必须有能力分析所有形式的药品 — — 不管是粉末、药丸、胶囊还是药浆 — — 并能检测几种不同的质量级别，而不仅仅只分伪劣品和正品两类。 这一技术必须简单、廉价、可修改、可扩展，并且必须使用于分销的各个阶段，包括海关、医院和偏远村庄。 但光有技术仍然不够。 监管者、医院和药品安全部门必须起到领导作用，而不是把包袱甩给需要照看亲朋的穷苦和未受足够教育的公民。 研究新的可持续解决方案至少需要三方面的努力。 首先，我们必须发放研究经费支持小项目和大工程（如抵抗艾滋病、疟疾和母婴死亡的项目 ） ， 以鼓励创新。 理想的情况是由国际组织来协调和开发所有办法和产品，并把它们从实验室带到日常生活。 其次，我们需要引入年轻学生的创造力和志愿，让他们了解劣质药所造成的灾难性后果，激发他们改变人类生活的动机。 第三，我们必须利用媒体。 查获非法走私象牙船都能引起全世界的不平，因此我们必须在报纸、电视和网络上掀起针对被揭发与销售劣质药品有涉的贸易商、国家官员和公司的舆论战。 通过这种方法，我们可以提供制药行业一个基本承诺：他们最宝贵的商品不是划时代的药品，而是公众的信任。 如果制药商和药店无法保护消费者的健康，那么它们也无法保护自己的生意。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We push the pendulum back into the other direction. We take these forms that we know you love and we update them. We add neon and we add pastels and we use new materials. And you love it. And we can't give you enough of it. We take Chippendale armoires and we turned those into skyscrapers, and skyscrapers can be medieval castles made out of glass. Forms got big, forms got bold and colorful. Dwarves became columns. It was crazy. But it's the '80s, it's cool. This is the thing about postmodernism. This is the thing about symbols. They're easy, they're cheap, because instead of making places, we're making memories of places. Because I know, and I know all of you know, this isn't Tuscany. This is Ohio. In the late '80s and early '90s, we start experimenting with something called deconstructivism. We throw out historical symbols, we rely on new, computer-aided design techniques, and we come up with new compositions, forms crashing into forms. This is academic and heady stuff, it's super unpopular, we totally alienate you. Ordinarily, the pendulum would just swing back into the other direction. And then, something amazing happened. In 1997, this building opened. This is the Guggenheim Bilbao, by Frank Gehry. And this building fundamentally changes the world's relationship to architecture.", "zh": "我们把钟摆推回到另一个方向。 你们热爱这样的建筑形式， 我们就将它们改造升级。 我们加入霓虹 我们加入柔和的粉蜡色 我们使用新型材料。 人们爱死这样的建筑了。 我们不断地建造。 我们取材自齐本德尔式衣橱 将它们变成摩天大楼， 这些摩天大楼像是 用玻璃制造的中世纪古堡。 这些建筑变得更大， 设计更大胆，更色彩丰富。 小矮人式的柱子。 太疯狂了。 这就是80年代，很酷。 这就是后现代。 这就是符号的意义。 简单、便宜， 我们不是建造住所， 而是建造记忆中的住所。 因为我知道， 我想各位也都知道， 这不是意大利托斯卡纳。 这是俄亥俄州。 在80年代末，90年代初期， 我们开始试验解构主义。 我们找出历史符号， 我们用新的电脑辅助设计技术， 我们推出新的艺术作品， 各种形式撞击在一起。 这太学术太费脑筋了， 这样的建筑非常不受欢迎， 建筑师们疏远了人群。 通常来说，钟摆将会摇去另一个方向。 随后，有意思的事情发生了。 在1997年，这个建筑投入使用了。 这是在西班牙毕尔巴鄂的古根海姆博物馆， 由弗兰克·盖里设计建筑。 就是这个建筑 颠覆了世界与建筑的关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Secular Stagnation, Not Secular Stagflation NEW YORK – A good case can be made that secular stagnation – sustained slower growth – is looming for most advanced economies, China, and many emerging markets and developing economies dependent on trade and foreign investment. Advocates of this view point to aging populations, deglobalization, climate change and biodiversity loss, rising inequality, and excessive debt, whereas optimists instead tout the potential of younger, dynamic countries and productivity-boosting technologies such as artificial intelligence, robotics, and bioengineering. Yet even if secular stagnation is our destiny, it is not likely to take the form of secular stagflation, or what Nouriel Roubini calls the “Great Stagflation” (a combination of secular stagnation and persistent, long-term stagflation). Stagflation refers to materially above-target inflation, with unemployment above its natural level and output below its potential. But the more likely scenario for most advanced economies and China is many decades of secular stagnation with generally low inflation rates, interrupted by occasional one- or two-year episodes of transitory stagflation. There are two distinct drivers of stagflation, both of which can be operative simultaneously. The first occurs when a negative aggregate supply shock boosts inflation while lowering output and raising the unemployment rate, as happened recently with the Russian war-driven spike in global commodity prices and the pandemic-driven disruption of supply chains.", "zh": "长期停滞，而非长期滞涨 发自纽约 — — 对于大多数发达经济体、中国以及许多依赖贸易和外国投资的新兴市场和发展中经济体来说，有一个很好的理由可以证明长期停滞 — — 持续放缓的增长 — — 正在逼近。 这种观点的倡导者指出了人口老龄化、去全球化、气候变化及生物多样性丧失，不平等加剧和债务过重等问题，而乐观主义者则吹捧那些人口更年轻且富有活力的国家以及人工智能、机器人和生物工程等生产力提升技术。 然而就算我们会陷入长期停滞，它也不可能以长期滞胀或者努里埃·鲁比尼（Nouriel Roubini）所谓“大滞胀 ” （ 长期停滞和持续长期滞胀的结合）的形式出现。 滞胀是指实质上高于目标的通胀，同时失业率高于其自然水平，产出低于其潜力。 但对于大多数发达经济体和中国来说更可能出现的情况是几十年的长期停滞，通胀率普遍较低，偶尔会出现一到两年的短期滞胀。 滞胀有两个不同但却可能同时发生的驱动因素。 第一种情况是负面总供给冲击在降低产出和提高失业率的同时推动了通胀，就像最近俄乌战争导致的全球大宗商品价格飙升和新冠疫情引发的供应链中断那样。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "我们要深化命运共同体意识，持续推进区域经济一体化，加快创新发展步伐，促进区域互联互通，实现包容和可持续发展，把愿景一步步转变为现实，为亚太人民造福。 亚太工商界是引领和推动经济增长的重要力量，你们是亚太发展和合作成就的贡献者和见证者，也是亚太未来发展的建设者和受益者。 当今世界面临更为复杂多元的挑战，亚太合作也进入新的历史阶段。 工商界需要更开阔的格局、更坚韧的企业家精神。 相信这会给你们带来更广阔的发展空间。 希望大家做开放发展的推动者，促进贸易和投资自由化便利化，维护亚太产业链、供应链安全稳定，推动亚太经济率先走向复苏、走向繁荣。 希望大家做创新增长的探索者，大胆推动组织创新、技术创新、市场创新，使亚太成为科技“沃土”、创新“高地”。 希望大家做互利共赢的合作者，深挖合作潜力，做大合作蛋糕，造福各国人民。 希望大家做社会责任的践行者，积极参与国际抗疫合作，关注和帮扶弱势群体，为全球发展注入更多正能量。 女士们、先生们、朋友们！ 疫情终将过去，胜利必将到来。 让我们携起手来，风雨同舟、守望相助，坚持开放合作，畅通内外循环，共创共享亚太和世界更加美好的未来！", "en": "Let us not forget that we are a community with a common stake, and let us move toward closer regional economic integration. We need to accelerate innovation-driven growth, enhance regional connectivity, and realize inclusive and sustainable development. Step by step, we can surely turn our vision into reality and deliver a better life for people in the region. The Asia-Pacific business community is an engine driving economic growth. You have witnessed development and cooperation in our region; and indeed, you have contributed to it every step on the way. You have an important role to play in shaping the future of our region, and there is no doubt you will benefit from its development. Asia-Pacific cooperation has entered a new historical stage at a time when the world is facing multiple challenges. The business community needs a broader vision, greater resilience and stronger entrepreneurship. With them, I am sure you will create greater prospects for business development. I hope you will contribute your share to promoting openness and development. You may work to advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, and ensure the security and stability of industrial and supply chains of our region; and your work will enable the Asia-Pacific to take the lead in achieving economic recovery and prosperity. I hope you will explore innovation-driven growth. You may take bold steps to pursue organizational, technological and market innovations; that will make the Asia-Pacific a fertile ground for scientific breakthroughs and a pacesetter for innovation. I hope you will be partners for achieving win-win cooperation. You may tap fully into the potential for cooperation, and make the pie of cooperation even bigger for all our people to benefit from. I hope you will actively fulfill your social responsibilities. You may all play active parts in the international fight against COVID-19 and do more to help disadvantaged groups to add more momentum to global development. Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends, The day will come when we finally beat COVID-19 and win victory in this fight. Let us work in solidarity and weather the storm together. Let us stay true to openness and cooperation and make development and circulations at home and overseas reinforce each other. Together, we can surely deliver a brighter future for all of us, both here in the Asia-Pacific and across the world!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Commonsense Corporate Tax BERKELEY – As part of its massive infrastructure plan, President Joe Biden’s administration is seeking to raise the US corporate tax rate from 21% to 28%, with a 21% “minimum” tax on profits earned abroad by US corporations. In the words of Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen, the goal is to arrest an international “race to the bottom” by getting other countries to adopt similar minimum corporate taxes. Unfortunately, the measures being proposed seem designed for an earlier era, when it was easy to identify the factories and refineries where companies produced and earned their profits, and when a corporation’s nationality was largely determined by the location of its main operations and its shareholders. In the modern era, multinational companies with international shareholder bases operate global supply chains, creating value using intangible capital with no natural location. As such, trying to modify a tax system based on a company’s residence and where its profits are earned amounts to trying to replace the race to the bottom with a race to the past. If the United States adopts the proposed measures but fails to get others to go along, it will have saddled itself with a less competitive tax system. But even if it succeeds, it will have locked in a system that will require constant modification to keep up with economic realities that are departing ever further from the core concepts on which the system is based. Fortunately, there are alternatives that are much more attuned to the realities of the modern economy. Policies enacted in the US at the state level in recent decades have steadily moved toward taxing corporations based on the location of their sales. For these jurisdictions, shifting away from taxes based on the location of payroll and tangible assets has proved salutary for investment and employment. Moreover, if adopted at the national level, “destination-based” taxation could solve the problem of international profit shifting that the Biden reforms are intended to confront. The most decisive reform would be a “destination-based cash flow tax” (DBCFT). Among other things, this would provide immediate expensing for all investment, eliminate the tax advantage for corporate borrowing, and impose border tax adjustments to eliminate taxes on export revenues and tax deductions for import costs.", "zh": "一项符合常理的企业税 发自伯克利—作为其大规模基础设施计划的一部分，拜登政府正试图将美国联邦企业所得税率从21%提高到28 % ， 并对美国企业在海外赚取的利润征收“最低”21%的税。 用财政部长珍妮特·耶伦的话说，此举的目的就是通过让其他国家采取类似的最低企业税率来防止世界各地的“无底线低税率竞争 ” 。 不幸的是，上述政策提议似乎更适用于更早一段时期，那时候很容易识别出企业实施生产和赚取利润的工厂和精炼厂，同时企业的国籍也主要取决于其主要业务和股东的所在地。 如今是一些股东遍布全球的跨国公司在运营全球供应链并利用不存在自然地理位置属性的无形资本创造价值。 因此试图根据企业驻地及其利润赚取地来修改税收制度的做法相当于试图以一种倒退式竞争来取代无底线竞争。 如果美国采用了上述措施但却不能拉其他国家入伙，那么它就等于给自己套上了一个竞争力较弱的税收体系。 而即便它成功笼络了各方，它也会被困于一个需要不断修订的体制，因为该体制所面对的经济现实正越来越偏离该体制所依据的核心概念。 所幸还存在着一些更符合现代经济现实的替代方案。 近几十年来美国的州一级税收政策已经逐渐转向根据销售地点对企业征税。 对这些司法管辖区来说，将税收与工资和有形资产所在地脱钩的做法已经证明对投资和就业有利。 此外如果在国家层面上采用“基于目的地”的税收就可以解决拜登改革所要面对的国际利润转移问题。 而最具决定性的改革则会是“基于目的地的现金流税 ” （ destination-based cash flow tax ） 。 其内容包括为所有投资提供即时费用扣除，取消企业借贷税收优惠，并实行边境税收调整以取代出口收入税和进口成本税收减免。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And you might say, when you understood the answer to that, \"Well, I trust some of them, but not others.\" That's a perfectly rational thing. In short, in our real lives, we seek to place trust in a differentiated way. We don't make an assumption that the level of trust that we will have in every instance of a certain type of official or office-holder or type of person is going to be uniform. I might, for example, say that I certainly trust a certain elementary school teacher I know to teach the reception class to read, but in no way to drive the school minibus. I might, after all, know that she wasn't a good driver. I might trust my most loquacious friend to keep a conversation going but not -- but perhaps not to keep a secret. Simple. So if we've got those evidence in our ordinary lives of the way that trust is differentiated, why do we sort of drop all that intelligence when we think about trust more abstractly? I think the polls are very bad guides to the level of trust that actually exists, because they try to obliterate the good judgment that goes into placing trust. Secondly, what about the aim? The aim is to have more trust. Well frankly, I think that's a stupid aim. It's not what I would aim at.", "zh": "当你明白问题到底是什么, 你会说， \"嗯。我相信一些人，不相信另一些人。\" 非常理性的回答。 简而言之，在我们现实生活中， 我们以不同的方式来寻求信任。 我们不对信任感的程度做假设。 我们会对特定类型进行具体分析。 那些公务员，官员之类的人， 会被类型化。 比如说，我会说我当然相信 一个我知道的小学老师 会教会学生怎么阅读。 但是我不相信她可以开校车。 也许最终我知道她确实不是个好司机。 我也许相信我那爱喝酒的朋友 是个聊天的好伙伴。 但我不会相信他是个守得住秘密的人。 就这么简单。 在日常生活中我们有了这样的证据， 说信任感是有区分的， 那么为什么民意调查时我们一下子糊涂了， 把信任感想得更概念化了呢？ 我觉得民意调查是个很差劲的 衡量信任感是否存在的依据。 因为它抹杀了人们良好的判断力。 对考虑信任感的判断力。 第二，那个目的是怎么回事儿呢？ 目的是我们需要更多的信任感。 坦白说，我觉得这个目的挺可笑的。 这不是我想的那个目的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Welcome to the Era of Incompetence Two diametrically opposed scenarios exist for what will happen to global real interest rates over the next generation. Those who predict generally low interest rates over the next generation point to rapid growth of productivity and potential output in the world economy. According to this view, the principal problem faced by central banks will not be restraining demand as it shoots above potential, but boosting demand as it lags behind potential. They point to the fact that the world's major central banks - the Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, and the Bank of Japan - have so firmly established their anti-inflation credibility that the inflation risk premium has been wrung out of interest rates. Believers in low interest rates also emphasize shifts in income distribution in the United States away from labor and toward capital, which have greatly boosted firms' resources to finance investment internally and reduced their dependence on capital markets. They point to rapid technological progress, which has boosted output from new and old capital investments. With competition strong across the economy, they say that we can look forward to a generation of relatively high asset prices and relatively low real interest rates worldwide. By contrast, those who predict generally high real interest rates over the next generation point to low savings rates in the US, high spending driven by demographic burdens in Europe, and feckless governments running chronic deficits and unsustainable fiscal policies. Imagine a bunch of irresponsible Bush-like administrations making fiscal policy, forever.", "zh": "欢迎进入执政无能的时代 对于未来二十五至三十年中全球实际利率的走向有两种截然不同的预测。 认为低实际利率会主导未来二十五到三十年的人，其预测的依据是世界经济的生产率和潜在产能的快速增长。 根据这种观点，各国央行将会面临的首要问题不是在需求超过产能时对其进行抑制，而是在需求滞后于产能时对其进行拉动。 他们指出，世界主要的中央银行-美联储、欧洲央行和日本银行-已经筑起了一道反通货膨胀坚固防线，从而将通货膨胀的风险差额从利率中挤出去了。 相信低利率的人们还强调美国的收益分配从劳力向资本的转移。 这种转移已经极大地增强了企业内部融资的能力，从而减低了它们对资本市场的依赖程度。 他们还指出急速的技术进步使得新旧资本投资的收益都有所增加。 他们表示随着经济领域中竞争的强化，我们可以预见在未来的二十五至三十年中全世界范围内的较高资产价格和较低实际利率。 相形之下，认为高实际利率会主导未来二十五到三十年的人则另有一套依据：美国的低储蓄率，欧洲在人口统计负担驱动下的高消费和政府在应对长期财政赤字和不可持续的财政政策方面的不力。 设想一下，要是永远让不负责任的布什政府之流来制定财政政策会出现什么样的结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And independent analysts, such as Anat Admati of Stanford University, have explained all of the relevant details of how – and why – this should be done. Those details – for example, in Admati’s recent testimony to the Senate subcommittee chaired by Brown – are not in doubt. Thanks to Admati and her colleagues, we have a clear rendering of them in straightforward, non-technical language. Unfortunately, the leading federal government officials remain in denial. The most spectacular recent example of this is a report issued this summer by the Government Accountability Office. The GAO had a simple task: At the request of Brown and Vitter, it was charged with assessing the scale and impact of the implicit guarantees provided by the government to large bank holding companies. The GAO responded by producing a deeply muddled report that followed the financial industry’s suggestion of focusing almost exclusively on the difference in bond spreads (interest rates on various forms of financing) between the largest banks and some of their competitors. Such spreads are only a small component of the funding advantage for big banks, and they are also highly cyclical – meaning that the advantage for the biggest banks manifests itself the most when markets are under pressure, as they were in the fall of 2008. The GAO concluded that these spreads had indeed been high in 2008, and that now they have fallen.", "zh": "而斯坦福大学的阿纳特·阿德马提（Anat Admati）等独立分析家业解释了关于应该如何 — — 以及为何 — — 实现这一目标的所有相关细节。 感谢阿德马提和她的同事们，我们可以通过直观的非专业用语清楚地了解这些问题。 不幸的是，联邦政府高官拒绝承认问题。 最显著的例子是今年夏天政府审计办公室所发布的一份报告。 审计办公室的任务很简单：在布朗和维特的要求下，它不得不对政府给予大型银行控股公司的隐性担保的规模和影响做一个评估。 审计办公室给出了一份相当模棱两可的报告，在金融业的建议下，该报告几乎完全集中在最大银行和它们的某些竞争对手之间的债券利差（不同融资形式的利息）差别上。 这一利差只不过是大银行融资优势的一小部分，也具有高度周期性 — — 这意味着最大银行的优势在市场承压时表现得最为明显，比如2008年秋天的时候。 审计办公室认为，这些利差在2008年确实很高，但现在已经回落。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "I am here to tell you that we have been lied to about disability. It's not a bad thing, and it doesn't make you exceptional. And in the past few years, we've been able to propagate this lie even further via social media. You may have seen images like this one: \"The only disability in life is a bad attitude.\" Or this one: \"Your excuse is invalid.\" Indeed. Or this one: \"Before you quit, try!\" These are just a couple of examples, but there are a lot of these images out there. You know, you might have seen the one, the little girl with no hands drawing a picture with a pencil held in her mouth. You might have seen a child running on carbon fiber prosthetic legs. And these images, there are lots of them out there, they are what we call inspiration porn. And I use the term porn deliberately, because they objectify one group of people for the benefit of another group of people. So in this case, we're objectifying disabled people for the benefit of nondisabled people. The purpose of these images is to inspire you, to motivate you, so that we can look at them and think, \"Well, however bad my life is, it could be worse. I could be that person.\" But what if you are that person? I've lost count of the number of times that I've been approached by strangers wanting to tell me that they think I'm brave or inspirational, and this was long before my work had any kind of public profile. They were just kind of congratulating me for managing to get up in the morning and remember my own name. And it is objectifying. These images, those images objectify disabled people for the benefit of nondisabled people. They are there so that you can look at them and think that things aren't so bad for you, to put your worries into perspective. And life as a disabled person is actually somewhat difficult. We do overcome some things. But the things that we're overcoming are not the things that you think they are. They are not things to do with our bodies.", "zh": "我来这儿是想告诉你们 我们对残疾有错误的认识。 其实，这并不是件坏事， 也不会让你变得多出众。 在过去的几年，这个谎言 通过社交媒体 被传的更广了。 你们可能看过这样的图片： \"生活中唯一的残缺就是消极的态度。\" 或者这个：\"你的理由不成立。\" 亦或者：\"不要轻易放弃，继续尝试！\" 这只是其中的几个例子， 这样的图片还有很多。 你们还可能看到过这个， 一个没有手臂的小女孩儿 把笔刁在嘴里画画。 你们可能也见过一个孩子借助 碳纤维义肢奔跑。 类似这样的图片， 太多了， 我们管这些叫励志情色片。 （观众笑声） 我故意用\"情色片\"这个词的， 因为他们为了另一群人的利益， 而把一群人物化。 现在，我们正在物化残障人士， 以满足非残障人士的利益。 这些图片是 想要鼓舞你们，激励你们， 这样我们看到这些残疾人的时候 就会想：\"哦，我的生活再糟， 也还是有比我更糟的。 还好我不是那个人。\" 但如果你就是那个人呢？ 我已经记不清有几次， 有陌生人向我走过来， 想要告诉我他们认为我很勇敢， 很励志， 这还是在我没有 成为公众人物之前的事。 他们只是因为我早上能够正常起床， 还能记着我自己的名字 而祝贺我。（观众笑声） 这就是物化。 这些图片 物化了残障人士，好让他们 能够激励非残障人士。 他们的存在，就在于能够让你们 庆幸自己过的还不坏， 把担心抛在脑后。 不过残障人士的生活 的确有些挑战。 我们确实需要克服一些困难。 不过我们需要克服的那些事 跟你们想像的不一样。 这些事跟我们身体本身的缺陷没什么关系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "According to a recent report by Deutsche Bank, for example, borrowers will have difficulty refinancing hundreds of billions of dollars of commercial real estate loans that will mature after 2010. Rather than estimate the economic value of banks’ assets – what the assets would fetch in a well-functioning market – and the extent to which they exceed liabilities, the stress tests merely sought to verify that the banks’ accounting losses over the next two years will not exhaust their capital as recorded in their books. As long as banks are permitted to operate this way, the banks’ supervisors are betting on the banks’ ability to earn their way out of their current problems – even if the value of their assets doesn’t now significantly exceed their liabilities. But doesn’t the banks’ ability to raise new equity capital indicate that, regardless of whether the stress tests are reliable, investors believe that their assets’ value does significantly exceed their liabilities? Not at all. Consider a bank with liabilities of $1 billion. Suppose that the bank has assets with long maturity and a face value of $1.2 billion but whose current economic value is only $1 billion. Although the value of the bank’s assets doesn’t exceed its liabilities, depositors won’t flee as long as the government backs the bank by guaranteeing its deposits.", "zh": "根据德国银行近期的一项报告，很多商业房地产贷款项目在2010年到期以后，很难再获得数千亿美元的贷款。 本次压力测试忽视了银行资产的经济价值 — — 也就是资产是否能在有效的市场环境中运行 — — 和他们可以承受的程度，它仅仅测试银行在未来的两年中，如果继续亏损，能否顺利渡过难关而存活下来。 按照这样的测试结果，为了摆脱目前的经济困境，银行的高管们就会放手一博，而不顾及实际真实资产的状况。 抛开压力测试是否有效不谈，是不是只要 银行有能力进行新的融资，就意味着它的净资产就是正数了么？ 显然不是。 例如，一家银行有10亿美元的债务，帐面资产虽然有12亿美元，而折合成当今的经济价值只有10亿美元。 虽然银行净资产不是正数，但由于有了政府的信用保证，储户还不至于挤兑提款。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "开展国土绿化行动，推进荒漠化、石漠化、水土流失综合治理，强化湿地保护和恢复，加强地质灾害防治。 完善天然林保护制度，扩大退耕还林还草。 严格保护耕地，扩大轮作休耕试点， 健全耕地草原森林河流湖泊休养生息制度，建立市场化、多元化生态补偿机制。 （四）改革生态环境监管体制。 加强对生态文明建设的总体设计和组织领导，设立国有自然资源资产管理和自然生态监管机构， 完善生态环境管理制度，统一行使全民所有自然资源资产所有者职责， 统一行使所有国土空间用途管制和生态保护修复职责，统一行使监管城乡各类污染排放和行政执法职责。 构建国土空间开发保护制度，完善主体功能区配套政策，建立以国家公园为主体的自然保护地体系。 坚决制止和惩处破坏生态环境行为。 同志们！ 生态文明建设功在当代、利在千秋。 我们要牢固树立社会主义生态文明观，推动形成人与自然和谐发展现代化建设新格局，为保护生态环境作出我们这代人的努力！ 十、坚持走中国特色强军之路，全面推进国防和军队现代化 国防和军队建设正站在新的历史起点上。 面对国家安全环境的深刻变化，面对强国强军的时代要求，必须全面贯彻新时代党的强军思想，贯彻新形势下军事战略方针，建设强大的现代化陆军、海军、空军、火箭军和战略支援部队，打造坚强高效的战区联合作战指挥机构，构建中国特色现代作战体系，", "en": "We will promote afforestation, take comprehensive steps to control desertification, stony deserts, and soil erosion, strengthen wetland conservation and restoration, and better prevent and control geological disasters. We will improve the system for protecting natural forests, and turn more marginal farmland into forests and grasslands. We will rigorously protect farmland and expand trials in crop rotation and keeping land fallow. We will improve systems for regeneration of croplands, grasslands, forests, rivers, and lakes, and set up diversified market-based mechanisms for ecological compensation. 4. Reforming the environmental regulation system We will strengthen overall planning, organization, and leadership for building an ecological civilization. We will establish regulatory agencies to manage state-owned natural resource assets and monitor natural ecosystems, and improve environmental management systems. These agencies will, in a unified way, perform the duties of the owner of public-owned natural resource assets, the duties of regulating the use of all territorial space and protecting and restoring ecosystems, and the duties of monitoring the discharge of all pollutants in urban and rural areas and conducting administrative law enforcement. We will establish systems for developing and protecting territorial space, improve supporting policies on functional zones, and develop a nature reserves system composed mainly of national parks. We will take tough steps to stop and punish all activities that damage the environment. Comrades, What we are doing today to build an ecological civilization will benefit generations to come. We should have a strong commitment to socialist ecological civilization and work to develop a new model of modernization with humans developing in harmony with nature. We must do our generation’s share to protect the environment. X. Staying Committed to the Chinese Path of Building Strong Armed Forces and Fully Advancing the Modernization of National Defense and the Military We have reached a new historical starting point in strengthening national defense and the armed forces. Confronted with profound changes in our national security environment and responding to the demands of the day for a strong country with a strong military, we must fully implement the Party’s thinking on strengthening the military for the new era and the military strategy for new conditions, build a powerful and modernized army, navy, air force, rocket force, and strategic support force, develop strong and efficient joint operations commanding institutions for theater commands, and create a modern combat system with distinctive Chinese characteristics."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Ethics of Internet Piracy PRINCETON – Last year, I told a colleague that I would include Internet ethics in a course that I was teaching. She suggested that I read a recently published anthology on computer ethics – and attached the entire volume to the email. Should I have refused to read a pirated book? Was I receiving stolen goods, as advocates of stricter laws against Internet piracy claim? If I steal someone’s book the old-fashioned way, I have the book, and the original owner no longer does. I am better off, but she is worse off. When people use pirated books, the publisher and the author often are worse off – they lose earnings from selling the book. But, if my colleague had not sent me the book, I would have borrowed the copy in my university’s library. I saved myself the time needed to do that, and it seems that no one was worse off. (Curiously, given the book’s subject matter, it is not for sale in digital form). In fact, others benefited from my choice as well: the book remained on the library shelf, available to other users. On the other hand, if the book had not been on the shelf and those other users had asked library staff to recall or reserve it, the library might have noted the demand for the book and ordered a second copy. But there is only a small probability that my use of the book would have persuaded the library to buy another copy. And, in any case, we are now a long way from the standard cases of stealing. I asked the 300 students in my ethics class which of them had not downloaded something from the Internet, knowing or suspecting that they were violating copyright. Only five or six hands went up. Many of the rest thought that what they had done was wrong, but said that “everyone does it.” Others said that they would not have bought the music or book anyway, so they were not harming anyone. It did not seem that any of them were prepared to stop. The case for enforcing copyright laws was strengthened by the details that emerged following the arrest in New Zealand last month of Kim Dotcom (born Kim Schmitz), founder of the Web site Megaupload (now closed down by the FBI).", "zh": "互联网盗版的道德规则 普林斯顿 — — 去年，我对一位同事说要在所授课程中加入互联网道德。 她建议我阅读一本不久前出版的计算机伦理著作，而且把整部书以附件的形式发送给我。 我是否应该拒绝阅读盗版著作？ 我是否像主张严格立法打击互联网盗版者所说的那样收到了赃物？ 如果用老式方法去盗窃别人的书籍，书到了我手里，它就不再属于原来的所有者。 我是得偿所愿，而她却受到了损失。 如果人们使用盗版书籍，倒霉的是出版社和作者 — — 他们失去了卖书的收入。 可如果同事没给我发那本书，我就会从大学图书馆借阅。 我省下了借书的时间，看上去似乎没有人受到损失。 （奇怪的是，考虑到这本书的题材，它并非要以数字的形式出售 ） 。 实际上，我的这种选择还惠及其他人：这本书仍然留在图书馆的书架上供其他人借阅。 另一方面，如果书不在书架上，而其他借阅者向工作人员提出收回或预定的请求，图书馆可能会注意到这本书的需求量，并另购一本书。 但我对书籍的使用说服图书馆另购一本的可能性微乎其微。 而且无论如何，这与通常的盗窃案有着很大的不同。 我询问伦理课上的300名学生谁没有在明知或者怀疑存在侵犯版权行为的情况下从网上下载过作品。 只有五六个人举手。 其余很多人认为自己做得不对，但辩解说“人人都这样做 。 ” 还有人说他们反正也不会购买那本书或那首歌，因此没有任何人受到伤害。 似乎没人准备今后不再这么做。 前Megaupload网站（现已被 FBI关闭）创始人Kim Dotcom（出生时叫Kim Schmitz）上个月在新西兰被捕时的详细情景浮出水面，他的被捕强化了著作权法的执法工作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In several towns, accepting a visitor into your home meant the risk of a heavy fine. Nonetheless, the disease spread into urban areas and, like a wildfire, engulfed the three countries and spilled into others. To date, more than 8,500 infections and 3,500 deaths have been reported just in Sierra Leone. The health sector has perhaps been the hardest hit. The death of more than 220 health-care workers left only 3.4 skilled health personnel for every 10,000 citizens. As fear of Ebola mounted, many citizens stopped using health services, reflected in a 23% drop in births in hospitals or clinics, a 21% drop in children receiving basic immunization, and a 39% drop in children treated for malaria. As a result, these countries experienced a resurgence in vaccine-preventable diseases, malaria, maternal and child deaths, and acute malnutrition. In this sense, the worst may be yet to come. But Sierra Leone is picking up the pieces, and has embarked on a two-year recovery plan. The first priority is to get the number of Ebola cases to zero and keep it there. This means changing the conditions that allowed it to spread so rapidly in the first place. The first step is to rebuild the health-care system. The plan demands the restoration of health-care services in 40 hospitals and 1,300 primary health-care facilities across the country, so that children and mothers can receive free essential care, vaccinations, and treatment for diseases like tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, and malaria.", "zh": "在一些城镇，收留访客可能遭到重罚。 尽管如此，埃博拉仍然蔓延到城市地区，并且如野火般吞噬了三国并进入其他国家。 到目前为止，光是塞拉利昂便报告了8,500多例感染和3,500例死亡。 卫生部门也许是受打击最大的地方。 220多名医护人员死亡意味着每10,000公民只有3.4名熟练医护人员为他们服务。 随着埃博拉恐慌的升级，许多公民不再就医，这反映在医院和诊所出生儿童人数下降23 % 、 接受基础免疫儿童人数下降21 % 、 疟疾就诊儿童人数下降39 % 。 结果，这些国家开始出现疫苗可防疾病、疟疾、母婴死亡和急性营养不良重新抬头。 从这个角度讲，最坏的时候还没有到来。 但塞拉利昂正在重新站起来，实施了一个两年恢复计划。 第一个重点是将埃博拉病例减到零并永远保持。 这意味着改变让一开始让埃博拉得以如此迅速地蔓延的环境。 第一步是重建卫生体系。 这一计划要求重建全国40家医院和1,300家初级医疗机构的医疗服务，以使儿童和母亲能够获得免费的基本医疗、疫苗和结核病、艾滋病和疟疾等疾病的治疗。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "This policy invention has proved effective at limiting the inflationary pressure from oil extraction while providing the government with an extra source of revenue. But what Norway needs now is patient long-term finance to support economic diversification. Because the current fiscal framework allows for large public investments to be kept outside the normal government budget, it is exacerbating the country’s Dutch disease by creating a petroleum-determined path dependency. It doesn’t have to be this way. The SPU could be transformed into a powerful mission-oriented investor with both a domestic and global presence. Rather than using petroleum revenues to recapitalize the oil fund, this cash flow could be directed into a new public Green Investment Bank, whose work could be coordinated with that of other public funds and agencies working on the green transition. Norway’s national innovation system is characterized by a significant share of public ownership. Notably, the Norwegian state owns 67% of the Norwegian petroleum industry’s flagship company, Equinor (formerly Statoil). But while Norwegian state-owned companies once played a key role in creating (from scratch) the industrial ecosystem for petroleum production, they have failed to step back into this role to lead the green transition. Rather than reinvesting its earnings in renewable energy, Equinor announced in 2019 that it would spend $5 billion by 2022 buying back its own shares. The COVID-19 shock has demonstrated the risks associated with depending too much on volatile energy markets. While the Danish energy giant Ørsted has shrugged off the pandemic and continued its decade-old shift to renewables, Equinor has had to cut dividends and take on more debt to keep its commitment to shareholders in the face of insufficient revenues. Like its peer in Denmark, Equinor should become a mission-oriented energy giant. That means removing the pressure on its management to distribute earnings among shareholders by restoring its status as a fully state-owned company focused on the country’s economic future.", "zh": "事实证明，这项政策发明能够有效限制来自石油开采的通胀压力，同时为政府提供额外的收入来源。 但挪威现在需要的是对经济多样化耐心的长期财政支持。 因为现行财政框架允许将大量公共投资保留在正常的政府预算之外，因此，它正通过造成由石油决定的路径依赖而加剧该国的荷兰病。 出现上述情况并非不可避免。 政府养老基金完全可以转型为在国内和全球均有业务的强势使命导向型投资者。 上述现金可以流入新的公共绿色投资银行，该银行可以和其他公共基金和机构一道从事绿色转型工作，而不应将石油收入重新注入到石油基金当中。 挪威国家创新制度的特点是公有制占据很大比重。 值得注意的是，挪威政府拥有挪威石油工业旗舰企业Equinor（前挪威国家石油公司）67%的股份。 但尽管挪威国有企业曾经（在从零开始）创建工业生态系统方面发挥了关键作用，但它们却未能在领导绿色转型过程中重新扮演这一角色。 Equinor在2019年宣布，它截止2022年将斥资50亿美元回购其自身股份，而不是将收益重新投资于可再生能源研发。 2019年新冠疫情冲击已经证明了过度依赖动荡的能源市场所带来的风险。 尽管丹麦能源巨头沃旭能源（Ørsted）表现得对疫情不屑一顾并继续其长达十年的可再生化转型，Equinor却不得不削减股息并增加借债，以便在收入不足的情况下兑现对股东的承诺。 像在丹麦的同行一样，Equinor应当成为以使命为导向的能源巨头。 这意味着通过恢复其专注于国家经济未来的纯国有公司地位，从而将管理层为股东分配收益的压力解除掉。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Chinese Mirror TOKYO – The closing decade of the twentieth century offered a crystal ball for anyone peering into the future of the Asia-Pacific region. Japan’s economy, once the region’s leader, was “lost” after its asset bubble burst, whereas China overcame the economic stagnation that followed the Tiananmen Square crisis of 1989 to achieve its current path of strong growth. The debate raging 10 years ago about China’s rapid growth – whether it represents a danger or an opportunity – has now settled into broad agreement that wider regional development would be impossible without it. Further geo-political implications for the region and the world follow from three key changes in China. The first concerns the pattern of Chinese economic growth, which so far has been achieved mainly by rapid increases in factor inputs – labor, capital, and energy. But recent research suggests that about one-third of China’s economic growth comes from technological progress, or from the increase in total factor productivity. In other words, China’s growth pattern is becoming similar to that of industrialized economies, suggesting that growth will be increasingly balanced. The second transformation is the substantial appreciation of the renminbi that seems inevitable in the coming years. Today, given the importance of exports to China’s economy, its government is reluctant to permit a major revaluation, despite strong pressure by foreign governments to allow the renminbi to appreciate in line with the country’s huge trade surplus. But Chinese officials know that renminbi appreciation is also in China’s interest, as they seek to dampen inflationary pressures. China’s government therefore appears ready to allow the renminbi to appreciate, the question being how fast. From 2003-2005, long before the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the renminbi appreciated by 20%. In light of China’s rapid economic growth and the renminbi’s growing strength, Chinese GDP (based on the market dollar rate) will likely exceed that of the US much earlier than expected, possibly in 10-15 years. And, when measured in terms of purchasing power parity, China’s GDP will reach that of the US around 2015, thus changing the world’s balance of economic power.", "zh": "中国魔镜 发自东京 — — 20世纪的最后十年为所有渴望窥知亚太地区未来的人提供了一个水晶球。 曾经占据区域老大地位的日本自资产泡沫爆破之后就走向了“迷失 ” ， 而走出了1989年天安门事件后期经济停滞的中国则迈向了如今的强劲增长之路。 10年前流行的那场针对中国快速增长的辩论 — — 所谓这种增长究竟是威胁还是机会 — — 如今已尘埃落定，大多数人都同意缺少了中国就不可能有更大范围的区域经济发展。 对亚太地区乃至整个世界来说，更深入的地缘政治影响将取决于发生在中国身上的三个关键变化。 首先是中国经济的增长模式，目前主要还是由快速增长的生产要素投入 — — 劳动力，资本和能源 — — 来实现，但最近有研究显示中国约有1/3的经济增长来自技术进步，或是源自总生产要素生产力的提升。 换言之，中国的发展模式已经开始向发达经济体靠拢，意味着其增长将日趋平衡。 第二种转变则是人民币势必在未来几年内持续升值。 尽管各国政府施加了强大压力要求人民币在该国庞大的贸易顺差下升值，但考虑到目前中国经济对出口的依赖程度，中国政府依然对其货币的大幅币值重估有所保留。 但中国官员也意识到人民币升值同样符合本国的利益，因为这有助于缓和国内的通胀压力。 因此中国政府似乎已经准备好让人民币升值，问题只不过是速度快慢而以。 在2003年到2005年间（距离雷曼兄弟破产还有很长一段时间 ） ， 人民币升值了20 % 。 考虑到中国经济的快速增长和人民币的日渐强势，中国的GDP（以国际外汇市场美元汇率计算）将可能比原先预期更早地超越美国（大概会在10-15年内 ） 。 如果用购买力平价计算的话，中国GDP将在2015年达到美国的水平，并因此改写世界的经济实力格局。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s New Digital Dividend HONG KONG – Over the past four decades, China has gone from being a low-wage supplier to one of the three most important links in the global value chain, alongside the United States and Germany. Despite growing concerns about China’s corporate debt – which is now close to 170% of GDP – and its ability to escape the middle-income trap, rapid digitization will allow the Chinese economy to continue moving up the value chain. Following its strategic “opening up” almost 40 years ago, China provided an abundant source of cheap land and labor, which enabled it to achieve economies of scale in consumer manufacturing. Then, as China moved toward middle-income status, it became a major consumer market in itself. In 2012, China’s current leaders recognized that the country’s “demographic dividend” had run its course: the Chinese economy was reaching its “Lewis turning point,” the stage at which its surplus labor supply would be exhausted, and wages would start to rise. And, at the same time, the “opening-up dividend” was also reaching maturity, and encountering protectionist barriers around the world. China can still tap new markets through efforts such as the “Belt and Road Initiative,” but at a considerable cost. Ultimately, sustaining rapid growth requires continuing to move up the global value chain, by implementing further economic reforms and focusing on new technologies. The Chinese government’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020) reflected its commitment to market allocation of resources and lowering the costs of doing business. And in 2015, the authorities’ “Made in China 2025” and “Internet Plus” initiatives signaled a determination to take the country’s manufacturing base into the Internet age. Together, the two plans aim to integrate artificial intelligence (AI), robotics, and social media into manufacturing processes, and to digitize China’s economy and society. Since 2015, China has taken the lead in e-commerce worldwide, with online purchases accounting for 18% of total retail sales, compared to just 8% in the US. China’s three leading tech platforms – Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent – have grown to the point that they are beginning to compete with US-based global tech giants such as Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google, and Netflix.", "zh": "中国的数字经济革命红利 香港—在过去四十年中，中国从低工资供应商起步，演变为全球价值链中的最重要的三个超级链接环之一 — — 另外两个环是美国和德国。 尽管越来越多的人担心中国的企业债务（目前接近GDP的170 % ） 及其摆脱中等收入陷阱的能力，但迅速的数字经济革命将让中国经济继续在价值链中向上攀升。 在近40年前采取了战略性的“开放”政策之后，中国为世界提供了充足的廉价土地和劳动力，这让它实现了在消费品制造业领域的规模经济。 随着中国跻身中等收入国家行列，其本身也成了全球主要消费市场之一。 2012年上任的中国新一届领导层认识到中国的“人口红利”已经告罄：中国经济正在接近“刘易斯拐点 ” ， 即劳动力供给盈余消失而工资却不断上涨的阶段。 而与此同时 ， “ 开放红利”也接近尾声，并且面临全球贸易保护主义壁垒的威胁。 中国仍然可以通过“一带一路”等计划打开新市场，但需要为此付出沉重的代价。 最终，持续高速增长需要不断地向全球价值链高端攀升，这需要通过深化经济改革和聚焦技术创新。 中国政府的十三五规划（2016—2020年）反映了其通过市场来配置资源和降低营商成本的决心。 当局2015年推出的“中国制造 2025”和“互联网+”计划表明其准备将中国制造业主体带入互联网时代。 这两个计划将共同致力于把人工智能、机器人和社交媒体与制造过程相融合，实现中国经济和社会的数字化革命。 确实，2015年以来，中国在电子商务方面独领风骚，网购已占零售总额的18 % ， 而美国只有8 % 。 中国三大领先技术平台 — — 百度、阿里巴巴和腾讯已经能够与亚马逊、苹果、脸谱、谷歌和奈飞等美国的全球技术巨头一争高下。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Israel is evidently committed to sustaining the longest military occupation in modern history; but its alleged human-rights violations have reached a level that very few in the international community can continue to justify. The Abraham Accords, Israel’s bilateral agreements establishing diplomatic relations with four Arab countries (the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco) in late 2020, turned out to do nothing for the peace process. Instead, they merely allowed signatory governments to secure political and economic gains from the US. The Trump administration hoped that the Accords would serve as a counterweight to Iran, which now has a new hardline president. But they have not had any impact on the Biden administration’s resolve to renew the Iran nuclear deal, nor have they had any moderating effect on Israel’s position vis-à-vis the Palestinians. Saudi Arabia, while not having taken part in such agreements, seems to be acquiescing, behind the scenes, in an effort to build an Arab-Israeli coalition against Iranian influence in the region. The kingdom has also taken unprecedented economic and social liberalization measures, while keeping its political system intact so far. In short, while the region is undergoing rapid change, much remains the same. Most Arab leaders refuse to accept that the road to stability and prosperity runs through strong institutions, respect for diversity, inclusive economic systems, and legal equality for all citizens. Instead, they are clamping down on dissent and entrenching their own positions. Looking ahead, the Arab-Israeli conflict appears to be entering a new phase.", "zh": "以色列显然致力于维持现代历史上最长的军事占领；但其被指控的侵犯人权行为已达到国际社会中很少有人能够继续为其辩解的程度。 亚伯拉罕协议是以色列在 2020 年底与四个阿拉伯国家（阿拉伯联合酋长国、巴林、苏丹和摩洛哥）建立外交关系双边协议，对和平进程无济于事。 相反，它们只是确保了签署国政府从美国获得政治和经济利益。 特朗普政府希望该协议能够对抗伊朗。 伊朗现在有了一位强硬派新总统。 但它们没有对拜登政府重新签署伊朗核协议的决心产生任何影响，也没有对以色列对巴勒斯坦人的立场产生任何缓和作用。 沙特阿拉伯虽然没有参与这些协议，但似乎在幕后默许建立阿以联盟以对抗伊朗在该地区的影响。 沙特还采取了前所未有的经济和社会自由化措施，而其政治制度迄今为止岿然不动。 简而言之，尽管该地区正在经历快速变化，但大部分不过是新瓶装旧酒。 大多数阿拉伯领导人拒绝接受稳定和繁荣的道路需要通过强大的机构、尊重多样性、包容性经济制度以及法律面前人人平等实现。 相反，他们正在压制异议，巩固自己的立场。 展望未来，阿以冲突似乎进入了一个新阶段。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Turning Point at Chernobyl The nuclear meltdown at Chernobyl 20 years ago this month, even more than my launch of perestroika, was perhaps the real cause of the collapse of the Soviet Union five years later. Indeed, the Chernobyl catastrophe was an historic turning point: there was the era before the disaster, and there is the very different era that has followed. The very morning of the explosion at the Chernobyl nuclear station on April 26, 1986, the Politburo met to discuss the situation, and then organized a government commission to deal with the consequences. The commission was to control the situation, and to ensure that serious measures were taken, particularly in regard to people’s health in the disaster zone. Moreover, the Academy of Science established a group of leading scientists, who were immediately dispatched to the Chernobyl region. The Politburo did not immediately have appropriate and complete information that would have reflected the situation after the explosion. Nevertheless, it was the general consensus of the Politburo that we should openly deliver the information upon receiving it. This would be in the spirit of the Glasnost policy that was by then already established in the Soviet Union. Thus, claims that the Politburo engaged in concealment of information about the disaster is far from the truth. One reason I believe that there was no deliberate deception is that, when the governmental commission visited the scene right after the disaster and stayed overnight in Polesie, near Chernobyl, its members all had dinner with regular food and water, and they moved about without respirators, like everybody else who worked there. If the local administration or the scientists knew the real impact of the disaster, they would not have risked doing this. In fact, nobody knew the truth, and that is why all our attempts to receive full information about the extent of the catastrophe were in vain. We initially believed that the main impact of the explosion would be in Ukraine, but Belarus, to the northwest, was hit even worse, and then Poland and Sweden suffered the consequences. Of course, the world first learned of the Chernobyl disaster from Swedish scientists, creating the impression that we were hiding something. But in truth we had nothing to hide, as we simply had no information for a day and a half.", "zh": "切尔诺贝利的转折点 20年前这个月发生的切尔诺贝利核事故可能成为五年之后苏联解体的真正原因，其重要程度甚至要超过我所开启的改革事业。 切尔诺贝利灾难的确是一个历史转折点，其前后的两个时代迥然不同。 1986年4月26日切尔诺贝利核电站爆炸的当天上午，苏共政治局就开会讨论局势，随后组织了一个政府委员会来处理事故后果。 该委员会在于控制局势并且确保采取有力的措施，特别是有关灾区人民健康的措施。 而且，苏联科学院建立了一支科学家队伍立即派往切尔诺贝利地区。 政治局当时并没有立即掌握爆炸后有关局势完整可靠的信息。 但是，政治局一致认为我们应当在获得信息后立即公开发布。 这是符合苏联当时所已经确立的公开性政策精神的。 所以，那种宣称政治局刻意掩盖有关那场灾难信息的说法是不符合事实的。 我之所以相信并没有故意欺骗的原因之一是，政府委员会在事故发生后立即访问灾区并在靠近切尔诺贝利的Polesie过夜。 委员会所有成员晚饭吃的喝的都是平常的东西，他们行动的时候像在那里工作的所有的人一样也没有戴防毒面具。 如果地方当局或科学家们知道灾难的实际影响，他们就不会冒这样的风险了。 实际上，没有人知道真相，这也就是为什么我们了解灾难严重程度的信息都是徒劳的。 我们最初相信，爆炸主要影响乌克兰，但是西北方向的白俄罗斯受灾更为严重，随后波兰和瑞典也受到了损害。 当然，世界最初是从瑞典科学家们那里得知切尔诺贝利灾难的，因此造成我们掩盖事实的印象。 但是实际上，我们没有什么东西可以掩盖，因为在一天半的时间里根本就没有什么消息。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The clouds were building up now for the trade wind and he looked ahead and saw a flight of wild ducks etching themselves against the sky over the water, then blurring, then etching again and he knew no man was ever alone on the sea. He thought of how some men feared being out of sight of land in a small boat and knew they were right in the months of sudden bad weather. But now they were in hurricane months and, when there are no hurricanes, the weather of hurricane months is the best of all the year. If there is a hurricane you always see the signs of it in the sky for days ahead if you are at sea. They do not see it ashore because they do not know what to look for, he thought. The land must make a difference too, in the shape of the clouds. But we have no hurricane coming now. He looked at the sky and saw the white cumulus built like friendly piles of ice cream and high above were the thin feathers of the cirrus against the high September sky. \"Light brisa,\" he said. \"Better weather for me than for you, fish.\"", "zh": "随着即将吹起的贸易风，云朵渐渐多了，他往前望去，看见一群野鸭子在水面上低空飞过、渐渐消失，然后又再度出现。他知道，海洋上没有谁是真正孤单的。他想到，有些人最怕待在一艘小船上却完全看不见陆地的感觉。而他同意，在天气极不稳定的某几个月中这样的想法是对的，但是现在正是飓风季节，只要没有飓风来，这个月份是全年天气最好的时候。假使有飓风的话，那在海上好几天前就可以从天空中看到一些征兆了。他想，如果是在陆地上的话反倒就看不见了，因为人们不晓得看什么为准。一定是陆地使这些云朵改变了形状。不过现在不会有飓风来就是了。他看见天空中一堆堆白色的积层云，彷佛是一层层美味的冰淇淋。在更高的上头则有稀疏羽毛似的卷云，衬托着九月的万里晴空呢。微风，他说，鱼呀！这种天气对我比对你有利多了。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Following Yahoo’s lead, the police arrested him. Shi remains in jail to this day. At that time, Yahoo’s managers in the United States, like Microsoft in Russia, declared that they had to follow Chinese law. Shi Tao, in his jail cell, was undoubtedly pleased to learn that China is ruled by law, not by the Communist Party. After all, the rule of law is what Shi Tao is fighting for. Google, at least for a short while, seemed to follow different guidelines in its Chinese business, appearing to adhere to its widely proclaimed ethical principle, “Don’t be evil.” To protest against censorship, the Silicon Valley-based company relocated from mainland China in 2009 to the still relatively free Hong Kong. On the Hong Kong-based search engine, Chinese internauts could read about Taiwan, the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989, or the Dalai Lama. On Google.cn, these sources, along with the results of searches using many other forbidden terms, simply did not appear. Google’s move seemed to reconcile its proclaimed libertarian philosophy with its business ethics. But that reconciliation did not last long: Google, after all, had accepted censorship from the beginning of its efforts in China, in 2006, in order to gain entry into the Chinese market. After six months of life in Hong Kong, money talked: Google reinstated its mainland China service, and with the same level of censorship as before. In the end, Google, not the Chinese Communist Party, lost face. Yahoo, Google, and Microsoft have thus followed a strikingly similar road: access to lucrative markets trumped ethical anxiety. The tools that they provide are politically neutral. Dissidents try to use them to pursue a democratic agenda. Police use them to detect and repress dissidents. Either way, Microsoft, Yahoo, and Google make money – just like, say, IBM, which in the 1930’s sold its computing machines to the Nazi regime: the Nazis used these machines to make the destruction of their victims routine and bureaucratic. Should we be shocked that Internet companies put profits ahead of morals? After all, they are ordinary, profit-seeking corporations, just like the IBM of Hitler’s era.", "zh": "循着雅虎提供的线索，警方将师涛缉拿归案。 直到今天他仍在狱中服刑。 当时，雅虎的美国管理者像俄罗斯的微软一样，宣称他们必须遵守中国的法律。 被关进牢房的师涛无疑该为中国的法治而非共党专制而感到高兴。 毕竟，师涛全力争取的正是法治。 至少在一段时间内，谷歌中国的经营似乎遵循着其广为宣扬的“绝不作恶”的道德原则。 为了抗议审查，这家总部设在硅谷的企业在2009年从大陆搬到了仍然相对自由的香港。 中国网民可以在香港的搜索引擎上了解台湾、1989年天安门广场事件或达赖喇嘛的新闻。 在Google.cn上，这些信息和包含有其他禁词的搜索结果根本就不会显示。 谷歌的行动似乎在其公开宣传的自由理念及其商业道德之间达成了一致。 但这种一致并没有持续很久： 毕竟谷歌在2006年为进入中国市场已经接受了审查制度。 在香港运营六个月后，对利润的要求占据了上风： 谷歌恢复了在中国大陆的业务，而对内容的审查依然如故。 最后丢脸的不是中共，而是谷歌。 雅虎、谷歌和微软无不遵循着一条惊人相似的道路： 进入高盈利市场的渴望压倒了道德方面的焦虑。 他们所提供的工具并不具有政治倾向性。 持不同政见者利用它们追求民主目标。 警方用它们发现并压制持不同政见者。 而无论从哪一方，微软、雅虎和谷歌都能获得盈利，就像20世纪30年代向纳粹政权出售计算机的IBM。 纳粹用这些计算机常规化、官僚化地消灭被害者。 网络公司置利润于道德之上值得我们大惊小怪吗？ 归根结底，他们像希特勒时���的IBM一样，不过是追求利润的普通公司。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Couple’s Counseling for the US and China BEIJING – China has undoubtedly benefited from the world system created and supported by the United States. Indeed, Richard Nixon’s journey to China in 1972 opened the door for China’s return to the international community. Most of the next two decades were a honeymoon for Sino-American relations. On the economic front, the US not only granted China most-favored-nation trade status, but also tolerated China’s mercantilist approach to international trade and finance, notably its dual-track exchange-rate regime. In the 1990’s, bilateral economic ties continued to expand. American support for China’s integration into the world system culminated with the country’s accession to the World Trade Organization in 2001. Since then, China’s exports have grown five-fold. Of course, China’s inadequate intellectual-property protection has damaged relations (a shortcoming that may be harming Chinese firms more than US firms by deterring American – and other advanced country – companies from deploying new technologies in China). And the role of China’s state-owned enterprises and official Chinese support for technological “national champions” (privileged companies that almost certainly use government money carelessly) has also hurt relations. In fact, China’s approach is akin to gambling against the odds. Successful hi-tech innovations are random events that follow the law of large numbers. When left to the market, many firms and individuals try to innovate, so the overall probability of success can increase dramatically. The market allows the law of large numbers to work, whereas concentrated government support for a few favored firms undermines it. But neither of these flaws, nor the exchange rate, is at the root of today’s global imbalances. Consider the exchange rate. The United Kingdom maintained a current-account surplus for the century before World War I, and the US did the same for about 80 years before 1980. But neither country, apparently, did so by manipulating its exchange rate. Moreover, the economies that managed to narrow their external gaps with the US substantially after World War II, notably Germany, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan, ran current-account surpluses throughout their rapid-growth periods. This contradicts American economists’ conventional wisdom that fast-growing countries should borrow today against their larger future shares in the world economy.", "zh": "中美关系婚姻咨询 北京—毫无疑问，中国从美国所建立和支持的世界体系中获益良多。 事实上，是理查德·尼克松1972年访华之旅打开了中国回归国际社会的大门。 尼克松访华后的20年里，中美关系大体上处于蜜月期。 经济方面，美国不但给予中国最惠国待遇，还容忍了中国在国际贸易和金融上的重商主义做法（尤其是双轨制汇率 ） 。 20世纪90年代，双边经济关系继续发展。 2001年，中国加入世贸组织，这标志着美国对中国进入世界体系的支持达到了最高峰。 加入世贸组织之后，中国的出口额涨了五倍。 当然，中国在知识产权保护方面的欠缺伤害了中美关系（这一缺陷妨碍了美国和其他发达国家将新技术推广到中国，其对中国企业造成的伤害可能更甚于美国企业 ） 。 中国国有企业所扮演的角色以及中国政府对技术“国企巨头 ” （ national champion，拥有特权地位、几乎肯定会滥用政府资金的公司）的支持也损害了中美关系。 事实上，中国的做法是在与概率对着干。 成功的高技术创新属于随机事件，遵从大数定律。 在市场经济中，大量公司和个人做着创新尝试，因此极大地提升了成功概率。 市场机制可以让大数定律显灵，而政府集中支持少数企业与此南辕北辙。 但这一缺陷并非如今全球失衡的根源，汇率问题亦然。 先说汇率。 在一战爆发前的一百年中，英国一直维持着经常项目盈余，美国在1900—1980年亦是如此。 但显然，这两个国家都不是通过操纵汇率达到这一成就的。 此外，二战后成功将对美国外部缺口大幅缩小的经济体 — — 特别是德国、日本、韩国、新加坡和中国台湾 — — 在快速增长期均存在经常项目盈余。 这与美国经济学家的传统智慧 — — 快速增长国应该在当下负债以换取将来在世界经济中的更大比重 — — 相反。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bond-market expectations (after accounting for duration-risk premiums) suggest that the federal funds rate will average about 2.75% per year over the next two years, before falling to 2.5% per year over the next decade. In other words, markets expect the Fed to raise its policy rate to 3.5% over the next year, and then move on to a glide path back down to perhaps 2% – or until something else happens to the macroeconomy. This trajectory implies three 50-bps interest-rate increases and four 25-bps increases over the next seven meetings. The least preferable path is for the Fed to dribble out interest-rate increases in a manner that leaves people uncertain about how far it thinks it ultimately will need to go. The far better option would be to move immediately to a neutral plus-or-minus federal funds rate – choosing “plus” if demand seems too high for the Fed to maintain the credibility of the nominal inflation anchor in the long run, and “minus” if it thinks that demand is unsustainably low. Optimal control theory dictates that if the nose of your sailboat is not pointing where you want to go – if your control is not at the optimal level – you should turn the nose as fast as possible until you reach a bearing where you can no longer tell whether your next course correction will need to be to the port or to the starboard. What this means for monetary policy is that the Fed should change its target each month so that people do not know whether the next move will be up or down. Yes, there is an argument that this principle of optimal control theory does not apply to monetary policy: the Fed needs to avoid disruptions in the money market. But such disruptions are feared precisely because the Fed never makes larger moves. Moreover, the Fed must conduct monetary policy with the tools and procedures that it has. If it raises its policy rate by only 0-25 bps this week, even though it wants the federal funds rate to be considerably higher, it will have departed from its forward guidance. There is no argument for doing that. But it has not prepared the ground for a rate hike larger than 50 bps. That is unfortunate. Ideally, the ground would have been prepared for an increase as high as 200 bps, because that is what it would take to get the federal funds rate to an optimal neutral-plus level.", "zh": "（计入期间风险溢价后的）债券市场预期表明联邦基金利率在未来两年内平均每年约为2.75 % ， 然后在未来十年内降至每年2.5 % 。 换句话说市场预计美联储将在明年将其政策利率提高到3.5 % ， 然后逐步下滑到大概2 % — —或者直到宏观经济发生其他状况。 这一发展轨迹意味着在接下来的七次会议上将有三次50个基点的加息和四次25个基点加息。 而最不可取的做法是美联储以一种让人无法确定它认为自己最终需要走多远的方式零零碎碎地加息。 比这个好得多的选项则是立即转向一个中性的加减联邦基金利率 — — 如果需求似乎高到令美联储无法长期维持名义通胀锚的可信度，则选择“加 ” ； 如果它认为需求低得不可持续，则选择“减 ” 。 最优控制理论认为，如果你所驾驶帆船的船头没有指向想去的地方（假设你的控制力没有达到最佳水平 ） ， 那就应该尽可能快地转动船头，直到达到一个再也无法判断你的下一次航向修正是需要向左还是向右的方位。 这对货币政策来说意味着美联储应该逐月修订其目标，这样人们就不知道下一个动作是向上还是向下。 当然有一种观点认为这种最优控制理论原则不适用于货币政策：美联储需要避免干扰货币市场，但对这种干扰的忧虑之所以存在正是因为美联储从来不做较大的动作。 此外，美联储必须用它手中的工具和程序来执行货币政策。 如果它本周仅仅将政策利率提高0~25个基点，那就算它希望联邦基金利率大幅提高也将偏离其前瞻性指导。 这样做是没有任何依据的。 但它也没有为超过50个基点的加息做好准备。 这是很不幸的，因为理想状态是要为高达200个基点的加息做好准备，因为这将是使联邦基金利率达到最优中偏上水平所需要的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Not providing insurance and paying the fine is a particularly attractive option for a firm if its employees have incomes that entitle them to the government subsidies (which are now available to anyone whose income is below four times the poverty level). Rather than incur the cost of the premium for an approved policy, a smart employer can pay the fine for not providing insurance and increase employees’ pay by enough so that they have more spendable cash after purchasing the subsidized insurance policy. Even after both payments, employers can be better off financially. News reports indicate that many employers are already taking such steps. But the biggest danger to Obamacare’s survival is that many individuals who do not receive insurance from their employer will choose not to insure themselves and will instead pay the fine of just 1% of income (rising permanently after 2015 to 2.5%). The preferred alternative for these individuals is to wait to buy insurance until they are ill and are facing large medical bills. That wait-to-insure strategy makes sense if the medical condition is a chronic disease like diabetes or a condition requiring surgery, like cancer or a hernia. In either case, the individual would be able to purchase insurance after he or she receives the diagnosis. But what about conditions like a heart attack or injuries sustained in an automobile accident? In those cases, the individual would not have time to purchase the health insurance that the law allows. If they are not insured in advance, they will face major hospital bills that could cause serious financial hardship or even cause them not to receive needed care.", "zh": "对于雇员收入符合政府补贴标准（目前的标准是低于贫困线四倍）的企业来说，不提供保险而支付罚金尤其具有吸引力。 明智的雇主将不用承担核准保单的保险费成本，而选择不提供保险、支付罚金，然后提高雇员薪水，使他们在购买了补贴保单后拥有更多的可支配现金。 即使在支付罚金、提高薪水之后，雇主也有可能有利可图。 新闻报道表明许多雇主已在采取这一做法。 但奥巴马医保能否成功的最大威胁在于大量没有从雇主处获得保险的个人将选择不为自己保险，而选择支付占收入1%的罚金（2015年后将永久提高到2.5 % ） 。 这些个人的偏好选择是等到有病、面临大额医疗账单时再投保。 如果健康问题是糖尿病这样的慢性病，或者是癌症疝气等需要动手术的问题，那么等到需要时再保险策略就相当明智。 不管哪种情况，个人都可以在获得治疗后再买保险。 但若遇到心脏病突发或车祸情形怎么办？ 此时，个人将没有时间购买法律允许的健康保险。 如果他们事先没有保险，将面临巨额医药费账单，造成严重的财务困境甚至让他们无法获得所需的看护。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In bankruptcy court, they would have grounds for objecting, and the judge would have to weigh the equities. These issues are especially important in the context of sovereign-debt restructurings, because the claimants to a country’s resources include not only formal creditors; others, too – for example, pensioners – might not be paid if bondholders are paid in full. Chapter 9 of the US Bankruptcy Code (which applies to public entities) recognizes these rights – unlike Griesa and the vultures. Today, the international community faces two challenges. One is to deal with the hundreds of billions of dollars of debt written under the old terms, which cannot be restructured under Griesa’s ruling. The second is to decide on the terms that should be imposed in the future. The investing community has made a serious proposal. But changes of this magnitude must be based on discussions among creditors and debtor governments – and more is needed than tweaking the terms of the agreements. An initiative at the United Nations to encourage the establishment of SDRMs is receiving the support of prominent academic economists and practitioners. Global efforts are good first steps to remedy the damage to international financial markets that the US courts have inflicted. For the sake of a healthy global economy, the vultures must be grounded.", "zh": "在破产法庭，他们有反对权，法官将根据他们的要求权衡。 这些问题在主权债务重组中特别重要，因为对某国的索偿权的主张者不但包括正式债权人；如果债券持有人获得足额偿付，其他人 — — 比如退休者 — — 也可能无法获得偿付。 美国破产法第九章（适用于公共实体）承认这些权利 — — 这与葛里萨和兀鹫不同。 如今，国际社会面临两大挑战。 一是处置根据旧条款发行的数千亿美元债务，它们无法根据葛里萨的裁决重组。 二是决定应在未来采用的条款。 投资界提出了严肃的方案。 但这种程度的变化必须基于债权人和债务人政府之间的讨论 — — 也不是光在协议条款问题上扯皮就行的。 联合国鼓励建立主权债务重组机制的计划受到了著名经济学者和实践家的支持。 全球努力是弥补美国法院所造成的国际金融市场伤害的可喜的第一步。 为了全球经济的健康，不能放纵兀鹫肆虐。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Among the 38 million people globally who are employed directly in fishing, the most vulnerable will be the hardest hit. This includes small-scale fishing communities, which are often located in remote areas that are already disproportionally affected by climate change. Women, who make up 50% of employees in the broader aquatic-food value chain, will also be significantly affected. For those with little formal education, alternative livelihoods will be hard to find. Third, the impact of these threats will grow over time. Fish stocks do not respect international boundaries. Without the right regulations and incentives, fleets will continue to maximize their catches in the short term, with major economies overfishing far beyond their territorial waters. If all countries do this, a bad problem will become much worse. Fifty years ago, about 10% of global fish stocks were being fished at biologically unsustainable levels, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN. Today, that figure has risen to 35%. While many countries will suffer, the poorest communities stand to lose the most. Faced with these challenges, conservation efforts that merely stop nature loss are no longer enough. Rather, we need to reverse the decline, which means changing how we produce and consume. One approach is to invest in nature-based solutions that protect nature while also supporting economic development, creating livelihoods, and helping countries mitigate and adapt to climate change. Consider mangroves, which are rich in biodiversity, act as nursery areas for fish, protect more than six million people from annual flooding, and absorb carbon emissions. They are estimated to have an economic wealth valued at $550 billion. Another example is seaweed farming, which has the potential to create jobs, alleviate food insecurity, and absorb carbon. The World Bank Group is working across many fronts to help countries recognize both the value of nature and the risks that would follow from losing it. Often working through ministries of finance, we provide funding, knowledge, policy advice, and technical capacity to mobilize partners behind nature-based solutions. With our support, countries are identifying promising new interventions that can be replicated and scaled up. For example, by involving different stakeholders in marine planning, Vietnam is reducing conflicts over resource use across sectors.", "zh": "全球3800万渔业直接从业者中的最脆弱成员将受到最严重冲击，这包括通常位于偏远地区且已经受到过度气候变化影响的小型渔业社区。 在更大范围的水产食品价值链中占雇员总数50%的妇女也将受到重大影响。 那些没有受过正规教育的人将难以找到替代生计。 第三，这些威胁的影响将随着时间的推移而增加。 渔业资源不受国际边界左右。 如果缺乏正确的法规和激励措施，捕捞船队将继续尝试在短期内最大限度地提高渔获量，主要经济体的过度捕捞将远远超出其领海。 如果所有国家都这样做，那么一个本已糟糕的问题就将变得更加糟糕。 根据联合国粮食和农业组织的数据，50年前全球约有10%的鱼类资源被捕捞到了生物上不可持续的水平，如今这个数字已上升到35 % 。 虽然许多国家都将因此蒙受损失，但最贫穷的社区受害最深。 面对这些挑战，仅仅阻止自然损失的保育工作已经不够了。 相反我们需要扭转这一下降趋势，意味着要改变自身生产和消费方式。 一种方法是投资于基于自然的解决方案，在保护自然的同时支持经济发展，创造生计，并帮助各国缓和和适应气候变化的影响。 以具备丰富生物多样性的红树林为例，它可以作为鱼类的育苗区，保护600多万人免受年度洪水的影响，还能吸收碳排放。 据估计其经济财富价值达5500亿美元。 另一个例子是海藻养殖，它能创造就业，缓解粮食不安全状况并吸收碳。 世界银行集团正在多方努力去帮助各国认识自然的价值和失去自然后的风险。 我们经常通过各国财政部去提供资金、知识、政策建议和技术能力以动员合作伙伴支持基于自然的解决方案。 各国也正在我们的支持下定义诸多可复制扩充且富有前景的新干预措施。 比如通过让不同的利益相关者参与海洋规划，越南正在减少各部门在资源使用上的冲突。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As soon as Proctor was awarded the patent, he sued two importers of the yellow beans, demanding that they pay royalties. Although the importers knew that Proctor’s invention was ludicrous (because they had been importing the bean from Mexico for years), they had no choice but to accept the patent’s legality, causing 22,000 Mexican farmers and their families to lose 90% of their export incomes in just the first year. In January 2000, the Action Group on Erosion, Technology and Concentration (ETC Group, then known as RAFI) published the first denunciation of the Enola patent as technically invalid and morally unacceptable. To obtain a patent, an applicant must demonstrate that an invention meets three criteria: newness, non-obviousness (that there is an inventive step), and utility (the invention does what it claims to do). In the case of the Enola bean, there was nothing at all new: the yellow bean is the result of centuries of collective work and ingenuity on the part of Mexican farmers and indigenous peoples. Moreover, the bean was incorporated into public collections held by INIFAP, the Mexican national agricultural research institute. ETC Group took the case to the Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) in Cali, Colombia. CIAT is one of the international centers of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR). The CGIAR system maintains more than 600,000 samples of crop varieties in gene banks, mostly collected from peasant fields. Acknowledging this, CGIAR signed a Trust Agreement with the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in 1994, pledging to keep the seeds in their collections free of any intellectual property claims. Joachim Voss, then CIAT’s director, confirmed that the yellow beans were present in CIAT’s gene bank, and that they had originated in Mexico. At the end of 2000, CIAT, supported by the FAO, requested that the USPTO re-examine the patent. Geneticists then performed genetic fingerprinting on the yellow beans, and concluded that Proctor’s Enola bean was identical to the Mexican beans covered by the Trust Agreement. Meanwhile, in 2001, taking advantage of the USPTO’s slow response, Proctor sued 16 small seed companies in Colorado for patent-infringement. Only in December 2003 did the USPTO announce its first “non-final” rejection of the patent.", "zh": "专利获批后，Proctor起诉两家黄豆进口商，要求他们支付专利使用费。 虽然进口商知道Proctor这项发明荒唐可笑（因为他们多年来一直从墨西哥进口黄豆 ） ， 但他们别无选择，只能承认专利的合法性，从而导致22，000名墨西哥农民和他们的家人仅第一年就损失90%的出口收入。 2000年1月，侵蚀、技术和集聚行动小组（简称ETC小组，当时称为RAFI）首次发布公告，谴责Enola专利不仅在技术上无效而且在道德上不能接受。 为获取专利，申请人必须证明某一项发明符合新面世、非显见（其中涉及发明步骤）和具备实用价值（即发明能起到所称的作用）等项条件。 具体到Enola黄豆这一案例，根本不存在任何新发明：这种黄豆是墨西哥农民和土著数百年集体努力和创造的结果。 此外，这种黄豆还被收入由墨西哥国家农业研究院举办的公开展览。 ETC小组将这一案件向哥伦比亚卡利的热带农业国际中心（CIAT）提交。 热带农业国际中心是世界农业研究咨询小组（CGIAR）下属的国际中心之一。 世界农业研究咨询小组系统在基因库中保存着超过600，000种作物品种样本，其中多数均来自农田地头。 世界农业研究咨询小组为确认上述事实曾于1994年与联合国粮农组织（FAO）签订信托协议，承诺保持所搜集种子的无知识产权状态。 热带农业国际中心负责人Joachim Voss出面确认这种黄豆已收入该中心的基因库，并确认这种黄豆原产于墨西哥。 2000年底，热带农业国际中心在联合国粮农组织的支持下，要求美国专利商标局重新对这项专利进行审核。 遗传学家随后对黄豆进行基因指纹识别，结论是Proctor的Endola黄豆与信托协议中的墨西哥黄豆在基因上完全吻合。 与此同时，2001年，利用美国专利商标局反应慢的弱点，Proctor对科罗拉多州16家小型种子公司提出侵犯专利权的诉讼。 直到2003年12月，美国专利商标局才首次“非终审”宣布取消专利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Emerging Markets Should Go for the Gold CAMBRIDGE – Are emerging-market central banks overweight in dollars and underweight in gold? Given a slowing global economy, in which emerging markets are probably very grateful for any reserves they retain, this might seem an ill-timed question. But there is a good case to be made that a shift in emerging markets toward accumulating gold would help the international financial system function more smoothly and benefit everyone. Just to be clear, I am not siding with those – usually American far-right crackpots – who favor a return to the gold standard, in which countries fix the value of their currencies in terms of gold. After all, the gold standard’s last reign ended disastrously in the 1930s, and there is no reason to believe that a return to it would turn out any differently. No, I am just proposing that emerging markets shift a significant share of the trillions of dollars in foreign-currency reserves that they now hold (China alone has official reserves of $3.3 trillion) into gold. Even shifting, say, up to 10% of their reserves into gold would not bring them anywhere near the many rich countries that hold 60-70% of their (admittedly smaller) official reserves in gold. For some time, the rich countries have argued that it is in everyone’s collective interest to demonetize gold. Sure, we hold a lot of gold, these countries say, but that is a vestige of the pre-World War II gold standard, when central banks needed a stockpile. Indeed, back in 1999, European central banks, seeing no reason to keep holding so much gold, entered a pact to start reducing their stocks in an orderly fashion. The sales made sense at the time for most of the participating countries: The real backing for their debt was the tax reach of their governments, their high levels of institutional development, and their relative political stability. The 1999 pact has been revisited periodically, though since the most recent edition in 2014, most rich countries have taken a long pause, still leaving them with extremely high gold reserves. Emerging markets have remained buyers of gold, but at a snail’s pace compared to their voracious appetite for US Treasury bonds and other rich-country debt.", "zh": "是新兴市场国买入黄金的时候了 发自剑桥 — — 新兴市场央行是否存在着过度倚重美元而轻视黄金的问题？ 眼下全球经济放缓，新兴市场国家对自己的所有储备都格外珍惜，这个时候问这些问题似乎不合时宜。 但新兴市场转而买入黄金会有助于国际金融体系运作更为顺畅，并使各方受益。 必须明确的是，我并不和那些赞成回到金本位制（国家将自身货币的价值与黄金挂钩）的人 — — 通常美国的极右翼疯子 — — 站在同一阵线。 毕竟金本位制度在1930年代走向了灾难性的终结，也没有理由相信回归这一制度会令情况变得有何不同。 同时，我不是提倡新兴市场要将其当前持有的数万亿美元外汇储备（仅中国就拥有3.3万亿美元的官方储备）中的大部分换成黄金。 即便是要换，比如将外汇储备的10%换成黄金，也难以让它们向那些许多官方外汇储备（诚然较规模较小）中黄金比例占到60~70%的富裕国家靠拢。 有时候那些富裕国家会宣称自己是为了所有人的集体利益而废除金本位。 而针对自身庞大的黄金储备，这些国家会将其称为第二次世界大战前金本位制度的遗存，因为那时的央行需要这些储备。 事实上，早在 1999 年，欧洲各国央行都开始觉得没有必须继续保持这么多黄金储备，于是订立了一项协定，开始有序减少手里的黄金储备。 当时此举对于大多数参与国来说都是合情合理的：支撑各国负债的真正因素有三：政府的税基，高度发展完善的体制，以及相对稳定的政治局势。 各国会对1999年协议进行周期性的修订，但自 2014 年出台最新版本以来，大多数富裕国家的黄金储备销售都被长时间暂缓，令它们依然保有极大量的黄金储备。 新兴市场仍然是黄金的大买家，但相对于它们疯狂吸纳美国和其他富裕国家债券的胃口，前者堪称九牛一毛。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The argument for a strong fiscal stimulus is overwhelming. Several countries have already announced measures, but there is a need to evaluate what they all amount to in reality. For example, some constitute “new” money, while others represent existing commitments brought forward. We also need to assess the quality of these packages. The argument is strong for providing stimulus through increased government expenditures rather than relying on, say, tax cuts, because panicked consumers might save the money instead of spending it. Debt and inflation will reappear as medium-term problems, so it is critical that the fiscal ammunition used helps long-term productivity, growth, and sustainability. Of course, fiscal stimulus does not mean just throwing money at the problem. There needs to be a strategy, priorities must be weighed, and empirical evidence analyzed. We should also remember that what growth there is in the world economy in 2009-2010 will come mostly from developing economies. Policies supporting their growth are critical to prospects in the advanced economies, too. Each country may hope that others will stimulate their demand while it preserves its fiscal headroom, thereby relying on exports as the engine of recovery. Each country may also be tempted by protectionist measures, trying to preserve domestic jobs at the expense of imports. Such “beggar-thy-neighbor” policies in the 1930’s aggravated and deepened the Great Depression. The automobile industry is a good example. Measures to keep the industry afloat in one country look like unfair competition to others. But the answer is not to let a collapse in the world’s car industry fuel a deeper recession. The answer is to coordinate a global recovery package, which creates the opportunity to point recovery in the direction of a new generation of fuel-efficient and low-carbon-emission vehicles and green jobs. Sovereign countries will have the final say on their recovery packages, but global coordination will increase the effectiveness of everyone’s actions. Moreover, fairness and security considerations demand that the most vulnerable, who had no role in the making of this crisis, receive support. Extending social safety nets helps the most vulnerable and is likely to have high multiplier effects, as the need to spend is most urgent for the poorest people. Training programs, including for green jobs, should be significantly increased.", "zh": "大规模财政刺激计划的理由是不容置疑的。 几个国家已经宣布了措施，但是需要评估这些措施的成效。 例如，有些措施提供“新的”货币，而其他措施则提前实现现有的承诺。 我们还需要评估这些措施的质量。 由于惊慌的消费者们可能储蓄而非消费，因此，通过增加政府开支而非依靠减税来提供经济刺激更为有理。 债务和通货膨胀会成为中期问题，因此，使用财政措施帮助实现长期生产效率、增长以及可持续就十分重要。 当然，财政刺激并不意味着仅仅是用钱来解决问题。 我们需要一种战略，必须衡量轻重缓急并且分析实际经验证据。 各国可能希望在其保持财政平衡的情况下其他国家将会刺激需求，从而以来出口作为复苏的发动机。 各国也或许会受到保护主义措施的诱惑，试图以进口的代价来保证国内工作机会。 二十世纪三十年代的这种以邻为壑的政策使得大萧条雪上加霜。 汽车产业就是一个好例子。 某一国家采取措施让这一产业存活下来对其他国家而言好像是不公平竞争。 但是，这实际上是不让世界汽车产业崩溃造成更深度的衰退。 解决办法是协调全球复苏措施，这样创造机会把复苏引向新一代节能和低二氧化碳排放汽车和绿色职业的方向。 主权国家最终决定自己的经济复苏计划，但是全球协调将会增加各国行动的有效性。 而且，公平和安全考虑要求与引发这一危机无关的社���弱势群体得到扶持。 扩大社会保险将会帮助弱势群体并且有可能产生较高的多重效应，因为最为贫困人口的花费需求最为迫切。 包括绿色职业在内的培训计划应该大力增加。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If an ever more aggressive policy convinces the public that calamity is around the corner, households may save rather than spend. That tendency will be even greater if the public senses that the consequences (distorted asset prices, high government debt, etc.) eventually must be reversed. Conversely, if people were convinced that policies would never change, they might splurge again on assets and take on excessive debt, helping the central bank achieve its objectives in the short run. But policy inevitably changes, and the shifts in asset prices would create enormous dislocation when it does. Beyond the domestic impacts, all monetary policies have external “spillover” effects. In normal circumstances, if a country reduces domestic interest rates to boost domestic consumption and investment, its exchange rate depreciates, too, helping exports. Today’s circumstances, however, are not normal. Domestic demand may not respond to unconventional policy. Moreover, facing distorted domestic bond prices stemming from unconventional policy, pension funds and insurance companies may look to buy them in less distorted markets abroad. Such a search for yield will depreciate the exchange rate further – and increase the risk of competitive devaluations that leave no country better off. As matters stand, central banks in developed countries find all sorts of ways to justify their policies, without acknowledging the unmentionable – that the exchange rate may be the primary channel of transmission. If so, what we need are monetary rules that prevent a central bank’s domestic mandate from trumping a country’s international responsibility. To use a traffic analogy, policies with few adverse spillovers should be rated “green”; those that should be used temporarily could be rated “orange”; and policies that should be avoided at all times would be “red.” If a policy has positive effects on both home and foreign countries, it would definitely be green. A policy could also be green if it jump-starts the home economy with only temporary negative spillovers for the foreign economy (the policy will still be good for the foreign economy by eventually boosting the home economy’s demand for imports). An example of a red policy would be when unconventional monetary policies do little to boost a country’s domestic demand – but lead to large capital outflows that provoke asset-price bubbles in emerging markets.", "zh": "如果越来越激进的政策让公众认为灾难已近在眼前，那么家庭就会储蓄而不是支出。 如果公众感到结果（扭曲的资产价格、高企的政府债务等）最终必须扭转，这一倾向会更加严重。 相反，如果人们认为政策不会改变，他们可能再次挥霍资产，承担过度债务，有助于央行在短期实现目标。 但政策难免会改变，此时，资产价格的变化将造成巨大的混乱。 除了国内影响，所有货币政策都有外部“溢出”效应。 在正常环境下，如果一国降低国内利率提振国内消费和投资，其汇率也会贬值，助力出口。 但是，今天的环境不属于正常环境。 国内需求可能不会响应非常规政策。 此外，面临因为非常规政策而扭曲的国内债券价格，退休基金和保险公司可能会着眼于在扭曲较小的海外市场购买债券。 这一寻找收益率的行为将进一步抑制汇率 — — 并提高让所有国家一损俱损的竞争性贬值的风险。 目前，发达国家央行寻找各种方法论证它们的政策，而不承认不可言说的原因 — — 汇率可能是主要传播渠道。 果真如此的话，我们需要的是防止央行的国内使命压倒一国的国际责任。 用交通打比方，几乎没有负面溢出效应的政策可以给予“绿灯 ” ； 应该临时使用的政策应该给予“黄灯 ” ； 不论何时都应该避免的政策应该给予“红灯 ” 。 如果一项政策给本国和外国同时带来正面效应，那么肯定可以获得绿灯。 如果一项政策能大大提振国内经济，给外国带来的负面溢出效应只是暂时的，那么也应该获得绿灯（这项政策对外国经济也是有益的，因为最终本国经济的进口需求将得到提振 ） 。 红灯政策的一个例子是非常规货币政策对于提振一国国内需求无济于事，却导致大量资本外流，引发新兴市场资产价格泡沫。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "From Prague Spring to Velvet Revolution WARSAW – What was the Prague Spring, or the events of 1968 more generally? Their meaning, it seems, has become more, not less, debatable with the passage of time. My generation was forged by protests and police truncheons, by the hopes generated not only by the Prague Spring, but also by the Polish student movement that March, the Paris events of May, and the first signs of Russian democracy voiced in the early books of Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn. For those of us imprisoned in Poland, the Prague Spring was a harbinger of hope. Even Poland’s communist newspapers, read behind bars, somehow conveyed news of the great changes taking place in our neighbor to the south. So I remember my shock when I learned about the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in August, and the trauma that lingered long after. On the tenth anniversary of that invasion, Václav Havel, Jacek Kuron, and I, along with other dissidents, met on the Czech-Polish border. There is a photograph of that occasion: future presidents, ministers, and parliamentarians who were at that time pursued by the police like common criminals. These encounters were an extension of the climate of the Prague Spring. We all felt that we were creating something new, something that might, one day, turn out to be an important component of democracy in our countries. And so it was. In August 1989, I proposed in the Polish Diet a draft resolution apologizing to the Czechs and Slovaks for Polish involvement in the 1968 invasion. I felt that a historical circle was being closed: the ideas of the Polish March and the Prague Spring, the ideas of our mountain meetings, were becoming political facts. Three months later, the Velvet Revolution began in Prague. The main difference between the Prague Spring and the Velvet Revolution was that the former was mostly the work of Communist Party members and others who wanted to bring about “socialism with a human face.” As a result, some people nowadays dismiss the Prague Spring as a power struggle between communists. But there were many roads to – and through – communism, and many of them converged with national traditions.", "zh": "从布拉格之春到天鹅绒革命 华沙 - - 布拉格之春以及更为广义上的1968年发生的事件的性质究竟是什么呢？ 随着时间的推移，这些事件的意义好像越发值得辩论，而非相反。 我这一代人是抗议和警棍塑造而成的。 塑造我们的不仅仅是布拉格之春，还有当年三月的波兰学生运动、五月的巴黎事件以及萨哈罗夫和索尔仁尼琴早期作品所表达的俄国民主最初迹象产生的希望。 对于我们那些在波兰被投入监狱的人而言，布拉格之春是希望的前兆。 即使是在狱中所阅读的波兰共产党报纸也好似传递了我们南边邻国正在发生巨变的消息。 所以当我得知苏联在八月入侵捷克斯洛伐克的时候，我无比惊讶，其痛楚随后挥之不去。 我现在还记忆犹新。 在那一入侵事件十周年纪念的时候，哈维尔、库隆和我以及其他异议人士相聚在捷克和波兰边境。 我们照了一张像。 我们这些未来的总统、部长以及议员们当时就像普通罪犯一样被警察通缉追捕。 这些会面是布拉格之春气候的延伸。 我们都感到我们是在创造某些新气象，或许终有一日会成为我们国家民主的重要组成部分。 结果就是这样。 1989年8月，我在波兰议会提出一项决议草案，为波兰参与1968年入侵而向捷克和斯洛伐克道歉。 我感到一个历史循环正在终结，也就是说，波兰三月学运和布拉格之春以及我们山上会面的理想正在成为政治现实。 三个月后，天鹅绒革命在布拉格爆发了。 布拉格之春和天鹅绒革命之间的主要区别在于，前者主要是共产党员所为，而其他人则想要带来“具有人性的社会主义 ” 。 结果，现在有些人把布拉格之春贬低为共产党内部的权力之争。 但是，通向以及穿越共产主义的道路不止一条，而且许多都与国家民族传统重合。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As the Iraqi people take more steps along the challenging road to democracy, more NATO countries have agreed to help train Iraqi security personnel by providing funds or equipment and by establishing a war college and military academies. Members of NATO share much more than an alliance; we are united by ties of blood and purpose, a heritage of liberty, and a calling to confront extremists’ violence – and defeat it. In the 60 years since World War II came to an end, we have counted on each other in times of peril and challenge. I am old enough to remember both the rise and fall of the Berlin Wall, and the ascent and collapse of Nazism, of Fascism, and of Soviet Communism. Together the members of NATO have helped to protect Kosovo and recently brought aid to the victims of a devastating tsunami. Great achievements are possible when the Atlantic community is united. That unity need not mean a uniformity of tactics or views, but rather a union of purpose. Those who cherish free political systems and free economic systems share similar hopes. Working together, those hopes can become realities for many more people.", "zh": "随着伊拉克人民渐渐走上一条颇具挑战性的民主之路，越来越多的北约国家已经同意通过资金或设备以及建立战争学院和国防大学来帮��伊拉克人训练安全部队。 北约各国共享的不仅仅是一个联盟：相同的血脉和目标、自由的传统以及直面极端主义分子暴力行为 — — 并打败他们的呼喊声将我们联系在一起。 自二战结束后60年来，我们在危机四伏、充满挑战的年代中相互依靠。 我的年迈让我能够记得柏林墙的砌起和倒塌、纳粹、法西斯主义和苏联共产主义的崛起和土崩瓦解，以及北约成员国如何帮助保护科索沃以及最近为灾难性海啸中的难民带去的援助。 当大西洋共同体团结一心时，就能完成伟大之举。 这种团结不需要战术上或观点上的步调一致，而是目标上一致。 那些珍惜自由政治体系和自由经济体系的人们有着相同的希望。 只要共同协作，那些希望就会在更多的人的手中变成现实。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "韦小宝手掌翻转，反拿她小臂。小郡主手肘后撤，左手握拳往韦小宝头顶击下。韦小宝身子后缩，避过了这一拳，却已抱住了她小腿。小郡主一招“虎尾剪”，左掌斜削下去。韦小宝没能避开，拍的一声，打中他肩头，他用力拉扯，小郡主站立不定，摔倒在地。韦小宝赶上去要将她揪住，小郡主“鸳鸯连环腿”飞出，直踢面门。韦小宝一个打滚，又已扭住了她左臂。小郡主拳脚功夫曾得明师传授，远比韦小宝所学为精，两人倘若当真比武，韦小宝决不是她对手。但二人此刻只是在地下扭打，一个想逃，一个扭住她不放。这等扭扑摔交的功夫，韦小宝却经过长期习练，和康熙比武较量，几达一年。海老公传他的武功虽然半真半假，他又练得马虎，这近身搏击的擒拿，他毕竟还有几下子。几个回合下来，韦小宝胸口虽吃了两拳，却已抓住了小郡主右臂，拗了转来，笑问：“投不投降？”", "en": "Trinket turned his own palms upward, intending to seize her forearm, but she drew her elbow back quickly, and at the same time clenched her left fist, striking at the top of his head. Trinket ducked backwards, neatly escaping her blow, and wrapped his arms around her legs. She replied to this with a move known as the Tiger's Leap, bringing her left hand sweeping down at him. This time Trinket was unable to dodge, and took a sharp crack on the shoulder. He tugged at the Countess with all his might, and they both went tumbling to the ground, her on top of him. Trinket immediately leapt up and grappled with her. She aimed a quick Ring Chain Double Kick at his face. He dodged out of the way, at the same time twisting back her left forearm. The Little Countess had obviously been taught these moves by an excellent Shifu, and she was a far better fighter than Trinket. In serious combat, he would not have stood a chance. But he was not too bad at this kind of close scrapping. The Little Countess managed to give him two hard blows to the chest, but then he succeeded in seizing her right arm and twisting it back. He laughed. 'Surrender?'"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "To date, FATF has expressed “grave concern” about the situation in Ukraine and indicated that it is “reviewing Russia’s role” within the organization. However, it won’t meet again until June, and it appears to be sticking to that schedule. Such inaction amounts to support for Putin. International agreements are worthless unless they are applied and enforced in a timely manner. One of the great unlearned lessons of history is that appeasement does not work. My grandfather is 93, and he refuses to leave Kyiv. He was a boy when the Nazis took his city in 1941. What is the point of saying “never again” for 80 years if you are not prepared to act when the moment of truth arrives? The least the West could do is hold Putin to account for deliberately attacking civilian targets. A decisive move by the FATF would be a good start. The world is watching. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov called criticism of the Mariupol hospital bombing “pathetic.” In a way, he is right. Responding to such crimes with words is pathetic. The West must do more to ensure that “never again” still means something.", "zh": "目前工作组已经对乌克兰局势表达了“严重关切 ” ， 并表示正在“审查俄罗斯在该组织中的作用 ” 。 但是它直到6月才会再次开会而且似乎不打算修改日程。 这种不作为等同于对普京的支持。 除非这些国际协议能得到及时颁布和强制执行，否则它们就是废纸一张。 人们从未学到的其中一个重大历史教训就是绥靖是不会有任何作用的。 我的祖父今年93岁，他拒绝离开基辅。 1941年纳粹占领这座城市时他还是个孩子。 如果在关键时刻来临时你不准备采取行动，那么喊了80年的“永不重演 ” （ Never again）口号又有何意义？ 西方至少可以让普京为蓄意攻击平民目标负责。 金融行动特别工作组的决定性行动也会是一个好的开始。 全世界都在看着。 俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫（Sergei Lavrov）将对马里乌波尔医院轰炸事件的批评称之为“可悲的 ” 。 他的说法在某种程度上是对的。 仅仅用语言来回应这种罪行就是可悲之举。 而西方必须做得更多以确保“永不重演”仍有意义。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The World’s Central Banker BERKELEY – The US Federal Reserve these days is broadly happy with its monetary policy. But, since mid-2007, its policy has been insufficiently expansionary. The policy most likely to succeed right now would be analogous to that implemented by the Fed in 1979 and 1933, Great Britain in 1931, and Shinzo Abe today. Those of us who fear that the Fed’s approach has greatly deepened the US economy’s malaise and is turning America’s cyclical unemployment into permanent long-term structural non-employment have lost the domestic monetary-policy argument. But there is another policy argument that needs to be joined. The Fed is not just the US central bank; it is the world’s central bank. America’s current exchange-rate regime is one of floating rates – or at least of rates that can float. Back in the 1950s and 1960s, economists like Milton Friedman assumed that a global regime of floating exchange rates would be one in which currency values moved slowly and gradually alongside differences in the economy’s inflation and productivity-growth rates. In the 1970s, the economist Rudi Dornbusch (and reality) taught us that that was wrong: a floating-rate regime capitalizes expected future differences in nominal interest rates minus inflation rates into today’s exchange rate.", "zh": "全世界的中央银行家 发自伯克利 — — 美联储在最近这段时间都对自身货币政策感觉相当满意。 但自从2007年年中以来，其政策的扩张性都是不足的。 而很可能随后推行的政策则会跟该机构在1979和1933年，英国在1931年和日本安倍晋三政府当前实施的类似。 我们这类担心美联储的手段导致美国经济困境极大恶化并导致其周期性失业转变为持久性长期结构性非就业的人们已经在其国内货币政策讨论中败下阵来。 但还有另一场政策讨论需要我们的参与。 美联储不仅是美国的中央银行，它也是全世界的中央银行。 美国当前的汇率体系是浮动汇率的其中一种 — — 或者至少是可以浮动的汇率中的一种。 在上世纪50~60年代，米尔顿·弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）等一批经济学家假设浮动汇率的全球体系将是一个货币价值沿着经济体的通胀及生产力增长率的各类差异变化缓慢而逐步变化的体制。 到了1970年代，经济学家鲁迪·多恩布什（Rudi Dornbusch ） — —以及现实 — — 令我们意识到上述说法是错的：一个浮动汇率体系会将名义利率减去通胀率之后的预期未来差异估值成为当前的汇率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "For example, Rwanda is using drones to distribute medication to cancer patients and robots to monitor COVID-19 patients’ vital signs and prevent hospital-acquired infections. Technological solutions may not always be cheap, but the gains can outweigh the financial outlay. To achieve similar outcomes, many countries urgently need to overhaul their health-care allocation and delivery systems. Where possible, COVID-19 testing and treatment centers should integrate the provision of essential health services, including screening for conditions such as high-risk pregnancies and chronic diseases. Moreover, decentralizing health services could strengthen systemic readiness and limit disruption. This will require training an expanded corps of community health workers, including heads of households, teachers, faith leaders, and traditional healers. In Liberia, for example, trained community health assistants play a central role in the COVID-19 response, while still delivering essential services. Clearly, the disruptions to health-care systems caused by COVID-19 can be overcome. Crucially, countries need to reassess their delivery strategies and make targeted investments in essential health services. Doing so will strengthen their resilience against similar health crises in the future.", "zh": "例如，卢旺达正在使用无人机向癌症患者分发药物，并使用机器人来监视2019冠状病毒病患者的生命体征，预防人们在医院被传染。 尽管这些方案可能价格不菲，但财政支出与其成效相比不足为道。 为了取得这样的成果，许多国家迫切需要全面改革其卫生服务资源配置和医疗服务系统。 如果可以，2019冠状病毒病测试和治疗中心应整合基本医疗服务，涵盖筛查高危怀孕和慢性病等服务。 此外，医疗服务去中心化可以提高系统的响应速度并预防干扰。 这需要更多的社区医疗工作者，包括户主、教师、信仰领袖和传统治疗师。 在利比里亚，训练有素的社区医疗助手保持着基本医疗服务的运行，同时也在疫情应对中发挥着核心作用。 显然，疫情给医疗系统带来的种种问题是可以解决的。 重要的是，各国需要重新评估其医疗战略，并在基本医疗服务上进行有针对性的投资。 这样做可以加强它们对未来类似健康危机的抵御能力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Africa’s Gig Opportunity TORONTO – The growth of digital platforms in Africa could offer new opportunities to bridge the current gap between often-insecure informal work and formal employment. Portable benefits, which move with a freelance worker from gig to gig, could drive this transition. There are already about 300 active digital platforms in Africa, employing close to five million workers. They include e-commerce company Jumia, which was established in Nigeria and now operates in 14 countries on the continent. The rise of such platforms has intensified the debate about the demise of the traditional employment contract and the persistence of widespread informal employment in Africa. This shift increases the risk of lower wages and lower-quality work. It also restricts workers’ access to critical benefits, including sick leave, health insurance, workers’ compensation, and employer-funded retirement savings plans. Although informal work sometimes provides an adequate income, it often traps workers in a cycle of low productivity and even poverty. In most parts of the world, government policies fail to support and protect the growing number of freelance or gig workers, forcing them to navigate a regulatory grey zone. Furthermore, informal employment deprives governments of substantial tax revenues. According to the International Labor Organization, 85% of workers in Africa are employed informally, and therefore do not declare their income or register their businesses. This loss of potential revenue affects countries’ ability to invest in education, health, and basic infrastructure, all of which are vital for boosting the productivity of the workforce and sustaining broader economic growth.", "zh": "非洲的临时工机遇 多伦多 — — 非洲数字平台的发展可以为弥合当前往往缺乏安全感的非正式工作和正式就业之间的差距提供新的机遇。 随自由职业者从一个转向另一个临时工作场所的便携式福利可以推动这种转型。 非洲已经存在大约300个活跃的数字平台，雇用的劳动者数量近500万之巨。 其中包括电子商务企业Jumia，该公司最初成立于尼日利亚，现在在非洲大陆的14个国家开展业务。 此类平台的兴起加剧了有关传统就业合同行将就木的争论，以及非正式就业在非洲持续性的普及。 这样的转变导致低工资和低质量岗位的风险增加。 它还限制了劳动者获得关键福利的机会，包括病假、医疗保险、劳动者赔偿和由雇主出资的退休储蓄计划。 非正式岗位有时可以提供足够的收入，但却往往导致劳动者陷入低生产率甚至是贫困的循环而无法自拔。 在世界绝大多数地区，政府政策都未能支持和保护数量不断增多的自由职业或临时劳动者，从而迫使他们在监管的灰色地带中艰难前行。 此外，非正式就业剥夺了政府大量的税收收入。 据国际劳工组织统计，非洲85%的劳动者属于非正式就业，因此无需申报收入或登记业务。 这种潜在的收入损失影响了该国投资教育、医疗和基础设施的能力，而所有这一切都在提高劳动生产率和维持广义经济增长方面起着至关重要的作用。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "积极发展短途运输。打通航空运输微循环，形成以支线机场为支撑、以通用机场为节点的区域短途运输网络。加强通用与运输航空在航班时刻、代码共享、销售结算、投诉监督、危险品管理等方面协同，优化换乘接驳流程，构建宽严适度、衔接顺畅的一体化管理服务体系，提升出行链条服务品质。提升通航公共服务。加强高高原应急救援能力建设，支持构建全国航空应急救援基地网络，完善联动保障机制。引导地方政府采用购买服务的方式，提高公共服务、应急处突的能力。支持黑龙江、新疆等地通用航空智慧农业服务。促进海上石油、电力作业等领域与工业发展的高水平协同联动。着力开展大众消费服务。鼓励通用航空发展与旅游资源开发、引导娱乐消费相结合，提供多样化、特色化低空旅游服务产品。推动飞行培训能力快速布局、高效扩容。积极培育航空文化，壮大航空活动参与群体，优化驾驶员执照培养体系，促进私人飞行发展。", "en": "Actively develop short-haul transportation. Establish an aviation transportation micro-circulation system, forming a regional short-haul transportation network supported by feeder airports and connected by general airports. Strengthen coordination between general aviation and transportation aviation in flight schedules, code sharing, sales settlement, complaint supervision, and dangerous goods management. Optimize transfer and connection processes, construct an integrated management service system that is moderate, smooth, and well-coordinated, and enhance the quality of travel services. Enhance general aviation public services. Strengthen the construction of emergency rescue capabilities in high-altitude and plateau areas, support the establishment of a national aviation emergency rescue base network, and improve the coordinated support mechanism. Guide local governments to adopt the method of purchasing services to enhance their capabilities in public services and emergency response. Support general aviation smart agriculture services in Heilongjiang, Xinjiang, and other regions. Promote high-level coordination and linkage between offshore oil, power operations, and industrial development. Focus on providing mass consumer services. Encourage the development of general aviation in conjunction with tourism resource development, guide the combination of entertainment consumption, and provide diversified and specialized low-altitude tourism service products. Promote rapid layout and efficient expansion of flight training capabilities. Actively cultivate aviation culture, strengthen the participation of aviation activities, optimize the pilot license training system, and promote the development of private aviation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Of course, not all economists, or even a majority, are wedded to this view, as evidenced by the fact that both Thaler and I have been elected president, in successive years, of the American Economic Association, the main professional body for economists in the United States. But many of our colleagues unquestionably are. I first met Thaler in 1982, when he was a professor at Cornell University. I was visiting Cornell briefly, and he and I took a long walk across the campus together, discovering along the way that we had similar ideas and research goals. For 25 years, starting in 1991, he and I co-organized a series of academic conferences on behavioral economics, under the auspices of the US National Bureau of Economic Research. Over all those years, however, there has been antagonism – and even what appeared to be real animus – toward our research agenda. Thaler once told me that Merton Miller, who won the economics Nobel in 1990 (he died in 2000), would not even make eye contact when passing him in the hallway at the University of Chicago. Miller explained his reasoning (if not his behavior) in a widely cited 1986 article called “Behavioral Rationality in Finance.” Miller conceded that sometimes people are victims of psychology, but he insisted that stories about such mistakes are “almost totally irrelevant” to finance. The concluding sentence of his review is widely quoted by his admirers: “That we abstract from all these stories in building our models is not because the stories are uninteresting but because they may be too interesting and thereby distract us from the pervasive market forces that should be our principal concern.” Stephen A. Ross of MIT, another finance theorist who was a likely future Nobel laureate until he died unexpectedly in March, argued along similar lines. In his 2005 book Neoclassical Finance, he, too, eschewed psychology, preferring to build a “methodology of finance as the implication of the absence of arbitrage.” In other words, we can learn a lot about people’s behavior just from the observation that there are no ten-dollar bills lying around on public sidewalks.", "zh": "当然，鉴于泰勒和我已经连续几年被选为美国经济学会（美国经济学者的主要专业组织）主席，可见并不是所有（或是大多数）经济学家都持有这样的观点。 但我们的许多同僚无疑却属于这一阵营。 我第一次见到泰勒是在1982年他担任康奈尔大学教授时。 我正在这所大学作短期访问，他和我一起在校园里边走边聊了好久，发现我们都有着类似的想法和研究目标。 从1991年至今的25年间，他和我在智库机构美国国家经济研究局的主持下共同举办了一系列有关行为经济学的学术会议。 然而在那些年里，就有人对我们的研究议程存在对抗情绪 — — 甚至似乎是真正的仇恨。 泰勒曾告诉我说1990年赢得诺贝尔经济学奖的米尔顿·米勒（Merton Miller，于2000年去世）跟他在芝加哥大学的走廊上碰面时甚至连看都不愿看他一眼。 米勒在他1986年发表并被广泛引用的《金融中的行为理性》论文中解释了他的道理（或是上述行为 ） 。 米勒承认有时人们是心理现象的受害者，但他坚持认为这些犯错故事跟金融“几乎完全无关 ” 。 他在文章结尾的被他的崇拜者所广泛引用 ： “ 我们之所以在构建我们的模型的过程中排除掉所有这些故事，并非因为这些故事是无趣的，而是它们可能太过有趣，以至于让人无法把注意力集中在本应成为主要关注点的更具普遍性的市场力量上 。 ” 另一位本可能在未来夺得诺贝尔奖的金融理论家，麻省理工学院前教授史蒂芬·A·罗斯（Stephen A. Ross，今年3月份意外逝世）也有着类似的说法。 在他2005年出版的著作《新古典经济学》中，他同样绕开了心理学而更倾向于建立一种“不受套利意识影响的金融方法论 ” 。 换句话说，我们可以在不存在有10美元钞票躺在人行道上的情况下研究很多人类行为。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Remaking Iran TEHRAN – Iranian President Hassan Rouhani recently marked the end of his first year in office not only with smiles, but also with further evidence of his efforts at domestic reform and geostrategic reorientation. In Iran’s case, these two imperatives have long gone hand in hand. Rouhani now says that Iran would be willing to work with the United States in Iraq. The dire threat to both Iranian and US interests posed by the Islamic State (formerly the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) has, evidently, brought the two countries closer together. In the days since the anniversary of Rouhani’s election, Iran’s foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, overcame his earlier reservations and expressed optimism about reaching an international deal on his country’s nuclear program by the original deadline of July 20. If rapprochement with the West can be achieved, the removal of the international sanctions stemming from the nuclear program would give a tremendous boost to Rouhani’s economic policy. And it is here that Rouhani has invested much of his energy and political capital. Coming into office, Rouhani had a clear priority: fix an economy devastated by eight years of former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s demagogic mismanagement. He replaced Ahmadinejad’s incompetent thugs with a reasonably qualified cabinet and capable administrators, and has embarked on an ambitious program of economic development, expanded health care, and environmental protection. Though Rouhani has made little headway combating rampant inflation, small business and the entrepreneurial middle class seem to be thriving. In early June, I found a recently opened complex of expensive restaurants opposite the new luxury Grand Hotel in Shiraz packed with affluent customers. Rouhani is vigorously cultivating economic ties with Gulf states, including Kuwait, whose ruler he entertained in Tehran in early June before leaving on an official visit to Turkey, where he signed ten deals aimed at doubling bilateral trade, to $30 billion, in 2015. On the environmental front, Rouhani is also busy undoing his predecessor’s damage. Tehran’s air pollution, widely blamed by those with respiratory illness on low-octane “Ahmadinejad gasoline,” has visibly declined with the introduction of high-octane fuel and other restrictions. Last but not least, Rouhani has launched his national health-insurance program, and ordered state hospitals, which dominate the health sector, to limit patients’ copayments for all medical expenses to 10%.", "zh": "重塑伊朗 德黑兰—伊朗总统鲁哈尼任期第一年结束了，这一年不光令人满意，也表露出进一步实施国内改革和地缘战略改变的迹象。 在伊朗，这两大当务之急长期以来一直是齐头并进的。 如今，鲁哈尼说，伊朗愿意与美国在伊拉克进行合作。 伊斯兰国（即前伊拉克和叙利亚伊斯兰国）给伊朗和美国利益都造成了巨大威胁，显然这是让两国走的更近的原因。 自鲁哈尼当选一周年以来，伊朗外交部长扎里夫（Mohammad Javad Zarif）抛弃了此前的保留意见，表示对在7月20日原定期限前达成关于伊朗核计划的国际协议感到乐观。 若能与西方重建友好关系，因核计划而遭受的国际制裁有望取消，这将诶鲁哈尼的经济政策带来巨大的提振。 正因如此，鲁哈尼在这方面投入了巨大的能量和政治资本。 鲁哈尼是带着明确的当务之急上台的：修复被前总统内贾德蛊惑人心的八年乱政摧毁的经济。 他用能力合适的内阁和能做事的官员替换了内贾德的无能暴徒，并提出了一个雄心勃勃的经济发展、扩大医疗和环境保护计划。 尽管鲁哈尼在治理肆虐的通胀方面收效甚微，但小企业和创业中产阶级表现出蒸蒸日上之势。 6月初，我看到在设拉子（Shiraz）新开张的豪华的大饭店（Grand Hotel）对面开出几家高尚餐馆，顾客盈门。 鲁哈尼大力培养与海湾国家的经济关系，6月初正式出访土耳其前他在德黑兰款待了科威特领导人，而在土耳其之行中，他签署了十项协议，目标到2015年让双边贸易额翻一番，达到300亿美元。 在环境方面，鲁哈尼也在为弥补前任留下的烂摊子奔走。 许多罹患呼吸系统疾病的人指责低辛烷值“内贾德汽油”导致德黑兰空气污染严重，鲁哈尼引入了高辛烷值燃料和其他限制，让空气污染得到了显著改善。 最后，鲁哈尼还实施了他的全国健康保险计划，要求国立医院 — — 伊朗医疗部门的主要组成部分 — — 将患者总自费比例控制在10%以内。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Going down to the lodge with a basket on my arm, grapes and peaches for the old lady who was sick. Her hands stretched out to me, \"The Lord bless you, Madam, for being so good,' and my saying, 'Just send up to the house for anything you want.' Mrs de Winter. I would be Mrs de Winter. I saw the polished table in the dining-room, and the long candles. Maxim sitting at the end. A party of twenty-four. I had a flower in my hair. Everyone looked towards me, holding up his glass. 'We must drink the health of the bride,' and Maxim saying afterwards, 'I have never seen you look so lovely.' Great cool rooms, filled with flowers. My bedroom, with a fire in the winter, someone knocking at the door. And a woman comes in, smiling; she is Maxim's sister, and she is saying, 'It's really wonderful how happy you have made him; everyone is so pleased, you are such a success.' Mrs de Winter. I would be Mrs de Winter. \"The rest of the tangerine is sour, I shouldn't eat it,' he said, and I stared at him, the words going slowly to my head, then looked down at the fruit on my plate. The quarter was hard and pale. He was right. The tangerine was very sour. I had a sharp, bitter taste in my mouth, and I had only just noticed it. 'Am I going to break the news to Mrs Van Hopper or are you?' he said.", "zh": "我想象着自己挎着一篮子葡萄和鲜桃到茅屋里去探望一位生病的老妪。老人家冲我伸出手说：“你真是太好了，夫人，愿上帝保佑你。”我说：“需要什么东西，就叫人到家里去取。”德温特夫人！我将成为德温特夫人！我仿佛看见了餐厅里那擦得明光锃亮的餐桌和长长的蜡烛。迈克西姆坐在一端，来聚餐的共有二十四个人。我的头上插着一朵小花。大家把目光投向我，举杯祝词：“为新娘的健康干杯！”过后，迈克西姆对我说：“我从未见过你像今天这么可爱。”曼德利的各个厅堂里都凉爽可人，鲜花遍布。我的卧室冬天生着火，有人敲响了房门。一个笑容可掬的女人走了进来，他是迈克西姆的姐姐，只听她说：“你给他带来了幸福，真是一件可喜的事情！你是个出色的女性，大家都为你感到高兴。”德温特夫人！我将成为德温特夫人！ “剩下的这点柑橘味道太酸，要是我就不吃了。”他说。我呆望着他，慢慢才明白了他的意思，于是低头看看盘中的橘子。那橘子被吃得只剩下了四分之一，此时已变硬发黑。他的话没错，那柑橘的确很酸，弄得我满嘴苦涩味，这工夫才觉察到。 “这消息由我转告范·霍珀夫人，还是由你去说？”他问。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "East Asian corporations are already issuing more green bonds than in the past, in order to align with new policy frameworks (such as in Hong Kong). But there are at least three ways to scale up these efforts even more. First, policymakers and others with influence over industry standards need to make it easier for companies large and small to present their green credentials to investors. The global shift toward unified carbon reporting is a good start, but it applies mainly to large multinationals with the necessary capacity. Disclosure guidelines that work for big and small enterprises alike are still needed. Here, the Hong Kong Exchanges’ Sustainable and Green Exchange (STAGE) is a step in the right direction. Second, ordinary investors must be able to understand and access financial vehicles geared toward the low-carbon economy. Creating a region-wide market for green funds, initiatives, and companies would help, bringing many more financial-market participants into the mix. Third, Asia needs to diversify the financing for its low-carbon future, tapping both debt and equity markets, and providing a platform to connect potential funders with companies and projects that meet environmental, social, and governance criteria. But it is important to remember that technology alone will not overcome the challenge of climate change. We also need to recognize the far-reaching potential value of nature-based solutions. Standing forests, healthy soils, mangroves, salt marshes, oceans, coral reefs, and other ecological systems all play a role in sequestering atmospheric carbon dioxide. In fact, one-third of the global CO2-mitigation challenge could be met simply by protecting healthy ecosystems and supporting reforestation. Moreover, protecting ecosystems and pursuing reforestation are an ideal way to create jobs locally, providing opportunities for those displaced by the transition away from fossil fuels. The pandemic has shown us that we must rethink our relationship with nature and the environment, allowing for more bottom-up solutions that will empower communities. At the global level, while US President-elect Joe Biden’s administration will revive America’s climate commitments, international climate action could suffer if Sino-American relations do not improve. In the meantime, it will help to double down on private-sector and civil-society efforts like the China-United States Exchange Foundation and the US-China Green Fund, as these will facilitate more coordinated action. More broadly, it is time to take a hard look at the current state of climate collaboration.", "zh": "东亚公司比以往发行了更多的绿色债券，以协调新的政策框架（如香港 ） 。 但至少有三种办法可以将这些措施进一步扩大。 首先，决策者和其他对行业标准有影响力的行动方必须让大大小小的公司更加容易地向投资者展示绿色实力。 统一碳报表的全球趋势是良好的开端，但主要仍适用于具备必要能力的跨国大企业。 仍然需要同时面向大型和小型企业的披露指引。 在这方面，香港证交所的可持续和绿色交易所（Sustainable and Green Exchange，STAGE）是正确的一步。 其次，普通投资者必须能够理解并获得导向低碳经济的金融工具。 建立区域性绿色资金、项目和公司的市场将有所助益，让更多金融市场参与者参与进来。 第三，亚洲需要实现低碳未来融资多样化，利用债券和股票市场，提供将潜在资金方和满足环境、社会及治理标准的公司和项目联系在一起的平台。 但一个要点是要记住光靠科技无法克服气候变化的挑战。 我们还需要认识到基于自然的方案的巨大的潜在价值。 现有森林、沃土、红树林、盐碱滩、海洋、珊瑚礁和其他生态系统都能起到隔离大气二氧化碳的作用。 事实上，只要保护好健康的生态系统并支持植树造林，就能解决三分之一的全球CO2减排挑战。 此外，保护生态系统和植树造林也是创造本地就业的理想方式，可以为因为取缔化石燃料而失业的人提供机会。 疫情表明，我们必须反思我们与自然和环境的关系，允许更多赋能社区的自下而上的方案。 在全球层面，尽管美国当选总统拜登政府将重启美国的气候承诺，但国际气候行动仍可能因为中美关系得不到改善而受损。 与此同时，加大私人部门和公民社会措施大有裨益，如中美交流基金会（China-United States Exchange Foundation）和中美绿色基金（US-China Green Fund ） ， 它们能够促进更加协调的行动。 总体而言，必须严肃审视当前气候合作状况。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Worse still, the US under Trump has taken a giant step backward by withdrawing from the Paris agreement and pushing for more coal production and coal-fired power plants without carbon-capture requirements. This is doubly damaging: in addition to increasing America’s emissions, Trump has given other countries an excuse to avoid meeting their own Paris commitments. Leading US progressives such as Democratic Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have championed a “Green New Deal” based on publicly financed investment. This initiative faces a similar problem to the Australian Labor Party’s proposal: it would impose costs on US firms and households, while the benefits of lower emissions would be diffused around the world. True, a successful Green New Deal would have a bigger global effect, because the US accounts for about one-quarter of the world’s economy. But even America cannot save the world if other countries fail to take equally aggressive steps to reduce emissions. In fact, others might even emit more, because US actions could reduce the cost of tradable emissions permits. Ironically, Trump’s own readiness to impose large import tariffs could provide the basis for a new collective approach. Because the US is the world’s biggest economy and possesses enormous political and military power, most countries have to accommodate America’s demands in some way. In that respect, Trump’s tariff wars have “worked” (although whether they are good for the US economy is another matter). A future US government could perhaps use tariffs, or the threat of them, to push other countries to reduce their emissions more aggressively – especially those countries that are, or will be, sizable contributors to global warming. This would be different from a border-adjustment tax based on the carbon content of the imports, but a way to raise the cost of inaction for countries that are not making sufficient contributions to the global effort. Such measures might run counter to existing global trade rules. But they could be justified on efficiency grounds, because avoiding the destruction of the planet is good for everyone.", "zh": "更糟糕的是，特朗普领导下的美国退出了《巴黎协定 》 ( Paris agreement ) ， 推动了更多没有碳捕获要求的煤炭生产和燃煤电厂建设。 这种做法具有双重破坏性：除了增加美国的排放量，特朗普还给了其他国家一个借口，让它们不必履行自己在巴黎的承诺。 美国民主党籍国会众议员亚历山大•奥卡西奥-科特兹(Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez)等进步人士支持一项基于公共资金投资的“绿色新政 ” （ “Green New Deal ” ） 。 这一倡议与澳大利亚工党的提议面临着相似的问题：它将成本强加给美国企业和家庭，而减排所带来的好处却将在扩散到世界各地。 诚然，一个成功的绿色新政将产生更大的全球影响，因为美国经济约占全球经济的四分之一。 但是，如果其他国家不能采取同样积极的减排措施，即使是美国也无法拯救世界。 事实上，其他国家甚至可能排放更多的二氧化碳，因为美国的行动可能降低了碳排放交易的成本。 讽刺的是，特朗普自己对征收高额进口关税的意愿，可能为一种新的共同措施提供了基础。 因为美国是世界上最大的经济体，拥有巨大的政治和军事实力，大多数国家都必须在某种程度上满足美国的要求。 在这方面，特朗普的关税战“奏效了 ” ( 尽管关税战是否有利于美国经济仍然未知 ) 。 未来的美国政府或许可以利用关税或实施关税的威胁，推动其他国家更积极地减排 — — 尤其是那些对全球变暖负有或将负有相当大责任的国家。 这将不同于根据进口产品的碳含量征收边境调节税，而是提高那些没有为全球努力做出足够贡献的国家不作为的成本。 这些措施可能会违背现有的全球贸易规则。 但从效率的角度来看，它们是合理的，因为避免地球被毁灭将惠及全世界的人民。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "China’s Intervention Lessons BEIJING – China’s stock market has been a hot topic since the summer, when a rapid rise gave way to a major plunge, triggering a global equities sell-off. The question now is what can be done to prevent further volatility. To answer that question requires understanding how China got to this point. For years, with the authorities’ encouragement (or at least acquiescence), China’s securities companies spared no effort in pumping up China’s stock exchanges with fashionable financial instruments and practices, the sole aim being to realize capital gains from rising prices (dividends are rarely distributed). As a result, after years of poor performance, the Shanghai Composite Index soared by more than 100% in less than seven months, from 2,505 points in November 2014 to over 5,178 last June – a level that was not merited by China’s economic fundamentals. The most important instrument driving this surge was margin trading, which enabled investors to borrow heavily to purchase shares. According to Bank of America strategist David Cui, some CN¥7.5 trillion ($1.2 trillion) in market positions are being carried on margin, “equivalent to some 13% of A-share’s market cap and 34% of its free float.” Part of the problem was that margin trading was not limited to institutional investors. Lightly regulated “fund matching” companies, for example, would distribute margin loans to virtually anyone, resulting in about CN‎¥2.3 trillion in online private fund matching and CN¥1 trillion in offline private fund matching, with a leverage ratio of up to 5:1 for the latter. In mid-June, the prolonged surge in stock prices finally drove an unnerved China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) to impose restrictions on offline private fund matching. The decision immediately triggered a sell-off, with the Shanghai Composite Index falling 2% in just one day. Initially, this looked like a natural correction. But the prevalence of margin trading caused the decline to turn quickly into a rout. First, as plummeting stock prices caused the equity in investors’ accounts to fall below the maintenance margin, brokers began issuing margin calls, forcing investors to offload more assets to come up with the needed cash. When they failed to pay margin calls on time, their shares were sold by brokers, pushing stock prices down further.", "zh": "中国的干预教训 北京—今年夏天以来，中国股市成为一个热门话题。 急速上涨变成大崩盘，引发了全球股市大甩卖。 现在的问题是如何防止进一步波动。 要回答这个问题，需要理解中国如何走到今天这一步。 多年来，在当局的鼓励（或至少是默许）下，中国证券公司卯足了劲用各种新奇金融工具和做法推高指数，其唯一的目的是在股价上涨中收获资本利得（中国很少派发股息 ） 。 结果，在多年的熊市后，上证指数在不到七个月的时间里飙升100%度，从2014年11月的2,505点涨到今年6月的5,178点 — — 这一水平是中国经济基本面无法支撑的。 助力这波涨势的最重要的工具是保证金交易。 保证金交易让投资者大量借钱购买股票。 据美国银行策略师崔伟的估计，7.5万亿元人民币的股票头寸来自保证金 ， “ 相当于A股市值的13%和流通市值的34 % 。 ” 问题的一部分在于保证金交易并不只限于机构投资者。 比如，监管薄弱的“配资”公司可以让几乎所有人都获得保证金贷款，这带来了2.3万亿元人民的在线私募配资和1万亿人民币的线下私募配资，后者的杠杆率高达5:1。 6月中旬，股价不断飙升终于让紧张的中国证监会下令限制线下私募配资。 这一决定立刻引起大甩卖，上证指数一天下跌2 % 。 一开始，这看上去只是自然修正。 但保证金交易的普遍性导致下跌迅速演变为崩盘。 首先，暴跌的股价导致投资者账户中的股票下降到维持保证金水平以下，于是经纪商开始催缴保证金，迫使投资者甩卖更多资产以获得所需要的现金。 如果他们无法及时追加保证金，他们的股票就会被经纪商卖出，进一步打压股价。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "法国南特教堂大火：教区志愿者承认纵火 平时和善寡言-中新网\n中新网7月26日电 据外媒报道，7月18日，法国南特的宗教历史建筑瑰宝、著名的圣彼得与圣保罗大教堂，在一场火灾当中受到严重损毁，大管风琴完全毁坏。\n当地时间26日，南特检察官宣布，一名在大教堂当中负责保卫工作的教区志愿者已经被起诉，罪名是“纵火毁坏” 。\n他已承认，是自己在教堂里点火。\n报道称，当地检察官塞纳斯表示，这名39岁、来自卢旺达的教区志愿者承认，自己夜里在大教堂当中的三处点火。\n此人的律师则表示，纵火者现在很后悔做出这种事。\n此人几年前通过避难的途径，进入法国，在本次火灾事发地教区得到庇护，在教堂里得到收留。\n检方指出，最近，他尝试更新签证，正在和警察局对此进行对话沟通。\n但教堂方面表示仍然不敢相信，这名平时非常善良、面带笑容，但不怎么说话的信徒，会毁坏他如此热爱的教堂。\n7月18日火灾发生的当天，这名志愿者就已经因为叙述当中出现逻辑不通的问题，而接受过警方问询调查，但他后来被释放。\n图为消防员在现场进行救援。\n25日晚间，由于巴黎中央警察局实验室的专业工程师获取了新的证据，此人又再一次被传讯。\n这一次，男子承认了自己纵火的行为。\n据报道，如果蓄意纵火毁坏的罪名成立，嫌犯将可能面临10年监禁和15万欧元的罚款。\n报道称，此次大火给圣皮埃尔与圣保罗大教堂造成了严重损失，教堂内的管风琴被完全烧毁，管风琴后面的彩色玻璃窗也受损严重。\n法国历史保护建筑首席建筑师布鲁内认为，保守估计，南特大教堂复原工作至少要有3年", "en": "A fire broke out in Nantes church in France: A parish volunteer admitted arson. He is usually kind and taciturn - www.chinanews.com\nWww.chinanews.com, July 26 - According to foreign media reports, on July 18, the famous Cathedral Church of St.Peter and St.Paul, a religious and historical building treasure in Nantes, France, was severely damaged in a fire, and the grand organ was completely destroyed.\nOn the 26th (local time), a Nantes prosecutor announced that a parish volunteer in charge of security work in the cathedral had been charged with “arson and destruction”.\nThe parish volunteer has admitted that he had started the fire in the church.\nAccording to reports, Sernas,a local prosecutor, said that the 39-year-old parish volunteer from Rwanda admitted that he had set fire to three places in the cathedral at night.\nThe lawyer of the parish volunteer said that the arsonist now regretted doing such a thing.\nThis parish volunteer entered France through asylum several years ago, and was sheltered in the parish where the fire happened, and was taken in in the church.\nThe prosecutor pointed out that recently, the prosecutor tried to renew his visa and was talking with the police station about it.\nHowever, the church said that it still couldn't believe that this kind-hearted, smiling but quiet believer would destroy the church that he loved so much.\nOn the day of the fire on July 18, this volunteer had been questioned and investigated by the police because of the illogical problems in his narrative, but he was released later.\nThe picture shows firefighters carrying out rescue at the scene.\nOn the evening of 25th, the professional engineers of the laboratory of Paris Central Police Department obtained new evidence, so this person was arraigned again.\nThis time, this man admitted his arson.\nAccording to reports, If the crime of intentional arson is convicted, the suspect may face a 10-year imprisonment and a fine of 150,000 euros.\nAccording to reports, the fire caused serious losses to the Cathedral Church of St.Pierre and St.Paul, and the organ in the church was completely burned, and the stained glass windows behind the organ were also seriously damaged.\nBrunet, chief architect of French historic buildings, believed that it was conservatively estimated that the restoration of the Nantes Cathedral would take at least three years."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "TowerBlocks"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "And if, as appears to be the case, Germany is playing a dangerous game of chicken with some of its eurozone partners, why should the cost be shifted to the IMF for the benefit of Europe’s largest and most successful economy? Letting the ECB off the hook in this manner would simply validate for Europe as a whole the same moral hazard feared by German and other leaders who oppose ECB intervention. The second reason to avoid IMF intervention in Europe is that lending to a potentially insolvent country has serious implications for the Fund. For starters, taking the IMF’s preferred-creditor status at face value, an IMF loan would entail substituting its “non-defaultable” debt for “defaultable” debt with private bondholders, because the Fund’s money is used primarily to service outstanding bonds. As a result, a group of lucky bondholders would be bailed out at the expense of those that became junior to IMF debt and remained highly exposed to a likely restructuring. Since a “haircut” can be imposed only on whatever is left of the defaultable private debt, the larger the IMF share, the deeper the haircut needed to restore sustainability. For the same reason, IMF loans can be a burdensome legacy from a market perspective. Because they represent a massive senior claim, they may discourage new private lending for many years to come. This brings us to the third reason why the IMF should stay out of Europe’s crisis: what if Fund seniority fails?", "zh": "此外，正如实际情形所显示的，如果德国是在和其欧元区伙伴玩一场危险的胆小鬼博弈，那么为何要把成本转移给IMF，而使欧洲最大最成功的经济体获益？ 用这种方式让欧洲央行脱身只能将整个欧洲置于德国和其他反对欧元区干预的领导人所担心的道德风险之中。 避免IMF干预欧洲的第二个理由是，向本质上已经破产的国家提供贷款会对IMF造成严重影响。 从IMF的优先债权人地位看，IMF贷款将意味着用其“不可违约”债务替代私人债权人的“可违约”债务，因为IMF的资金将首先用于��还现有债务。 结果，幸运的债权人将得到援助，但这是以那些沦为低于IMF债务一等且仍需面临重组风险的债权人的牺牲为代价的。 因为损失只会落到可违约的私人债务头上（取决于偿还了IMF债务之后还有多少资金能够偿还这些债务 ） ， 因此IMF债务的比重越大，重建可持续性所需的损失就越深。 出于同样的理由，IMF贷款可能被市场视为负担。 由于它们代表着巨额的优先求偿权，因此将在多年内抑制新的私人贷款。 由此产生了IMF应该之身欧洲事务之外的第三大理由：IMF债务失去了优先地位会怎样？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "弘扬马克思主义学风，推进“两学一做”学习教育常态化制度化， 以县处级以上领导干部为重点，在全党开展“不忘初心、牢记使命”主题教育，用党的创新理论武装头脑，推动全党更加自觉地为实现新时代党的历史使命不懈奋斗。 （三）建设高素质专业化干部队伍。 党的干部是党和国家事业的中坚力量。 要坚持党管干部原则，坚持德才兼备、以德为先，坚持五湖四海、任人唯贤，坚持事业为上、公道正派，把好干部标准落到实处。 坚持正确选人用人导向，匡正选人用人风气，突出政治标准，", "en": "We will foster a Marxist style of learning, and make it regular practice and an institutionalized requirement for all Party members to gain a good command of the Party Constitution, Party regulations, and related major policy addresses and to meet Party standards. We will launch a campaign on the theme of “staying true to our founding mission” to enable all Party members, especially officials at and above the county and director level, to arm themselves with the Party’s new theories and become more purposeful in working tirelessly to accomplish the Party’s historic mission in the new era. 3. Training a contingent of competent and professional officials Party officials are a central pillar of strength for the cause of our Party and country. We must adhere to the principle of the Party supervising officials; select officials on the basis of both integrity and ability, with priority given to integrity, and on the basis of merit regardless of background; and ensure that those who are dedicated, impartial, and upright should be appointed. We must implement in earnest the criteria for evaluating good officials. In selecting and appointing officials, we must adopt the right approach, with emphasis on political performance."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Geopolitical Message from Libya NEW DELHI – Will “mission creep” in the West’s intervention in Libya end up creating, inadvertently, a jihadist citadel at Europe’s southern doorstep? Of course, the Western powers must be applauded for their efforts, with the support of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, to prevent a slaughter of Libya’s civilian population. The democratic world should never stand by idly while a tyrant uses military force to massacre civilians. But, if despots are to be deterred from untrammeled repression, any intervention – whether military or in the form of economic and diplomatic sanctions – must meet the test of impartiality. The current political upheaval in the Arab world could transform the Middle East and North Africa in the same way that the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 fundamentally changed Europe. Indeed, 1989 was a watershed, producing the most profound global geopolitical changes in the most compressed timeframe in history. But, in the decades since, the Arab world’s rulers, regimes, and practices seemed to have remained firmly entrenched. In 1989, Francis Fukuyama claimed in a famous essay that the Cold War’s end marked the end of ideological evolution, “the end of history,” with the “universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.�� Yet, two decades on, the global spread of democracy has been encountering increasingly strong headwinds. Only a small minority of states in Asia, for example, are true democracies. In fact, a new bipolar, Cold War-style ideological divide has emerged. The rise of authoritarian capitalism – best symbolized by China, but also embraced by countries as disparate as Malaysia, Singapore, Kazakhstan, and Qatar – has created a new model that competes with (and challenges) liberal democracy. The popular upsurge in the Arab world shows that democratic empowerment hinges on two key internal factors: the role of security forces and the technological sophistication of the state’s repressive capacity. In recent weeks, security forces have shaped developments in different ways in three Arab states. Yemen’s popular uprising has splintered the security establishment, with different military factions now in charge of different neighborhoods in the capital, Sana.", "zh": "来自利比亚的地缘政治信息 发自新德里 — — 不知西方在干涉利比亚过程中的所产生“使命偏离效应 ” （ mission creep，意指行动偏离原定目标）是否会无意中在欧洲的南大门外孕育出一个伊斯兰圣战大本营呢？ 西方各国肯定会自我感觉良好，因为他们在卡塔尔和阿联酋的支持下阻止了一场对利比亚平民的屠杀。 对于独裁者像平民动武的行为，民主世界是不能袖手旁观的。 但如果要制止卡扎菲这个暴君放肆镇压民众的话，任何干涉行动 — — 无论是在军事上还是经济外交方面 — — 都必须是公正和中立的。 当前这场阿拉伯政治动荡最终会像1989年柏林墙倒塌改变欧洲那样彻底改变整个中东和北非地区。 事实上1989年是个分水岭，在极为短促的历史时期内实现了最为深刻的全球地缘政治变革。 但从那以后的几十年来，阿拉伯世界的统治者，政权和政治习俗却似乎依然根深蒂固，不可动摇。 政治学者弗朗西斯·福山于1989年发表了一篇著名论文，认为冷战的结束标志着意识形态演化的终结，是“西方自由民主制度作为人类政府最终形式的普世化”之下的“历史终结 ” 。 但二十多年过去了，民主制度的全球扩张所遇到的阻力却与日俱增，例如亚洲地区就只有极少数国家真正实现了民主。 相比之下，另一个冷战意识形态分割下的新两极世界正日渐凸现。 专制资本主义（以中国为典型，同时也被马来西亚、新加坡，哈萨克斯坦和卡塔尔等不同的国家争相效仿）的崛起已经形成了一种新的模式，对自由民主制度发起了竞争（甚至是挑战 ） 。 阿拉伯世界的人民起义进程体现出民主是否能实现，与两大关键内部因素紧密相连：国家安全力量所扮演的角色，以及国家镇压能力的技术含量。 而在最近这几个星期内，三个阿拉伯国家的安全力量分别以不同的形式左右了局势的发展. 也门的民众起义已经彻底撕裂了整个国家安全体系，首都萨那如今被不同的军事派别分割据守。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "America’s Muddled Industrial Policy WASHINGTON, DC – When a government sets out to “pick winners” and support designated industries, products, or firms through subsidies, tariff protections, tax breaks, and other measures, it is pursuing an industrial policy. For advocates of this approach, the idea is that the state should step in to boost “particular industries that are considered strategically important” when it is expected that markets and the private sector will not do so on their own. Despite its long history of failures, industrial policy is back on the agenda in the United States. In early June, the US Senate passed the US Innovation and Competition Act (USICA) of 2021, which envisions a more active role for government in the economy. According to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, the legislation will “jumpstart American competitiveness and make one of the most significant government investments in American innovation and manufacturing in generations.” The bill will now go to the House of Representatives, where it is expected to pass. Most people agree that the government has an important and appropriate role to play in providing infrastructure, education, health care, social services, and other public goods such as basic research. But the USICA is full of provisions that are geared toward other objectives. As analysts from the American Action Forum explain, the bill incorporates several provisions that are meant to counter “Chinese influence domestically and abroad.”", "zh": "美国混乱的产业政策 华盛顿哥伦比亚特区—若一个政府正在推行一项产业政策，它就会开始“挑选赢家 ” ， 并通过补贴、关税保护、税收减免和其他措施支持指定的行业、产品或公司。 对于这种方法的倡导者来说，这种政策的背后想法是，当预计到市场和私营部门不会凭借自身能力促进“被认为具有战略重要性的特定行业”时，国家就应该介入去促进相关的行业。 尽管产业政策一直以来经常以失败告终，但它在美国被重新提上日程。 6月初，美国参议院通过了2021年的《美国创新与竞争法(USICA ) 》 ，该法案设想政府在经济中发挥更积极的作用。 参议院多数党领袖查克•舒默（Chuck Schumer）表示，该法律将“全力启动美国的竞争力，并对美国创新和制造业进行几代以来最重要的政府投资之一 。 ” 该法案现在将提交众议院，预计将在众议院通过。 大多数人都同意，政府在提供基础设施、教育、医疗保健、社会服务以及其他公共产品（如基础研究）时，其发挥的作用是重要且恰当的。 但是《美国创新与竞争法》充满了为其他目的而设计的条款。 正如美国行动论坛（American Action Forum）的分析师解释的那样，该法案纳入了几项旨在对抗“中国在国内外的影响”的条款。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Ms. Europe or Frau Germania? BERLIN – Just what is the matter with Angela Merkel? Only a short while ago, she was celebrated as “Ms. Europe”; now, she increasingly gives the impression of being Frau Germania. Instead of providing resolute leadership in the global financial and economic crisis, the European Union’s largest economy is withdrawing into its shell. Germany has always been the motor of European integration, in accordance with its political and economic interests. Every post-World War II government has always been willing to harness Germany’s financial strength to further that aim, i.e., to foot the bill for Europe. The motto was simple: Germany gives and profits in turn. Should Germany spurn the first part of this formula, the European project would suffer serious damage – and so will German national interests. Yet this is the direction in which Chancellor Merkel seems to be heading. Indeed, in the wake of the Greek crisis, Merkel spoke publicly of the need to be able to exclude eurozone members that do not play by the rules. Does she seriously believe that the euro and the EU would survive such punitive action? Instead of ideas for strengthening the solidarity and stability of the eurozone, absurd proposals are floated in Berlin. The idea that Germany would show financial solidarity with weakened eurozone members only if they accept draconian stabilization measures is similarly unrealistic. Such measures would only exacerbate deflation in these countries, which are the most important markets for German exports.", "zh": "欧洲夫人还是德国妇女？ 柏林 — — 安格拉·默克尔怎么搞的？ 前一阵儿她还被誉为“欧洲夫人 ” ， 现如今，她变得越来越像一个德国妇女。 在应对全球金融、经济危机的节骨眼儿上，德国这个全欧盟最大的经济体并没有表现出举足轻重的领导力，反而不断缩回到自家的螺丝壳里。 德国一向是欧洲一体化的发动机，这也符合它的政治、经济利益。 为了推进这一目标，二战后历届德国政府都愿意动用本国的财力，也就是说，为欧洲埋单。 它们的口号很简单：有付出，才有回报。 假如德国拒绝了口号的前半部分，欧洲一体化方案就会受到严重损害，德国的国家利益也会连带受损。 然而，默克尔总理似乎正朝着这个不祥的方向走去。 在希腊危机爆发后，默克尔居然真的当众表示，对于那些不按规矩来的欧元区成员国，需要有退出机制。 难道她真以为，出台这样的惩罚性措施，不会威胁到欧元乃至欧盟的生存吗？ 柏林不去想一些主意巩固欧元区的安定团结，反而瞎琢磨一些荒谬的提议。 还有一个念头也是不切实际的：那些虚弱的欧元国家先得接受一整套苛刻的财政整改措施，德国才会向它们表现出财务团结的善意。 那样的整改措施只会加剧那些国家的通货紧缩，而它们恰恰是德国最重要的出口市场。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Alice sighed wearily. `I think you might do something better with the time,' she said, `than waste it in asking riddles that have no answers.' `If you knew Time as well as I do,' said the Hatter, `you wouldn't talk about wasting IT. It's HIM.' `I don't know what you mean,' said Alice. `Of course you don't!' the Hatter said, tossing his head contemptuously. `I dare say you never even spoke to Time!' `Perhaps not,' Alice cautiously replied: `but I know I have to beat time when I learn music.' `Ah! that accounts for it,' said the Hatter. `He won't stand beating. Now, if you only kept on good terms with him, he'd do almost anything you liked with the clock. For instance, suppose it were nine o'clock in the morning, just time to begin lessons: you'd only have to whisper a hint to Time, and round goes the clock in a twinkling! Half-past one, time for dinner!'(`I only wish it was,' the March Hare said to itself in a whisper.) `That would be grand, certainly,' said Alice thoughtfully: `but then--I shouldn't be hungry for it, you know.' `Not at first, perhaps,' said the Hatter: `but you could keep it to half-past one as long as you liked.' `Is that the way YOU manage?' Alice asked.", "zh": "爱丽丝轻轻叹了一声说，“我认为你应该珍惜点时间，像这样出个没有谜底的谜语，简直是白白浪费宝贵的时间。” “如果你也像我一样对时间熟悉，”帽匠说，“你就不会叫它‘宝贵的时间’，而叫它‘老伙计’了。” “我不懂你的意思。”爱丽丝说。 “你当然不懂，”帽匠得意地晃着头说，“我敢肯定你从来没有同时间说过话。” “也许没有，”爱丽丝小心地回答，“但是我在学音乐的时候，总是按着时间打拍子的。” “唉，这就完了！”帽匠说，“你最不高兴人家按住它打了。如果你同它好，它会让钟表听你的话，譬如说，现在是早上九点钟，正是上学的时间，你只要悄悄地对时间说一声，钟表就会一下子转到一点半，该吃午饭了！” “我真希望这样。”三月兔小声自语道。 “那太棒了！”爱丽丝思索着说，“可是要是我还不饿怎么办呢？” “一开始也可能不饿，”帽匠说，“但是只要你喜欢，你就能把钟表保持在一点半钟。” “你是这样办的吗？”爱丽丝问。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Three Ways Ahead for the Eurozone WASHINGTON, DC – After a tumultuous year, politics seem to be stabilizing across Europe. Though the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) gained almost 13% of the vote in Germany’s recent federal election, it does not pose a serious threat to Chancellor Angela Merkel’s leadership. In France – the other pillar of the European project – President Emmanuel Macron can count on a solid parliamentary majority. And, despite the uncertainty surrounding the details of Brexit, there is little doubt that, whatever plans the European Union makes, it will be doing so without the United Kingdom as a member. So now the question is how the EU and, in particular, the eurozone, will move forward. There are three possibilities. The first option is a “more united union,” as described by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker in his state of the union address last month. Juncker’s vision rejects a multi-speed Europe, in favor of uniform steps by all EU members. This would mean, for starters, expanding the Schengen Area of border-free travel to include Bulgaria and Romania. Juncker also called for progress toward a European Social Standards Union embodying a shared understanding of welfare entitlement in the single market. As for the euro, Juncker stressed that it is meant to be the currency of the entire EU, not just select countries. With that in mind, the EU should pursue the creation of a full banking union, in which banking rules and supervision are consistent across all member states.", "zh": "欧元区的三个前途 华盛顿—在经历了动荡的一年后，欧洲政坛似乎开始稳定下来。 尽管极右翼的德国另类选择党（AfD）在最近的德国联邦选举中赢得近13%的选票，但并未给总理默克尔的领导权造成严重威胁。 在欧洲工程的另一个支柱法国，总统马克龙能够倚赖坚强的议会多数。 而尽管围绕英国退欧的细节还存在很多不确定性，但几乎没有人怀疑，不论欧盟采取什么计划，英国都不再是其中一分子。 因此，现在的问题是，欧盟，尤其是欧元区，会如何前进。 有三种可能。 第一个选择是欧盟委员会主席容克在上个月的盟情咨文中所描述的“更加统一的联盟 ” 。 容克的愿景拒绝了多速的欧洲，支持欧盟所有成员齐头并进。 这首先意味着扩大跨境自由的申根区，将保加利亚和罗马尼亚也包括进来。 容克还呼吁建立一个欧洲社会标准联盟（European Social Standards Union ） ， 就单一市场的福利权益形成统一的认识。 对于欧元，容克强调它要成为整个欧盟的货币，而不仅仅是一部分国家的货币。 据此，欧盟应该追求建立一个全面的银行联盟，其中，各成员国的银行规则和监督要统一起来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "第八十章 墨幽潭 两天后，方正直准备赶赴信河府参加府试。 与上次离开时的寂静不同的是，这一次，得知了方正直要走的消息，全村的村民们都一大清早便赶了过来。 各种吃的喝的往方正直的包里塞。 “正直啊，你放心去吧！村里有我们照顾着呢，府试过不过也没有关系，什么双榜榜首的，你也不要多想，尽力就好了！” “对！主要就是尽力而为，年轻就是这点好，还可以再拼几年！” 秦雪莲扫了一眼周围议论的村民们，然后，将收拾好的包袱搭在银鳞甲的身上，又走到方正直的面前。 “正儿，好好考！就算考不上也不丢脸！知道吗？” 方正直有些郁闷，自己都拿了双榜榜首了，怎么自己这位娘亲却还是不相信自己呢？自己可是亲生的啊！ 不过，一想便也明白了。 就像自己第一次上山打猎时一样，秦雪莲并不要求自己打到猎物，她要的仅仅就是“平安”二字，所以，她并不想要方正直有何的压力。", "en": "Chapter 80: Serene Ink Pond Two days later, Fang Zhengzhi prepared to journey to the River of Trust Capital to participate in the capital examination. Compared to the previously time when he left quietly, this time, when they heard the news that Fang Zhengzhi was leaving, the entire village rushed over in the early morning. Stuffing food and drinks of all kinds into Fang Zhengzhi’s bag. \"Zhengzhi, don’t worry! You have the village to take care of you, it doesn’t matter whether you pass the capital examination. Whatever Double Roll Champion, don’t think too much, just do your best!\" \"Yes! What’s important is that you do your best. You are young and still have many years ahead of you!\" Qin Xuelian swept her gaze across the chatty villagers, then, placed the bundle she wrapped onto the Silver Scale Horse and walked in front of Fang Zhengzhi. \"Zhengzhi, do your best! Even if you don’t pass, don’t feel embarrassed! Is that clear?\" Fang Zhengzhi was rather gloomy. He had already attained Double Roll Champion, why didn’t his own mother believe in him? He was her blood son! But, he instantly understood. Just like the first time he went hunting on the mountain, Qin Xuelian didn’t expect him to be able to hunt something. All she wanted the word \"safety\", hence, she didn’t want Fang Zhengzhi to have any stress at all."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "江海龙，1981年8月生于安徽合肥庐江县。 中国科学技术大学教授、博士生导师、英国皇家化学会会士（FRSC），获得国家杰出青年基金资助，入选第四批国家“万人计划”科技创新领军人才（2019年）、科技部中青年科技创新领军人才（2018年）等。 2017-2020年连续入选科睿唯安（原汤森路透）全球高被引科学家（化学）和爱思唯尔（Elsevier）中国高被引学者榜单。 2003年7月于安徽师范大学获化学学士学位；2008年7月于中国科学院福建物质结构研究所获无机化学博士学位。 2008年8月至2011年8月在日本国立产业技术综合研究所工作，分别任产综研特别研究员和日本学术振兴会外国人特别研究员（JSPS fellow）；2011年9月至2013年1月在美国德克萨斯农工大学从事博士后研究。 2013年初入职中国科学技术大学化学系（现任系执行主任），担任教授、博士生导师，并双聘于合肥微尺度物质科学国家研究中心。", "en": "Hailong Jiang, born in Lujiang county, Heifei city, Anhui province in August 1981. Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of University of Science and Technology of China, Fellow of the Royal Society of Chemistry, Supported by the National Outstanding Youth Fund, Selected as the Fourth Batch of Leading Talents in Science and Technology Innovation of the National Ten Thousand Talents Plan in 2019, one of the Young and Middle-aged Scientific and Technological Innovation Leading Talents of the Ministry of Science and Technology (rated in 2018). From 2017 to 2020, he was continuously selected into Clarivate Analytics (formerly Thomson Reuters) Global Highly Cited Scientist (Chemistry) List and Elsevier (Elsevier) China Highly Cited Scholars list. Jiang received his Bachelor Degree in Chemistry from Anhui Normal University in July 2003 and Doctor Degree in Inorganic Chemistry Fujian Institute of the Structure of Matter, Chinese Academy of Sciences in July 2008. From August 2008 to August 2011, Jiang worked at the National Institute of Industrial Technology, Japan, as a Special Researcher for industry research and a Special Researcher for the Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS fellow); And he performed his postdoctoral research at Texas A&M University from September 2011 to January 2013.. At the beginning of 2013, he joined the Department of Chemistry of the University of Science and Technology of China (currently the Executive Director of the department) as a Professor and Doctoral Supervisor, and was simultaneously employed by the Hefei National Research Center for Microscale Material Science."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "It is important to note, however, that these costs pale in comparison with the far greater costs of reducing CO2 emissions without CCS. According to the International Energy Agency, for example, a ten-year delay in deploying CCS would increase the cost of decarburizing the power sector by €750 billion ($880 billion). The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has been unequivocal in its insistence that reducing CO 2 emissions and diminishing dependence on fossil fuels is more urgent than ever. It has made it clear that CCS, the only technology that can capture at least 90% of the CO2 emissions from the world's largest producers, must be a part of the solution. Beyond Europe's borders, governments and businesses are already forging ahead. In Canada, the world's first full-scale CCS project, Boundary Dam, came onstream in October 2014, proving that the technology is viable and ready to be deployed. The United Arab Emirates has initiated the world's first large-scale CCS project in the iron and steel sector. China continues to show great interest in the technology, and is collaborating with the United States to develop its CCS capabilities. Europe cannot afford to lag behind. Energy-intensive industries directly support four million jobs across the continent. Investing in CCS would help preserve Europe's economic base by securing and creating jobs and protecting vital industries. It would help to realize a vision of Europe that supports both sustainability and growth – a vision that is clearly in line with European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker's priorities of creating jobs, sustaining growth, and developing a competitive energy union.", "zh": "但是，指出一点很重要：这些成本与在没有CCS技术的情况下降低二氧化碳排放的巨大成本比起来根本不值一提。 比如，根据国际能源署的数据 , ， CCS部署推迟十年将让电力部门增加7,500亿欧元的去碳化成本。 联合国气候变化政府间委员会毫不含糊地坚持减少二氧化碳排放以及降低化石燃料依赖比以往任何时候都紧迫。 它明确表示，CCS必须成为解决方案的一部分。 CCS是唯一一种可以捕捉全球最大二氧化碳制造者至少90%的排放量的技术。 在欧洲之外，政府和企业已经开始起头并进了。 在加拿大，世界首个全规模CCS工程 — — 边界大坝（Boundary Dam）已于2014年10月开始运转，证明了该技术可行并做好了部署的准备。 阿联酋启动了全球钢铁行业中的首个大规模CCS工程。 中国一直表现出对这项技术的浓厚兴趣，并正在与美国合作发展期CCS技术能力。 欧洲不可以落后。 能源密集型行业直接支持了欧洲大陆400万个工作岗位。 投资于CCS有助于通过确保和增加工作岗位、保护关键行业捍卫欧洲的经济基础。 它有助于实现支持可持续性和发展的欧洲愿景 — — 这一愿景显然与欧盟委员会主席容克的优先目标（创造就业岗位、维持增长和发展有竞争力的能源联盟）相一致。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Poor countries do not and will not accept a system of climate control that condemns them to continued poverty. Third, we must help countries adapt to the climate change that is already occurring and that will intensify in the future. The Bali Action Plan addresses all three concerns. The plan’s main point is to establish an Ad Hoc Working Group to reach a detailed global agreement by 2009 that will set “measurable, reportable, and verifiable” commitments to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions. Such commitments are to be taken in the context of “sustainable development,” meaning that “economic and social development and poverty reduction are global priorities.” The plan also calls for knowledge transfer to enable poor countries to adopt environmentally sound technologies. The great question, of course, is whether stabilization of greenhouse gases, continued economic development, and adaptation to climate change can be achieved simultaneously. Using our current technologies, no; but if we develop and rapidly adopt new technologies that are within our scientific reach, yes. The most important challenge is to reduce, and eventually nearly eliminate, carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels such as oil, natural gas, and coal. These fuels are at the core of the modern world economy, supplying around four-fifths of the world’s commercial energy. Such emissions can be eliminated by either shifting to renewable forms of energy or reducing the emissions from fossil fuels.", "zh": "第二，我们必须在给持续快速经济发展和消除贫困留出空间的同时完成这一目标。 第三，我们必须帮助各国适应业已发生并且将会在未来加剧的气候变化。 巴厘行动规划处理了所有这些关注。 该规划的要点是建立一个临时工作组以便在2009年前达成一项具体的全球性协议。 这一协议将确定降低温室气体排放的“可以衡量、可供汇报以及可以核实”的承诺。 这些承诺将会被放置在“可持续发展”的框架下，也就是说 ， “ 经济和社会发展以及减轻贫困是全球重点问题 ” 。 这一规划还呼吁知识转移来让穷国采用环境上可行的技术。 当然，一大问题就是稳定温室气体排放、经济持续发展以及适应气候变化是否能够同时实现。 如果使用我们现有的技术是行不通的。 但是如果我们发展和快速采用我们的科研力量可以达到的新技术就可以实现。 最为重要的挑战就是减少并最终接近消除燃烧矿物燃料例如石油、天然气以及煤炭等排放的二氧化碳。 这些燃料居于现代世界经济的核心，为整个世界提供大约五分之四的商业能源。 可以通过转向可再生能源形式或者降低使用矿物燃料排放来消除这些排放。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Although these sectors are unlikely to rebound to pre-crisis levels in Greece, Ireland, and Spain for many years, other European economies, including the United Kingdom, Italy, and Sweden, as well as some Eastern European economies, have scope for further investment. To meet Europe’s ambitious 2020 energy targets, retrofitting existing buildings and improving new buildings’ energy efficiency, including the use of more energy-efficient materials and equipment, could lead to roughly €37 billion in additional annual investment between now and 2030. In most European countries, action to spur private investment in local services and transport – both large sectors – should also be considered. Governments, however, need to understand the barriers to investment: regulatory failures; weak enablers, including financial and human capital; poor infrastructure; and substandard technology. And they must undertake rigorous cost-benefit analyses, in order to ensure that any intervention translates into private investment that promotes productivity growth. It is here – at the level of execution – that governments often perform poorly. Too often, they spend money to support private-sector projects that fail to provide a positive return for the broader economy. Three ingredients are vital to getting it right: backing for initiatives at the highest political level; participation by all key stakeholders in deciding what action to take and driving its implementation; and establishing small, high-powered delivery units with clear mandates to coordinate interventions. Europe’s leaders need to put private investment at the center of their growth strategy by devising policies that open the gates to large potential flows. The European Council meeting on February 7 is an ideal opportunity to make a start.", "zh": "尽管在希腊、爱尔兰和西班牙等国家，这些部门花上好多年都不可能回到危机前水平，但其他欧洲经济体，包括英国、意大利、瑞典以及一些东欧经济体，存在增加投资的空间。 为了达到欧洲雄心勃勃的2020年能源目标，改造现有建筑、改善新建筑能源效率 — — 包括使用更加节能的材料和设备 — — 可以在现在到2030年这段时间每年增加约370亿欧元投资。 在大部分欧洲国家，刺激本地服务和交通 — — 都是大部门 — — 的私人投资的行动也应该予以考虑。 但是，政府需要明白投资的壁垒：监管失灵；疲软的推动因子（包括金融和人力资本 ） ； 破败的基础设施；以及达不到标准的技术。 它们还必须进行严格的成本-效益分析，以确保干预能够转化为促进生产率增长的私人投资。 政府表现低劣的领域就在这里 — — 执行。 它们往往把钱花在了支持无法为总体经济提供正回报的私人部门项目上。 要把事情做对，三点很重要：在最高政治层面上支持行动；在决定采取什么行动以及促进其实施过程中让所有重要相关利益方都参与进来；以及建立小型、高能的传递单元，以明确的指令协调干预。 欧洲领导人需要通过设计打开大规模潜在流入之门的政策将私人投资置于增长战略的核心。 2月7日的欧洲理事会会议是理想的开端。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Many economists believe that the Bank of Japan’s timid response to the collapse of the country’s real-estate bubble 30 years ago aggravated the economy’s woes, leading to the lost decades that followed. Mindful of this precedent, the Fed and the ECB have aggressively cut interest rates and injected large amounts of liquidity since the 2008 financial crisis – as has the BOJ under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s administration. Speaking at the AEA meeting, former Fed Chair Ben Bernanke expressed confidence in central banks’ ability to provide further economic stimulus using new policy tools such as quantitative easing and forward guidance. But many economists are skeptical. As former US Secretary of the Treasury Lawrence Summers has noted, leading central banks have failed to meet their inflation targets despite massive monetary expansion. And with interest rates already at record lows, it will be difficult to resolve the next crisis with further aggressive rate cuts. Furthermore, monetary easing alone cannot tackle major structural economic weaknesses. Summers, for example, argues that excessive saving and low investment in industrialized economies could result in “secular stagnation.” Mohamed El-Erian emphasizes “structural disinflationary forces” such as aging, rising inequality, and a loss of trust in institutions, while economists including Robert J. Gordon highlight slower productivity growth. Given their significant structural problems, therefore, East Asia’s economies cannot avoid the Japanification solely by loosening monetary policy. In fact, such measures might even do more harm than good over time.", "zh": "许多经济学家认为日本银行在30年前日本房地产泡沫破裂的畏手畏脚加剧了经济困境，并导致了随后数十年的迷失。 有鉴于此，自2008年金融危机爆发以来美联储和欧洲央行就积极降息并注入了大量流动资金 — — 首相安倍晋三执政期间的日本央行也是如此。 在美国经济协会年会的演讲中，美联储前主席本·伯南克（Ben Bernanke）对央行使用量化宽松和前瞻性指导等新政策工具提供进一步经济刺激措施的能力充满信心，然而许多经济学家却对此表示怀疑。 正如美国前财政部长劳伦斯·萨默斯（Lawrence Summers）所指出的那样，尽管实施了大规模的货币扩张，但各主要央行仍未能实现其通胀目标。 与此同时由于利率已处于创纪录的低位，也很难通过进一步大幅度降息来解决下一次危机。 此外，仅靠货币宽松无法消除重大的结构性经济缺陷。 比如萨默斯认为工业化经济体的过度储蓄和低投资可能导致“长期停滞 ” 。 穆罕默德·埃里安（Mohamed El-Erian）则强调“结构性通货紧缩成因 ” ， 诸如老龄化，不平等加剧以及对相关机构的信任流失，而经济学家罗伯特·J·戈登（Robert J. Gordon）等人都重点提到了生产率增长放缓的问题。 考虑到东亚经济体所存在的严重结构性问题，它们无法仅凭放松货币政策来避免日本化。 事实上长远来看这种措施甚至弊大于利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Palestine’s Moment of Decision NOT TO BE PUBLISHED BEFORE JANUARY 10 The victory of Mahmoud Abbas in the Palestinian presidential election poses a huge challenge to the Palestinian leadership. By being voted chairman of the PLO’s executive committee hours after the death of Yasser Arafat, Abbas clinched the support of the organization that represents all Palestinians, including those in the diaspora. Popular election as President of the Palestinian National Authority gives Abbas the grassroots legitimacy to carry out his political program. That program, while similar to Arafat’s, differs in key ways. Abbas (also known as Abu Mazen) has been publicly and consistently critical of what he calls the “militarization of the intifada.” Even before Arafat’s death, Abbas argued that the use of force by militants weakens the Palestinian negotiating position. He stuck to this position throughout his electoral campaign, refusing the demands of hard-line Palestinian factions that he apologize for his previous statements. Abbas conducts himself in a business-like manner, and he strongly believes in the rule of law and in the need for real civilian governance to assume preeminence in Palestinian politics. In this he also differs from Arafat, who believed that the revolutionary mindset must continue so as long as Palestinians lived under an illegal foreign occupation. Until liberation, there could be no business as usual. By winning election on a clear anti-violence and pro-rule of law platform, Abbas has the mandate and the responsibility to carry out this policy. He needs to make it clear to every armed Palestinian that there will be no tolerance for any unofficial group carrying arms or conducting military attacks from Palestinian territory. In order to preserve national unity, Abbas will obviously need to use all his persuasive skills to convince radical groups (some in his own Fatah movement) to respect that approach. As chairman of the PLO, he will be under extreme pressure not to delegitimize the internationally sanctioned acts of resistance against Israeli military targets. In order to counter that pressure, he will have to show that a cessation of violence is in the higher interest of Palestinians. Abbas will find it equally challenging to apply rule-of-law principles to a traumatized community that is reeling after nearly five years of violence, oppression, and draconian travel restrictions imposed by the Israelis.", "zh": "巴勒斯坦的抉择时刻 NOT TO BE PUBLISHED BEFORE JANUARY 10 马哈茂德·阿巴斯在巴拉斯坦民族权力机构主席的选举中取得胜利，这对巴勒斯坦领导层而言是一个挑战。 阿拉法特逝世后几小时，阿巴斯就被推举为巴解组织执委会总书记，牢牢获得该组织的支持。 巴解组织代表了全巴勒斯坦人，包括那些在外散居的犹太人。 巴解组织主席选举给了阿巴斯实现其政治主张一个最起码的合法性。 这一主张尽管与阿法特的相近，但主要方式不同。 阿巴斯（又名阿布·马赞）一直不断地公开地批评被他称为“反抗运动的军事化”的现象（即巴勒斯坦人对以色列占领的反抗运动 ） 。 即使在阿拉法特去世前，阿巴斯认为使用武力削弱了巴勒斯坦的谈判资本。 在整个竞选活动中，阿巴斯始终坚持这一立场，拒绝巴勒斯坦强硬派要求其为从前的言论作出道歉。 阿巴斯的处事颇有商业化味道，他坚信依法治国和执政为民可以使自己在巴拉斯坦政坛卓越非凡。 在这点上，他也和阿拉法特不同。 阿拉法特认为只要巴拉斯坦人民生活在非法的外国势力统治下，革命就必须进行到底。 解放之日未到，休谈什么商业活动。 阿巴斯凭借反暴力和倾法制的明确立场赢得了选举，他有权利和义务去贯彻他的政策。 他需要向每一个巴勒斯坦军人明确一点，绝对不允许任何非官方组织在巴勒斯坦的土地上携带武器或发动军事袭击。 为了维护国家统一，阿巴斯有必要运用一切游说技巧去劝说极端组织（还包括他自己的法塔赫运动中的一些组织）关注考虑他提出的方案。 作为巴解组织主席，阿巴斯将在重重压力下使抵抗以色列军事定点清除的行动合法化，这些行动得到国际社会的支持。 为了抵御这一压力，他将不得不向世人展示停止暴力是为了巴勒斯坦人民的更高利益。 近五年的暴力、压迫和以色列政府实施的严格通行限制使巴勒斯坦满目疮痍。 面对这样一个国家，阿巴斯感到要贯彻依法治国同样很具有挑战性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Indeed, conflict mediation and transitional justice rely on truth commissions as a fundamental building block of peace not because such commissions provide impunity for the worst crimes; on the contrary, they reinforce comprehensive rights-based policies and access to justice. As a recent symposium, organized by the Kofi Annan Foundation and the International Center for Transitional Justice, concluded, truth commissions contribute most to peace by reasserting the rule of law, recognizing victims, and supporting institutional reform. But, in order to succeed, these commissions must be effective, independent, and legitimate. Half-measures will not do. Truth commissions therefore should never be established as “box-ticking” exercises to assuage local public opinion or the international community, as witnessed in Nepal. Even when broad mandates and functions are established with the best of intentions, truth commissions are often deprived of the necessary resources, leading to further frustration and disillusion. Moreover, a commission should not be led or staffed by individuals of questionable integrity, thereby undermining the legitimacy of the process. Above all, truth commissions must be adapted to a country’s particular circumstances. As we have seen in Bosnia, Colombia, Nepal, Northern Ireland, and elsewhere, the nature of conflicts and how they are resolved differ widely; so should their respective commissions. A “one-size-fits-all” solution ends up fitting no one. It is vital that the details of each case of post-conflict transitional justice are understood and implemented. It is all too easy for political leaders to ignore victims or suppress the truth in their quest for a peace deal. But recognizing victims’ rights is an indispensable condition for lasting peace. Human suffering and victims’ dignity are too powerful to be erased by others’ political pacts. Eventually, the past demands its due: justice is not just an ideal; it is an investment in a better future.", "zh": "事实上，真相委员会作为冲突调解和过渡司法的和平基础并不是因为其对最恶劣的犯罪行为免于惩罚；恰恰相反，它们落实了以权利为基础的全面的法律和政策。 不久前由科菲·安南基金会和国际过渡时期司法中心举办的研讨会得出结论，真相委员会通过恢复法治、承认受害者权利和支持机构改革而对和平贡献最大。 但真相委员会成功的前提是高效、独立、合法。 仅靠权宜之计不可能实现目标。 因此永远也不要像尼泊尔那样让真相委员会沦为缓和当地或国际社会公众舆论的象征性机构。 即使划定广泛的任务和职能范围完全出于好意，但真相委员会却往往得不到必要的资源，导致民众进一步信心受挫、理想幻灭。 此外，委员会不应默许品格有问题的人领导或参与，否则可能对程序的合法性构成威胁。 总之，真相委员会必须与国家的具体情况相适应。 我们已经在波斯尼亚、哥伦比亚、尼泊尔、北爱尔兰和其他国家看到冲突的性质和解决的方法有很大不同；因此各国委员会应当本着因地制宜的原则。 “一刀切”的解决方案不适合任何国家。 理解并落实每宗过渡期司法个案的细节非常重要。 在试图签署和平协定时忽视受害者或隐瞒真相是政治领导人最容易犯的错误。 但实现持久和平不可缺少的条件是承认受害者的权利。 任何人的政治协定都不能以罔顾人类苦难和受害者尊严为代价。 最后，我们必须总结过去的经验教训：正义不仅是种理想；也是投资于更好的未来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "First, the entire international community has an obligation to save the Afghan people from a humanitarian catastrophe and provide refuge for those who wish to flee the country for political reasons. If we can restrain the Taliban in any way, which appears doubtful, we need to do so with as much support from Afghanistan’s neighbors as possible. For the US, the main lesson is clear. When Biden told the world in February that “America is back,” many assumed he meant the US would lead an alliance of open societies determined to stand up for the rule of law and an international order promoting peace and prosperity. But if “America is back” instead means that the US is returning to isolationism, the result will be bad for everyone, including Americans. As has been the case since World War II, America remains indispensable to a peaceful and prosperous world. That means its allies need to be able to have faith in its commitments. The same is true of those whose peaceful self-determination America has promised to guarantee – including, for example, Taiwan and Ukraine. The EU, for its part, must ask itself whether it is willing and able to give greater assistance to the US in its leadership role. Europe cannot go on piggybacking on the US security guarantee while carping that America does not do even more. Britain, having cut itself adrift from the EU to stake its claim to global relevance, must face up to the fact that it does not count for much when the US decides what it wants to do. As former Prime Minister Theresa May recently asked her successor, Boris Johnson, in Parliament, “Where is global Britain on the streets of Kabul?” Johnson finds himself distrusted in Brussels, Paris, and Berlin, and neither trusted nor taken seriously in Washington. Despite Brexit, he needs to rebuild his relationships in Europe, and soon. All these issues need to be confronted imaginatively. If we – above all, the US and Europe – fail, then the cause of liberal democracy in the twenty-first century could go the way of Afghanistan.", "zh": "首先，整个国际社会有义务将阿富汗民众从人道主义灾难中拯救出来，并庇护那些出于政治原因想要逃离该国者。 如果我们能以某种方式遏制塔利班（这似乎令人怀疑 ） ， 我们就需要尽可能多地得到阿富汗邻国的支持。 对美国而言，主要教训非常明确。 当拜登今年2月对全世界宣称“美国回来了”时，许多人认为，他的意思是，美国将领导一个决意捍卫促进和平与繁荣的法治和国际秩序的开放的社会联盟。 但如果“美国回来了”反而意味着美国正在回归孤立主义，那么，必将造成对包括美国人在内的所有人都非常不利的后果。 就像二战以来的情况一样，美国对一个和平、繁荣的世界而言依然是不可或缺的。 这意味着盟友需要能够相信其承诺。 那些美国已承诺会保障其和平及自决权的国家和地区（其中包括台湾和乌克兰）也同样如此。 就欧盟而言，它必须自问，是否愿意并有能力在美国发挥领导作用时给予更多帮助。 欧洲不能继续依赖美国的安全承诺，同时还抱怨美国没有做得更多。 已经摆脱欧盟以彰显其全球地位的英国必须正视这样一个现实，那就是当美国决定想要做什么时，英国怎么想并不重要。 就像前首相特雷莎·梅最近在议会询问其继任者鲍里斯·约翰逊时所说的那样 ， “ 在喀布尔街头哪里能看到全球英国的影子 ？ ” 约翰逊发现自己在布鲁塞尔、巴黎和柏林都不受信任，同时在华盛顿既不受信任也不被重视。 除脱欧外，他还需要重建欧洲关系，而且这个时间不能太长。 所有这些问题都需要充满想象力的应对。 如果我们 — — 首先是美国和欧洲 — — 最终失败，那么21世纪的自由民主事业可能会走上阿富汗之路。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Supporters of screening argue that it helps to detect and treat cancer earlier, when the chances of curing it are highest. Moreover, younger patients, at least, can better withstand the side effects of cancer treatment. Proponents also contend that the two-decade decline in the overall incidence of deaths from prostate cancer is the result of increasingly widespread PSA testing. Indeed, they encourage more vigorous screening programs. But screening’s benefits are not as straightforward as supporters claim. To be sure, at-risk men – for example, those with a family history of prostate cancer, African-Americans, or men with enlarged prostates who are treated with 5-alpha-reductase inhibitors (whose failure to lower PSA levels could reflect increased risk of developing prostate cancer) – may want to consider getting tested. For most healthy men, however, the United States Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) – a leading independent panel of experts on prevention and primary care – has publicly recommended against widespread PSA tests. Several well-managed, randomized, long-term human trials have shown almost no survival benefit for those who are screened, diagnosed, and treated, compared to those who were never screened. Of the studies cited by the USPSTF, one, conducted in Europe, showed a minor benefit in a subset of men, with no significant quality-of-life improvement. Another, conducted in the US, showed no evidence that PSA screening improved prostate-cancer survival rates.", "zh": "筛查的支持者认为这有助于更早地诊断和治疗癌症，让治愈可能性达到最大。 此外，年轻患者至少能够更好地抵抗癌症治疗的副作用。 支持者还认为，20年来前列腺癌致死人数的持续下降是PSA测试越来越普及的功劳。 事实上，他们鼓励进行更激进的筛查程序。 但筛查的好处并非如支持者所宣称的那样直接。 诚然，高风险人群 — — 有前列腺癌家族史者、非洲裔美国人、以及用5-阿尔法还原酶抑制剂治疗前列腺肥大者（5-阿尔法还原酶抑制剂不能降低PSA水平意味着发展为前列腺癌的风险增加 ） — —可能会愿意考虑参加测试。 但是，对大部分健康男性来说，美国预防服务专职小组（USPSTF ） — —由预防和初级治疗专家组成的独立领导小组 — — 公开反对普及PSA测试。 不少精心组织的长期随机人体试验表明，与从未被筛查人群相比，被筛查、诊断和治疗的人群几乎没有获得任何生存优势。 USPSTF所引用的研究中包括一项来自欧洲的研究，该研究表，有一个子类的人获得了微弱的生存优势，但生命质量并未显著改善。 另一项来自美国的研究表明，没有证据能证明PSA改善了前列腺癌的存活率。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When America’s misguided war in Iraq deposed Saddam Hussein in 2003, it upset a delicate balance. Saddam was venal and cruel, but his regime was predominantly secular. Far from harboring weapons of mass destruction, he was focused on maintaining his grip on power. Having learned his lesson during Iraq’s brutal and costly war with Iran in the 1980s, Saddam was careful not to disturb the region’s geopolitical equilibrium. For more than a thousand years, the Islamic world has been riven by the Sunni-Shia conflict. Until the US-led invasion, Iran, alongside Syria’s Alawite regime, was the only country where Shia controlled the state. Some 70% of the Arab world’s population is Sunni, and the Shia are a minority in every Arab country – except Iraq and Bahrain. The fall of Saddam allowed Iraq’s Shia majority to take power through elections. But it also triggered civil war and regional turmoil (including ongoing Shia protests in Bahrain). In Syria, the situation is almost a mirror image. The country is a mosaic of Druze, Kurds, Christians, a few Jews, many Shia, and a Sunni majority. Like Saddam, President Bashar al-Assad heads a secular regime that rules through brutal repression. The determination in the West to depose him in the name of human rights and democracy was perceived by the Sunni majority as an opportunity to overthrow their oppressor. Unfortunately, Syria’s moderate Sunnis came under attack from two sides: Assad’s government and extremist adherents of Wahhabism, Islam’s most intolerant school of thought. The result is the emergence of the Islamic State, carrying with it the threat of extermination of the country’s minorities, including Christians and Alawites. The upheaval in these two neighboring countries has reshaped regional geopolitics. Along with Iran, Russia, which seeks to undermine American and British influence in the Middle East, supports the Shia awakening, whereas Sunni-dominated Turkey, the region’s strongest military power and a NATO member, has done little to hide its sympathy for the Islamic State. Recently, for example, Turkey’s government forbid the country’s Kurds from supporting their ethnic kin in Iraq and Syria, whom the Islamic State has targeted for annihilation. Assad’s brutal regime and Iran have become key players in the fight against the Islamic State.", "zh": "2003年，美国打了一场被误导的伊拉克战争，推翻了萨达姆，也打破了微妙的平衡。 萨达姆是腐败而残忍的，但他的政权具有显著的世俗特征。 他绝没有囤积大规模杀伤性武器，而是专注于对权力的掌控。 萨达姆汲取了20世纪80年代伊拉克与伊朗的野蛮又代价高昂的战争的教训，小心翼翼地不去干扰地区地缘政治均衡。 一千多年来，伊斯兰世界一直被逊尼派-什叶派割裂。 直到美国入侵前，伊朗以及叙利亚的阿拉维派政权是仅有的两个什叶派掌权的国家。 70%左右的阿拉伯人口是逊尼派，什叶派在所有阿拉伯国家都是少数群体 — — 除了伊拉克和巴林。 萨达姆的倒台让伊拉克的什叶派多数通过选举掌握了权力。 但这也引发了内战和地区动荡（包括目前巴林的什叶派示威 ） 。 叙利亚的情况完全是这一局面的镜像。 叙利亚是一个多成分国家，包括德鲁兹派、库尔德人、基督徒、少数犹太人、大量什叶派以及逊尼派多数。 和萨达姆一样，总统巴沙尔·阿萨德领导着一个世俗政权，通过残酷镇压统治国家。 西方决心以人权和民主的旗号推翻他在逊尼派多数看来乃是推翻压迫者的一次机会。 不幸的是，叙利亚的温和逊尼派腹背受敌：巴沙尔政府和极端的瓦哈比派（伊斯兰教中最偏狭的思想流派 ） 。 结果是伊斯兰国的崛起，以及随之而来的叙利亚少数派（包括基督徒和阿拉维派）的灭种危机。 这两个邻国的剧变改变了地区地缘政治。 与伊朗一样，寻求削弱美国和英国在中东影响力的俄罗斯支持什叶派的觉醒，而逊尼派主宰的土耳其 — — 该地区最强大的军事势力兼北约成员国 — — 毫不掩饰对伊斯兰国的同情。 比如，最近土耳其政府禁止该国的库尔德人支持他们沦为伊斯���国灭绝对象的伊拉克和叙利亚同胞。 巴沙尔的野蛮政权和伊朗成了打击伊斯兰国的重要行动方。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Belle put an eager placating hand on Melanie’s arm and then hastily withdrew it. “Don’t freeze me, please, Miz Wilkes. I couldn’t stand it after you been so kind and sweet to me. I forgot how you liked her and I’m sorry for what I said. I’m sorry about poor Mr. Kennedy bein’ dead too. He was a nice man. I used to buy some of the stuff for my house from him and he always treated me pleasant. But Miz Kennedy — well, she just ain’t in the same class with you, Miz Wilkes. She’s a mighty cold woman and I can’t help it if I think so. . . . When are they goin’ to bury Mr. Kennedy?” “Tomorrow morning. And you are wrong about Mrs. Kennedy. Why, this very minute she’s prostrated with grief.” “Maybe so,” said Belle with evident disbelief. “Well, I got to be goin’. I’m afraid somebody might recognize this carriage if I stayed here longer and that wouldn’t do you no good. And, Miz Wilkes, if you ever see me on the street, you — you don’t have to speak to me. I’ll understand.” “I shall be proud to speak to you. Proud to be under obligation to you. I hope — I hope we meet again.” “No,” said Belle. “That wouldn’t be fittin’. Good night.”", "zh": "贝尔赶紧伸出手，搭在媚兰胳臂上，想让她不要生气，但急忙又缩了回来。 “请您别对我这么冷谈，威尔克斯太太，我真受不了啊，您刚才还对我那么和蔼可亲呢。我忘了您是那么喜欢她。我说了那样的话，感到很抱歉。可怜的肯尼迪先生死了，我也很难过。他是个好人。我常到他那里去买东西，他对我一向很客气。不过肯尼迪太太——唉，她和您可不一样，威尔克斯太太，她是一个冷酷无情的女人，我没法不这样想……准备几时给肯尼迪先生出殡呀？” “明天早上。您那样说肯尼迪太太可是不对。此时此刻她已伤心到了极点。” “也许是这样吧，”贝尔说，她显然是很不相信。“哎呀。我该走了。我要是再待下去，有人会认出这辆车的，那对您影响就不好了。还有，威尔克斯太太，您要是在街上碰见我，您——您不必跟我说话。我可以谅解您。” “跟您说话，我会觉得很光呀。得到您的帮助也是很光荣的。我希望——我希望我们以后再会。” “不，”贝尔说。“那样不合适。再见。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "He went on with the conversation as follows: “No doubt, sir, you’ve felt that I waited rather too long before paying you this second visit. After discovering your identities, I wanted to weigh carefully what policy to pursue toward you. I had great difficulty deciding. Some extremely inconvenient circumstances have brought you into the presence of a man who has cut himself off from humanity. Your coming has disrupted my whole existence.” “Unintentionally,” I said. “Unintentionally?” the stranger replied, raising his voice a little. “Was it unintentionally that the Abraham Lincoln hunted me on every sea? Was it unintentionally that you traveled aboard that frigate? Was it unintentionally that your shells bounced off my ship’s hull? Was it unintentionally that Mr. Ned Land hit me with his harpoon?” I detected a controlled irritation in these words. But there was a perfectly natural reply to these charges, and I made it. “Sir,” I said, “you’re surely unaware of the discussions that have taken place in Europe and America with yourself as the subject. You don’t realize that various accidents, caused by collisions with your underwater machine, have aroused public passions on those two continents. I’ll spare you the innumerable hypotheses with which we’ve tried to explain this inexplicable phenomenon, whose secret is yours alone. But please understand that the Abraham Lincoln chased you over the Pacific high seas in the belief it was hunting some powerful marine monster, which had to be purged from the ocean at all cost.”", "zh": "他继续说下去，他这样说： “先生，我现在才再一次来访问你们，你们一定认为我耽搁得大久了。所以这样，是因为我知道了你们的身份以后，要仔细考虑一下应该怎样对待你们，我很迟疑不决。最为难的是你们在跟一个与人类不相往来的人打交道。你们打乱了我的生活……” “这不是故意的。”我说。 “不是故意的吗？”这个人把声音提高了一点回答，\"林肯号在海面上到处追逐我，难道是无意的吗？你们上这艘战舰，难道不是故意的吗？你们用炮弹轰我的船，难道不是故意的吗？尼德·兰师傅用鱼叉打我的船，难道也不是故意的吗？” “我看得出在这些话里面，含有一种隐忍不发的愤怒。但对于他提出的这些责问，我有个很有道理的回答，我就说： “先生，您一定不知道关于您的问题在美洲和欧洲所引起的争论。您不知道由于您的潜水艇的冲撞所发生的各种意外事件，已经哄动了两个大陆。现在我不想告诉您，人们为了解释那唯有您才知道其中奥妙的神秘现象所做的无数假设。，但您要知道，林肯号一直追逐您到太平洋北部海面。仍然认为是追打一种海怪，非把它从海洋中清除掉不可呢。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Israel ’s fear that the failure of sanctions might bring the United States to accept coexistence with a nuclear-armed Iran in the way it did with the Soviet Union during the Cold War is not entirely unfounded. Obama’s administration will not start a war with a third Muslim country while the two others continue to burn. Iran might eventually turn into the graveyard of Obama’s dream of a world without nuclear weapons. George Bernard Shaw once observed that “in the arts of peace Man is a bungler.” Obama has just admitted that in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, a president can also be one. “This is as intractable a problem as you get,” he admitted after a wasted year of more error than trial. He naively ignored the harsh lessons of 20 years of abortive peacemaking, and insisted on sticking to the worn-out paradigm of direct negotiations between parties that, when left to their own devices, are bound to come to a deadlock. He was commendably humble to admit that he was wrong “to have raised expectations so high.” With no breakthrough in the Arab-Israeli conflict, Obama is left with the epicenter of the Middle East’s maladies seriously undermining his entire strategy in the region. Yet he continues to be the greatest promise for a better world that this political generation can offer. And he still has time to vindicate Woodrow Wilson’s belief that a “president can be just as big a man as he chooses to be.”", "zh": "以色列害怕制裁行动失败可能导致美国接受与装备了核武器的伊朗共存的现实，就像冷战时期接受与苏联共存一样，这种担心并不是完全没有依据的。 奥巴马政府不会在其他两个穆斯林国家战火未息的情况下与第三个穆斯林国家开战。 伊朗可能最终成为埋葬奥巴马无核世界梦想的坟墓。 萧伯纳曾根据自己的观察得出结论“在和平这项艺术中人类的行为都是笨手笨脚的 。 ” 奥巴马刚刚在以巴和平进程中承认，总统也可能是笨手笨脚的。 “这是你所能遇到的最棘手的问题 ， ” 他在浪费了一年时间，犯了无数错误后承认。 他天真地无视 20 年来和平流产的严酷教训，坚持走各方直接谈判的过时道路，当被容许自行其是时，冲突各方注定会陷入僵局而无法自拔。 他虚心地承认“把期望值定得太高”是自己的错误，这种谦虚的态度是值得表扬的。 因为在阿以冲突方面没有取得突破，奥巴马被困在中东痼疾的核心地带，严重破坏了他在中东地区的整体计划。 但他仍然是这代人能够做出的建设更美好世界的最现实的承诺。 而他也仍然有时间证明伍德罗·威尔逊的思想 — — “一位总统想多伟大就能有多伟大 。 ”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Maternal Thread of Life ISLAMABAD – Last month, Oxford University’s Green Templeton College held its annual Emerging Markets Symposium at Egrove Park. The theme this year was “Maternal and Child Health and Nutrition.” The final slide of the opening presentation, delivered by GTC fellow Stephen Kennedy, was a cartoon depicting two young contestants set to begin a race: one was strong and healthy, while the other was emaciated, shackled, carrying the baggage of disease, and confronting the massive barrier of malnutrition. The message was clear: not everyone begins life with the same chance of success. Of course, this is not a groundbreaking insight. The impact of factors like poverty, maternal literacy, sanitation, and housing conditions on children’s health – and, in turn, on social and economic outcomes – is well documented. The problem is that these factors are not amenable to isolated public-health interventions. But another, less widely discussed social determinant – maternal nutrition – could be. Since Hippocrates, people have been discussing how “nature” and “nurture” interact to shape a person’s development. Indeed, even in ancient civilizations, adequate maternal nutrition was considered essential to ensuring future generations’ survival and prosperity. But poverty and ignorance can thwart even the best intentions.", "zh": "母亲生命线 伊斯兰堡—上个月，牛津大学格林坦普顿学院（GTC）在艾格洛夫公园（Egrove Park）召开了一年一度的新兴市场研讨会。 今年的主题是“母婴健康和营养 ” 。 学院学者史蒂芬·肯尼迪（Stephen Kennedy）在开幕致辞的最后演示了一张卡通幻灯片，上面画着两个年轻的选手正在开始一场竞赛：其中一位强壮而健康，另一位又瘦又弱，被束缚着手脚，身患沉疴，还饱受营养不良困扰。 潜台词显而易见：并非所有人生而具有平等的成功机会。 当然，这算不上什么突破性洞见。 贫困、母亲文化水平、卫生和儿童健康的家庭条件等因素的影响及其反过来对社会和经济结果的冲击一目了然。 问题在于这些因素是无法通过孤立的公共卫生干预解决的。 但另一个讨论较少的社会决定因素 — — 母亲的营养可以。 自希波克拉底时代以来，人们一直在讨论“先天”和“后天”如何相互影响以决定一个人的发展。 事实上，即使在古代文明中，充足的母亲营养也被认为是确保下一代生存和繁荣的关键因素。 但贫困和无知可以让最好的初衷化为泡影。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As the Iranian theologian Mohammad Mojtahed Shabestari of the University of Tehran emphasizes, many of the ideas associated with justice and human rights, as we understand them today, were completely “un-thought” in the pre-modern era. But Muslims cannot simply disregard such ideas on the grounds that humans had not developed them at the time the Quran was written. With the abandonment of outdated notions of tiered justice and the recognition of the liberty and dignity of all individuals, Shabestari believes that it will become possible to realize the Quran’s message that there should be no compulsion in religion. People’s religious decisions should be driven by their sense of faith, rather than their desire to retain their civil rights. According to the philosopher Abdolkarim Soroush, this distinction between religious beliefs and civil rights should be obvious. But interpretations of Islamic law have traditionally been so focused on questions about mankind’s various duties that they have failed to recognize it. For Soroush, however, the denial of human rights based on “a person’s beliefs or absence of belief” is undeniably a “crime.” The school of Muslim thought promoted by these scholars, who come from both Sunni and Shia backgrounds, offers a way forward for Islam. Its adherents know that key Islamic concepts, beliefs, norms, and values can be harmonized with modern social structures and understandings of justice and human rights. By recommending ways to do so, they are reaffirming the durability of the core Islamic tradition.", "zh": "如伊朗神学家、德黑兰大学的沙贝斯塔利（Mohammad Mojtahed Shabestari）所强调的，与正义和人权有关的许多思想 — — 如我们今天所理解的那样 — — 在前现代时期完全是“不可想象的 ” （ un-thought ） 。 但穆斯林不能仅仅依据人类在古兰经形成时还没有发展出这些思想而否定它们。 沙贝斯塔利认为，抛弃过时的分层正义、承认自由和一切个体的尊严，就能认识到古兰经宣扬的宗教中不应该有强迫的思想。 人们的宗教决定应该由信仰驱动，而不是由获得公民权利的渴望驱动。 据哲学家索罗什（Abdolkarim Soroush）的观点，宗教信仰与公民权利的这一区别应该是显而易见的。 但对伊斯兰法律的解释传统上完全着重于关于人类各种责任的问题，根本没有认识到这一点。 但是，在索罗什看来，基于“一个人的信仰或缺少信仰”否认人权毫无疑问是“犯罪 ” 。 由这些既有逊尼派、也有什叶派背景的学者推动的穆斯林思想流派为伊斯兰教提供了一个前进方向。 该学派信奉者认为，关键的伊斯兰教概念、信仰、规范和价值可以与现代社会结构以及对正义和人权的理解和谐共处。 他们建议了一些这样做的方法，这再次印证了伊斯兰教核心传统的持久性。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The shops of New Orleans were so rich and exciting and shopping with Rhett was an adventure. Dining with him was an adventure too, and one more thrilling than shopping, for he knew what to order and how it should be cooked. The wines and liqueurs and champagnes of New Orleans were new and exhilarating to her, acquainted with only homemade blackberry and scuppernong vintages and Aunt Pitty’s “swoon” brandy; but oh, the food Rhett ordered! Best of all things in New Orleans was the food. Remembering the bitter hungry days at Tara and her more recent penury, Scarlett felt that she could never eat enough of these rich dishes. Gumboes and shrimp Creole, doves in wine and oysters in crumbly patties full of creamy sauce, mushrooms and sweetbreads and turkey livers, fish baked cunningly in oiled paper and limes. Her appetite never dulled, for whenever she remembered the everlasting goobers and dried peas and sweet potatoes at Tara, she felt an urge to gorge herself anew of Creole dishes. “You eat as though each meal were your last,” said Rhett. “Don’t scrape the plate, Scarlett. I’m sure there’s more in the kitchen. You have only to ask the waiter. If you don’t stop being such a glutton, you’ll be as fat as the Cuban ladies and then I shall divorce you.”", "zh": "新奥尔良的商店里物品丰富，使人目不暇接，和瑞德一起买东西是令人兴奋的。和他一起下馆子，更加令人兴奋，因为他知道点什么菜，也知道菜是应该怎么做的。新奥尔良的葡萄酒，露酒的香槟，对她说来都很新鲜，喝下去感到心旷神怡，因为她只喝过自家酿制的黑莓酒、野葡萄酒和皮蒂姑妈的“一喝不醉”的白兰地。这还不说，还有瑞德点的那些菜呢。新奥尔良的菜肴最有名。思嘉想到过去在塔拉挨饿的苦日子，又想到不久前拮据的生活，吃起这些丰盛的菜肴来，觉得老也吃不够。有法式烩虾仁、醉鸽、酥脆的牡蛎馅饼、蘑菇杂碎烩鸡肝，橙汗烤鱼，等等。她的胃口总是很好的，因为她一想到在塔拉没完没了地吃花生、豆子和白薯，就想尽量多吃一些法式菜肴。 “你每次吃饭就像吃最后一顿似的，”瑞德说。“不要刮盘子呀，思嘉。厨房里肯定还有呢。只要叫堂倌去拿就行了。你不要老这么大吃大嚼，不然你就会胖得跟古巴女人一样，到那时候，我可就要和你离婚了。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "History has shown that when crises hit, governments can provide more resources without fueling inflation. After the 2008 financial crisis, for example, countries that intentionally ran large budget deficits, such as the United States and China, fared better than those that cut spending. Many studies confirm this positive economic effect. Moreover, the sooner the international community acts, the better off we will be. As the COVID-19 pandemic has made crystal clear, it’s better and less expensive to invest in preparation today than to wait for the next crisis to erupt. Investments in resilience can mitigate future losses from storms, floods, and droughts, while also creating economic opportunities and boosting social welfare. For example, making infrastructure more climate-resilient can increase the upfront costs of a project by about 3%, but returns four times as much. Likewise, investing in early-warning systems can save countless lives and assets. Spending $800 million on such systems in developing countries could prevent losses of $3-16 billion per year. Bangladesh has seen the benefits of such early action firsthand. The country invested heavily in improved early-warning systems and disaster response in the decades following Cyclone Bhola, which killed 300,000 people in 1970. Although every death resulting from a natural disaster is a tragedy, when Cyclone Amphan, a storm of similar magnitude, hit Bangladesh in May 2020, the death toll was in the dozens. Finally, when implementing these investments, governments must ensure that funding gets to the local level. Local communities are on the front lines of both the COVID-19 and climate crises, but rarely have a voice in the interventions that most affect them. Direct funding to local and national actors accounted for just 2.1% of total international humanitarian assistance in 2019. Like other resilience measures, investing in local communities delivers multiple benefits beyond just addressing climate risks. In Kenya, a government program aimed at empowering local governments and communities to strengthen climate resilience has given households greater access to water, higher incomes, and improved food security. Many solutions exist to get funding to the local level.", "zh": "历史表明，当危机来临时，政府可以提供更多的资源，而不助长通货膨胀。 例如，2008年金融危机后，美国和中国等用巨额预算赤字进行调控的国家比那些削减开支的国家表现得更好。 许多研究证实了这种积极的经济效应。 此外，国际社会越早采取行动，我们的情况就会越好。 正如新冠疫情大流行病所表明的那样，现在投资于准备工作，总比等待下一次危机爆发要好得多，成本也低得多。 对恢复力的投资可以减轻未来风暴、洪水和干旱造成的损失，同时还可以创造经济机会并提高社会福利。 例如，提高基础设施对气候的适应能力可能使项目的前期成本上涨约3 % ， 但回报却是原来的四倍。 同样，投资于预警系统可以挽救无数的生命和资产。 发展中国家在这类系统上投入8亿美元，每年就可避免30至160亿美元的损失。 孟加拉国已经亲眼见证了这种早期行动的好处。 在1970年造成30万人死亡的“波拉”气旋之后的几十年里，该国在改进预警系统和救灾方面投入了大量资金。 虽然自然灾害造成的每一个死亡都是一场悲剧，但当2020年5月类似规模的飓风“安芬”袭击孟加拉国时，死亡人数仅数十人。 最后，在实施这些投资时，政府必须确保资金流向地方一级。 社区处于新冠疫情和气候危机的第一线，但在对他们影响最大的干预措施中很少有发言权。 向地方和国家行为者提供的直接资金仅占2019年国际人道主义援助总额的2.1 % 。 与其他抗灾措施一样，投资于当地社区不仅能应对气候风险，还能带来多重效益。 在肯尼亚，一项旨在赋予地方政府和社区加强气候抗御力的政府项目，使家庭获得了更多的水资源、更高的收入和更有保证的粮食安全。 有许多办法可以向地方一级提供资金。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Could Ultra-Low Interest Rates Be Contractionary? CHICAGO – The real (inflation-adjusted) yield on ten-year US treasuries is currently zero, and has been extremely low for most of the past eight years. Outside of the United States, meanwhile, 40% of investment-grade bonds have negative nominal yields. And most recently, the European Central Bank further reduced its deposit rate to -0.5% as part of a new package of economic stimulus measures for the eurozone. Low interest rates have traditionally been viewed as positive for economic growth. But our recent research suggests that this may not be the case. Instead, extremely low interest rates may lead to slower growth by increasing market concentration. If this argument is correct, it implies that reducing interest rates further will not save the global economy from stagnation. The traditional view holds that when long-term rates fall, the net present value of future cash flows increases, making it more attractive for firms to invest in productivity-enhancing technologies. Low interest rates therefore have an expansionary effect on the economy through stronger productivity growth. But if low interest rates also have an opposite strategic effect, they reduce the incentive for firms to invest in boosting productivity. Moreover, as long-term real rates approach zero, this strategic contractionary effect dominates. So, in today’s low-interest-rate environment, a further decline in rates will most probably slow the economy by reducing productivity growth. This strategic effect works through industry competition. Although lower interest rates encourage all firms in a sector to invest more, the incentive to do so is greater for market leaders than for followers. As a result, industries become more monopolistic over time as long-term rates fall. Our research indicates that an industry leader and follower interact strategically in the sense that each carefully considers the other’s investment policy when deciding on its own. In particular, because industry leaders respond more strongly to a decline in the interest rate, followers become discouraged and stop investing as leaders get too far ahead. And because leaders then face no serious competitive threat, they too ultimately stop investing and become “lazy monopolists.”", "zh": "超低汇率会紧缩吗？ 芝加哥 — — 目前，十年期美国国债的实际（通货膨胀调整后）收益率为零，并且在过去八年的大部分时间内一直处于极低水平。 与此同时，在世界其他各地，40％的投资级债券的名义收益率呈现负态。 近期，作为欧元区新一揽子经济刺激措施的一部分，欧洲央行进一步将存款利率降至-0.5 ％ 。 从传统意义上讲，低利率通常被视为经济增长的有利因素。 但基于我方的近期研究表明，真实情况或许并非如此。 相反，在呈现极低态势时，利率或将通过强化市场集中度来减缓增长。 如果该论点正确，便意味着进一步降低利率将不会拯救全球经济的停滞。 传统观点认为：当长期利率下降时，未来现金流的净现值将会增加，这会吸引企业更多的投资于提高生产力的技术。 因此，通过更为强劲的生产率增长，低利率会对经济产生扩张性影响。 然而，如果低利率也具有相反的策略效应，则其会降低企业投资提高生产率的动力。 此外，伴随着长期实际利率趋近于零，这种策略性的收缩效应占据了主导地位。 因此，在当前低利率的大环境中，利率的进一步下调将极有可能通过降低生产率增长的形式来减缓经济增长。 这种策略效应通过行业竞争来实现。 尽管较低的利率会刺激某一行业的所有公司进行更多的投资，但这样的动机，市场领先者要大于追随者。 因此，随着长期利率下降，行业随着时间的推移变得更加垄断。 我方的研究表明，行业的领先者与追随者在战略上相辅相成，因为在做出自我决策时，每一方都会仔细分析对方的投资政策。 尤其是在利率下降时，由于行业领先者对其反应更为强烈：因此，当领先者与自身渐行渐远时，追随者便会呈现气馁之势，并停止投资。 同时，由于领先者彼时并未面临严峻的竞争威胁，因此该群体最终也会停止投资，并转变为“惰性十足的垄断者 ” 。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Our current understanding of physics is powerful and accurate, as far as it goes, but it is not as beautiful and coherent as it should be. We have separate equations for four forces: strong, weak, electromagnetic, and gravitational. This jumble recalls the piecemeal equations of electricity and magnetism before Maxwell. Some of us have proposed expanded equations that unify the different forces. These expanded equations, which incorporate an idea called supersymmetry, predict many new effects. A couple of the predicted effects have already been observed (for experts: tiny neutrino masses and unification of couplings). But, as Carl Sagan observed, “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence,” while here the existing evidence is still circumstantial. Fortunately, these ideas for a new unification predict that extraordinary things will be seen at the LHC. If so, a whole new world of particles will be discovered: each currently known particle will have a heavier relative – its superpartner – with different, but predictable, properties. Such are my hopes and expectations for the LHC. Other speculations for what might be seen abound; they include extra dimensions of space, strings instead of particles, and mini-black holes. Very likely, reality will outrun apprehension.", "zh": "迄今为止，我们当代的物理学知识相当有力、准确，但它还没有达到它应该达到的完美与一致性。 我们有不同的方程组，可以分别描述 4 种基本力：强作用力、弱作用力、电磁力和万有引力。 这个有待统一的庞杂系统令人回想起麦克斯韦之前电磁学方程的零散状态。 有些物理学家曾经提出过一些扩展方程组，试图把 4 种基本力中的几种统一起来。 这些扩展方程组包涵着一种理念，叫做“超对称 ” ， 这种理念预言了许多新现象的可能性。 这些新现象部分已被观察证实了（例如，中微子、耦合之间的统一等等 ） 。 但是，根据卡尔·萨刚的看法 ， “ 非同一般的理论假设需要非同一般的证据 。 ” 在这方面的现有证据仍然是零散的。 幸运的是，这些关于物理学新统一的理念预言了，通过 LHC 可以看到这些非同一般的东西。 如果真是这样，一个崭新的粒子世界将被发现：每一种已知的粒子都会有一个质量更大的亲戚 — — 它的超对称伙伴，它们具有一些不同然而可以预知的性质。 这就是我对 LHC 的希望和预期。 关于我们能通过 LHC 看到什么的猜想还有很多，包括多维空间、超弦、微型黑洞等等。 真相可能超乎想象。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The influence of the levels and composition of maternal nutrition on a female fetus will carry through to adulthood, when she, too, becomes a mother. Given how few scientists have recognized the extent to which a woman’s eggs shape her grandchildren’s prospects, it is not surprising that policymakers remain so oblivious to the long-term impact of women’s health. But the evidence is clear, and it demands action. The good news is that there are solutions. Conditional cash transfers, text-message-based initiatives, school-based food programs, vitamin-fortification schemes, and local leadership have all proved effective in improving maternal nutrition. Such initiatives should be backed by policies that foster positive nutritional choices. Compelling policymakers to implement such policies will require a new set of skills that draws upon lessons from around the world. In Brazil, a television program on the role that folic-acid supplementation could play in the prevention of spina bifida (a congenital neural tube defect) immediately grabbed politicians’ attention. Initiatives aimed at enhancing the public’s knowledge of nutrition are also crucial – not least because they can motivate citizens to pressure their governments to take action. To this end, entertainment media like soap operas, which have emerged as important tools for empowering women in conservative Middle Eastern societies, could be employed. Forums like the Emerging Market Symposium can help to bridge the increasingly obvious gap between science and public policy. But, without strong domestic support for change, the impact of such meetings is limited. It is time to demand action – and past time for policymakers to deliver it.", "zh": "女孩在胚胎期得到的母亲营养水平和成分将会一直影响到她成年，当她自己也称为母亲时。 极少有科学家注意到女性卵子对她的孙辈前景有多大程度的影响，因此，毫不奇怪决策者会丝毫不顾女性健康的长期影响。 但证据是明确的，并且需要采取行动。 好消息是有解决办法。 有条件的现金转移、基于短信的项目、校园餐计划、维生素强化制度和地方领导力都被证明能够有效改善母亲营养。 这些措施应该受到促进积极营养选择的政策的支持。 迫使决策者实施这些郑旭需要性全世界的经验中总结新的技能。 在巴西，一个电视宣传补充叶酸在预防脊柱裂（一种先天性神经管缺陷）方面的功效的节目立刻抓住了政客的眼球。 旨在增强公众营养知识的项目也十分关键 — — 不仅是因为它们可以动员公民向政府施压，敦促后者采取行动。 在这方面可以利用肥皂剧等娱乐媒体。 娱乐媒体已成为保守的中东社会中帮助女性的一个重要工具。 新兴市场研讨会等论坛有助于弥合科学和公共政策间日益明显的缺口。 但是，没有对变化的强大的公共支持，这类论坛的作用就会十分有限。 应该马上要求决策者行动起来，拿出真正的动作。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Europe’s German Ball and Chain BRUSSELS – A storm-tossed ship near dangerous cliffs needs a strong anchor to avoid finishing on the rocks. In 2012, when a financial storm engulfed the eurozone, it was Germany that kept the European ship off the shoals of financial disaster. But now Europe’s anchor has become a brake, hindering forward movement. Of course, German Chancellor Angela Merkel acted in 2012 only when she could tell her domestic constituency that there was no alternative. But in the end, Merkel agreed to a permanent bailout fund for the eurozone. She also backed the formation of a banking union, which remains incomplete but still represents a key step toward a financial system supervised by the European Central Bank. Thanks to these measures, and ECB President Mario Draghi’s vow, which Germany tacitly approved, to do “whatever it takes” to save the euro, the financial storm abated. But now the eurozone seems incapable of escaping near-deflation, with little economic growth and prices barely moving upwards. That was not supposed to happen. When the crisis struck, the economies of the eurozone periphery were buffeted by the twin shocks of spiking risk premiums and a collapsing housing market. At the same time, the German economy benefited from the return of capital fleeing the periphery. Real (inflation-adjusted) interest rates in Germany became substantially negative, triggering a housing boom. It was assumed that this would generate strong domestic demand in Germany, helping the periphery to export more.", "zh": "欧洲的德国桎梏 布鲁塞尔—在危险的悬崖边上遭遇风暴的船只需要强大的锚才能避免触礁。 2012年，一场金融风暴席卷欧元区，是德国让欧洲之穿免于驶入金融灾难。 但如今，欧洲之锚变成了一个阻碍，阻碍欧洲的前进。 当然，2012年德国总理默克尔是在告诉国内选民已经别无选择之后才采取行动的。 但最终默克尔同意了永久性欧元区援助基金。 她还支持建立银行联盟，这一联盟目前仍未完成，但仍是迈向由欧洲央行承担监督责任的金融制度的重要一步。 有了这些措施，再加上欧洲央行行长德拉吉在德国默许的情况下承诺“不惜一切代价”拯救欧元，金融风暴消停了。 但如今，欧元区似乎无力摆脱接近通缩的状态，经济几乎没有增长，物价也没有表现出向上的趋势。 本不应该如此。 当危机袭来时，欧元区外围经济体受到风险溢价飙升和房地产市场崩盘的双重打击。 与此同时，德国经济因为资本逃出外围的回流而受益。 德国真实（经通胀调整）利率降到了远低于零的水平，引起了房地产泡沫。 人们认为这会在德国形成强大的内需，有助于外围增加出口。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "谁也没有注意过百里红妆的长相，可自从百里红妆出现在他们的视野中之后，她便犹如一轮炙阳，掩盖了其他所有贵族小姐的光芒。 他们这才知道，原来修炼废材也同样能够风华绝代。 听着众人的谈论，百里玉颜眼底深处跳跃着嫉妒的火焰，“哗众取宠！” 百里皓轩亦是愤恨地望着百里红妆，因为百里红妆断了他的手臂，直到现在伤势也没有完全恢复，这一次的皇室狩猎赛注定与他无缘了。 原本他可是打算在皇室狩猎赛上取得好表现从而为将军府争光的，那些应该属于他的荣誉完全被百里红妆破坏了！ “姐姐，你一定要帮我报仇！” 百里皓轩双手握拳，眼中闪烁着阴鸷的光，语声低沉而冰冷。 百里玉颜点头，嘴角勾起狠戾的笑，“皓轩，你放心，姐姐一定帮你报仇！” 不论是为你，还是为我自己！ 这一次，他们一定要将百里红妆彻底扼杀！ 为此，他们可是做好了充足的准备，只要百里红妆来了，必死无疑！", "en": "Nobody paid any notice to Baili Hongzhuang’s appearance. But now that she appeared in front of their eyes, she was like a blazing sun, brilliant rays of light completely overshadowing all the other young misses. They now knew this former cultivation cripple was actually a peerless talent. Hearing the conversations of the crowd, flames of envy leaped into Baili Yuyan’s eyes, “Attention whore!” Baili Haoxuan also stared at Baili Hongzhuang hatefully. Because of Baili Hongzhuang breaking his arm, even now his injury still wasn’t completely healed. He had no way of joining this year’s royal hunting competition. Originally he had wanted to make a good performance at the royal hunting face and bring glory to the general’s household. That honor which should’ve belonged to him was stolen away by Baili Hongzhuang! “Sister, you must help me take revenge!” Baili Haoxuan clenched his fists, malicious light flashing in his eyes, his voice cold and gloomy. Baili Yuyan nodded her head, the corner of her mouth curling into a vicious smile, “Haoxuan, don’t worry. Your older sister will definitely avenge you!” No matter if it was for you, or for myself! This time, they must completely throttle Baili Hongzhaung! With regards to this, they needed to have sufficient preparation. So long as Baili Hongzhuang comes, she will certainly die!"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "So you have to, I think, be trustworthy. And that, of course, is because you can't fool all of the people all of the time, usually. But you also have to provide usable evidence that you are trustworthy. How to do it? Well every day, all over the place, it's being done by ordinary people, by officials, by institutions, quite effectively. Let me give you a simple commercial example. The shop where I buy my socks says I may take them back, and they don't ask any questions. They take them back and give me the money or give me the pair of socks of the color I wanted. That's super. I trust them because they have made themselves vulnerable to me. I think there's a big lesson in that. If you make yourself vulnerable to the other party, then that is very good evidence that you are trustworthy and you have confidence in what you are saying. So in the end, I think what we are aiming for is not very difficult to discern. It is relationships in which people are trustworthy and can judge when and how the other person is trustworthy. So the moral of all this is, we need to think much less about trust, let alone about attitudes of trust detected or mis-detected by opinion polls, much more about being trustworthy, and how you give people adequate, useful and simple evidence that you're trustworthy.", "zh": "我是说，你要成为一个值得信赖的人。 当然，这就是说你不能 在永远愚弄住所有的人，一般来说。 你得提供一些有用的依据， 让别人知道你是值得信赖的。 应该怎么做？ 其实每天，在不同得地方， 普通人，办公人员，各个机构都在努力， 往往做得很有效呢。 我给你举个简单的商家营销的例子， 有个商店说我可以把买的袜子退回去， 他们绝不问任何问题。 他们收退货，我拿退货款。 或者给我换是我喜欢颜色的袜子。 这很好。我信任他们。 因为他们让我觉得他们是处于弱势。 我觉得这很有教益。 如果对于别人，你使自己处于弱势， 这就是个很好的值得信任的依据。 对自己说的话就有自信。 所以最终呢，我们的意图 就不那么难辨别了。 人们是否值得信任是一种人和人之间的关系。 我们可以判断什么时候人们是如何 值得你信任的。 从道义上说， 我们要少考虑信任， 更不要说对信任的态度， 或者凭着民意测验来判断或者误判， 让我们更关注于成为值得信赖的人。 关注于如何提供恰当、有益 简单的依据让人们觉得你是可以信赖的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If the supply shock is temporary, or if aggregate demand adjusts downward to a permanently lower level of aggregate supply (with some help from tighter monetary policy), the above-target inflation will be transitory as long as inflation expectations don’t become unanchored. The second type of stagflation occurs when inflation is too high for whatever reason (a negative supply shock or a positive shock to aggregate demand) and the central bank uses restrictive monetary policy – interest-rate increases, quantitative tightening (QT), forward guidance – to bring it down. Monetary-policy changes are known to affect underlying inflation with long, variable, and uncertain lags, whereas real (inflation-adjusted) GDP and unemployment tend to respond more swiftly. Thus, European Central Bank Chief Economist Philip Lane estimates that the effect of monetary policy on inflation in the eurozone will peak after five quarters, while a 2013 meta-analysis by economists Tomas Havranek and Marek Rusnak finds that the transmission lag between an interest-rate shock and the general price level in advanced economies ranges from six to 12 quarters. If we account for the additional lags from compiling and publishing macroeconomic data, recognition of the problem, implementation of policy changes, and so forth, it is reasonable to conclude that stagflationary episodes will have a lifespan of 1-3 years, given appropriately restrictive monetary-policy responses. In the current context, stagflation is likely to continue in the short term in developed countries and in China.", "zh": "如果供给冲击是暂时的或者总需求（在紧缩货币政策的某种助力下）向下调整去适应一个较低的长期总供给水平，那么只要通胀预期不出现不稳定状况，高于目标的通胀就将是暂时性的。 第二种类型的滞胀发生在通胀率因某种原因（供给负面冲击或总需求正面冲击）变得过高，同时中央银行使用限制性货币政策 — — 提高利率、量化紧缩、前瞻性指导 — — 来打压通胀的情况下。 大家都知道货币政策的变化对基本通胀的影响具有长期、可变和不确定的滞后性，而实际（排除通胀因素后的）GDP和失业率往往反应更迅速。 因此欧洲中央银行首席经济学家菲利普·莱恩（Philip Lane）估计货币政策对欧元区通胀的影响将在五个季度后达到峰值，而经济学家托马斯·哈夫拉尼克（Tomas Havranek）和马列克·鲁斯纳克（Marek Rusnak）在2013年的一项元分析中发现发达经济体的利率冲击和总体价格水平之间的传输滞后时间为6~12个季度。 如果加上汇编和发布宏观经济数据、认识问题、实施政策变化等方面的额外滞后，我们就可以合理地得出结论：就算能拿出适当的限制性货币政策反应，滞胀状况也将持续1~3年。 在当前情况下，滞胀可能在短期内在发达国家和中国继续存在。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Robert had taken away the tea and Maxim came back into the room. 'It was Colonel Julyan,' he said; 'he's just been talking to Searle. He's coming out with us to the boat tomorrow. Searle has told him.' 'Why Colonel Julyan, why?' I said. 'He's the magistrate for Kerrith. He has to be present.' 'What did he say?' 'He asked me if I had any idea whose body it could be.' 'What did you say?' 'I said I did not know. I said we believed Rebecca to be alone. I said I did not know of any friend.' 'Did he say anything after that?' 'Yes.' 'What did he say?' 'He asked me if I thought it possible that I made a mistake when I went up to Edgecoombe?' 'He said that? He said that already?' 'Yes.' 'And you?' 'I said it might be possible. I did not know.' 'He'll be with you then tomorrow when you look at the boat? He, and Captain Searle, and a doctor.' 'Inspector Welch too.' 'Inspector Welch?' 'Yes.' 'Why? Why Inspector Welch?' 'It's the custom, when a body has been found.'", "zh": "罗伯特撤走茶具后，迈克西姆又回到了藏书室。 “电话是朱利安上校打来的，”他说，“他刚跟塞尔谈过。明天他和我们一道到现场去。塞尔把情况告诉了他。” “为什么朱利安上校也要去？”我问。 “他是克里斯的治安长官，所以必须在场。” “他跟你说了些什么？” “他问我知道不知道那可能是谁的尸体。” “你怎么说？” “我说不知道，还说大家都认为丽贝卡当时是单独出的海，不清楚有哪位朋友会陪着她去。” “他听后又说什么了吗？” “是的。” “说什么来着？” “他问我是否想到过，我到埃奇库姆比认尸可能认错了人。” “他是那样问的？他已经考虑到这一点啦？” “是的。” “你怎么回答？” “我说也有这种可能性，但我拿不准。” “他明天要跟你们一道去查看小船喽？他、塞尔上校以及医生全都去？” “还有，韦尔奇警长。” “韦尔奇警长？” “是的。” “为什么？为什么韦尔奇警长也去？” “这是惯例。一旦有死尸发现，警长必须到场。”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A perfect storm of environmental concerns, social changes, and energy and technological transitions means that the auto and engineering industries – not only in Germany, but also in the US, Japan, and Western Europe – are probably in a secular decline that could prove as profound as the deindustrialization of the 1980s. But the collapse in demand last year was so extreme that a temporary recovery is likely, which is why the auto and engineering industries should not cause as much trouble this year. The risk to the technology sector, by contrast, is political – and high. Big Tech firms can no longer rely on policymakers’ deference. Once regarded as innovators and agents of progress, Facebook, Apple, Amazon, and Google are now viewed as ruthless monopolists that manipulate politicians and exploit consumers. These companies have been the main driving force of the US economy and stock market, and serious political challenges to their business models – in the form of regulation, special taxation, or breakup – could cause a repeat of the 2000-02 dot-com bust. A reckoning could begin this year. The highest of the ten risks stems from the US presidential election. Global markets’ consensus that President Donald Trump will win exposes them to two potential shocks. A victorious Trump could become even more protectionist, belligerent, and unpredictable in a second term.", "zh": "一场由环境关切、社会变革以及能源和技术转型所带来的完美风暴意味着汽车和工程行业 — — 不仅在德国，而且在美国、西欧和日本 — — 可能正在经历一场长期衰退，其影响深远程度堪比20世纪80年代的去工业化进程。 但去年需求严重骤减可能带来暂时性的复苏，而这解释了为什么汽车及工程行业今年不应如此麻烦重重。 相比之下，科技行业面临政治性风险 — — 而且风险很高。 大型科技企业无法再依赖决策者的尊重。 脸书、苹果、亚马逊和谷歌曾一度被视为创新力量和进步代理，现在，却被视为操纵政策和剥削消费者的无情垄断者。 这些企业一直是美国经济和股市的主要推动力，而对其商业模式的严重政治挑战 — — 以监管、特别税收或分拆等形式 — — 可能导致重演2000~02年的互联网泡沫破灭。 清算有可能在今年开始。 所有风险中最大的风险源于美国总统大选。 全球市场一致认为唐纳德·特朗普总统将获胜导致市场可能面临两大潜在冲击。 获胜的特朗普可能在第二任期内变得更加保护主义、好战和不可预测。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Jalaluddin Haqqani group, which was allowed to base itself in a sanctuary in Pakistan’s North Waziristan tribal agency, was one such ally that Pakistan’s government thought could be used to further its interests in Afghanistan. But the Haqqanis were also the group that threatened the Americans the most. The US pressed Pakistan to move against them. Pakistan resisted. And, in the midst of this tussle, the US sent Navy Seals to find Bin Laden at a compound deep in Pakistani territory, informing Pakistan’s government only after the raid was over. Pakistan’s embarrassed military pressed the government to begin distancing itself from the US. After the identity of the CIA’s station chief in Pakistan was exposed (probably by Pakistani military officials), America made it known that it had good evidence that a prominent Pakistani journalist was ordered murdered by ISI. This time around, the break between the US and Pakistan might not be easily repaired. Pakistan has turned to China for economic and military help, clearly hoping for a less volatile relationship than the one that it has with America. On one hand, Pakistan is seeking large investments from China to improve its physical infrastructure and exploit its considerable mineral wealth. On the other hand, the Chinese have been invited to develop Gwadar port on the Balochistan coast, and to use it as a base for their fast-expanding navy. While China has not responded to these overtures with the degree of enthusiasm that accompanied them, the Chinese would be happy to fill the strategic vacuum likely to be created by America’s accelerated departure from AfPak. A major realignment of forces in the region is looming, and, with it, a new round of Asia’s old Great Game.", "zh": "被获准驻扎在巴基斯坦北部北瓦济里斯坦的部落机构庇护所的贾拉鲁丁·哈卡尼部落是巴基斯坦政府打算用来维护其在阿富汗利益的盟友。 但哈卡尼同时也是对美国人构成最大威胁的部落。 美国向巴基斯坦施压对他们采取行动，但遭到巴方的抵制。 而且在这次争斗同时，美国派遣海豹突击队在深入巴基斯坦境内的一栋建筑中找到本·拉登，而且只在袭击行动结束后才通知了巴基斯坦政府。 倍感尴尬的巴基斯坦军队迫使政府开始疏远美国。 在中情局驻巴基斯坦站长的身份暴露之后（揭发他的可能是巴基斯坦军官 ） ， 美国公开宣称自己掌握充分证据，即著名的巴基斯坦三军情报局下令谋杀了一位著名的巴基斯坦记者。 这一次，美国和巴基斯坦之间的分歧已经不太可能轻易得到修复。 巴基斯坦已经转而寻求中国的经济和军事援助，显然希望与中国之间的关系能比巴美关系更为稳固。 一方面，巴基斯坦正在寻求大量的中国投资用以改善本国的基础设施并开发其可观的矿产财富。 另一方面，中国应邀在俾路支省海岸修建瓜达尔港，并将该港用于其快速扩张的海军的基地。 尽管中国尚未对围绕他们的热情提议做出反应，但他们非常乐于填补美国加速撤离阿富汗巴基斯坦后留下的战略真空。 该地区即将发生重大的力量调整，随着这次力量调整，又会上演新一轮亚洲博弈的戏码。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What Now? More Europe! The rejection of the European Union’s Constitution by French and Dutch voters forces us to think well beyond that treaty. That much is clear from the current debate on the Community budget. The naysayers’ victories show that sovereignty-based arguments that oppose any kind of European political union are on the march. Euroskeptics, it seems, are gaining ground everywhere, and a kind of xenophobia is on the rise. But xenophobia and sovereignty were not the primary impulses that propelled the “no” votes. Above all, the “no” votes in France and Holland – and rising discontent in other member states, such as Germany – are the result of the inability of national governments and the Union to respond effectively to the problems that most concern citizens. Not only anti-Europeans rejected the constitution; far from it. Many Europeans are, in fact, calling on the EU to act to reduce unemployment and to intervene decisively in the international arena. Many interpreted Europe’s internal division over the war in Iraq, with ordinary citizens overwhelmingly opposed to military intervention, as a sign of the Union’s weakness. But the answer to such doubt and dismay is more Europe, not less. The European Council’s summit on June 16-17 should give a clear sign that it recognizes this. Most supporters of the Constitution believe that it will not only help build a citizens’ Europe, but also create better conditions for European economic development, and for the EU to act globally. They are right.", "zh": "现在怎么办？ 加强欧洲一体化！ 法国与荷兰对欧盟宪法的反对迫使我们开始好好考虑一些条约之外的问题。 这在目前有关共同体预算的辩论中毫无涉及。 反对者的胜利表明以基于主权、反对任何形式的欧洲政治联盟的辩论已经启动。 欧洲怀疑论者的队伍看来正在各地壮大，并且一种惧外主义也日渐抬头。 但是，惧外主义和主权并非推动否决票的主要因素。 首先，法国和荷兰的否决票 — — 以及在其他成员国内不断升温的不满情绪 — — 是国家政府以及欧盟对大多数民众关心的问题未能有效反应的结果。 反对欧盟宪法的不仅仅是反欧洲主义者，远远不止他们。 事实上，许多欧洲人都呼吁欧盟采取措施以降低失业率并在国际领域内要果敢介入。 许多人将当时普通民众强烈抗议军事介入情形下欧洲内部在伊拉克战争问题上的分歧看作欧盟无能的一个信号。 但是要消除这些怀疑和沮丧情绪，办法就是加强欧洲一体化，而非削弱。 6月16-17日举行的欧洲理事会峰会应该给出一个明确信号，表示理事会已经认识到了这一点。 大多数欧盟宪法的支持者们相信，这部宪法将不仅仅有助于建立一个欧洲公民们的欧洲，也将为欧洲经济发展以及欧盟的全球行动创造更好的条件。 他们是正确的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "苏瑞最开始没理解费司诺的行为。 明明昨天晚上还那么帮着方池夏，现在没理由为难她才对。 不动声色看着他，苏瑞深思了会儿，眉头狐疑拧了拧。 他拖着不肯签约，该不会想借用这次的机会，多和方池夏接触接触吧？ 苏瑞心下明白，但是却没有点破。 费司诺如果真有这心理，这对自己而言是好事。 正好，合同她也不准备签。 明白了费司诺的态度，苏瑞开始张扬了起来。 只要费司诺不插手，她想怎么刁难是她的事。 “签约这么大的事，随便叫个人来就算了？” 目光往方池夏身上一扫，苏瑞双臂环在胸前，一副趾高气昂的样子。 方池夏眉头皱了皱。 这是准备故意发难了？ 方池夏从看到她的第一眼就猜到自己这次的任务不会这么顺利，目光淡淡看向她，她沉稳不变地应付，“不好意思，这次签约的事，还就我说了算！”", "en": "Su Rui was puzzled at Fei Si Nuo’s behavior at first. There was no question, he also helped Fang Chixia last night. But now, there was no reason to embarrass her. Watching him quietly, Su Rui pondered for a while, frowning suspiciously at him. He dragged and refused to sign the contract. Was he looking into borrowing this opportunity to create more interactions with Fang Chixia? Su Rui came into understanding, but she just couldn’t fathom it. If this were true for Fei Si Nuo, then it’s a good thing for her as well. It’s just right. She won’t sign the contract. Having understood where Fei Si Nuo stands, Su Rui followed suit. So long as Fei Si Nuo doesn’t meddle with her affairs, she won’t be bothered. “What? How could Rongxi be so irresponsible? For such a huge signing of contract, could they just call anybody forth?” Wrapping her arms across her chest, Su Rui raised her chin up with disdain. Fang Chixia’s brows wrinkled. Was she being deliberately challenged? At first glance, Fang Chixia has already expected that her task this time wouldn’t be so smooth. She looked her straight in the eyes and calmly dealt with it, “Sorry, I have the final say in the signing of this contract!”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rethinking Productivity Growth BERKELEY – Today, the world’s population is, on average, about 20 times richer than it was during the long Agrarian Age. Between 7000 BC and AD 1500, resources were scarce, technological progress was slow, and Malthusian pressures kept almost all human populations at a near-subsistence level, with per capita daily income of less than $1.50 in today’s terms. In 2017, only around 7% of the world’s population is that poor. Consider a scenario in which we took the total monetary value of what we currently produce, and used it to purchase the types of goods and services that people living on $1.50 per day consume. The average daily global-output value would be $30 per person (at current prices). That is our roughly $80 trillion of annual global income today. And while the fruits of global productivity are not equally distributed by any stretch, our society’s overall wealth today would leave our Agrarian Age predecessors dumbstruck. Moreover, we do not produce and consume the same things that our near-subsistence ancestors did. In 2017, 40 kilocalories a day in basic grains wouldn’t do anyone much good. Meanwhile, analogues to common goods and services that we now consume would have been absurdly expensive in the Agrarian Age. And in many cases, such analogues couldn’t even be considered.", "zh": "生产率增长再思考 伯克利—如今，全世界人口平均比漫长的农业时代富裕20倍左右。 从公元前7000年到公元1500年间，资源十分稀缺，技术进步非常缓慢，马尔萨斯压力几乎将人类数量一直抑制在生存线上下，人均日收入用今天的标准衡量不到1.50美元。 2017年，全世界只有大约7%的人口仍然那么穷。 试想一下这样的情景：我们把目前生产出来的全部货币价值用于购买每天生活费1.50美元的人日常消费的商品和服务。 平均每天的全球产出价值将是每人30美元（以当前价格计算 ） 。 即我们今天的全球年收入大约在80万亿美元。 尽管全球生产率的果实绝不是平均分配的，但当今社会的总体财富是我们的农业时代祖先无法想象的。 此外，我们所生产和消费的东西与我们在生存线上挣扎的祖先也有所不同。 2017年，每日40千卡基本谷物的摄入量对人体已经没有什么好处。 与此同时，我们日常消费的商品和服务，放到农业时代是非常昂贵的。 在许多例子中，甚至无法想象农业时代与我们消费差不多的东西。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Why the NFT Market Will Collapse LAUSANNE – In March 2021, the auction house Christie’s sold a JPEG file created by the artist Beeple for $69.3 million, a record for a digital artwork. The ownership of the “original” JPEG – entitled “Everydays: The First 5000 Days” – was secured as a non-fungible token, or NFT. The sale made headlines, and NFTs have since become red-hot. Investors poured $27 billion into the market in 2021, and Meta, Facebook’s renamed parent company, now reportedly plans to allow users to create and sell NFTs. There’s just one problem: the NFT market will eventually collapse, for any of a host of reasons. In essence, an NFT is a tradeable code attached to metadata, such as an image. A secure network of computers records the sale on a digital ledger (a blockchain), giving the buyer proof of both authenticity and ownership. NFTs are typically paid for with the Ethereum cryptocurrency, and – perhaps more importantly – stored using the Ethereum blockchain. By combining the desire to own art with modern technology, NFTs are the perfect asset for newly wealthy members of the Silicon Valley set and their train of acolytes in finance, entertainment, and the broader retail-investor community. But, like other markets driven by exuberance, impulse purchases, and hype, the fast-moving and speculative NFT market could burn many investors. The current frenzy invites comparisons with the Dutch tulip mania from 1634 until 1637, when some bulbs fetched extremely high prices before the exuberance dissipated and the bubble collapsed. The NFT market will likely suffer a similar fate – but not, as some might think, because of environmental concerns. To be sure, NFTs consume considerable amounts of energy, because cryptocurrencies like Ethereum and Bitcoin are “mined” using networks of computers with a large carbon footprint – one that grows with every transaction. But when it comes to understanding what will bring down the NFT market, climate impact is a red herring. The real problem is that the current NFT boom is built on a foundation of sand.", "zh": "为什么 NFT 市场会崩溃 洛桑—2021 年 3 月，佳士得拍卖行6930万美元的价格售出了艺术家 Beeple 创作的 JPEG 文件，创下了数字艺术品的纪录。 名为“Everydays: The First 5000 Days”的“原始”JPEG文件 的所有权作为非同质化代币（NFT） 得到保护。 这笔交易成为头条新闻，NFT 也变成了香饽饽。 2021年，投资者向这个市场投入了 270 亿美元，而据报道，更名为Meta的Facebook母公司 现在准备允许用户创建和销售 NFT。 只有一个问题：NFT 市场最终会崩溃，原因有很多。 从本质上讲，NFT是附加到元数据（例如图像）的可交易代码。 安全的计算机网络将销售记录在数字分类账（区块链）上，为买家提供真实性和所有权证明。 NFT 通常使用以太坊加密货币支付，并且 — — 或许更重要的是 — — 使用以太坊区块链存储。 通过结合拥有艺术品的渴望和现代技术，NFT 成为一种完美资产，受到硅谷新富和他们的金融、娱乐和各类散户投资者社区中的追随者的吹捧。 但是，与其他由繁荣、冲动购买和炒作驱动的市场一样，飞速发展的投机性的 NFT 市场可能会让许多投资者灰飞烟灭。 当前的疯狂状态让人将其与 1634 年至 1637 年的荷兰郁金香狂热相比较，当时一些球茎在繁荣消散和泡沫破裂之前达到了极高的价格。 NFT 市场可能会遭受类似的命运 — — 但不会像某些人认为的那样，是因为环境问题。 诚然，NFT 消耗了大量的能源，因为像以太坊和比特币这样的加密货币是使用具有大量碳足迹的计算机网络“开采”的 — — 并随着每笔交易而增长。 但是，要说什么会把NFT市场拉下神坛，那么气候影响只能转移我们的注意力。 真正的问题是当前的 NFT 繁荣纯属海市蜃楼。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Fighting Biopiracy OTTAWA– In April 1999 Larry Proctor, a United States citizen and owner of a seed company, won a patent at the US Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO), claiming a Mexican yellow bean. The patent conferred Proctor exclusive rights over a bean variety he called “Enola.” That decision is one of the most outrageous examples of biopiracy in the history of intellectual property systems. The bean for which Proctor was granted a patent is a farmers’ variety, originally from Mexico and in the public domain for centuries. The bean is consumed throughout Mexico and by Mexicans and Mexican-Americans in the US who know it by the names Mayocoba, Canario, or Peruano. Although the bean variety existed in publicly available seed collections, it took ten years, hundreds of thousands of dollars, massive protest by farmers and civil society, the intervention of international agencies, and five consecutive legal decisions before the USPTO finally annulled the patent in July 2009. By then, Proctor had exercised a complete monopoly over the production, distribution, and marketing of the bean for more than half of the patent’s lifespan. The story began in 1994, when Proctor purchased a bag of beans in Mexico. He planted the beans, selected seeds from the same plants, and planted them again, repeating the procedure two more times. In late 1996, after barely two years, he stated that he had invented a “unique” variety, and applied for a patent.", "zh": "与生物剽窃作斗争 渥太华 — — 1999年4月，美国公民兼种子公司所有人Larry Proctor从美国专利商标局（USPTO）获得一项专利，掌握对一种墨西哥黄豆的所有权。 那项专利授予Proctor对一种名叫“Enola”的黄豆品种的独家所有权。 这项决定是知识产权体系建立以来最令人气愤的生物剽窃事件。 Protor被授予专利的黄豆是一种源于墨西哥的作物种类，几百年来一直是人类的共有财产。 生活在墨西哥的墨西哥人和美国的美籍墨西哥人普遍食用这种名叫Mayocoba、Canario或Peruano的黄豆。 虽然这种豆可以在公开种子展上买到，但在农民和民间团体的大规模抗议和国际机构的干涉下，却耗费了整整十年时间、数十万美元、历经连续五次司法判决才最终于2009年7月由美国专利商标局废除这项专利权。 但彼时Proctor已经在专利寿命过半的时间内对这种黄豆的生产、销售和营销推广行使完全的垄断权。 1994年Proctor在墨西哥购买一袋“Enola”黄豆，这个故事便从此发端。 他种植这种豆，从同一种植物上选种，而后再次种植，并重复这一过程两次以上。 在仅仅两年后的1996年末，他声称已经发明“独特”的品种，并为此申请专利。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Preempting a Generative AI Monopoly CAMBRIDGE – ChatGPT, the new artificial-intelligence chatbot developed by the San Francisco-based research laboratory OpenAI, has taken the world by storm. Already hailed as a milestone in the evolution of so-called large language models (LLMs), the world’s most famous generative AI raises important questions about who controls this nascent market and whether these powerful technologies serve the public interest. OpenAI’s release of ChatGPT last November quickly became a global sensation, attracting millions of users and allegedly killing the student essay. It is able to answer questions in conversational English (along with some other languages) and perform other tasks, such as writing computer code. The answers that ChatGPT provides are fluent and compelling. Despite its facility for language, however, it can sometimes make mistakes or generate factual falsehoods, a phenomenon known among AI researchers as “hallucination.” The fear of fabricated references has recently led several scientific journals to ban or restrict the use of ChatGPT and similar tools in academic papers. But while the chatbot might struggle with fact-checking, it is seemingly less prone to error when it comes to programming and can easily write efficient and elegant code. For all its flaws, ChatGPT obviously represents a major technological breakthrough, which is why Microsoft recently announced a “multiyear, multibillion-dollar investment” in OpenAI, reportedly amounting to $10 billion, on top of the $1 billion it had already committed to the company. Originally a nonprofit, OpenAI is now a for-profit corporation valued at $29 billion.", "zh": "抢占生成性AI垄断权 发自剑桥 — — ChatGPT这个由位处美国旧金山的OpenAI研究实验室开发的新型人工智能聊天机器人已经风靡全球。 而这个被誉为所谓大型语言模型（LLMs）发展里程碑的世界上最知名生成性人工智能也引出了关于这个新生市场由谁掌控以及这类强大技术是否符合公众利益的重要问题。 ChatGPT在去年11月发布后迅速在全球引起轰动，吸引了数百万用户，据称能让学生永远免于作文之苦。 它能够用英语会话（以及其他一些语言）回答问题，并执行诸如编程等其他任务。 ChatGPT能为各类问题提供流畅且令人信服的答案。 但尽管它语言能力很强，却不时会犯错或生成一些事实性谬误 — — 该现象被人工智能研究者称之为“幻化 ” （ hallucination ） 。 对捏造参考文献的恐惧致使一些科学期刊近期开始禁止或限制在学术论文中使用ChatGPT或类似工具。 而虽然聊天机器人在核查事实方面可能会出问题，但在编程方面似乎不容易出错，可以轻松写出高效优雅的代码。 尽管有着种种缺陷，ChatGPT显然代表了一项重大技术突破，这也是为什么微软最近宣布要给予OpenAI“多年期数十亿美元投资 ” ， 据报要在其原本承诺的10亿美元基础上再追加到100亿美元。 起初是个非营利组织的OpenAI如今已是价值290亿美元的营利性企业。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Third, ideology. Some members of Congress are unwilling to vote for any tax increase, even as part of a compromise to avert the fiscal cliff or to stabilize the debt. More than 90% of House Republicans have signed a “no-tax pledge.” Other members champion the cause of a much smaller government and welcome the deep spending cuts that are scheduled to take effect in 2013, even if they trigger a recession. For such members, ideological purity trumps economic logic. Finally, electoral self-interest. The primary motivation of most members of Congress has always been winning elections. But how this motivation affects their willingness to compromise has changed as a result of redistricting and the growing polarization of voting districts along partisan lines. According to a recent analysis by Nate Silver, most House members now come from “hyperpartisan” districts in which the risk of losing to candidates from the other party is small. In such districts, members have little incentive to compromise on bipartisan deals to address the country’s fiscal challenges, because failure to do so poses no threat to their re-election. On the contrary, especially for Republicans from districts with a strong, ideologically motivated base, voting for such deals could trigger a primary electoral challenge from within their own party. It was such self-interested Republican members who rebuffed Speaker of the House John Boehner’s proposal to maintain current tax rates for all but those earning more than $1 million per year. The outlook for the US economy over the next few years hinges on what a deeply divided Congress decides. Right now, the prospect that they will make the right choices appears to be dim. Let’s hope the odds improve in the New Year.", "zh": "第三是意识形态。 国会的一些成员不愿意投票支持任何增税，即使增税只是作为用以避免财政悬崖或稳定债务的折衷方案的一部分。 90%的众议院共和党人都签了一份“不增税承诺 ” 。 其他成员拥护小型政府并支持原定于2013年生效的大幅度削减支出，即使这会引起经济衰退。 对这些成员来说，意识形态的纯洁性比经济逻辑更重要。 最后是选举利益。 大部分国会成员的原始动机一直以来都是赢得选举。 但由于选区重划以及沿着党派分割线日益加深的选区极端化，现在这个动机如何影响他们妥协意愿的状况已经改变了。 根据内特·希尔瓦（Nate Silver）近期的一份分析报告，大部分众议院议员现在都来自“超级党派”地区，在这些地区本党派输给另一党派候选人的风险是很小的。 在这样的地区，国会成员没有动力为解决国家财政挑战的两党协议妥协，因为不这么做也不会影响到他们的连任。 相反，尤其是对来自有强大意识形态基础地区的共和党人，投票支持此类协议可能会引起来自党内的初选挑战。 正是这些自私的共和党成员拒绝了众议院院长约翰·博纳（John Boehner）提出的维持目前税率（除了年收入超过一百万美元的人群）的建议。 美国经济接下来几年的前景取决于其深度分裂的国会决定。 照目前形势来看，他们会做出正确选择的希望很渺茫。 我们希望，随着新的一年到来，这种机率能有所提高。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Slave Ethos and the African Economy DAKAR – The slump in prices for Africa’s natural resources, which led to chronic deficits in the past, has been reversed. Consumption, fueled by huge Asian demand for African commodities, is on the rise across the continent. For much of Africa, this turn of events should mark a decisive break with endemic poverty. But, unless African leaders change their ways, it will not. Africa is estimated to hold more than 10% of global oil reserves and one-third of reserves of cobalt and base metals. South Africa alone possesses 40% of the world’s gold, which has been skyrocketing in value since the onset of the global financial crisis. Africa’s agricultural potential has barely been touched. Long-term global demand for Africa’s commodities, land, and manpower is unlikely to diminish. China, which has increased trade with Africa five-fold since 2003, has played a leading role in this turnaround, which has encouraged investors from elsewhere, including Europe and the United States, to rethink their approach to investing in Africa. This has translated into a steady flow of multibillion-dollar investments in the region. As a result, the IMF forecasts 4.7% GDP growth in sub-Saharan Africa this year, rising to nearly 6% in 2011. Unfortunately, however, while the direction of Africa’s trade may be changing, its composition – raw-material exports and manufactured imports – is not. In the half-century since colonialism ended (for the most part), sub-Saharan Africa has experienced many false dawns. One remembers the 1960’s, when the global economy’s “long boom”gave Africa a chance to save its surpluses, invest in value-added industries, and increase productivity. Instead, Africa squandered the opportunity on consumption of foreign goods. This pattern of behavior conforms to some of the worst undertakings of Africa’s elite. Hundreds of years ago, many African kings effectively engaged with the West’s rising imperial powers to halt the growth of indigenous industry in pre-colonial Africa. Instead of having their peoples begin to manufacture their own goods, these rulers chose to import them from Europe in exchange for their own subjects – or the subjects of neighboring rulers – whom they exported as slaves.", "zh": "奴隶特质和非洲经济 发自达喀尔 — — 由于自然资源价格低迷，非洲国家长期遭受财政赤字之苦，但如今这种局面已经被彻底扭转了。 由亚洲对非洲商品的庞大需求所推动的消费正不断激增。 对大多数非洲国家来说，这意味着一个解决典型非洲式贫困问题的决定性契机已经到来。 但如果各国领导人还是依照自己的老一套行事的话，这个机会就会被挥霍掉。 非洲的原油储量约为全世界的10 % ， 钴以及贱金属的储量则占世界的1/3。 仅南非一国就坐拥全世界80%的黄金储量，而金价自全球金融危机爆发之后就居高不下。 此外，非洲的农业潜力也是不可估量的。 全球对非洲商品，土地和人力资源的需求在一个长时期内都不会减少。 而作为这一新形势的领导者，中国在过去7年内将中非贸易额提升了5倍，并促使包括欧美在内的世界各国重新思考自身对非洲的投资手段，最终为非洲地区带来了高达数十亿美元的持续投资。 世界货币基金组织因此预计撒哈拉以南非洲本年度GDP增长率将达到4.7 % ， 而明年则继续上升到约6 % 。 然而不幸的是，虽然非洲贸易的整体风向已经转变，但其内部构成 — — 原材料出口和制成品进口 — — 却没有改变。 自殖民时代在非洲大陆结束近半个世纪以来，撒哈拉以南非洲总是在希望与失望之间徘徊。 1960年代的全球经济腾飞曾为非洲提供了一个积累财政盈余，投资高附加值工业以及提高生产力的机会，但非洲却沉溺于对外国商品的消费中，白白浪费了这个机会。 而这种行为模式恰恰源自于非洲统治精英的某些最恶劣的作为。 数百年前，许多非洲封建君主不遗余力地充当西方帝国的帮凶，拼命扼杀殖民时代之前的非洲本土工业。 这些统治者不让人民生产自己的商品，反而从欧洲进口商品，用来交换的则是他们自己的占有物 — — 或是邻国统治者的占有物 — — 黑奴。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They fail to ask whether there is, in fact, a close correspondence between historical circumstances and current facts. They invoke specific analogies not so much because they resemble current conditions, but because they are seared into the public’s consciousness. As a result, analogical reasoning both shapes and distorts policy. It misleads decision-makers, as it did both Johnson and Bush. The same dangers arise for monetary policy. For the Fed, it is important to ask whether the 1930’s, when its premature policy tightening precipitated a double-dip recession, really is the best historical analogy to consider when contemplating how to time the exit from its current accommodating stance. Certainly, the Great Depression is not the only alternative on offer. The Fed might also consider policy in 1924-1927, when low interest rates fueled stock-market and real-estate bubbles, or 2003-2005, when interest rates were held down in the face of serious financial imbalances. At a minimum, the Fed might develop a “portfolio” of analogies, test them for fitness, and distill their lessons, as President John F. Kennedy famously did when weighing his options during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962. Similarly, the ECB might consider not only how monetary accommodation allowed governments to run large budget deficits in the 1920’s, but also how central bankers’ failure to respond to the financial crisis of the 1930’s fed political extremism and undermined support for responsible government.", "zh": "事实上，他们没有考虑到那些历史环境和当前情况之间是否密切对应。 他们使用这种特定的类推法并不全是因为历史环境与当前的情况相类似，而是因为那些历史事件已经深深嵌入了公众的意识之中。 结果，历史类推法既塑造也扭曲了政策。 它误导了决策者，正如它误导了约翰逊总统和布什总统一样。 货币政策也存在同样的危险。 对美联储来说，重要的是当考虑如何计算退出当前适应性立场的时机时，要搞清楚上世纪30年代 — — 当其过早政策紧缩引发了双重衰退 — — 是否真是用以类比的最佳历史时期。 当然，大萧条并不是唯一的类比选择。 美联储最好也要考虑一下1924~1927年期间的政策 — — 当时的低利率推动了股市和房地产泡沫，或者2003~2005年期间的政策 — — 当时金融失衡严重，利率被压制。 至少美联储可以举出一个类比例子“列表 ” ， 测试它们的适用性并汲取经验，正如1962年约翰·F·肯尼迪（John F. Kennedy）在古巴导弹危机期间权衡选择时所做的那样。 同样地，欧洲央行可能不仅要考虑1920年代的货币调节政策如何会允许政府拥有巨额预算赤字，也要考虑中央银行家们在应对1930年代金融危机时怎样激化了政治极端主义并破坏了对负责任政府的支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“Alternative Facts” and US Economic Policy WASHINGTON, DC – US President Donald Trump has an obvious problem with data that he doesn’t like, as he showed on his first full day in office, by attacking the media for reporting accurately the size of the crowd that attended his inauguration. It should be no less obvious that this same reliance on “alternative facts” poses a severe threat in the realm of economic policymaking. The number of people who attended the inauguration – far less than Trump wanted to believe – could easily be inferred from the available evidence (including photographs of the National Mall and the number of subway riders). But the discussion has now broadened to the more serious question of whether millions of people voted illegally, as Trump has insisted since the election. He has implicitly conceded that he lost the popular vote by nearly three million votes, but maintained, despite all evidence to the contrary, that massive voter fraud occurred. Trump is calling for a full investigation, and Democrats should welcome any opportunity to have experts weigh the evidence carefully. But the real danger must be fully appreciated: Trump is not alone in his self-serving disregard for reality. Other prominent Republicans, including in the House of Representatives, have been living in their own world for some time. The most obvious example is climate change. An overwhelming majority of scientists agree that the climate is changing – and that human activity, including carbon dioxide emissions, plays a role. In any scientific or other investigation, there is always some margin of error or room for reasonable disagreement. But the Republican strategy has long been to claim that the climate is not changing or that any change has nothing to do with people and their cars, factories, and power plants. Those who believe this now have power in the United States. Exactly what they will do with (or to) the federal Environmental Protection Agency remains to be seen, but the initial signs are that scientific researchers will be muzzled or their activities shut down. Similarly, NASA’s important earth-science initiatives may be shunted off to other government agencies – where they can be defunded and left to die.", "zh": "“另类事实”与美国经济政策 华盛顿—美国总统特朗普显然与他不喜欢的数据不“对付 ” ， 在上任第一天，他的这一点就表现得淋漓尽致：攻击媒体准确地报道其就职典礼的观众规模。 同样显然的是，这一对“另类事实”的依赖给经济决策造成了严重的威胁。 出席就职典礼的人数 — — 远远少于特朗普愿意相信的规模 — — 可以从现成的证据（包括国家广场的照片和地铁乘客人数等）很容易地推断。 但这一问题的讨论目前已经扩展到更加严重的问题 — — 是否如特朗普从选举时就坚持认为的那样，有数百万人的投票是非法的。 他含蓄地承认了他在普选中输了近三百万票，但仍然表示存在大规模投票欺诈，尽管证据表明这纯属无稽之谈。 特朗普要求彻查，而民主党应该欢迎一切让专家仔细评估证据的机会。 但必须充分认识真正的危险：特朗普不是唯一一个自私地否认现实的人。 其他共和党要人，包括许多众议员，都一直生活在自己的世界里。 最显著的例子就是气候变化。 绝大部分科学家都认为气候正在变化 — — 而人类活动，包括二氧化碳排放，在其中扮演了重要角色。 在所有科学和其他调查中，都会存在一些边际上的错误或空间可以合理地质疑。 但共和党的策略长期以来一直是宣称气候根本没有变化，或变化与人类和他们的汽车、工厂和发电厂没有任何关系。 如今，相信这些的人掌握了美国的权力。 他们会与（或对）联邦环境保护署做些什么仍有待观察，但初期信号显示，科学研究者将被封口，研究活动也将被取消。 类似地，国家宇航局的重要地球科学研究项目也会分流给其他政府机构 — — 并削减预算，让它们无以为继。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "说不定不需要全科精通，学会某些孤本里面的内容就能治好老爷子的病呢！ 越想方丘越心动。 “最重要的是各派高手聚会，得到承认大医才是准入资格。” 徐妙林又抛出了一个惊人炸弹。 大医？！ 方丘心中吃了一惊 大医才能准入，也就是说自己要在一年半成为大医？ 这可能吗？ “徐老师，不知道您在中医界里达到了什么层次？” 方丘急忙抬头看向徐妙林问道。 “我？” 徐妙林微微一笑，没有回话，只是悄然举手，在空气中比划起来。 细细一看。 方丘赫然发现，徐妙林在空气中写了个“大”字。 大医！ 果然！ 想到徐妙林很厉害，没想到他就是是全国50个大医中的一个。 得知了中医界的层次划分，以及考核晋升之后，他深知大医这两个字代表着什么。 至少融汇三家，厉害，相当厉害！ 也就是说自己想获得类似《正骨论》的孤本就得进入大医？ 想到这，方丘眉头微皱了起来。", "en": "Maybe he didn’t have to become specialized in all fields after all. Mastering the content of some unique copies might be enough to treat the old master’s illness! The more he thought, the faster his heart beat. “Most importantly, only approved doctors of greatness are qualified to attend the expert meeting.” Xu Miaolin just dropped another shock bomb. Doctors of greatness? Fang Qiu was astonished. Only doctors of greatness are qualified. So he had to become a doctor of greatness within one and a half years? Is it possible? “Teacher Xu, may I ask which level are you at in the Chinese Medicine circle?” Fang Qiu quickly looked up at Xu Miaolin as he asked. “Me?” Xu Miaolin chuckled. Instead of answering, he raised one hand and began to draw in the air. Looking carefully. Fang Qiu saw Xu Miaolin write the character “Greatness” in the air. Doctor of greatness! I knew it! He knew Xu Miaolin was very good but didn’t expect him to be one of the 50 doctors of greatness across the country. With knowledge of the levels of the Chinese Medicine circle and all the tests for promotion, he knew clearly what this title represented. He had a thorough understanding of at least three fields. How impressive! Very, very impressive! So if he wanted to read other unique copies like the Bonesetting Theory, he had to become a doctor of greatness? As he pondered, the frown climbed back to Fang Qiu’s brows."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When the Fed finally tried to tackle the Great Inflation, it fixated on unit labor costs – rising wages accompanied by sagging productivity. While there are always good reasons to worry about productivity, wages appear to be largely in check; unionized labor, which, in the 1970s had sparked a vicious wage-price spiral through cost-of-living indexation, has been neutralized by global competition. But that doesn’t rule out a very different form of global cost-push inflation – namely, the confluence of supply-chain congestion (think semiconductors) and protectionist clamoring to reshore production. But the biggest parallel may be another policy blunder. The Fed poured fuel on the Great Inflation by allowing real interest rates to plunge into negative territory in the 1970s. Today, the federal funds rate is currently more than 2.5 percentage points below the inflation rate. Now, add open-ended quantitative easing – some $120 billion per month injected into frothy financial markets – and the largest fiscal stimulus in post-World War II history. All of this is occurring precisely when a post-pandemic boom is absorbing slack capacity at an unprecedented rate. This policy gambit is in a league of its own. For my money, today’s Fed waxes far too confidently about well-anchored inflation expectations. It also preaches the new gospel of “average inflation targeting,” convinced that it can condone above-target inflation for an unspecified period to compensate for years of coming in below target.", "zh": "当美联储最终试图解决大通胀时，他们一门心思扑在单位劳动力成本—工资上涨伴随着生产率下降。 尽管总有充分的理由担心生产率，但工资似乎在很大程度上受到限制；在全球竞争的环境下，工会化的劳工现在已经失去原有的效果，20世纪70年代，其通过生活费指数化引发了恶性的工资-价格螺旋形上升。 但这并不排除一种完全不同形式的全球成本推动型通货膨胀—即供应链拥堵与（想想半导体）叫嚣着要将生产转移回美国的贸易保护主义者相汇合。 但和上一次最大的相似事件可能是另一个政策失误。 上世纪70年代，美联储允许实际利率跌至负水平，可谓是在为大通胀火上浇油。 如今，联邦基金利率目前比通胀率低2.5个百分点以上。 现在，再加上无限制的量化宽松政策 - - 每月向充满泡沫的金融市场注入约1200亿美元 - - 以及二战后历史上最大规模的财政刺激。 所有这一切恰恰发生在疫情后的繁荣以前所未有的速度吸收闲置产能的时候。 这一政策策略自成一体。 在我看来，今天的美联储对稳定的通胀预期过于自信。 它还鼓吹“平均通胀目标制 ” ， 确信其可以在一段未指定的时期内容忍高于目标的通胀，以补偿多年来低于目标的通胀。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "What is important is that we recognize the existence of gigantic parts of the earth’s climate system – such as West Antarctica’s three-quadrillion-ton ice sheet – that can be tipped when a fractional temperature rise occurs in key locations. This risk is no longer merely theoretical. For the first time, findings based on observations and computer simulations all point to the same conclusion: the huge Amundsen Sea sector of West Antarctica has begun an irreversible ice discharge, and nothing can now halt the subsequent drainage of the entire basin. It has passed the point of no return. That is why we must now focus on similar topographic conditions elsewhere. If an “ice plug” near the coast of Wilkes Basin melts or breaks off into icebergs, the basin’s huge quantities of water will drain into the ocean. Although no one knows precisely what might destabilize the Wilkes Basin, we can be fairly certain that further global warming, caused by greenhouse-gas emissions, will increase the risk. The fact that sea levels will continue to rise is now clear. But we can still determine how high and how fast levels rise by controlling the degree of global warming that we cause. Climate change is caused by mankind, so the good news is that mankind can stop it by cutting greenhouse-gas emissions. Although West Antarctica’s fate is sealed, we may still be able to prevent the collapse of East Antarctica’s marine ice sheet. That means deciding – sooner rather than later – which path to follow.", "zh": "重要的是我们必须认识到地球气候系统存在巨型组成部分 — — 比方说南极洲西部三千万亿吨的冰盖 — — 只消关键部位微不足道的升温就可能打破平衡状态。 这已经不仅仅是理论上的风险。 观察和计算机模拟演算首次得出了一模一样的结论：南极洲西部巨大的阿蒙森海冰盖已经开始不可逆转的融化，此后的任何因素都无法阻止整个盆地逐渐融化成水。 南极洲西部冰盖已经踏上了不归路。 因此我们现在必须关注其他地方相似的地形条件。 如果威尔克斯盆地沿岸附近的“冰塞”融化或者断成冰山，那么盆地巨大的储水量终将流入大海。 虽然没有人知道什么会破坏威尔克斯盆地的稳定，但我们可以肯定温室气体排放造成的进一步全球变暖会加大这样的风险。 海平面将会继续升高的事实已经很清楚了。 但我们仍可以通过控制我们造成的全球变暖来决定海平面以何种幅度和速度升高。 气候变化是人类造成的，所以好消息是人类可以通过减少温室气体排放来遏制气候改变。 虽然南极洲西部冰盖注定已难逃厄运，但我们仍可以保护南极洲东部的海洋冰盖。 这意味着我们必须趁早决定采取何种对策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Looking ahead, strong headwinds imply that it will be difficult to achieve better economic performance in the rest of the year. Higher energy prices are reducing real household spending on non-energy goods and services; weakness in Europe and Asia will hurt America’s exports; state and local governments are cutting their spending; and concerns about higher taxes in 2013 will dampen both business investment and big-ticket consumer spending. The economy is thus shaping up to be a serious liability for President Barack Obama, who is likely to place the blame on the conditions that he inherited from President George W. Bush, and on the Republican majority in the House of Representatives. But the public is likely to place the blame on the president, and surveys indicate that a growing number of Americans believe that Mitt Romney, the almost certain Republican candidate, would do a better job than Obama at managing the economy. The polls are very close, and voters have not yet locked in their decisions. The economy could rise more sharply than expected in the months ahead. If not, Obama will try to shift attention from the overall economy by emphasizing his plan to raise taxes on high-income individuals. And a variety of other issues, including immigration and the role of women, might influence voters. But the state of the economy is usually the most important determinant of who wins national elections in the United States. And US economic conditions now favor Romney.", "zh": "放眼未来，阻力重重意味着要在今年余下时间内取得上佳表现非常苦难。 能源价格的上涨正在挤出家庭在非能源商品和服务上的真实支出；欧洲和亚洲的疲软将拖累美国的出口；州和地方政府正在削减支出；而对2013年增税的担忧将同时影响商业投资和高端消费者的支出。 因此，经济将成为奥巴马总统的一大劣势，他可能会说是前总统小布什给自己留下了个烂摊子，也可能会把责任推给共和党占多数的众议院。 但公众可能会认为责任在总统，而民调结果显示，越来越多的美国人认为几乎已经确定获得共和党候选人资格的米特·罗姆尼（Mitt Romney）在治理经济方面将胜过奥巴马。 民调结果显示双方不相上下，选民可能还没有最后决定如何投票。 经济可能会在未来几个月中国出现出乎意料的上扬。 若非如此，则奥巴马将会强调提高高收入个人税负的计划，从而试图将公众视线从整体经济上移开。 而众多其他议题，包括移民法和妇女地位问题，都会影响选民。 但经济状况通常才是决定谁能赢得美国总统大选的因素。 而目前看来，美国经济形势有利��罗姆尼。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Trump vs. His Uighur Policy WASHINGTON, DC – Last month, US President Donald Trump signed into law a bill allowing him to impose sanctions on Chinese officials involved in the mass incarceration of more than one million Uighurs and members of other largely Muslim minorities in the western Chinese region of Xinjiang. The bipartisan Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2020 (UHRPA) condemned the abuses and called on the Chinese authorities to close their “vocational education” centers in the region immediately, ensure respect for human rights, and allow people living in China to re-establish contact with family, friends, and associates outside the country. In theory, Trump could show genuine global leadership by implementing the act vigorously. Researchers in many countries have reported that, in addition to detention, Uighurs are being subjected to torture, forced labor, and sterilization. And two Uighur groups have accused the Chinese authorities of physical and cultural genocide in a complaint filed with the International Criminal Court. The author Anne Applebaum has compared Western indifference to what is happening in Xinjiang today with the willful determination of European governments and the Vatican to ignore the famine Joseph Stalin engineered in Ukraine in 1932-33, and the Nazi concentration camps a decade later. One might add more recent examples to the list. Viewed against this background, the United States’ willingness to condemn China’s behavior and impose costs for it, even if only with individual sanctions, is a step in the right direction. Moreover, this step might well gain the attention of Muslims in countries like Pakistan, Indonesia, and Turkey.", "zh": "特朗普和他的维吾尔政策 华盛顿—上个月，美国总统特朗普签署生效了一项法案，让他可以制裁参与大规模监禁一百多万维吾尔族及其他中国西部新疆地区以穆斯林为主的少数民族的中国官员。 两党一致通过的2020维吾尔族人权政策法案（UHRPA）谴责虐待行为，要求中国当局立即关闭新疆“职业教育”中心，确保尊重人权，允许生活在中国的人重新与位于国外的家人、朋友和同事建立联系。 理论上，特朗普可以通过严格落实该法案表现全球领导力。 许多国家的研究者发现，除了监禁，维吾尔族人还遭到虐待、强制劳动和绝育。 两个维吾尔团体向国际刑事法庭起诉中国当局进行肉体和文化种族灭绝。 作家安妮·阿佩尔鲍姆（Anne Applebaum）将西方对今天新疆的漠视与1932-1933年间欧洲政府和梵蒂冈一厢情愿地忽视斯大林在乌克兰制造的饥荒以及十年后的纳粹集中营相提并论。 你还可以加入更多的最新例子。 从这个角度看，美国愿意谴责中国的行为并让它付出代价 — — 哪怕仅仅是个人制裁 — — 算得上方向正确。 此外，这一步也会让巴基斯坦、印度尼西亚和土耳其等国家的穆斯林引起注意。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“没有，我好着呢，一点事都没有，你别担心。”宁宁微笑说道，“妈咪，飞机快要落地了，一会儿说。” “好。” 小奶包关了通讯器，程安雅喝热水暖暖身子，叶三少本来眼巴巴地看着能和儿子聊两句，结果没聊上就给挂了，他非常的不满，双眸控诉地看程安雅。 程小姐淡定地无视他，黑鹰笑道，“三少，飞机快落地，一会儿就能见到小少爷了。” 叶三少觉得自己被无视个彻底，忍不住拧了程小姐一把，“没良心的小东西。” “小气鬼。” 程安雅笑骂，把热水给他，叶三少合着程小姐的杯子，把剩下的热水都喝了，这时候要是有点酒暖暖身子就更美妙了。 飞机很快就降落了，全部降落在城堡中，楚离，叶薇，十一等人都在，一见叶三少和程安雅安全了，众人都松了一口气。 “三哥，三嫂，可真够狼狈啊……”", "en": "“Nope, I am perfectly intact, so don’t worry,” Ning Ning smiled and said. “Mommy, the plane is landing. Let’s talk later.” “Okay.” The young kid turned off the communicator and Cheng Anya took a mouthful of warm water to warm herself. While Third Young Master Ye looked on and hoped to have a word or two with his son, the call ended before he could even have a chat with his son. He looked at Cheng Anya with accusing eyes amidst his immense unhappiness. Miss Cheng calmly ignored him while Black Eagle laughed and said, “Third master, the plane is landing soon. You will get to see young master in a moment.” Third Young Master Ye, feeling he had been totally ignored, could not help but pinch Miss Cheng. He said, “That heartless tyke.” “You’re so petty!” Cheng Anya scolded him in laughter as she passed hot water to him. Third Young Master Ye, holding the cup that Miss Cheng gave him, drank all the remaining hot water. Some alcohol to warm the body up at this moment would be perfect. The planes were about to soon land in a castle. Chu Li, Ye Wei, Eleven and company were all present. Once they saw that Third Young Master Ye and Cheng Anya were safe, everybody heaved a sigh of relief. “Third brother, third sister-in-law, you two look absolutely hideous…”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Iran in the Middle PARIS – International negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program have been taking place, in one form or another, for more than a decade. So it is not surprising that the deadline for a final deal has been extended once again. Iran and its interlocutors – the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany (the P5+1) – now have until the end of June to reach an accord. It is a dispiriting development, and it would be easy to say that the process seems doomed to fail. But there is reason for hope. In the ongoing round of negotiations, the two key players, Iran and the United States, have seemed willing – if not desperate – to bring the talks to a successful conclusion. Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and US President Barack Obama would both benefit from a deal. The sanctions imposed on Iran are starting to weigh heavily on its economy, and a settlement to the dispute is a prerequisite for any effort by the two countries to cooperate on a peace deal in Syria or to address the threat posed by the Islamic State. Iran is just emerging from a three-year internal political struggle. The military and hardline mullahs, who believe that Iran should produce a nuclear weapon, faced off against the bulk of the business community and reformist mullahs, led by Rouhani and former President Mohammad Khatami, who believe that it should not. The outcome was uncertain – until Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei reiterated a fatwa banning nuclear weapons. For as long as the issue remained unsettled, the Iranian delegation to the talks could not agree on the desired outcome. This was evident in cases where the International Atomic Energy Agency was granted access to suspected facilities during the negotiations, only to have local commanders turn away its inspectors when they arrived. (To be sure, the US delegation has also appeared inconsistent at times, often including officials vehemently hostile to Iran, along with disciplined diplomats seeking an agreement at Obama’s request.) There is also another, more fundamental, reason for hope. The Middle East is undergoing a tectonic shift – the Shia awakening. As with the slow, sure movement of the earth’s plates, this deep, broad, underlying transformation is manifesting itself in local, destructive eruptions.", "zh": "中间的伊朗 巴黎—关于伊朗核计划的全球谈判已经以各种方式进行了十年有余。 因此，毫不奇怪最后协议期限被一拖再拖。 现在，伊朗及其谈判对手 — — 五大联合国常任理事国加上德国（P5+1 ） — —将于6月底达成协议。 这真是令人沮丧的发展趋势，很有可能，该进程注定要失败。 但也有理由保持希望。 在当前正在进行的谈判中，两大关键行动方 — — 伊朗核美国似乎愿意 — — 甚至可望 — — 让谈判有一个成功的结果。 伊朗总统鲁哈尼和美国总统奥巴马都能从协议中获益。 加给伊朗的制裁正在开始对其经济形成重大影响，而和解争议是两国在叙利亚和平协议或解决伊斯兰国威胁等问题上合作的前提。 伊朗刚刚从为期三年的国内政治斗争中走出。 军方和强硬派毛拉认为伊朗应该制造核武器，他们面对大部分商界人士和改革派毛拉的反对，后一阵营以鲁哈尼和前总统哈塔米（Mohammad Khatami）为首，他们认为伊朗不应该制造核武器。 结果曾经十分不确定 — — 直到最高领袖哈梅内伊重申了禁止核武器的宗教裁决。 只要这一问题悬而未决，伊朗谈判代表团就不可能同意令人满意的结果。 一个显著的例子是国际原子能机构在谈判期间被授权进入可疑设施，而当检查者到达时，遭到了地方军官的横眉冷对、礼送出境。 （平心而论，美国代表团有时也有自相矛盾之处，常常是官员对伊朗包含敌意，而训练有素的外交官则根据奥巴马的要求寻求达成协议。 ） 还有一个更加基本的希望理由。 中东正在经历结构变化 — — 什叶派正在觉醒。 正如地球板块缓慢而稳定的移动，这一深刻、广泛、根本的变化正在以局部的破坏性爆发的形式表现出来。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "“You never loved him.”She hesitated. Her eyes fell on Jordan and me with a sort of appeal, as though she realized at last what she was doing—and as though she had never, all along, intended doing anything at all. But it was done now. It was too late.“I never loved him,” she said, with perceptible reluctance.“Not at Kapiolani?” demanded Tom suddenly.“No.”From the ballroom beneath, muffled and suffocating chords were drifting up on hot waves of air.“Not that day I carried you down from the Punch Bowl to keep your shoes dry?” There was a husky tenderness in his tone. . . . “Daisy?”“Please don’t.” Her voice was cold, but the rancor was gone from it. She looked at Gatsby. “There, Jay,” she said—but her hand as she tried to light a cigarette was trembling. Suddenly she threw the cigarette and the burning match on the carpet.", "zh": "\"你从来没有爱过他。\"她犹疑不定一她的眼光哀诉似地落在乔丹和我的身上，仿佛她终于认识到她正在于什么--仿佛她一直并没打算干任何事，但是现在事情已经干了，为时太晚了。\"我从来没爱过他。\"她说，但看得出很勉强。\"在凯皮奥兰尼时也没爱过吗？\"汤姆突然质问道。\"没有。\"从下面的舞厅里，低沉而闷人的乐声随着一阵阵热气飘了上来。\"那大我把你从'甜酒钵'上抱下来，不让你鞋子沾湿，你也不爱我吗？\"他沙哑的声音流露着柔情，\"黛西？\"\"请别说了。\"她的声音是冷淡的，但是怨尤已从中消失。她看看盖茨比。\"你瞧，杰。\"她说，可是她要点支烟时手却在发抖。突然她把香烟和点着的火柴都扔到地毯上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BiPaR"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Education is a Security Issue LONDON – In November, I spoke at the United Nations Security Council for the first time in 13 years. It struck me how different the mood is now. In September 2000, the world seemed very different. We were trying to articulate the new security order in the decade after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Of course there were challenges. But the atmosphere was light, positive even, as we discussed eradicating poverty in the developing world. This time, the mood was dark. And the first days of 2014 have made it darker still. Scroll down any day’s news summary and you find stories of terrorism and violence perpetrated in the cause of a false view of religion. Some of it is committed by non-state actors, and some of it by state actors; but all of it is committed in the context of division and conflict defined by differences of religious faith. This is the new struggle of the twenty-first century. We will not win it unless we fight its root causes as well as its ghastly consequences. Today, in an arc that stretches from the Far East through the Middle East to the streets of cities in Europe and the United States, we face a scourge that has taken innocent lives, scarred communities, and destabilized countries. It is a threat that is constantly evolving, growing, and mutating to counter our fight against it. The extremists propagating this violence have networks of outreach to young people and know the power of education, whether formal or informal. Extremists are filling young minds with the belief that anyone who disagrees is an enemy – and not just their enemy, but God’s enemy. The security debate has understandably often focused on the consequences. After an attack, states consider immediate security measures. Terrorists are hunted down. Then we get back to our daily lives, until the next time it happens. But lasting change depends on dealing with the root causes of extremism. Of course politics plays its part. And the extremists are good at jumping on the back of political grievances. But the soil in which they plant the seeds of hate is fertilized with ignorance. That is why we need to start thinking of education as a security issue. The extremists justify killing in the name of God. This is an obscene perversion of proper religious faith.", "zh": "教育是一个安全问题 伦敦—11月，我13年来第一次在联合国安理会发言。 安理会的氛围发生了很大变化，令我大吃一惊。 2000年9月的世界似乎与现在非常不同。 那时我们试图构建柏林墙倒塌十年后的新安全秩序。 当然，那时有那时的挑战。 但在我们谈论根除发展中世界的贫苦问题时，氛围很轻松，甚至可以说积极。 如今，氛围很阴暗。 2014年的第一天让氛围更加阴暗了。 翻查任何一天的新闻摘要，你都能发现恐怖主义和暴力因为错误的宗教观而层出不穷。 其中一些是由非国家行为人犯下的，一些是国家行为人犯下的；但所有这些都是在以宗教信仰不同为表现的分歧和冲突的环境中犯下的。 这是二十一世纪的新斗争。 我们需要标本兼治，才能战胜在这场斗争中取得胜利。 如今，从远东到中东再到欧洲和美国城市街头，夺走无辜生命、给社区留下疮痍、动摇国家的灾难比比皆是。 这是一个不断演化、增长和突变、让我们很难对付的威胁。 传播这种暴力的极端分子拥有接触年轻人的网络，也知道教育（不管是正式教育还是非正式教育）的力量。 极端分子用“不是同志，就是敌人 ” — —不仅是他们的敌人，更是上帝的敌人 — — 的观念灌输给年轻人。 不难理解，安全争论总是聚焦于结果。 在发生袭击后，各国考虑的是马上采取安全措施。 恐怖分子会被猎杀。 接着他们就会回到老方一帖，直到下一次袭击发生。 但持续的变化取决于根治极端主义。 当然，政治在其中也起着作用。 极端分子最善于利用政治仇恨。 但他们播撒仇恨种子的土壤是被无知的肥料养肥的。 这就是我们需要开始把教育视为安全问题的原因。 极端分子用上帝的名义来为杀戮洗脱罪名。 这是对正常宗教信仰的卑劣扭曲。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "In Notes from Underground, Fyodor Dostoyevsky wrote, “Of course boredom may lead you to anything. It is boredom sets one sticking golden pins into people, but all that would not matter. What is bad (this is my comment again) is that I dare say people will be thankful for the gold pins then.” The most recent psychological research into boredom has uncovered a tendency for tedium to drive people to political extremes, greater risk taking, and impulsivity. If these findings are replicated in households, even when the viral pandemic has subsided, we could be left with a fundamentally altered psychological and political landscape. In 2016, psychologists Wijnand van Tilburg, from the University of Essex, and Eric Igou, from the University of Limerick, published a study in the European Journal of Social Psychology titled “Going to Political Extremes in Response to Boredom.” They point out that “existential threats” were previously thought to drive the electorate to embrace political extremes. For example, demagogues who emphasize the danger to society from foreigners and other scapegoats induce fear in the electorate. But Tilburg and Igou found that inducing tedium by giving people a very boring task leads to significant political polarization. Tilburg and Igou report that those who hold more radical political views claim to have a greater sense of understanding of the world, even if their explanations can be overly simplistic or incorrect.", "zh": "费奥多尔·陀斯妥耶夫斯基曾在地下笔记中写道 ， “ 当然，无聊可能会让你无所适从。 无聊会让人陷入困境，但这一切都无关紧要。 糟糕的是（下面又是我要说的话）我敢说人们那时会感谢这种困境 。 ” 最近对无聊的心理研究揭示了乏味的一种倾向，那就是把人推向政治极端、更大的冒险和冲动。 如果研究成果在家庭层面得到复制，那么哪怕病毒流行能够消退，我们也可能被迫面对一个已经从根本上改变的心理和政治格局。 2016年，埃塞克斯大学的心理学家威廉·范·蒂尔堡和利莫里克大学的艾瑞克·伊古在欧洲社会心理学杂志上发表了一份名为“因无聊导致极端政治现象的研究 。 ” 他们指出，之前认为“生存威胁”迫使选民接受政治极端现象。 例如，那些强调外国人和其他替罪羊对社会构成威胁的煽动者在选民中引发了恐慌。 但蒂尔堡和伊古发现交给人们无聊任务会导致严重的政治两极分化。 蒂尔堡和伊古报告，持激进政治观点者声称他们对世界有更深的了解，即使他们的解释方法可能过分简单或错误。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“别走近，坐远点，我怕我一个忍不住揍你。” 程安雅指着对面的沙发，“坐那儿去。” 小奶包幽怨地瞪了程安雅一眼，“妈咪，你嫌弃我了。” “正解。” 程安雅笑道，看了小奶包一眼，她总觉得这孩子有什么地方不一样了，虽然看起来和过去没什么两样，但母亲是最了解自己孩子的，他身上有什么变化，不管隐藏多好，她多少能感觉得出来。 “妈咪，你怎么这样看我？是不是觉得宝贝帅了？” 小奶包淘气地眨眨眼睛，模样可爱极了。 程安雅似笑非笑地睨着他，“你爹地的自恋功夫你倒是学了八九分，这阵子，你没事吧，实话告诉妈咪？是不是被欺负了？” 小奶包摇头，“没有。” “胡说，路易斯给我看过照片，明明被打得一身是血。” 程安雅很显然不信，咬牙切齿，“他被千刀万剐，我都不解恨。” 想起自己曾经遭遇过的一切，程安雅心中恨极路易斯。", "en": "“Don’t come close and sit further away. I’m afraid that I could not help it but spank you.” Cheng Anya smiled as she pointed toward the sofa. “Sit around there.” The young kid stared at Cheng Anya angrily. “Mommy, you are despising me.” “Indeed.” Cheng Anya smiled as she looked at the young kid in the eye. She felt that this kid had changed in some way. Although he looked no different from before, mothers, however, understood their child best. Whatever changes the child went, and however well-hidden they were, she could somewhat sense it. “Mommy, why are you looking at me like this? Don’t you think that I am properly handsome?” The young kid playfully blinked his eyes. He looked extremely adorable. Cheng Anya looked at him with a seeming smile and said, “You have taken quite a leaf from your daddy’s narcissistic streak. That said, have you been okay this while? Be honest to Mommy, okay? Were you bullied?” The young kid shook his head and said, “No.” “Nonsense. Louis showed me a photo of you clearly beaten and bloodied.” Cheng Anya did not believe and said through gritted teeth, “Even if he is eviscerated thousand times over, it won’t ease the hate in me.” As she recalled what she had experienced, Cheng Anya deeply hated Louis."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Web_Fiction"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Putin Escalates, Europe Hesitates WASHINGTON, DC – Vladimir Putin’s illegal annexation of four regions of Ukraine, which he claims are now to be regarded as part of Russia, represents a major escalation of the war he launched in February. The parallels with Hitler’s expansion strategy are growing stronger by the day. In the face of advancing Ukrainian forces, Russia’s president orders his forces to fire missiles and artillery indiscriminately at civilian populations. Wherever his troops are pushed back, further evidence of war crimes and mass murder is found. And yet in some quarters of Europe, the desire to give Putin at least part of what he wants remains, on the assumption that he would then stop and economic relations could return to some semblance of what they were before. At least in private conversations, leading German industrialists argue for Munich-type appeasement. But Neville Chamberlain’s conciliation did not stop Hitler, and a similar approach will not stop Putin, who has designs on the Baltic countries, Poland, and probably others. Fortunately, there is a better way: a major push by the European Union into energy conservation and renewables, coupled with a tight price cap on Russian oil and coal exports and a willingness to lower that cap every time Putin escalates further. Russian aggression has fully exposed Europe’s greatest vulnerability: Over the past three decades, West European leaders – particularly in Germany – embraced the idea that Russia was and would always be a reliable supplier of cheap energy. Entire industrial sectors were built on this premise, as well as some personal fortunes.", "zh": "普京加注，欧洲踯躅 华盛顿特区—普京 非法吞并了其声称视为俄罗斯一部分的四个乌克兰地区，这是他 2 月发起的战争的重大升级。 与希特勒扩张战略的相似之处与日俱增。 面对前进的乌克兰军队，俄罗斯总统命令他的军队无差别地向平民发射导弹和炮弹。 无论他的部队被击退到哪里，都会发现更多战争罪行和大屠杀的证据。 然而，在欧洲的某些地区，至少部分满足普京想法仍然存在，认为这样是他就会停下来，经济关系可以会恢复到以前的样子。 至少在私人谈话中，德国主要产业界人士主张慕尼黑式的绥靖政策。 但张伯伦的和解并没有阻止希特勒，类似的做法也不会阻止普京，他对波罗的海国家、波兰，可能还有其他国家都有图谋。 幸运的是，有一个更好的办法：欧盟大力推动节能和可再生能源，再加上对俄罗斯石油和煤炭出口的严格价格上限，以及每次普京进一步升级时降低上限的意愿。 俄罗斯的侵略充分暴露了欧洲最大的脆弱性：在过去的三十年里，西欧领导人 — — 尤其是德国领导人 — — 接受了一种观点，即俄罗斯曾经是，并将永远是廉价能源的可靠供应者。 整个工业部门以及一些个人财富都建立在这个前提之上。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Economist’s Stone CAMBRIDGE – This year marks the 100th anniversaries of two distinct institutional innovations in American economic policy: the introduction of the federal income tax and the establishment of the Federal Reserve. They are worth commemorating, if only because we are at risk of forgetting what we have learned since then. Initially, neither the income tax nor the Fed was associated with the explicit concepts of fiscal and monetary policy. Indeed, it wasn’t until after the experience of the 1930’s that they came to be viewed as potential instruments for macroeconomic management. John Maynard Keynes pointed out the advantages of fiscal stimulus in circumstances like the Great Depression. Milton Friedman blamed the Depression on the Fed for allowing the money supply to fall. Keynes is associated with a belief in activist economic policy aimed at ensuring counter-cyclical responses to economic fluctuations – expansionary policies during recessions and policy tightening during upswings. Friedman, by contrast, opposed discretionary policymaking, believing that government institutions lacked the ability to get the timing right. But both opposed pro-cyclical policy, such as the misguided US fiscal and monetary tightening of 1937: before the economy had fully recovered, President Roosevelt raised taxes and cut spending, while the Federal Reserve raised reserve requirements, prolonging and worsening the Great Depression. After World War II, students and policymakers internalized the lessons of the 1930’s. But episodes in recent decades – for example, high inflation in the 1970’s – overwhelmed much of what was learned. As a result, many advanced countries today are repeating the mistake of 1937, despite facing similar macroeconomic conditions: high unemployment, low inflation, and near-zero interest rates. The pros and cons of austerity nowadays have been thoroughly debated. Austerity’s proponents correctly point out that permanently expansionary macroeconomic policies lead to unsustainable deficits, debts, and inflation. Advocates of stimulus are right to note that in the aftermath of a recession, when unemployment is high and inflation is low, the immediate consequences of policy contraction are continued unemployment, slow growth, and rising debt/GDP ratios.", "zh": "经济学家的点金石 发自剑桥 — — 今年是美国两项重大经济政策制度创新的100周年纪念：开征联邦收入所得税以及成立美联储。 这两项创新都是值得铭记的 — — 哪怕只是因为我们很可能会忘却了当年学到的东西。 最初，所得税与美联储都与财政及货币政策的基本概念无关。 事实上，直到经历了1930年代后它们才被看作是管理宏观经济的潜在工具。 约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯（John Maynard Keynes）指出在大萧条这类情况下财政刺激手段是有优势的。 而米尔顿·弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）则把大萧条的责任推到美联储的头上，因为当时它允许货币供给下降。 凯恩斯相信应该执行激进的经济政策来对经济波动现象作出逆周期回应 — — 即在经济衰退期实施扩张政策，回升时实施紧缩政策。 弗德里曼则相反，他反对任意的政策决定，他认为政府机构缺乏捕捉时机的能力。 但两人都反对顺周期政策，比如误入歧途的美国1937年财政与货币紧缩：在经济尚未完全恢复前，罗斯福总统提高税收并削减开支，而美联储提高存款准备金率，结果这些举措延长并恶化了经济大萧条。 在二战后，学生和政策制定者都吸收了1930年代的教训。 但近几十年来发生的事情 — — 比如1970年代的高通胀水平 — — 压倒了过往的大部分经验。 因此很多发达国家现在都在重复1937年时所犯的错误 — — 尽管面临着相似的宏观经济条件：高失业率，低通胀水平以及近乎零的利率。 现在紧缩的优缺点已经被人们全面地讨论过了。 紧缩的支持者准确地指出永久扩张性的宏观经济政策会导致不可承受的赤字、债务和通货膨胀。 财政刺激的拥护者则正确地表明了在衰退余波影响下失业率高居不下、经济增长缓慢时，财政紧缩的后果是持久的失业率、低速增长及债务对GDP比率不断上升。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But, with the Afghan government asking the entire international community for assistance, Chinese aid would not violate this principle. Moreover, China’s hands-off policy could end up jeopardizing its investments in Afghanistan – not to mention the security threat that would arise were a re-empowered Taliban to provide aid or sanctuary to the increasingly Islamist Uighur separatists in China’s Xinjiang region. Iran’s Afghan policy has been reflexively anti-American for much of the last decade. But back in 2001, Iran’s government, led by reformist President Mohammad Khatami, essentially consented to the US invasion of Afghanistan, even providing discreet assistance. Iran was scrupulous in closing its border to the Taliban – and about detaining Taliban and Al Qaeda figures who sought refuge. Indeed, it was Iran that first suggested that Karzai lead the newly formed Afghan government, and Khatami’s government pledged $560 million in assistance over five years at the first donor conference for Afghanistan in early 2002. But US President George W. Bush’s notorious “axis of evil” speech – delivered just days later, and citing Iran as one of America’s three most dangerous enemies – spurred a reversal of Iranian policy. Khatami’s successor, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, repeatedly condemned the presence of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan, and even worked to obstruct their efforts.", "zh": "但鉴于阿富汗政府寻求整个国际社会的援助，中国的援助将不会违背这一原则。 此外，中国的不干涉政策最终可能危及其在阿富汗的投资 — — 更不用说卷土重来的塔利班为中国新疆地区日益增加的维吾尔分离主义分子提供援助和庇护所带来的安全威胁。 而在过去十年间，伊朗的阿富汗政策基本上是逢美国必反对。 但其实早在2001年，由改革派总统穆罕默德·哈塔米领导的伊朗政府基本上是同意美国入侵阿富汗的，甚至不动声色地提供了一些协助。 在封锁其通向塔利班占领区的边境 — — 并拘留寻求庇护的塔利班和基地组织重要人物方面伊朗都表现得相当有原则。 事实上，当年是伊朗第一个提出让卡尔扎伊领导新成立阿富��政府，而且在2002年初的第一个阿富汗捐助国会议上，哈塔米政府还承诺在5年内为阿富汗提供5.6亿美元的援助。 但不久之后美国总统小布什就发表了臭名昭著的“邪恶轴心”演讲，并将伊朗定义为为美国最危险的三大敌人之一 — — 这导致伊朗政策了发生逆转。 哈塔米的继任者，艾哈迈迪内贾德（Mahmoud Ahmadinejad）多次谴责美国和北约驻阿富汗部队的存在，甚至想方设法阻挠后者的进展。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Real Threat to American Democracy AUSTIN – Much remains to be learned about what happened in Washington, DC, on January 6, 2021. But almost from the moment that rioters stormed the Capitol, it has been clear that America’s constitutional order resisted Donald Trump’s effort to subvert it. The available evidence suggests that Trump supported a cockamamie scheme to have Vice President Mike Pence refuse to certify the results showing that Joe Biden had won the Electoral College vote. The idea was that amid the confusion created by unauthorized self-appointed state electors, congressional Republicans would award Trump a second term. But the scheme was doomed to fail, because key Republicans refused to play along. Pence eschewed his assigned role in the scheme, as did Attorney General William Barr and other high-ranking executive branch officials. Republican state officials in Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, as well as federal judges – including some appointed by Trump – also stood their ground. Moreover, most of the congressional Republicans who challenged the election results believed they were engaging in a mere formality that would protect them from retaliation by far-right voters without changing anything. And those Republicans, in turn, were following precedents set by Democrats who challenged electoral results from states in previous elections in 2001, 2005 and 2017. Although opposition within Trump’s own administration and party sank Trump’s seditious plan, many Democrats argue that a similar scheme might succeed in 2024.", "zh": "美国民主的真正威胁 奥斯汀—2021年1月6日华盛顿特区发生了什么尚有待考证。 但几乎从暴乱分子冲进国会大厦的那一刻起，显而易见，美国的宪法秩序抵制了唐纳德·特朗普针对它的颠覆努力。 现有证据显示，特朗普当时支持一个愚蠢的计划，要求副总统麦克·彭斯拒绝承认显示乔·拜登已赢得选举团投票的事实。 当时的想法是，借助未经授权的自封的州选举人所造成的混乱，国会共和党人将授予特朗普第二任期。 但阴谋注定只能失败，因为关键共和党人都拒绝配合。 彭斯避开了他在计划中的指定角色，司法部长威廉·巴尔和其他高级行政官员同样也这样做。 佐治亚洲、密歇根州、威斯康辛州和宾西法尼亚州的共和党州级官员以及联邦法官 — — 其中也包括一些由特朗普任命的角色 — — 也坚持了自己的态度。 此外，绝大多数对选举结果提出异议的国会共和党人认为，自己不过是在走一种形式，在不改变局面的情况下保护自己免受极右翼选民的报复。 反过来，那些共和党人都在遵循由民主党所制定的先例，民主党曾在此前2001年、2005年和2017年的选举中挑战州选举结果。 尽管来自特朗普政府和党派内部的反对导致特朗普的煽动计划落空，但许多民主党人认为，类似计划可能在2024年成功取得结果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "马万华 吉林大学学士（英语）， 康奈尔大学教育硕士，哲学博士。 富布莱特新世纪学者2005/6。 主要研究领域为国际高等教育治理，研究型大学建设，高等教育全球化和国际化。 主讲的硕士课程《国际高等教育治理》， 博士课程《国际高等教育研究》。 学术出版包括三部专著和主编一部译著，并在国内和国际核心期刊发表中英文论文多篇。 目前主持的主要研究课题：首都高等教育国际化指标体系研究，来华留学适应问题研究，国际高等教育发展趋势研究等。 作为访问教授，曾经在美国，加拿大，德国，芬兰，泰国， 韩国，挪威和日本等多国大学讲学和访学。 现主持北京大学国际高等教育研究中心和教育部国际高等教育研究培育基地工作。 还担任加拿大卡尔加里大学出版的“Interchange”杂志编委，美国麦克米伦出版公司国际教育发展系列顾问，国际SSCI杂志《Asia and Pacific Education Review》 副编辑等。 所授课程：高等教育中的心理学问题、国际高等教育治理。", "en": "Wanhua Ma Ma received his B.A. in English from Jilin University, M.A. in Education and Ph.D. in Philosophy from Cornell University. Recognized as Fulbright New Century Scholar in June 2005. Primary research areas include International Higher Education Governance, Research University Construction, Globalization and Internationalization of Higher Education. He teaches in International Higher Education Governance for Masters and International Higher Education Research for Doctors. Ma has published three monographs and one translation work, and a number of papers written in Chinese and English have been published on core journals at home and abroad. And the main research projects presided by him are Research on the Internationalization Index System of Capital Higher Education, Research on the Adaptation of Studying in China, Research on the Development Trend of International Higher Education, etc. Ma successively worked as a Visiting Professor at universities in USA, Canada, Germany, Finland, Thailand, South Korea, Norway and Japan. He currently presides over the work of the International Higher Education Research Center of Peking University and the International Higher Education Research and Cultivation Base of the Ministry of Education. He is also the Member of Editorial Board of Interchange, a journal published by University of Calgary, Canada, International Education Development Series Consultant of Macmillan Publishing Company, USA, Associate Editor of Asia and Pacific Education Review. Courses Taught: Psychological Issues in Higher Education, International Higher Education Governance."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Climate’s Point of No Return MADRID – When it comes to climate change, the world has reached a point of no return. That may sound ominous, but it is precisely where we need to be: unable to continue retreading old ground, we must resolutely set our future path. An important first step will come at the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 21) in Paris in November and December, where world leaders will agree on the most important international agreement on climate governance in more than 20 years. Yet important decisions remain to be made in charting a course toward a new and dynamic low-carbon economy, one capable of supporting a fast-growing and increasingly prosperous global population in the long term. With citizens, business, and governments worldwide finally recognizing the universal nature of climate change, the outlook for this year’s conference is substantially more positive than it was prior to the last attempt to reach a comprehensive global agreement, at the 2009 Copenhagen summit (COP 15). To be sure, the challenge ahead is as broad as it is complex; but it is becoming increasingly clear that making the transition to a low-carbon economy will bring considerable economic benefits. Consider urbanization. In the next 15 years, the world’s cities are set to grow dramatically, becoming home to 60% of the world’s 8.5 billion people. How those cities are designed will matter for both the environment and the economy. The difference between Atlanta and Barcelona is a case in point.", "zh": "无法回头的气候拐点 马德里 — — 在气候变化问题上，世界已经触及了无法回头的拐点。 这听起来有些可怕，但我们恰恰需要如此：无法再继续重走老路，我们必须坚决确定未来的方向。 十一、十二月在巴黎召开的联合国气候变化会议将迈出重要的一步，世界领导人将在20多年来首次达成最重要的气候治理国际协议。 但我们仍需就开辟充满活力的新低碳经济道路做出重要决策，上述经济必须能够支撑长期快速发展和日益繁荣的全球民众。 随着全球范围内的民众、企业和政府终于认识到气候变化的普遍性，今年的达成全面全球协议的会议前景相比2009年哥本哈根峰会无疑要乐观得多。 可以肯定，未来的挑战涉及面既广泛又复杂；但人们越来越清楚地认识到过渡到低碳经济收获的经济利益将十分可观。 比方说城市化。 今后15年，世界城市注定会取得长足发展，成为60%全球民众（85亿）的家。 上述城市设计将对环境和经济产生重大的影响。 亚特兰大和巴塞罗那间的区别就是例子。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How can we break the impasse? The purpose of museums, like universities, should be to promote an open and inclusive yet critical dialogue about the past. Because this requires the exchange of competing narratives, it is not a “safe space.” But nor can such an exchange occur without a mutual recognition of others’ grievances and losses. If we are to avoid becoming prisoners of the past, we must acknowledge that what some see as a tale of conquest and discovery, others see as a story of domination and exploitation. It is no coincidence that the contested statues are overwhelmingly white and male. For black people, indigenous peoples, and other marginalized groups, living under the stony gaze of asserted superiority is now simply intolerable. As long as the old patriot narrative endures, critics and challengers will forever have to ask to be admitted and tolerated, and to request monuments of their own, provided there is space for them. Far from representing recognition, such accommodation serves as a cunning way to leave the symbolic hierarchy intact. But recognition is a two-way street. While traditional patriotic champions must confront how their myths deny others, their critics need to acknowledge the difficulty the fallen now face: seeing one’s own narrative being toppled. It is not easy to accept that a longstanding source of pride should suddenly become an object of shame. It is understandable that advocates of the old narrative would resist this change. Letting the old symbols go is a sacrifice worthy of acknowledgment. Of course, there will be arguments over whose act of recognition shows the biggest heart. Is it the old patriot, asked to view a heroic general as someone else’s oppressor? Or is it the oppressed, asked to see that they are not the only ones paying a price for overcoming the cultural impasse? We can argue about that. But this type of disagreement would be much better than the current displays of intolerance that are now dominating the public square.", "zh": "如何破局？ 代表历史的大学应该开展关于过去的对话讨论。 这些都需要激励的交锋，而不是相敬如宾。 只有在双方同情对方的损失和悲伤的前提，我们才能彼此沟通。 如果我们想避免成为过去的囚徒，我们就必须承认，一些人认为的征服和发现，在另一些人的眼中就是统治和剥削。 这是也雕像都是白人男性大行其道的原因。 对黑人，原住民和其他边缘群体来说，白人优越感的观点不能接受。 只有老的爱国主义观存在，批评家和挑战者将一直会提出自己的意见，发出自己的声音。 目前他们的声音还远远没得到承认，和解就不可能发生。 但是如何承认也需要双方的努力。 当传统的爱国主义者面对被挑战的时候，那些批评人士也要面对别人痛苦的转变。 过去的荣耀突然变成如今的羞耻并不容易被接受。 那些抵抗改变的人也是可以理解的。 那也是一直巨大的牺牲。 当然，这样的争论最终看谁能更加宽容大度。 过去的爱国主义者师傅可以将英雄看做其他人的压迫者？ 或是那些被压迫者也应该看到不仅仅他们才是受害者？ 我们可以就此展开讨论。 但观点的讨论好过目前彼此互不相容的对立。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "发挥市场竞争激励创新的根本性作用，营造公平、开放、透明的市场环境，强化产业政策对创新的引导，促进优胜劣汰，增强市场主体创新动力。坚持结构性减税方向，逐步将国家对企业技术创新的投入方式转变为以普惠性财税政策为主。加大研发费用加计扣除、高新技术企业税收优惠、固定资产加速折旧等政策的落实力度，推动设备更新和新技术利用。对包括天使投资在内的投向种子期、初创期等创新活动的投资，统筹研究相关税收支持政策。研究扩大促进创业投资企业发展的税收优惠政策，适当放宽创业投资企业投资高新技术企业的条件限制。通过落实税收优惠、保险、价格补贴和消费者补贴等，促进新产品、新技术的市场化规模化应用。加强新兴产业、新兴业态相关政策研究。强化政策培训，完善政策实施程序，切实扩大政策覆盖面。落实引进技术的消化吸收和再创新政策。及时总结区域创新改革试点政策，加大推广力度。加强政策落实的部门协调机制，加强对政策实施的监测评估。", "en": "Give full play to the fundamental role of market competition in stimulating innovation, create a fair, open, and transparent market environment, strengthen the guidance of industrial policies on innovation, promote survival of the fittest, and enhance the innovation drive of market entities. Adhere to the direction of structural tax reduction, gradually transform the state's investment in enterprise technological innovation into mainly inclusive fiscal and tax policies. Increase the implementation of policies such as the deduction of research and development expenses, tax incentives for high-tech enterprises, and accelerated depreciation of fixed assets, and promote equipment upgrades and the utilization of new technologies. Coordinate the research on tax support policies for investment in innovative activities including angel investment in the seed stage and early stage, etc. Study the expansion of tax incentives for the development of venture capital investment enterprises, and appropriately relax the conditions and restrictions for venture capital investment enterprises to invest in high-tech enterprises. Promote the market-oriented and large-scale application of new products and technologies through the implementation of tax incentives, insurance, price subsidies, and consumer subsidies. Strengthen the research on policies related to emerging industries and emerging business models. Strengthen policy training, improve policy implementation procedures, and effectively expand policy coverage. Implement policies for the digestion, absorption, and re-innovation of introduced technologies. Timely summarize the policies of regional innovation and reform pilot projects and increase promotion efforts. Strengthen the coordination mechanism among departments for policy implementation and enhance monitoring and evaluation of policy implementation."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sarkozy Chooses Dishonor PARIS – “Britain and France had to choose between war and dishonor. They chose dishonor. They will have war.” Winston Churchill’s famous denunciation of the delaying tactics of the British and French on the eve of World War II should be a warning to French President Nicolas Sarkozy. In fanning vicious anti-immigrant passions for short-term political gain, he will have dishonor first and then defeat. For, although a majority of French today may be inclined to sympathize with Sarkozy’s immigrant-bashing rhetoric, there is no guarantee that they will re-elect him in 2012. It is not so much Sarkozy’s performance as president that most Frenchmen reject; it is his essence. At a time of rising unemployment, with France dominated by fears about the future, the French need a reassuring father or mother figure, not a jittery and manipulative leaderready to compromise ethics and France’s proud tradition that every citizen is entitled to equal treatment under the law. Former Prime Minister Michel Rocard did not mince words about Sarkozy’s recent proposals to strip foreign-born French nationals of their citizenship if convicted of threatening the life of a police officer, practicing polygamy, or female “circumcision.” “One has not seen such measures since the Vichy regime or since the Nazis,” Rocard declared. Equating Sarkozy with Marshal Pétain’s collaborationist Vichy regime is, of course, an exaggeration, but Rocard’s concerns are shared by many French – and not only intellectuals and pundits. Even among traditional conservatives, there is a whiff of ethical disgust at Sarkozy. Can the French really violate their values to such an extent? Will re-introduction of the death penalty be the next step on this populist downward spiral? Two years, of course, is a long time in politics, and any predictions today about the presidential vote in 2012 would be imprudent. Yet few analysts today would bet on Sarkozy’s re-election.", "zh": "萨科齐选择了耻辱 发自巴黎 — — “英国和法国必须在战争与耻辱之间做出选择。 他们选择了耻辱，因此战争必将降临 。 ” 丘吉尔曾用这句名言来谴责英法两国在二战前夕的绥靖政策，到如今，这句话也会在法国总统萨科齐身上应验。 为了短期的政治利益，他大肆推动残酷的反移民政策，这将首先令其蒙羞，并将最终遭到挫败。 虽然如今大多数法国人可能会倾向支持萨科齐的反移民论调，但这并不保证他就能在2012年继续获得人民的支持。 萨科齐任总统期间的大多数表演都不会被法国大众所排斥，这就是他的本质。 在这个失业率上升，整个法国都被恐惧笼罩着的时期，法国人需要的是一个能像父母般带来安慰的角色，而不是一个神经质且富有统治欲的领袖，连放弃道德以及法国人引以为荣的传统 — — 法律面前，公民平等 — — 都在所不惜。 对于萨科齐最近的提议 — — 如果一个外国出生的法国公民威胁警察的生命，实行一夫多妻制，或者施行妇女“割礼 ” ， 那么就将被剥夺公民身份 — — 前总理米歇尔·罗卡尔毫不掩饰自己的厌恶 ： “ 自从维希政府或纳粹统治以来都没见过这样的手段 ” 。 虽然将萨科齐比做通敌卖国的马绍尔·贝当维希政权显然是有点夸张，但罗卡尔的忧虑也是许多法国人的感受 — — 而且不仅限于知识分子和权威专家。 即便是那些传统的保守派也在道德上对萨科齐感到厌恶。 法国人真能如此辱没自己的价值观吗？ 重新执行死刑是否又是萨科齐这个日渐没落的民粹主义者的下一个伎俩？ 对政治来说，两年无疑是一段相当长的时间，任何试图在当下预测20102大选结果的做法都是不明智的。 但现在许多分析家都不看好萨科齐。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "If all of the bill’s many provisions were entirely fulfilled, economic models show that it would reduce the temperature by the end of the century by 0.11°C (0.2°F) – reducing warming by less than 4%. Even if every Kyoto-obligated country passed its own, duplicate Waxman-Markey bills – which is implausible and would incur significantly higher costs – the global reduction would amount to just 0.22°C (0.35°F) by the end of this century. The reduction in global temperature would not be measurable in a hundred years, yet the cost would be significant and payable now. Is it really treason against the planet to express some skepticism about whether this is the right way forward? Is it treason to question throwing huge sums of money at a policy that will do virtually no good in a hundred years? Is it unreasonable to point out that the inevitable creation of trade barriers that will ensue from Waxman-Markey could eventually cost the world ten times more than the damage climate change could ever have wrought? Today’s focus on ineffective and costly climate policies shows poor judgment. But I would never want to shut down discussion about these issues – whether it is with Gore, Hansen, or Krugman. Everybody involved in this discussion should spend more time building and acknowledging good arguments, and less time telling others what they cannot say. Wanting to shut down the discussion is simply treason against reason.", "zh": "如果这一法案的所有预期目标都得以实现的话，经济模型演算得出它将在本世纪末把温度降低0.11摄氏度（0.2华氏度 ） — —这意味着减少了4%的暖化现象。 而假设那些签订了京都议定书的国家都参照华克斯曼-马基气候变化法案来制定自己的法案 — — 这些法案不仅前景难料，且耗资巨大 — — 在本世纪末全球温度也将仅仅下降0.22摄氏度（0.35华氏度 ） 。 况且全球气候的下降幅度需要数百年时间来测算，但人们为此所需支付的巨大成本却迫在眉睫。 照这样说，质疑这一法案的正当性是不是就是“背叛地球罪 ” ？ 是不是质疑这个耗资巨大却在百年以内都得不到好处的政策就是背叛？ 是不是指出华克斯曼-马基气候变化法案所产生的贸易壁垒将最终令全球付出比气候变化多十倍的成本就是蛮不讲理？ 由此可见，当今那些针对效率极低且耗资巨大的气候政策的关注言论，只能显示出某些人判断力的低劣。 但我永远不会试图去压制对这些事务的讨论 — — 不管对方是戈尔，汉森还是克鲁格曼。 每一位参与这场讨论的人都需要花更多时间去建构和获取好的论据，而不是去告诉别人什么能说什么不能说。 而那些试图压制讨论的做法，根本就是对理性的背叛。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Long Way from Comey to Watergate PRINCETON – President Donald J. Trump’s firing of FBI Director James Comey is unprecedented, as is much of what Trump has undertaken as president. Despite similarities with President Richard M. Nixon’s infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” 44 years ago, during the Watergate scandal, the political situations are utterly different. In October 1973, Nixon, waiting until a weekend, ordered the dismissal of a newly appointed special prosecutor, Archibald Cox, who had issued a subpoena demanding that Nixon hand over secretly recorded – and, as would become clear, highly damning – White House tapes. Nixon’s defiance was direct, and the result was disastrous. Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus resigned in protest rather than carry out the president’s order. A federal judge ruled the firing of Cox illegal. Public opinion polls showed, for the first time, a plurality of Americans favoring Nixon’s impeachment. It was the beginning of the end. Congressmen introduced impeachment resolutions. Nixon was forced to appoint a new special prosecutor. The drama thickened for another ten months, until the Supreme Court unanimously ordered Nixon to surrender the tapes. A few days after that, Nixon resigned rather than face certain impeachment and removal from office. By contrast, unless the stars realign, Trump’s firing of Comey may mark the beginning of nothing, or at least of nothing bad for the president. Trump, like Nixon, may well be guilty of grave impeachable offenses – even graver offenses than Nixon’s.", "zh": "从科米到水门事件路还很长 普林斯顿 — — 唐纳德·特朗普总统解雇联邦调查局局长詹姆斯·科米的举动前所未有，特朗普担任总统后大部分所作所为也是一样。 尽管与44年前理查德·尼克松总统在水门丑闻期间臭名昭著的“星期六之夜大屠杀”有很多相似之处，但两者的政治局势却完全不同。 1973年10月，尼克松直到一个周末才下令解雇一位新任命的特别检察官阿奇博尔德·考克斯，后者之前刚刚发出传票，要求尼克松交出秘密录制的 — — 而且显而易见极具毁灭性的 — — 白宫录像。 尼克松的反抗直截了当，而且结果是灾难性的。 司法部长艾略特·理查德森和副部长威廉·拉克尔夏斯辞职抗议，而不是执行总统的命令。 一名联邦法官裁定解雇考克斯非法。 民意调查则首次显示多数美国人赞成弹劾尼克松。 于是终场序幕开始。 国会议员提出弹劾决议。 尼克松被迫任命一名新的特别检察官。 这出闹剧又上演了十个月，直到最高法院一致命令尼克松交出录像带。 几天后，为避免面临这场毫无疑义的弹劾和免职，尼克松辞职了。 相比之下，除非天上的星星重新列队，特朗普解雇科米也许不会标志着任何事情的开始，至少不是什么对总统有害的事。 特朗普像尼克松一样很可能犯有严重到应当接受弹劾的罪行 — — 甚至有可能比尼克松的罪行更加严重。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "As countries attempt to attract financing for their own infrastructure projects, they should learn from – and highlight for potential donors – such successes. Designing effective strategies for long-term infrastructure investment requires attention to another key area: the environment. Countries must anticipate the regulatory changes that will arise, as they attempt, say, to meet their commitments under the Paris climate agreement. This approach is in line with the market consensus. Using the FTSE Russell Low Carbon Economy database, the ERBD found that while greener firms remain less profitable than their less sustainable counterparts – they are, after all, largely younger and smaller – they are growing faster. Perhaps more important, we found that firms with a higher share of green revenues have higher stock-market valuations (price-to-earnings ratios), even if their current return on equity is lower than that of their non-green peers. This suggests that investors expect stronger growth in greener market segments, or at least attach more value to supporting greener firms. In places where fossil fuels are adequately priced, firms themselves also recognize the benefits of greener, more energy-efficient technologies. Unfortunately, many countries still have in place substantial energy subsidies, which must be phased out to propel the shift toward a green economy. To ensure that the neediest households do not suffer, the removal of subsidies can be offset by targeted assistance, as has been done recently in Belarus, Egypt, and Ukraine. A new growth model for Europe’s neighborhood must also involve a rebalancing of the financial system. Given the Great Recession’s legacy of non-performing loans, financing for new investment is more likely to come from equity than from debt. Fortunately, equity investors are also oriented toward the long term, and are increasingly willing to buy greener assets. Yet greater reliance on equity finance will require better state and corporate governance, underpinned by the rule of law. Achieving that will be no easy feat. But EBRD research implies that, at least in the European neighborhood, progress would benefit not just the economy – including by promoting investment and innovation – but also the environment and society as a whole. That is an investment worth making.", "zh": "各国在为自身基础设施项目招商引资时，应该从这样的成功案例中汲取经验，并向潜在出资者进行宣传。 制定有效的长期基础设施投资战略需要关注的另一项关键领域是环境。 各国必须预备面对为了（比如）兑现巴黎气候协定承诺而必须做出的监管变化。 这一方针与市场共识一致。 欧洲复兴开发银行用据富时罗素低碳经济（FTSE Russell Low Carbon Economy）数据库的数据发现，尽管绿色企业的盈利能力较之可持续性较差的同行仍显不足 — — 毕竟绿色企业大多比较年轻，规模也较小 — — 但增长很快。 也许更重要的是，我们发现绿色收入较高的企业，股市估值（市盈率）也较高，即使它们当前权益回报率要低于它们的非绿色同行。 这表明，投资者预期绿色市场细分能产生更强的增长，或至少愿意赋予更高估值来支持绿色企业。 在化石燃料价格较高的地区，企业本身也认识到更加绿色、能源效率更高的技术的好处。 不幸的是，许多国家仍然实施巨额能源补贴，要想推动绿色经济转型，这一补贴必须取消。 为了确保最有需要的家庭不会蒙受损失，取消补贴必须辅之以定向补助，最近的白俄罗斯、埃及和乌克兰都采取了这样的做法。 欧洲近邻的新增长模式还必须包括金融系统的再平衡。 考虑到大萧条带来的不良贷款的遗留问题，新投资项目的融资更可能来自股本而非债务。 幸运的是，权益投资者也开始转向长期视角，越来越愿意购买绿色资产。 但更多依靠权益融资要求更好的国家和公司治理，而这又需要以法治为基础。 实现这一点绝非易事，但欧洲复兴开发银行的研究表明，至少在欧洲近邻，这方面的进步不但能够令经济 — — 包括通过促进投资和创新实现 — — 受益，也将惠及整体环境和社会。 这样的投资是非常值得的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But deaths are hard to explain away. Perhaps it is not so clear that the greatest needs are on the other side of the world. Citizenship comes with a set of rights and responsibilities that we do not share with those in other countries. Yet the “cosmopolitan” part of the ethical guideline ignores any special obligations we have toward our fellow citizens. We can think about these rights and obligations as a kind of mutual insurance contract: We refuse to tolerate certain kinds of inequality for our fellow citizens, and each of us has a responsibility to help – and a right to expect help – in the face of collective threats. These responsibilities do not invalidate or override our responsibilities to those who are suffering elsewhere in the world, but they do mean that if we judge only by material need, we risk leaving out important considerations. When citizens believe that the elite care more about those across the ocean than those across the train tracks, insurance has broken down, we divide into factions, and those who are left behind become angry and disillusioned with a politics that no longer serves them. We may not agree with the remedies that they seek, but we ignore their real grievances at their peril and ours.", "zh": "但死亡很难轻描淡写地掩饰过去。 也许最大的需要存在于地球另一头并非那么明显的事实。 公民地位包含着我们不与其他国家的国民共享的各种权利和责任。 但“大同优先论”的“大同”部分忽略了我们对同胞公民的一切特殊义务。 我们可以将这些权利和义务视为某种共同保险契约：我们拒绝忍受同胞公民遭遇某些种类的不平等性，在面临集体威胁时，我们每一个人都有责任提供帮助 — — 也有权利期待得到帮助。 这些责任不抹杀、也不凌驾于我们对于正在世界其他地方受苦的人的责任，但它们确实意味着如果我们只从物质需要来判断，就有可能将重要的考虑因素排除在外。 当公民相信精英关注大洋彼岸甚于关注眼皮周围时，保险就会破产，我们将分裂成各个派系，而被抛弃的人将变得愤怒不已，对不再服务于他们的政治失望。 我们也许不同意他们所寻求的解决方案，但我们忽视他们真正的怨气所在对于他们和我们都很危险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "“那为什么一定要不断的在中医协会考核？” 又回到了原始的问题。 为什么治疗老爷子的病，一定要得到中医界认可才行？ 徐妙林说了半天，只是给他讲解了中医界的层次划分，却并未解释这一点。 “很简单。” 徐妙林张口反问道：“你不参与考核，中医界会承认你吗？” “不会。” 方丘说道。 “中医界不承认你，那你就得不到一些市面上不流通，只有极少数人才知道其存在的中医孤本。” 徐妙林张口说道：“这些孤本，每一本都是中医界的精华、是瑰宝，也正是因为太过珍贵的缘故，这些中医孤本只在中医界认可的群体中流传。” “匠医有匠医的孤本。” “明医也有明医的孤本。” “每一个层次的孤本，都隐藏在各自隶属的等级群中，不会向下流传，因为不到一定的境界，根本就看不懂，反而还会干扰窥视者对中医的学习。” 方丘一愣，皱眉问道， “那为什么不流通？”", "en": "“But why do I have to attend tests of the Chinese Medicine association constantly?” They circled back to the beginning. Why did he need to be approved and acknowledged by the Chinese Medicine circle to treat the old master’s illness? Xu Miaolin had been explaining the levels and divisions of the Chinese Medicine circle but that question was not answered. “Simple.” Xu Miaolin asked back, “Would the Chinese Medicine circle approve you if you didn’t attend any test?” “I guess not.” Answered Fang Qiu. “Without acknowledgement from the Chinese Medicine circle, you won’t be able to get those unique copies on Chinese Medicine not in circulation in the market and only known by very few.” Xu Miaolin added, “These unique copies are the true essence and precious gems of the Chinese Medicine circle. So precious that they are only shared within the approved group of Chinese Medicine doctors.” “Doctors of ingenuity have their unique copies.” “Doctors of brightness have their unique copies.” “The unique copies of each level are concealed within the group, never passed down. Because before reaching the level, one won’t be able to understand them; instead, one’s study in Chinese Medicine might get interrupted.” Confused, Fang Qiu asked with a frown. “Then why are they not in circulation?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "wmt23_Literary"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mr. Carton, who had so long sat looking at the ceiling of the court, changed neither his place nor his attitude, even in this excitement. While his learned friend, Mr. Stryver, massing his papers before him, whispered with those who sat near, and from time to time glanced anxiously at the jury; while all the spectators moved more or less, and grouped themselves anew; while even my Lord himself arose from his seat, and slowly paced up and down his platform, not unattended by a suspicion in the minds of the audience that his state was feverish; this one man sat leaning back, with his torn gown half off him, his untidy wig put on just as it had happened to light on his head after its removal, his hands in his pockets, and his eyes on the ceiling as they had been all day. Something especially reckless in his demeanour, not only gave him a disreputable look, but so diminished the strong resemblance he undoubtedly bore to the prisoner (which his momentary earnestness, when they were compared together, had strengthened), that many of the lookers-on, taking note of him now, said to one another they would hardly have thought the two were so alike. Mr. Cruncher made the observation to his next neighbour, and added, “I’d hold half a guinea that he don’t get no law-work to do. Don’t look like the sort of one to get any, do he?”", "zh": "即使在这样的波澜起伏的情况之下，一直望着法庭天花板的卡尔顿先生仍然没有挪一挪身子，或改一改态度。在他那学识渊博的朋友斯特莱佛整理着面前的文件、跟他身边的人低声交谈，而且不时焦灼地望望陪审团的时候；在所有的观众都多少走动走动、另行组成谈话圈子的时候；甚至在连我们的检察官也离开了座位，在台上缓缓地踱来踱去，未必不使观众怀疑他很紧张的时候，这位先生仍然靠在椅背上没有动。他那拉开的律师长袍一半敞着，零乱的假发还是脱下后随手扣上的样子。他双手抄在口袋里，两眼仍然像那一整天那样死死盯住天花板。他有一种特别马虎的神态，不但看去显得不受人尊重，而且大大降低了他跟囚犯之间毫无疑问的相似程度（刚才大家把他俩做比较时，他暂时的认真态度曾强化了相似的印象），因此许多观众现在都注意到了他，并交换意见说他们刚才怎么会认为他们俩那么相像呢。克朗彻先生对他身边的人就是这样说的。他还说，“我可以用半个金币打赌，这人是得不到法律工作做的。他那副模样就不像，是么？”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Rwanda’s Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines used the same word to describe Tutsis in the run-up to the 1994 genocide, as did Julius Streicher’s Nazi newspaper Der Stürmer to describe Jews. Political leaders across Europe regularly – and shamefully – blame migrants for their national woes. Attacking migrants or minorities – whether crudely, through language, or more subtly, through policy – is unacceptable everywhere, full stop. When words are formulated with the clear intention of causing harm and violence on national, racial or religious grounds, freedom of expression becomes incitement to hatred, which is prohibited by law. Countries that have ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which includes all European Union members, are bound to uphold it. And yet Europe’s current proposals on migration leave much to be desired. The continent needs to recall its past more sensitively, and be more generous to the desperate people crossing the Mediterranean. François Crépeau, the United Nations special rapporteur on the human rights of migrants, observed in a recent interview that Europe, Australia, and Canada could easily resettle one million Syrian refugees over the next five years, and they could add Eritreans to that list and extend this policy to seven years.", "zh": "1994年种族灭绝前夕，卢旺达米勒·柯林斯自由广播电视台（Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines）用同样的词汇描述图西族人��一如当年朱利乌斯·施特赖歇尔（Julius Streicher）的纳粹报纸《先锋报 》 （ Der Stürmer）描述犹太人。 全欧洲的政治领袖时不时可耻地指责移民需要为国家乱象负责。 攻击移民或少数群体 — — 不管是通过言语赤裸裸地攻击还是通过政策更加巧妙地攻击 — — 在无论什么地方都是不可接受的。 当人们带着明确的目的性使用导致民族、种族和宗教伤害和暴力的词汇时，言论自由就成了仇恨的催化剂，而这是法律不允许的。 签署了国际公民权利和政治权利公约（International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights）的国家（包括所有欧盟成员国）都有法律义务捍卫它。 但目前的欧洲移民提案大有改进必要。 欧洲大陆需要更加细致地回顾它的过去，更佳慷慨地对待穿越地中海的绝望的人民。 移民人权特别调查员弗朗西斯·克雷皮欧（François Crépeau）在最新的采访中观察道，欧洲、澳大利亚和加拿大可以轻松地在未来五年中收容一百万叙利亚难民，并且可以将厄立特里亚人也包括进来并把该政策延长到七年。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Questions of capacity, corruption, and quality assurance remain unanswered, and with the US granting $1.5 billion a year for five years, any change in the EU stance would be relatively insignificant. There is also the question of President Asif Zardari’s government. Since his five-year term began in September 2008, Zardari has found it hard to assert his authority. Like his predecessor, General Pervez Musharraf, he is in danger of falling victim to a tide of anti-Americanism, fueled by disquiet over US policies in Pakistan, such as the use of military drones and covert operations. Unlike Musharraf, Zardari cannot count on the support of the army, which remains Pakistan’s most powerful state institution. It has already reacted furiously to attempts to curb its powers and rein in the activities of its intelligence apparatus. Sensing Zardari’s weakness, his main rival, Nawaz Sharif, is said to be plotting a political comeback. Given this context, the Pakistan-EU summit will come and go, with barely the caterers noticing. The EU will remain a minor player in Pakistan. Does this matter? Even the engaged US finds it difficult to attain its aims: witness the Pakistani interpretation of America’s $7.5 billion aid package as interference rather than goodwill. So why should the EU even bother?", "zh": "考虑到在执行能力，腐败以及质量控制等方面仍存在疑问，以及美国承诺在未来5年给予每年15亿美元的援助，可以预见，欧盟立场的任何改变都不会产生太大的影响。 而阿西夫·扎尔达里的政府也存在问题。 自2008年9月开始他的5年任期起，扎尔达里都难以树立自己的权威，而且跟其前任穆沙拉夫将军一样可能沦为反美主义浪潮的牺牲品，而这一浪潮是由巴基斯坦境内对美国政策 — — 诸如使用武装无人机以及执行秘密军事行动 — — 感到不安的人们所激起的。 但与穆沙拉夫不同，扎尔达里无法依赖军队这一巴基斯坦境内最具权威的国家机构。 而对于试图控制其权力以及钳制其情报机构行动的行为，军队已经表达了其愤怒。 据说在发现了扎尔达里的弱点之后，其主要竞争对手纳瓦兹·谢里夫正在政治上策划东山再起。 在这样的背景下 ， 巴基斯坦 - 欧盟峰会将会悄悄地开始 ， 悄悄地结束 ， 甚至不为会议承办方所注意。 欧盟在巴基斯坦依然是个次要的角色。 但这有什么问题呢？ 即便是全情投入其中的美国也发现很难实现自己的目标：它看到是巴基斯坦人把美国75亿美元的援助计划当作是干涉内政而不是善意。 那么，欧盟为什么还要趟这一浑水呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "她瞪大眼睛，惊吓的咽了口口水，“警察叔叔，你们知道吗？ 这个电梯里……有鬼！” 警察：……！ 乔恋手舞足蹈，就是在楼梯口处挡着，不让两个人出去，“我要下楼，可是我不敢，我怕鬼。” 她眨巴了一下眼睛，内心已经飞奔过十万头草泥马！ 紧急时刻，她实在是想不出别的理由了。 可是这个借口，如果她是个七八岁的小女孩，还说得过去，可她都二十多了，这幅样子……也太智障了。 呃……智障！ 乔恋眼睛一亮，立马又甜甜的笑了，“警察叔叔，我害怕！ 呜呜呜，我要找妈妈！” 为了沈凉川，她算是豁出去了，今天就装一回儿神经病吧。 两名警察你看看我，我看看你，一人开口：“这是……智障，还是吸毒吸傻了？” 乔恋心里咯噔一下，完蛋了。 吸毒后的人都会胡言乱语，这群人不会以为她吸毒了吧？", "en": "She widened her eyes and swallowed a mouthful of saliva in shock. “Sir, are you not aware of this? There are… ghosts in this elevator!” Qiao Lian blocked the stairway by gesturing wildly, thereby preventing the both of them from exiting. “I want to go downstairs but don’t dare to do so, because I’m afraid of ghosts. My mom said that if I run into any issue, I should approach the police. Thus, can the both of you escort me downstairs?” She blinked, her heart beating wildly. She could not think of any other excuse in such a critical moment. However, this excuse would only have worked if she had been a little girl of around seven or eight years old. Qiao Lian was twenty years old, so her expression… just made her seem as though she was intellectually disabled. Qiao Lian’s eyes brightened and she immediately smiled sweetly again. “Sir, I’m afraid! Ooh, I need to find my mother! Can you come with me to search for my mom?” She was willing to do anything for Shen Liangchuan. Thus, she was going to pretend that she was crazy for a while today. The two policemen looked at each other. One of them said, “This… Is she intellectually disabled or did she become stupid due to the drugs?” Qiao Lian’s heart thumped once. She was in trouble. People usually spout nonsense after taking drugs. Could these people actually think that she had taken drugs?"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Though governments are bound to make mistakes from time to time in such cases, judges or tribunals will be unable to probe the evidence put before them. Another, more sinister possibility is deliberate abuse of these powers to get rid of citizens whose presence in the country is merely inconvenient. There is a strong case for an appeal system that allows for full and fair review of decisions to revoke citizenship. But governments will respond that to make the evidence available to a person believed to be involved with a terrorist organization could reveal intelligence sources and methods, thus jeopardizing national security. The ability to revoke citizenship without presenting any evidence in public is one reason why a government may prefer this course to arresting and trying terrorism suspects. And yet simply revoking citizenship does not solve the problem of leaving at large a suspected terrorist, who may then carry out an attack elsewhere – unless, as with Sakr, he is killed. The larger question raised by the UK’s proposed legislation is the desirable balance between individual rights, including the right to citizenship, and the public good. Suppose that the government gets it right 19 times out of 20 when it relies on suspicion of involvement in terrorist activities to revoke people’s citizenship. If that were the case with the decisions made by the UK government in 2013, there would still be a high probability that an innocent naturalized citizen was made stateless. That is a grave injustice.", "zh": "尽管政府在这类案件中不乏冤假错案，但法官和法院将无法调查呈现给他们的证据。 另一个更糟糕的可能性是有意滥用这些权力剥夺仅仅给国家造成不便的人的公民权。 很有必要建立一个可以对剥夺公民权的裁决进行充分而公正的审议的上诉制度。 但政府会辩解说，公开据信与恐怖组织有染的人的证据可能泄漏情报资源和方法，从而威胁国家安全。 在不公开任何证据的情况下剥夺公民权的能力是政府更喜欢以此为借口逮捕和拘禁恐怖嫌疑犯的原因。 但光是剥夺公民权并没有解决涉嫌恐怖分子逍遥法外这一问题，他可以在其他地方组织袭击，除非他像萨克尔一样被杀。 英国审议中的立法所带来的更大的问题是个人权利（包括公民权）和公共利益之间的适当平衡。 假设政府凭借怀疑与恐怖活动由涉而剥夺某些人的公民权，并且20次中有19次确有其事。 如果这符合2013年英国的情形，那么仍有极高的可能性有无辜归化公民被打为无国籍认识。 这是巨大的不公。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Safer Path to Asylum LONDON – In 2014, more than 190,000 people risked their lives crossing the Mediterranean Sea from North Africa to Europe. Some 3,500 lost the gamble, dying as they tried to traverse what has become the world's deadliest frontier. There can be no doubting that some who undertook the perilous journey did so simply to search for better-paying jobs. But the origins of those attempting the trip indicate that many are political refugees, not economic migrants. The majority of those who crossed the Mediterranean last year come from Eritrea and Syria. Many have been formally recognized as refugees by the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in the countries to which they initially fled. Some 90% of those who apply for asylum in Europe are granted some sort of protection – a further testament to their status as bona fide refugees. It is time for the European Union to separate the discussion of the crisis in the Mediterranean from its broader immigration debate. The policies, language, and response to the events unfolding on the EU's southern border must be different from those concerning the voluntary movement of job seekers from one safe country to another. Indeed, the proper context of the discussion is European countries' obligations under international refugee law. The policies put in place by the EU and its member states are directly responsible for the plight of those who die attempting to cross the Mediterranean. Efforts to discourage refugees from arriving have not diminished the number of people who are granted asylum in Europe; they have merely made the process of being granted refugee status more random and dangerous.", "zh": "安全的庇护之路 伦敦—2014年，190,000多人冒着生命危险从北非渡过地中海前往欧洲。 大约3,500人输掉了这场豪赌，在穿越已成为世界最致命的前线时失去了生命。 毫无疑问，一些人之所以走上如此危险的旅程，只是为了寻找收入更好的工作。 但这些人的偷渡原因表明其中许多人是政治难民而非经济移民。 去年，偷渡地中海的大部分人来自厄立特里亚和叙利亚。 许多人在逃出国已获得联合国难民署（UNHCR）的正式难民身份。 90%的欧洲庇护申请者获得了某种程度的保护 — — 这进一步表明他们拥有真正的难民身份。 欧盟应该将地中海危机的讨论与广义的移民争论区分开来。 对于欧盟以南邻近地区的事件的政策、用语和反应必须与对于为了找工作而自愿从一个安全国家迁往另一个安全国家的事件有所区别。 事实上，合适的讨论背景应该是欧洲国家根据国际难民法的义务。 欧盟及其成员国所实施的政策与在穿越地中海时所发生的死亡直接相关。 阻止难民到达的措施并没有减少获得欧洲庇护的人的数量；只是让授予难民身份的过程变得更加随机、更加危险。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There was another long silence. Colonel Julyan had a second dip into the casserole. 'Mrs Lacy looked very well the other night,' he said. 'Yes,' I said. 'Her dress came adrift as usual,' said Maxim. 'Those Eastern garments must be the devil to manage,' said Colonel Julyan, 'and yet they say, you know, they are far more comfortable and far cooler than anything you ladies wear in England.' 'Really?' I said. 'Yes, so they say. It seems all that loose drapery throws off the hot rays of the sun.' 'How curious,' said Frank; 'you'd think it would have just the opposite effect.' 'No, apparently not,' said Colonel Julyan. 'Do you know the East, sir?' said Frank. 'I know the Far East,' said Colonel Julyan. 'I was in China for five years. Then Singapore.' 'Isn't that where they make the curry?' I said. 'Yes, they gave us very good curry in Singapore,' he said. 'I'm fond of curry,' said Frank. 'Ah, it's not curry at all in England, it's hash,' said Colonel Julyan.", "zh": "大家沉默了老半天。后来朱利安上校又从沙锅里舀了些菜说：“那天晚上莱西夫人看上去仪态万方。” “是啊。”我说。 “她穿的衣服总是松松垮垮的。”迈克西姆说。 “东方服饰一定很难调理，”朱利安上校说，“不过东方服饰比英国女士穿的任何一种衣服都要舒服和凉爽得多。” “真的？”我问。 “是的，大家都这么评价。大概那宽松的衣褶能遮挡炎热的阳光吧。” “这倒也奇怪，”弗兰克说，“一般人都觉得衣褶起的是相反的作用。” “不，当然不是那么回事。”朱利安上校说。 “你是不是很熟悉东方，上校？”弗兰克问。 “我很熟悉远东，”朱利安上校说，“我在中国待过五年，后来又去了新加坡。” “就是出产咖喱的地方？”我问。 “是的，在新加坡时我们吃的都是上好的咖喱。”他说。 “我很喜欢吃咖喱。”弗兰克说。 “唉，英国哪儿有地道的咖喱，都是些大杂烩。”朱利安上校说。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "p2p-data"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Brezhnev was so pleased that he had gotten the Helsinki Accords approved that he had the text published in full in the Communist Party’s official newspaper, Pravda. That is how Alexeyeva and her fellow disidenty noticed the human-rights provisions of the agreement. So they established the Moscow Helsinki Group to monitor the Soviet government’s compliance and report violations. The tiny organization had an outsize historic significance. According to Robert Gates, who became Director of the CIA in 1991, in the midst of the Soviet Union’s death throes, those who monitored compliance with the Helsinki Accords may have done more to bring down the Soviet empire than the CIA itself. Of course, the Kremlin did not take the Moscow Helsinki Group’s actions lightly. Members of the group – including its chair, physicist Yuri Orlov – were imprisoned. Alexeyeva was given the choice of prison or exile, and chose exile in the United States, where she continued to play an important role in defending human rights in the Soviet Union. At that time, a couple of colleagues and I responded to the imprisonment of the Moscow Helsinki Group’s members, as well as other disidenty, by establishing Helsinki Watch, a US-based organization focused on freeing them. Alexeyeva was invaluable to our efforts, as she delivered for us detailed, reliable information on what was happening to her comrades. Over the next decade, as Helsinki Watch evolved into the globally recognized group Human Rights Watch, Alexeyeva’s contributions continued to bear fruit.", "zh": "勃列日涅夫因为赫尔辛基协议得到批准而兴高采烈，他甚至在共产党官方媒体真理报上全文刊发了协议内容。 阿列克谢耶娃及其持不同政见的伙伴因此了解到协议的人权相关规定。 于是他们成立了莫斯科赫尔辛基集团，目的是监督苏联政府的协议落实情况，并对违规行为进行举报。 这个小小的组织历史意义却非常重大。 据1991年曾任中央情报局局长的罗伯特·盖茨透露，在苏联垂死挣扎的过程中，那些赫尔辛基协定落实情况的监督者在击垮苏维埃帝国过程中所起的作用可能比中央情报局本身还要大。 当然，克林姆林宫并未轻视莫斯科赫尔辛基集团的行动。 该组织成员 — — 包括其主席物理学家尤里·奥尔洛夫 — — 甚至遭到监禁。 阿列克谢耶娃被迫在监禁或流亡当中作出选择，她选择流亡美国，并在那里继续为捍卫苏联人权发挥了重要作用。 当时，我和几位同事通过创建赫尔辛基观察组织来对莫斯科赫尔辛基集团成员以及其他持不同政见者的监禁作出回应。 赫尔辛基观察是一家总部设在美国的旨在释放这些被监禁人员的机构。 阿列克谢耶娃在我们的工作中发挥了巨大的作用，因为她将有关她同志的信息向我们进行了详细而可靠的汇报。 接下来的十年中，随着赫尔辛基观察逐步发展为全球公认的人权观察组织，阿列克谢耶娃的贡献继续结出硕果。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "How will we feel if our spouse starts spending too much time with an inexhaustible robotic lover? A more ominous question is familiar from novels and movies: Will we have to defend our civilization against intelligent machines of our own creation? Some consider the development of superhuman artificial intelligence inevitable, and expect it to happen no later than 2070. They refer to this moment as “the singularity,” and see it as a world-changing event. Eliezer Yudkowsky, one of the founders of The Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence, believes that singularity will lead to an “intelligence explosion” as super-intelligent machines design even more intelligent machines, with each generation repeating this process. The more cautious Association for the Advancement of Artificial Intelligence has set up a special panel to study what it calls “the potential for loss of human control of computer-based intelligences.” If that happens, the crucial question for the future of civilization is: Will the super-intelligent computers be friendly? Is it time to start thinking about what steps to take to prevent our own creations from becoming hostile to us? For the moment, a more realistic concern is not that robots will harm us, but that we will harm them. At present, robots are mere items of property. But what if they become sufficiently complex to have feelings? After all, isn’t the human brain just a very complex machine? If machines can and do become conscious, will we take their feelings into account? The history of our relations with the only nonhuman sentient beings we have encountered so far – animals – gives no ground for confidence that we would recognize sentient robots not just as items of property, but as beings with moral standing and interests that deserve consideration. The cognitive scientist Steve Torrance has pointed out that powerful new technologies, like cars, computers, and phones, tend to spread rapidly, in an uncontrolled way.", "zh": "如果我们的另一半开始把过多的时间花在与一个不知疲倦的机器人情人共赴巫山之时，我们又作何感想呢？ 还有一个在小说和电影里反复出现的，更为不祥的问题：我们是否将不得不保卫自己的文明，使之免遭出自我们之手的智能机器屠戮？ 有人认为超人类人工智能的发展将不可避免，并预料这项事物将在2070年之前出现。 他们把那一刻称为“奇点 ” ， 并将其视为改变世界的大事。 对此人工智能奇点研究所的其中一位发起人艾列泽·尤多斯基（Eliezer Yudkowsky）相信，奇点的到来将引发一场“智能大爆炸 ” ， 超级智能机器会设计出更为高级的下一代，并把这个进程一代一代传下去。 对此态度更为审慎的人工智能发展联合会则成立了一个特别小组，专门研究其所谓的“计算机智能摆脱人类控制的潜在可能性 ” 。 如果以上所说的真的发生了，那么未来文明所面对的一个严峻问题就是：这种超级智能计算机对人类是否友善？ 是不是该考虑一下采取什么措施，以防我们受到自己所发明之物的伤害呢？ 然而就目前来说，更为现实的问题不是机器人会伤害我们，而是我们会伤害机器人。 当前机器人还仅仅只是一项资产。 但如果它们变得足够复杂，复杂到拥有了感觉，那又该怎么办？ 毕竟我们的大脑也只是一个十分复杂的机器而已。 如果机器可以，并真的拥有了意识，我们会考虑它们的感受吗？ 而到目前为止，就我们与自身所遇到唯一非人类却有感情的东西 — — 动物 — — 的关系来看，并没有多少证据可以证明我们会承认有感情的机器人不仅仅是一项资产，而是一种值得考虑其道德立场和利益的存在。 认知技术学家史蒂夫·托伦斯（Steve Torrance）已经指出强大的新技术，诸如汽车，计算机和电话，有一种不受控制快速扩散的趋势。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A recent study showed that Stockholm’s congestion pricing cut air pollution by 5-15% and reduced asthma attacks, while also making it easier to move around the city. Second, we should repeal laws that unnecessarily drive up construction costs, including the Davis-Bacon Act of 1931, which requires federal contractors to pay “prevailing wages,” usually defined as union wages, even though 87% of construction workers are non-union. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that repeal would free up an additional $12 billion for federal projects over the next ten years. Finally, to spur construction of new toll roads, which are usually financed through municipal bonds, a special tranche of small-denomination bonds should be issued to local residents. As an incentive to buy the bonds, drivers would be given a lifetime free pass on the new road. This would fund more routes, build civic pride, and give investors downside protection. Even if the bond prices fell, bondholders would still get free passage. Today’s infrastructure projects will not last forever, of course. In 1776, to keep the British redcoats at bay, George Washington’s troops burned down a little crossing in the Bronx called King’s Bridge, built in the 1600s. The bridge crumbled. But somehow the new country survived and thrived.", "zh": "最近的一项研究表明，斯德哥尔摩的交通拥堵收费减少了5-15%的空气污染，减少了哮喘发作，同时也使人们更容易在城市中出行。 其次，我们应该废除那些不必要地抬高建筑成本的法律，包括1931年的《戴维斯-培根法案 》 ( Davis-Bacon Act ) ， 该法案要求联邦承包商支付“现行工资 ” ， 即工会工资，尽管87%的建筑工人不是工会会员。 根据国会预算办公室(Congressional Budget Office)估计，废除该法案将在未来10年为联邦项目节省120亿美元。 最后，为了刺激新的收费公路的建设，通常通过市政债券融资，应该向当地居民发行一小部分小面额债券。 作为购买债券的激励措施，新道路上的司机将获得终生免费通行。 这将为更多的航线提供资金，建立公民自豪感，并为投资者提供下行保护。 即使债券价格下跌，债券持有人仍然可以自由通行。 当然，今天的基础设施项目不会永远持续下去。 1776年，为了牵制英军，乔治·华盛顿的军队烧毁了布朗克斯的一个叫国王桥的小渡口，这座桥建于17世纪。 这座桥坍塌了。 但不管怎样，这个新国家幸存了下来，并得到了繁荣发展。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "决胜全面建成小康社会夺取新时代中国特色社会主义伟大胜利 ——在中国共产党第十九次全国代表大会上的报告 （2017年10月18日） 习近平 同志们： 现在，我代表第十八届中央委员会向大会作报告。 中国共产党第十九次全国代表大会，是在全面建成小康社会决胜阶段、中国特色社会主义进入新时代的关键时期召开的一次十分重要的大会。 大会的主题是：不忘初心，牢记使命，高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜，决胜全面建成小康社会，夺取新时代中国特色社会主义伟大胜利，为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦不懈奋斗。 不忘初心，方得始终。 中国共产党人的初心和使命，就是为中国人民谋幸福，为中华民族谋复兴。 这个初心和使命是激励中国共产党人不断前进的根本动力。 全党同志一定要永远与人民同呼吸、共命运、心连心，永远把人民对美好生活的向往作为奋斗目标，以永不懈怠的精神状态和一往无前的奋斗姿态，继续朝着实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标奋勇前进。 当前，国内外形势正在发生深刻复杂变化，我国发展仍处于重要战略机遇期， 前景十分光明，挑战也十分严峻。 全党同志一定要登高望远、居安思危，勇于变革、勇于创新，永不僵化、永不停滞， 团结带领全国各族人民决胜全面建成小康社会，奋力夺取新时代中国特色社会主义伟大胜利。 I. The Past Five Years: Our Work and Historic Change", "en": "Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era Delivered at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China October 18, 2017 Xi Jinping Comrades, On behalf of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, I will now deliver a report to the 19th National Congress. The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China is a meeting of great importance taking place during the decisive stage in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and at a critical moment as socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era. The theme of the Congress is: Remain true to our original aspiration and keep our mission firmly in mind, hold high the banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era, and work tirelessly to realize the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation. Never forget why you started, and you can accomplish your mission. The original aspiration and the mission of Chinese Communists is to seek happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation. This original aspiration, this mission, is what inspires Chinese Communists to advance. In our Party, each and every one of us must always breathe the same breath as the people, share the same future, and stay truly connected to them. The aspirations of the people to live a better life must always be the focus of our efforts. We must keep on striving with endless energy toward the great goal of national rejuvenation. Both China and the world are in the midst of profound and complex changes. China is still in an important period of strategic opportunity for development; the prospects are bright but the challenges are severe. All comrades must aim high and look far, be alert to dangers even in times of calm, have the courage to pursue reform and break new ground, and never become hardened to change or inactive. We will unite the Chinese people of all ethnic groups and lead them to a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and in the drive to secure the success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era. 一、过去五年的工作和历史性变革"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Government_Report"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Investment in highly relevant research was low: in the United States, it was only an estimated 1% of the $1.1 billion federal investment in nanotechnology research and development. More worrying was the apparent absence of any strategy behind the research being funded. Even the small handful of relevant studies exploring possible risks lacked a guiding focus, giving no indication that the information developed would help decision-makers ensure that nanotechnology is developed safely over the long term. The US has been tremendously successful in promoting research strategies that support the use of nanotechnology, and has served as a model that is being duplicated around the world. But the same strategies that work for developing nanotechnology applications will not help answer the growing list of questions about its possible impact that governments and industry are asking today. Pressing risk-related questions require deliberate action on an international scale. They will be answered only by matching research efforts and funding levels to the information needed to steer toward a safe future for nanotechnology applications. In 2006, five research grand challenges for developing safe nanotechnology were published in the scientific journal Nature: · finding ways to measure the amount of nanomaterials in the air and water; · learning how to assess how harmful nanomaterials are; · developing ways to predict – and prevent – harm from new nanomaterials; · becoming skilled at evaluating the potential impact of nanotechnology products from cradle to grave; · and establishing strategies and funding to support the research needed to meet these challenges. Some nations and regions are beginning to develop research agendas that respond to these five challenges. For example, the European Union has recently announced a €3.6 billion nanotechnology research program, which includes environment, health, and safety goals that align with these challenges. Likewise, in March 2007, the British government’s top advisory body on science and technology warned that the country’s lead in nanotechnology is fading, because the government has not invested enough in research necessary for understanding and effectively managing possible health and environmental effects. There is still a long way to go. If sustainable nanotechnology is to be built on sound science, global research strategies must be supported by innovative policies and accompanied by sufficient funds to do the job.", "zh": "在高度相关的研究上的投资非常低：在美国，这方面的投资大约只占联邦在纳米技术的研究和开发上的11亿美元投资的1 % 。 更令人担心的是注资进行研究的背后明显缺乏任何策略的现象。 即便少得可怜的探索可能存在的危险的相关研究也缺乏明确的研究方向，无法令人相信其所开发出的信息能够帮助决策者确保纳米技术被长期安全地开发。 美国在推动支持使用纳米技术的研究战略上表现得非常成功，并且树立了被全世界广泛仿效的典型。 但是帮助开发纳米技术应用的同等战略无法帮助回答政府和产业 今天 越来越多地问到的有关它可能带来的影响的问题。 与危险相关的紧迫问题需要全世界都认真行动起来。 我们只有通过加强研究努力和注资水平来获得未来安全应用纳米技术的信息才能回答这些问题。 2006年，科学杂志《自然》刊登了在开发纳米技术研究上五 大挑战 ： l 寻找到测量空气和水中存在的纳米材料的数量的方式； l 了解如何评估衡量纳米材料的有害程度； l 开发预测 — — 以及防止 — — 纳米材料有害性的方式； l 能够熟练评估纳米技术产品从出品到消亡的过程中的潜在影响； l 制定战略以及注入资金支持旨在应对这些挑战的研究。 一些国家和地区已经开始制定研究日程来应对这五大挑战。 比如，欧盟最近宣布了一项耗资36亿欧元的纳米技术研究项目，包括与这些挑战相关的环境、健康和安全目标。 同样地，2007年3月，英国政府的科学技术高级咨询机构警告说这个国家在纳米技术上的领先地位正在消失，因为政府没有在了解和有效控制可能产生的健康和环境影响的必需有的研究进行足够的投资。 我们还有很长的路要走。 如果要让可持续的纳米技术建立在合理的科学基础上，那么全球的研究战略就必须得到创新的政策的支持以及得到足够的资金支持。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Beyond Structural Reform in China HONG KONG – Global markets have breathed a sigh of relief. Following the shock of the United Kingdom’s vote to exit the European Union, GDP data indicate that China’s economy seems to have escaped a slump, with annual growth averaging 6.7% in the first half of 2016. But that does not mean that China is in the clear. On the contrary, the success of the structural rebalancing that China needs to ensure sustainable long-term growth is far from certain. To be sure, President Xi Jinping’s government is committed to structural reform. China’s leaders know that they can no longer rely on stimulating short-term demand. Already this year, annual growth in fixed-capital investment has fallen by 2.4 percentage points, to 9%, with the private-sector investment up by just 2.8%. The plan now is to implement supply-side structural reforms aimed at boosting productivity and improving the functioning of both the market and the state. But, given China’s size and diversity, not to mention its deep integration into the global economy, communicating and implementing new policies across regions, sectors, and social groups will be very difficult. If China is to succeed, its leaders will need to think beyond their traditional top-down approach. Some 30 years ago, Deng Xiaoping used the slogan “delegating power and sharing dividends” to motivate local officials, state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and soon-to-be private entrepreneurs to embrace market-oriented reforms. A similar approach could work today, as China’s leaders attempt to address the problems generated by the rapid expansion of imperfect markets managed by an imperfect bureaucracy. Among the main problems China faces are over-leveraged local governments and SOEs, manufacturing overcapacity, excessive real-estate inventory, rising production costs, corruption, inequality, environmental degradation, and inadequate technological innovation. Supply-side structural reform is intended to address these problems, producing a more sustainable, inclusive, open, and efficient economy. But macro-level solutions alone might not be adequate to address supply-side structural problems, which often relate to the micro-level failure of business models, say, to produce adequate growth or productivity. And, in fact, in a mature market economy, those problems are addressed largely by businesses themselves, perhaps with the involvement of municipal governments.", "zh": "超越结构改革 香港—2016年上半年中国的经济增长平均为6.7 % ， 这让全球市场舒了一口气。 在英国投票退出欧盟的冲击后，中国的GDP数据表明其经济似乎已经摆脱衰退。 但这并不意味着中国经济已经安全着陆，确保可持续长期增长所需要的结构再平衡能否成功还远未确定。 国家主席习近平领导的中国政府对于结构改革可谓尽心尽力，知道不能再依靠刺激短期需求来挺增长。 今年头半年，固定资产投资增长已经下降了2.4个百分点至9 % ， 民营部门的固定资产投资增长率更是只有2.8 % 。 中央政府的计划是实施供给侧改革以提振生产率、改善市场和政府的运行效率。 但是，考虑到中国的规模和多样性 — — 更不用说其深深融入全球经济的状况 — — 在各个地区、部门和社会群体中沟通和实施新政策并不容易。 中国要想成功，其决策层可能需要跳出中国传统的自上而下的施政习惯。 30年前，邓小平用“放权让利”的口号成功地激励了地方官员、国有企业和后来的民营企业家接受市场化改革。 如今，中国可能还需要类似的激励来应对当前的挑战：即解决由不完美官僚体系监管的不完美但却快速扩张的市场所造成的新问题。 中国现在面临的市场发展中的新问题包括地方政府和国有企业杠杆过高、制造业产能过剩、房地产库存过剩、生产成本上升、腐败、不平等性、环境破坏以及科技创新不足。 供给侧结构改革就是为了解决这些新问题，以便形成更加可持续、包容、开放和高效的经济。 但光靠宏观层面的政策可能不足以解决供给侧结构问题，因为这些问题常常与微观层面的商业与监管模式有关，例如，市场与监管效率都太低而无法保持足够的增长率。 事实上，在成熟的市场经济中，这些问题主要靠微观层面的企业自身解决，也许一些地方政府与行业监管部门需要参与。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Sri Lanka’s Next Test WASHINGTON, DC – In a win for democracy, mass protests in Sri Lanka recently led to the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. A strongman who won popularity for overseeing the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009 (while his older brother, Mahinda, was president), Gotabaya was elected in November 2019 and promised to safeguard national security and deliver prosperity. He failed miserably. Despite allegations of corruption, war crimes, and attacks on journalists, the Rajapaksa government had a powerful mandate, which was reinforced nine months later when the brothers’ party, Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (the Sri Lanka People’s Front), won a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Yet during his short tenure, the Rajapaksas drove the country into bankruptcy, food insecurity, and spiraling inflation. Gotabaya announced his candidacy just days after the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings, promising a strong response to terrorism. In the months that followed, newspapers’ and radio stations’ frenzied coverage heightened people’s fear of Muslims (who comprise 10% of the population), and attacks on them increased. Gotabaya capitalized on this environment, portraying himself as a defender of the Sinhala-Buddhist majority who would transform Sri Lanka into a Singapore of the Indian Ocean. The clergy, media, military, political elites, and local business tycoons all adopted the same rhetoric, tying their fortunes to his. The Buddhist clergy, for example, continuously reaffirmed their trust in Gotabaya throughout his presidency.", "zh": "斯里兰卡的下一场考验 华盛顿—为了争取民主，斯里兰卡群众抗议活动最近导致总统戈塔巴亚·拉贾帕克萨和总理马欣达·拉贾帕克萨辞职。 强人戈塔巴亚在2009年掌印结束了斯里兰卡内战（当时的总统是他的兄长马欣达 ） ， 在2019年11月当选总统，承诺捍卫国家安全和实现繁荣。 他彻底地失败了。 尽管有腐败、战争罪和袭击记者的指控，但拉贾帕克萨政府拥有强大的权力，九个月后，拉贾帕克萨兄弟所在政党斯里兰卡人民阵线（Podujana Peramuna）赢得议会三分之二多数时，进一步强化了他们的权力。 然而，在其短暂的任期内，拉贾帕克萨兄弟将国家推向了破产、粮食不安全和恶性通货膨胀。 戈塔巴亚在 2019 年复活节星期天爆炸案发生几天后宣布了他的参选，承诺对恐怖主义做出强有力的反应。 在随后的几个月里，报纸和广播电台的疯狂报道加剧了人们对穆斯林（占人口的10 % ） 的恐惧，对穆斯林的攻击也多了起来。 戈塔巴亚利用这种环境，将自己描绘成僧伽罗佛教徒多数派的捍卫者，要把斯里兰卡变成印度洋的新加坡。 神职人员、媒体、军队、政治精英和本地商业大亨都采用了同样的口风，将他们的命运与他联系在一起。 例如，佛教神职人员在他担任总统期间不断重申他们对戈塔巴耶的信任。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The tragedy for the world is that the Party cannot be phased down, much less phased out, despite the fact that it is a huge threat to the future of all of us. Chinese President Xi Jinping, who declined to attend COP26 in person, has one overriding priority: to keep the Party in power. That is why, at the very least, the CPC covered up the initial coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan in late 2019, in the process ignoring China’s international commitments to the World Health Organization. And that is why the CPC will not go further for now in reducing China’s mining, purchase, and use of coal. It fears that doing so would endanger its economic model and risk undermining living standards, potentially weakening its grip on power. Unfortunately, China’s behavior will most likely undermine the credibility of governments in open and free societies. How can democratic governments ask citizens to make sacrifices and, in some cases, reduce their living standards in order to tackle climate change, when China blithely pumps more carbon dioxide into the atmosphere? Likewise, how can one justify undercutting businesses in some countries by allowing Chinese exports that are produced using a type of energy that is being phased out elsewhere? China is, once again, trying to tilt the playing field and compete by its own set of rules. It is therefore difficult for a US politician today to make the case for preventing climate change in the coal-mining communities of West Virginia.", "zh": "世界的悲剧在于，尽管该党对我们所有人的未来构成了巨大的威胁，但它不能被削弱，更不能被淘汰。 中国国家主席习近平拒绝亲自出席COP26会议，他有一个重中之重的任务：保持党的执政地位。 这也可以解释为什么在2019年底，中共至少说隐瞒了在武汉爆发的冠状病毒，在这个过程中无视了对世界卫生组织的国际承诺。 而这也是为什么中共暂时不会进一步减少开采、购买和使用煤炭。 它担心这样做会危及中国经济模式，并有可能降低人民生活水平，削弱其对权力的控制。 不幸的是，中国的行为很可能会破坏开放和自由社会中政府的可信度。 当中国轻率地将更多的二氧化碳排入大气层时，民主政府如何要求公民做出牺牲，并在某些情况下降低他们的生活水平，以应对气候变化？ 同样，如果允许使用一种在其他地方被淘汰的能源生产中国的出口商品，怎么能证明削减了一些国家的企业是正当的呢？ 中国再次试图从当前的竞争环境脱离出来，按照自己的一套规则竞争。 因此，目前美国的政治家很难在西弗吉尼亚州的采煤社区提出要防止气候变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "On the external side, the funding from Qatar, assuming it materializes fully and in a timely fashion, appears small relative to Turkey’s gross external funding needs. It also doesn’t come with the IMF imprimatur that reassures many investors. And it is far from clear how this money will make its way into the economy to maximize the potential for currency stabilization. And then there is the trade skirmish with the US. Like other countries, it is only a matter of time until Turkey comes to the same realization as others about confronting the more protectionist stance adopted by the US. Because of its size and systemic influence, and assuming it remains willing to incur the risk of suffering some damage in the process, the US is destined to win a tit-for-tat tariff escalation. As such, the best approach is what the European Union decided to do last month: seek a way to pause the skirmish while working on the longer-term underlying issues. Rather than rewriting the game plan for crisis management in emerging markets, Turkey may well end up confirming it. One hopes this will lead to the restoration of financial stability and growth as the government looks to reverse its stance on central-bank independence, interest-rate policy, and perhaps even the IMF. The alternative – persisting with the current approach and, in the process, running the risk of turning technical dislocations into much more damaging longer-term economic and financial disruptions – would also prove problematic for other emerging economies.", "zh": "在外部，来自卡塔尔的资金 — — 假定能够完全落实且按时落实 — — 对于土耳其外部融资总需求来说规模太小，并且也没有能够让许多投资人放心的IMF的赞同。 这笔钱将如何进入经济以最大化地实现货币稳定也尚不清楚。 还有与美国的贸易冲突。 和其他国家一样，土耳其同样地认识到面对美国所采取的更加保护主义的立场意味着什么只是时间问题。 考虑到其规模和系统重要性，并假定它在此过程中始终愿意承担一定的蒙受损失的风险，美国肯定会赢得以牙还牙的关税对峙冲突。 因此，最佳方针是欧盟在上个月所做出的决定：设法停战，同时致力于解决长期根本性问题。 土耳其可能无法改写新兴市场危机管理行动计划，反而会确认它们。 但愿随着政府开始转变其对央行独立性、利率政策甚至还包括IMF的立场，这能够恢复金融稳定和增长。 另一种办法 — — 坚持当前道路，并在此过程中面对技术性脱节转化为危害更大的长期经济和金融破坏的风险 — — 也许将成为其他新兴经济体的反面教材。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "We need innovation in policy just as much as in technology. We have seen policy and technology come together to solve big problems before. As I document in the book, air pollution is a great example; the US Clean Air Act did a very good job of getting poisonous gases out of the air. Other incredibly effective policy solutions in the US include rural electrification, expanding energy security, and sparking economic recovery after the Great Recession of 2008. Now we need to turn the world’s policy and technology IQ to eliminating emissions. My team at Breakthrough Energy, the network of initiatives I founded to accelerate the clean energy transition, is working hard to develop and advocate for bold policies that achieve the world’s climate goals. BG: We need government action to solve this problem – we are talking about transitioning the world’s entire energy system at an unprecedented speed. Private-sector investments alone won’t be successful unless we have the market conditions that reward innovation and allow clean technologies to compete, and we need government to help create that environment. So, we need government action, and it needs to be targeted, robust, and predictable. This is also why I talk about innovation not just in technology, but in policy and markets too. We need policymakers to think creatively about the right ways to spur clean energy innovation, level the playing field, and accelerate the energy transition. My team at Breakthrough Energy is working with leaders across government to develop and advocate for the policies we need to get to net-zero emissions.", "zh": "我们既需要政策创新，也需要技术创新。 我们曾经看到政策和技术携手解决了好些重大问题。 正如我在书中记录的那样，空气污染就是一个很好的例子；美国的《清洁空气法案》在去除空气中的有毒气体方面成效显著。 美国还有其他一些令人赞叹的有效政策解决方案包括农村电气化、扩大能源供应保障以及在2008年大衰退后的经济复苏刺激措施。 如今我们需要将全球的政策和技术智慧转到消除排放上。 我在突破性能源（也就是我创立的旨在加速清洁能源转型的倡议网络）的团队正在努力制定和倡导大胆的政策以实现世界气候目标。 盖茨：我们需要政府采取行动来解决这个问题 — — 意思是要以前所未有的速度实现整个世界能源系统的转型。 但除非我们拥有奖励创新和允许清洁技术竞争的市场条件，否则仅靠私营部门的投资是不会成功的，我们需要政府帮助创造这种环境。 为此我们需要政府采取行动，而且这种行动必须是针对性、强有力且可预测的。 这也是为什么我说创新不仅仅是技术上的，还是政策和市场上的。 我们需要政策制定者创造性地思考正确的方法以刺激清洁能源创新，创造公平的竞争环境，加速能源转型。 我的突破性能源团队正与政府各部门的领导人合作去制定并倡导实现净零排放所需的政策。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "At the time of writing, more than one million courageous Russians have put their names to a “Stop the War” petition. The protests haven’t stopped there. Dmitry Muratov, the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize winner and editor of Novaya Gazeta, one of Russia’s last remaining independent newspapers, posted a video in which he called for Russians to rise up against the war, saying that: “Only the anti-war movement of Russians can save life on this planet.” Yelena Kovalskaya, director of the state-run Meyerhold Theatre Center, resigned in protest against the attack on Ukraine, saying, “It is impossible to work for a murderer and receive a salary from him.” More than 150 scientists and science journalists signed a letter, published on a Russian science website, lamenting that Russia has condemned itself to isolation and the status of a rogue state. A similar number of municipal deputies from many cities signed a letter condemning the attack as “an unprecedented atrocity,” adding that, “hopes for a good life in Russia are crumbling before our eyes.” What is also needed now is for Russian soldiers in Ukraine to stop fighting an unjust war. Unconfirmed reports indicate that some have already refused to go into Ukraine. Russians have access to a wide range of information beyond the propaganda of their state-run media, so they should know that they are part of a war of aggression. Intentionally killing people without sufficient cause is murder, and that is what Russian soldiers will be doing if they obey orders to target Ukrainians with lethal weapons. Obeying orders is no excuse, just as it was no excuse for those under Hitler’s command. From now on, as long as Putin remains Russia’s leader, the country must be seen as an international pariah. Sanctions must be strong enough to ensure that Russians do see their hopes for a good life crumble. This is especially unfair to those who have publicly opposed the war. But how else can they hope to replace Putin with someone who is prepared to abide by moral principles and international law? Sometimes the vanquished come to view their suffering as liberation. Just ask today’s Germans.", "zh": "在撰写本文时，已有超过 一百万勇敢的俄罗斯人将他们的名字写上了“停止战争”请愿书。 抗议活动不止于此。 2021 年诺贝尔和平奖获得者、俄罗斯仅存的独立报纸之一《新公报 》 （ Novaya Gazeta）编辑德米特里·穆拉托夫（Dmitry Muratov）发布了一段视频，呼吁俄罗斯人起来反对战争，他说 ： “ 只有俄罗斯人的反战运动可以拯救这个星球上的生命 。 ” 国营的梅耶霍尔德剧院中心（Meyerhold Theatre Center）主任叶莲娜·科瓦尔斯卡娅（Yelena Kovalskaya）以辞职的方式抗议对乌克兰的袭击，她说 ： “ 不可能为凶手工作并从他那里获得薪水 。 ” 超过 150 名科学家和科学记者在俄罗斯科学网站发表联署信，哀叹俄罗斯自我孤立，自甘堕落。 与此相当数量的众多城市的市政代表也联署了一封信，谴责这次袭击是“前所未有的暴行 ” ， 并补充说 ， “ 对俄罗斯美好生活的希望在我们眼前破灭 。 ” 现在还需要在乌克兰的俄罗斯士兵停止打一场不正义的战争。 未经证实的报道表明，一些人已拒绝进入乌克兰。 俄罗斯人可以获得超出其官方媒体宣传的广泛信息，因此他们应该知道他们是侵略战争的一部分。 在没有充分理由的情况下故意杀人属于谋杀，而俄罗斯士兵服从命令以致命武器瞄准乌克兰人正是这种行为。 服从命令不是借口，就像听命于希特勒不是借口一样。 从现在开始，只要普京仍是俄罗斯领导人，俄罗斯就必然是国际贱民。 制裁必须强硬到确保俄罗斯人真的看到美好生活的希望破灭。 这对于公开反对的人尤其不公平。 但他们还能指望由谁来取代普京，准备遵守道德原则和国际法？ 有时候，被征服者将苦难视为解脱。 只要问问今天的德国人即可。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Navigating China’s New Silk Road BEIJING – Since its introduction by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013, the “one belt, one road” initiative – an ambitious plan to revitalize the ancient Silk Road overland and maritime trade routes linking East and West – has attracted considerable attention. And for good reason: The project, which involves more than 60 countries and quite a few international organizations, implies unprecedented opportunities – and challenges. The original Silk Road, established more than 2,000 years ago, was a critical network of trade routes that promoted economic, political, and cultural exchange among Asia, Africa, and Europe. China’s new “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “Twenty-First Century Maritime Silk Road” will do the same, with newly built or upgraded infrastructure facilitating the flow of trade, investment, culture, and ideas – and thus supporting shared economic growth. From China’s perspective, the logic behind the strategy is clear. With its sources of GDP growth coming under increasing strain, China must continue to make progress in opening up the economy. That means building mutually beneficial relationships with neighboring countries, which can benefit by taking over some of China’s lower-value-added activities. That promises to boost their own growth while creating space for the Chinese economy to move up the value chain, where productivity and wages – important determinants of consumption – are higher. China has already laid the groundwork for these relationships, strengthening economic cooperation and trade with countries along the “belt and road.” It has also spearheaded the creation of multilateral institutions – notably, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank – to support the investment projects. China’s comparative advantages, including a global financial center in Hong Kong and a regional financial center in Shanghai, reinforce its leadership role. Add to that the recent surge in fast-growing, innovative companies – such as Huawei, Alibaba, and Wanda – and China is well placed to implement Xi’s ambitious vision. But it will not be smooth sailing. Like any cross-border initiative, the “one belt, one road” initiative will require wise diplomacy to manage relationships with diverse countries and careful planning to scale up effectively. Each country along the “belt and road” faces a unique combination of risks and challenges.", "zh": "中国新丝绸之路导航 北京—2013年，中国国家主席习近平主席提出了“一带一路”战略，这是一个复兴连接东西方的陆上和海上丝绸之路的宏大计划。 一带一路战略引起了广泛的关注。 理由很充分：该战略包括了60多个国家和众多国际组织，这意味着前所未有的机会 — — 还有挑战。 古丝绸之路形成于2,000多年前，它是一条重要的贸易路线网络，促进了亚洲、非洲、欧洲之间的经济、政治和文化交流。 中国的新“丝绸之路经济带”和“二十一世纪海上丝绸之路”也是如此，它们将建造或升级基础设施，为跨境贸易、投资及文化和思想流动提供便利，从而支持分享经济增长。 从中国的角度讲，一带一路战略背后的逻辑是清晰的。 其GDP传统的增长源泉日益窘迫，必须继续深化改革、加强开放经济的建设。 这意味着要进一步拓展与邻国之间的互利共赢的关系。 周边国家可以接纳一些中国低增加值活动而从中获益。 这有利于刺激它们自身增长，同时为中国经济创造空间，向生产率和工资 — — 消费的重要决定因素 — — 更高的价值链上游迈进。 中国已经为这样的关系打好了基础，强化与“一带一路”沿线国家的贸易合作。 中国还牵头成立了多家多边机构 — — 特别是亚洲基础设施投资银行 — — 以支持投资项目。 中国的比较优势，包括全球金融中心香港和地区金融中心上海，增强了它的领导作用。 此外，高速增长的创新公司 — — 如华为、阿里巴巴和万达等 — — 层出不穷，这让中国很有希望落实习近平的宏达愿景。 但前方绝非坦途。 和一切跨国战略一样 ， “ 一带一路”战略需要明智的外交管理与各种不同国家的关系，仔细进行有效规模扩张规划。 “一带一路”沿线各国都存在独特的风险与挑战组合。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Having seen the harsh realities of the world as it really is , he has become the champion of the “just war.” In Afghanistan, he opted for a substantial military surge, but the notion of victory that would allow for a withdrawal of troops remains as foggy and uncertain as it was in the case of Iraq. The solution is ultimately political, not military. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates was right to recognize that the Taliban are “part of the political fabric” of Afghanistan and thus “need to participate in the country’s government.” But this might not be achieved without involving the major regional stakeholders, including Pakistan, China, and possibly Iran. The Obama administration’s failure in re-launching the India-Pakistan peace talks over Kashmir is one of the gravest weaknesses of its “AfPak” strategy. If these two countries’ mutual hostility is not reined in, and a fundamentalist Afghanistan continues to provide the strategic depth through which Pakistan threatens its sworn Indian enemies, the current disaster might still breed defeat. Obama is right to boast of his success in enlisting China to join serious sanctions on North Korea, but he might be wrong to draw conclusions from this about Iran, a vital strategic partner for the Chinese. Likewise, America’s “reset button” policy with Russia has certainly improved relations with the Kremlin, but it remains highly improbable that the Russians would endanger their privileged relations with Iran by joining an economic siege.", "zh": "目睹了当前世界的严酷现实，他已经成为“正义战争”的始作俑者。 在阿富汗，他选择了大规模增兵，但撤军的胜利迹象却像在伊拉克一样含混不清而又茫无头绪。 我们最终需要政治、而非军事解决方案。 国务卿罗伯特·盖茨说得对，塔利班是阿富汗政治结构的一个组成部分，因此“有必要参与国家政府 。 ” 但如果没有巴基斯坦、中国、或许还有伊朗等地区主要利益相关方的参与，这一目标根本不可能实现。 奥巴马政府无法重启印巴就克什米尔问题的和平谈判暴露了其“阿富巴 ” （ AfPak ）战略最严重的弱点。 如果这两个国家的相互敌视得不到遏制，原教旨主义的阿富汗继续为巴基斯坦提供威胁其不共戴天仇敌印度所需要的战略纵深，那么目前这场灾难可能仍然会造成失败的结局。 奥巴马夸耀争取到中国参与对北朝鲜的制裁行动再正常不过，但他由此认为在伊朗问题上也能争取到中国的支持却很可能犯了错误。 伊朗是中国重要的战略伙伴。 同样，美国与俄国“重塑关系”的政策无疑改善了与克林姆林的关系，但争取到俄国加入经济封锁行动，威胁俄伊之间的特殊关系仍然是基本不可能的。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because teams always use technology to win games. They like winning. It makes them money. So a brief history of technology in the NFL. In 1965, the Baltimore Colts put a wristband on their quarterback to allow him to call plays quicker. They ended up winning a Super Bowl that year. Other teams followed suit. More people watched the game because it was more exciting. It was faster. In 1994, the NFL put helmet radios into the helmets of the quarterbacks, and later the defense. More people watched games because it was faster. It was more entertaining. In 2023, imagine you're a player walking back to the huddle, and you have your next play displayed right in front of your face on your clear plastic visor that you already wear right now. No more having to worry about forgetting plays. No more worrying about having to memorize your playbook. You just go out and react. And coaches really want this, because missed assignments lose you games, and coaches hate losing games. Losing games gets you fired as a coach. They don't want that. But augmented reality is not just an enhanced playbook. Augmented reality is also a way to take all that data and use it in real time to enhance how you play the game. What would that be like?", "zh": "球队总是靠科技获胜 他们喜欢取胜， 这能让他们赚到钱 简短地说几句橄榄球联盟 使用科技的历史 1965年，巴尔的摩小马队 让他们的四分卫戴上腕带 这样他就能更快地发起进攻口令 那年他们最后获得了超级碗冠军 其他球队也纷纷仿效这种做法 由于比赛变得更精彩刺激， 有更多的人观看 比赛节奏也变得更快 1994年，橄榄球联盟 在四分卫的头盔里安装了 无线电通讯器 随后给防守队员也装上了 大多数人看比赛是因为它节奏更快 更具娱乐性 想像在2023年， 身为球员的你 走到球队集合点 看到下一次进攻的战术图 显示在你眼前的头盔护面上 也就是现在球员戴的头盔护面 你不用再担心自己忘了战术 不用再担心去死背\"兵书\" 你只需走上球场， 开始行动就行 教练们很想实现这点 因为不能成功地实施战术 会导致输掉比赛 而教练们讨厌失败 输了比赛，教练就得下课 他们可不想被炒了鱿鱼 但扩增实境不仅仅 能帮你在战术上有所提高 它还能利用所获得的所有数据 进行实时分析 帮你打场更精彩的比赛 那会变成怎样一种情况呢？"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt15"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "A Lifeline for European Solidarity MADRID – A human tragedy is unfolding in the Mediterranean, with hundreds of thousands of refugees risking – and, in many cases, losing – their lives for the chance to find refuge in Europe. How the European Union responds to this crisis matters not just for humanitarian reasons; it will also be a bellwether of the future of the Union itself. The EU must get it right. Europe faces no shortage of challenges. Over the last five years, it has confronted a seemingly endless series of tests, including a eurozone-wide financial crisis, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, renewed fears of a Greek default, and the prospect of a British exit. But none has raised such fundamental questions about the meaning of the EU as the current debate about migration. Unfortunately, efforts so far have been inconsistent. The EU acted quickly in the aftermath of the drowning of more than 1,000 migrants in a particularly horrific episode in April, tripling the budget of its much-maligned naval surveillance operations and expanding their operational area to match Italy’s discontinued Mare Nostrum operation. This move has already borne fruit, with record numbers of rescues late last month. Another initiative – the European Commission’s proposed “Agenda on Migration” – is less straightforward. The agenda presents a hodgepodge of measures in varying degrees of detail. An important and controversial offshoot of the agenda is the action plan against migrant smuggling, which may include the use of military force to stop the smugglers’ boats.", "zh": "欧洲团结的生命线 马德里 — — 一场人类悲剧正在地中海上演，数十万难民冒着生命危险 — — 而且在很多情况下真的失去了生命 — — 只为到欧洲避难。 欧盟如何应对这一危机不仅关乎人道主义；同时预示着欧盟自身的未来。 欧盟必须做好这件事。 欧洲从来都不乏挑战。 过去五年来，欧盟面临着一系列看似无穷无尽的考验，包括波及整个欧元区的金融危机、俄罗斯入侵乌克兰、希腊重现违约担忧以及英国退出欧盟的隐患。 但都没有像现在的移民讨论那样对欧盟的存在意义提出如此根本性的挑战。 遗憾的是，迄今为止救援工作并不连贯。 欧盟在四月1，000多名移民溺水的恐怖事件发生后迅速行动，将其饱受指责的海上监视行动预算扩大3倍，恢复了意大利已经中止的地中海行动的救援范围。 此举已经取得成果，上月底的救援数字刷新了记录。 另一项举措 — — 即欧盟委员会所提的“移民议程 ” — —就没有那么简单。 议程提出各式各样的举措，只是详尽程度有所差别。 议程既重要又充满争议的一项是反移民走私行动计划，可能包括使用武力对走私船进行拦截。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "沈凉川不可察觉的皱了皱眉头，可看到宋原希害怕的样子，声音放的很低很温柔：“原希。” 他喊她的名字，叫的格外的好听。 让乔恋心头划过一抹酸楚。 然后乔恋就听到他的循循善诱：“原希，这是你的人生，我不能什么事儿都替你拿主意，你能不能告诉我，你想要干什么？” 宋原希看了看夏叶华，夏叶华就笑：“你这孩子，跟你说多少遍了，不要拿自己当外人，你是我干女儿，想干什么就干什么！ 有什么话不能说的？” 宋原希咬住了嘴唇，半响后才诺诺的回答：“我，我想去演戏。” “不行。” 沈凉川干脆利落的拒绝，吓得宋原希全身一哆嗦，直接低下了头。 沈凉川想发的火，一下子憋在胸口。 正在这时，他的手机响了起来，他看了宋原希一眼，走到阳台上，接听电话。 客厅里的气氛一下子变得轻松。 她扭头看向乔恋，“小乔，快帮我劝劝她，她竟然网恋了！ 这网络上的东西都是假的，能靠谱吗？”", "en": "Shen Liangchuan imperceptibly frowned as he noticed Song Yuanxi’s scared expression. He said in a low and gentle voice, “Yuanxi.” When he said her name, it sounded extraordinarily pleasing. Grievance flashed across Qiao Lian’s heart. Then, Qiao Lian heard his advice for Yuanxi. He said, “Yuanxi, this is your life after all. I can’t make every decision for you. Can’t you tell me what you wish to do?” Song Yuanxi looked at Xia Yehua. Xia Yehua smiled and said, “Child, how many times have I told you that you shouldn’t treat yourself as an outsider? You’re my stepdaughter, so do what you want! You can say anything.” Song Yuanxi bit her lower lip and only answered timidly after a few minutes. “I- I wish to pursue acting.” “No”, Shen Liangchuan rejected her suggestion without hesitation. Song Yuanxi became so fearful that her entire body shrank and she immediately lowered her head. Shen Liangchuan’s anger was about to explode out of him, but it got suddenly stuck in his chest, unable to be released. At this moment, his cell phone rang. He glanced at Song Yuanxi before walking to the balcony to take the call. The atmosphere in the living room instantly lightened up. She turned and looked at Qiao Lian saying, “Xiao Qiao, help me persuade her please. She’s addicted to the Internet! Most of the things that you find on the Internet are fake, so can they really be reliable?”"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "BWB"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Understanding the Frankenstein Tradition PALO ALTO – “It’s alive, it’s moving, it’s alive... IT’S ALIVE!” So said Dr. Victor Frankenstein when his “creation” was complete. Researchers have long been fascinated with trying to create life, but mainly they have had to settle for crafting variations of living organisms via mutation or other techniques of genetic engineering.amp#160; In May, researchers at the J. Craig Venter Institute, led by Venter himself, synthesized the genome of a bacterium from scratch using chemical building blocks, and inserted it into the cell of a different variety of bacteria. The new genetic information “rebooted” its host cell and got it to function, replicate, and take on the characteristics of the “donor.” In other words, a sort of synthetic organism had been created. Reactions in the scientific community ranged from “slight novelty” to “looming apocalypse.” The former is more apt: Venter’s creation is evolutionary, not revolutionary. The goal of “synthetic biology,” as the field is known, is to move microbiology and cell biology closer to the approach of engineering, so that standardized parts can be mixed, matched, and assembled – just as off-the-shelf chassis, engines, transmissions, and so on can be combined to build a hot-rod. Achieving this goal could offer scientists unprecedented opportunities for innovation, and better enable them to craft bespoke microorganisms and plants that produce pharmaceuticals, clean up toxic wastes, and obtain (or “fix”) nitrogen from the air (obviating the need for chemical fertilizers). During the past half-century, genetic engineers, using increasingly powerful and precise tools and resources, have achieved breakthroughs that are opening up new opportunities in a broad array of fields.", "zh": "理解科学怪人的传统 发自帕洛阿尔托 — — “活了，它在动，活了 . . . . . . 它真的活过来了 ！ ” ，在“大作”完成之际，维克托·弗兰肯斯坦医生兴奋地高叫着。 正如电影《科学怪人 》 （ Frankenstein）的情节那样，医学研究者都渴望去创造生命，但在大多数情况下，他们所能做的只不过是用突变或其他基因工程手段来将各种活体组织拼凑起来罢了。 今年5月，在J·克雷格·文特尔研究所，由创办人文特尔亲自率领的研究团队利用化学模块合成了一种全新的细菌基因，并将其植入了另一种细菌的细胞内。 新植入的遗传信息“重新激活”了受体细胞，新细胞生理机能如常，可以自我复制，并呈现出“供体”的相关特征。 换句话说，一种新的人工合成生命正式诞生了。 科学界对此可谓众说纷纭，有人觉得“有点新奇 ” ， 有人惊呼“末日先兆 ” 。 或许前者更为明智：文特尔的成果只不过将目前的技术有所推进，还算不上是革命性的。 其实“合成生物学”这一研究领域的目标，就是利用工程手段将微观生物学，细胞生物学更紧密地结合起来，从而实现将标准化的生物组件互相混合，配对和组装 — — 犹如用现成的底盘，引擎，变速器等部件组装成一辆新车一样。 科学家在实现这一目标的过程中将获得空前巨大的创新机会，使他们能更容易地合成某些特定的微生物和植物，并以此生产某些药用成分，清理有毒废料以及从空气中获取（或“固定 ” ） 氮气以缓解对化肥的需求。 在过去的半个世纪中，在更为有效和精确的研究工具和资源推动下，基因工程领域取得了突破性的进展，并随之在更为广泛的领域里开启了许多新发展机会。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "There are three separate phases of the puzzle in the US: the 3% rise in the S&P 500 from the beginning of the coronavirus crisis, on January 30, to February 19; the 34% drop from that date until March 23; and the 42% upswing from March 23 to the present. Each of these phases reveals a puzzling association with the news, as the lagged market reaction is filtered through investor reactions and stories. The first phase started when the World Health Organization declared the new coronavirus “a public health emergency of international concern” on January 30. Over the next 20 days, the S&P 500 rose by 3%, hitting an all-time record high on February 19. Why would investors give shares their highest valuation ever right after the announcement of a possible global tragedy? Interest rates did not fall over this period. Why didn’t the stock market “predict” the coming recession by declining before the downturn started? One conjecture is that a pandemic wasn’t a familiar event, and most investors in early February just weren’t convinced that other investors and consumers paid any attention to such things, until they saw a bigger reaction to the news and in market prices. Their lack of past experience since the 1918-20 influenza pandemic meant that there was no statistical analysis of such events’ market impact. The beginnings of lockdowns in late January in China received scant attention in the world press. The disease caused by the new coronavirus didn’t even have a name until February 11, when the WHO christened it COVID-19. In the weeks before February 19, public attention to longstanding problems such as global warming, secular stagnation, or debt overhangs were fading. President Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, which ended February 5, still dominated talk in the US, and many politicians apparently still found it counterproductive to raise alarms about a hypothetical new enormous tragedy looming. The second phase began when the S&P 500 plummeted 34% from February 19 to March 23, a drop akin to the 1929 stock market crash. Yet, as of February 19, there had been only a handful of reported COVID-19 deaths outside of China.", "zh": "美国的经济困境分为三个独立的阶段：从1月30日冠状病毒危机开始到2月19日，标准普尔500指数上涨了3 % ； 从那一天到3月23日，下跌了34 % ； 从3月23日到现在，这一数字上升了42 % 。 上述每个阶段都和消息有一种令人困惑的关联。 而市场反应之所以滞后，是因为投资者要消化消息、并且浸淫在坊间故事里一段时间后，才做出反应。 第一阶段始于世界卫生组织1月30日宣布新冠病毒为“国际公共卫生紧急事件 ” 。 在接下来的20天里，标准普尔500指数上涨了3 % ， 在2月19日创下历史新高。 为什么在一场可能的全球悲剧宣布之后，投资者会给予股票有史以来最高的估值? 在此期间，利率没有下降。 为什么股市没有在衰退开始之前通过下跌来“预测”即将到来的衰退呢? 有一种推测是，大流行并不常见，大多数投资者在2月初都不相信其他投资者和消费者会关注这类事情，直到他们看到对该消息和市场价格出现了更大反应。 1918-1920年流感大流行以后，大多数投资者没有经历过类似流行疾病，这意味着没有对此类事件的市场影响进行统计分析。 1月下旬中国开始实行封锁，没有引起世界媒体的注意。 这种由新型冠状病毒引起的疾病直到2月11日才有了名字，世界卫生组织将其命名为2019冠状病毒病。 在2月19日之前的几周里，公众对全球变暖、长期经济停滞或债务危机等长期问题的关注正在减弱。 2月5日结束的特朗普弹劾审判仍是美国的主要话题，许多政客显然认为，警告一场假想的新的巨大悲剧即将来临，可能不利于自己。 第二阶段始于2月19日至3月23日，标准普尔500指数暴跌34 % ， 与1929年股市崩盘类似。 然而，截至2月19日，在中国以外，只有少数报告的2019冠状病毒病死亡病例。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Because the PCC “was not equipped to deal with systemic and illegal invasions of privacy,” the committee set out proposals for a reformed regulator. The same year, following criminal prosecutions for telephone hacking which led to the closure of Murdoch’s News of the World, then-Prime Minister David Cameron appointed Lord Justice Brian Leveson to head an inquiry into “the culture, practices and ethics of the press; their relationship with the police; the failure of the current system of regulation; the contacts made, and discussions had, between national newspapers and politicians; why previous warnings about press misconduct were not heeded; and the issue of cross-media ownership.” Leveson tackled his remit – to make recommendations for a new, more effective way of regulating the press – with “one simple question: who guards the guardians?” The first part of the Leveson Report, published in 2012, recommended an industry regulator whose independence from the newspapers and government alike was to be assured by a Press Recognition Panel, set up under a Royal Charter. To preempt what they called “state control,” the newspaper proprietors set up an Independent Press Standards Organization (IPSO), accountable to no one but itself. True to previous form, the government then gave up, overruling the opinion of Leveson himself that further inquiry was needed to establish the “extent of unlawful or improper conduct by newspapers, including corrupt payments to the police.” Indeed, Leveson doubted whether the IPSO is sufficiently different from its predecessor, the PCC, to have resulted in any “real difference in behavior” at all. Although some British press outlets are uniquely vicious, striking the right balance between the public’s need to know and individuals’ right to privacy is a general problem, and must be continually addressed in the light of changing technology and practices. The media are still needed to protect us against abuses of state power; but we need the state to protect us from abuses of media power.", "zh": "因为新闻投诉委员会“没有能力处理系统性非法侵犯隐私权的行为 ” ， 议会联合委员会提出建议改革监管机构。 同年，在默多克的世界新闻报因电话窃听遭刑事起诉而被迫关闭后，时任首相戴维·卡梅伦任命大法官布莱恩·莱文森主持对媒体的“文化、惯例和道德规范进行调查；卡梅伦还要求调查媒体与警方之间的关系；现行监管制度失败的原因；全国报刊和政客之间的探讨和联系；为什么之前有关媒体不端行为的警告从未引起关注；以及跨媒体所有权问题 。 ” 莱文森完成了这项任务 — — 他建议实行一种新的、更有效的媒体监管方式 — — 他只提出了“一个简单的问题：谁来防范守护者 ？ ” 莱文森报告的第一部分出版于2012年，建议按照皇家宪章规定成立一个由新闻认证委员会保障其对报纸和政府独立性的行业监管机构。 为避免他们所谓的“政府控制 ” ， 报业业主成立了一个独立的新闻标准机构（IPSO ） ， 不对除本行业以外的任何人负责。 与此前一样，政府随后选择放弃，否定了莱文森本人的意见，放弃进一步调查确定“报纸的非法或不恰当行为，包括向警方行贿达到何种程度 ” 。 事实上，莱文森质疑独立新闻标准机构是否与其前身拥有足够的差异，从而导致其行为上有任何“真正的不同 ” 。 尽管某些英国媒体渠道的行为特别恶意，但在公众知情权和个人隐私权之间达成适当的平衡却是一个普遍问题，而且必须根据技术和现实情况的发展变化来持续解决。 媒体仍需要保护我们避免国家权力被滥用；但我们也需要国家来保护我们避免媒体滥用权力。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "——面向国内制造业重点项目推进、重大工程实施和重要装备研制需求，发展具有高支撑价值的安全可靠工业APP。——面向关键基础材料、核心基础零部件（元器件）、先进基础工艺、产业技术基础等“工业四基”领域，发展普适性强、复用率高的基础共性工业APP。——面向汽车、航空航天、石油化工、机械制造、轻工家电、信息电子等行业需求，发展推广价值高、带动作用强的行业通用工业APP。——面向制造企业的个性化需求，发展高应用价值的企业专用工业APP。（三）主要目标。到2020年，培育30万个面向特定行业、特定场景的工业APP，全面覆盖研发设计、生产制造、运营维护和经营管理等制造业关键业务环节的重点需求。突破一批工业技术软件化共性关键技术，构建工业APP标准体系，培育出一批具有重要支撑意义的高价值、高质量工业APP，形成一批具有国际竞争力的工业APP企业。工业APP应用取得积极成效，创新应用企业关键业务环节工业技术软件化率达到50%。工业APP市场化流通、可持续发展能力初步形成，对繁荣工业互联网平台应用生态、促进工业提质增效和转型升级的支撑作用初步显现。二、主要任务。", "en": "- Promote the development of secure and reliable industrial apps with high support value for key projects, major engineering projects, and important equipment development needs in the domestic manufacturing industry.- Develop basic common industrial apps with strong universality and high reuse rate in the four industrial foundations areas, including key basic materials, core components, advanced basic processes, and industrial technology foundations.- Develop and promote industry-specific industrial apps with high value and strong driving force for industries such as automotive, aerospace, petrochemicals, machinery manufacturing, light industry appliances, and information electronics.- Develop enterprise-specific industrial apps with high application value to meet the personalized needs of manufacturing companies.- By 2020, cultivate 300,000 industrial apps targeting specific industries and scenarios, covering key needs in research and development, production, operation and maintenance, and business management in the manufacturing industry.- Breakthrough key common technologies for industrial software, establish industrial app standards, cultivate a number of high-value and high-quality industrial apps with significant support significance, and form a number of internationally competitive industrial app enterprises.- Achieve positive results in the application of industrial apps, with the software rate of key business processes in innovative application enterprises reaching 50%.- Formulate a market-oriented circulation and sustainable development capability for industrial app applications, and preliminarily demonstrate the support role in promoting the prosperity of the industrial Internet platform application ecosystem, improving industrial quality and efficiency, and transforming and upgrading the industry.- The main tasks are as follows: [not provided in the text]"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The problem for Russia is that it already has very little soft power with which to work. Indeed, as the political analyst Sergei Karaganov noted in 2009, Russia’s lack of soft power is precisely what is driving it to behave aggressively – such as in its war with Georgia the previous year. To be sure, Russia has historically enjoyed considerable soft power, with its culture having made major contributions to art, music, and literature. Moreover, in the immediate aftermath of World War II, the Soviet Union was attractive to many Western Europeans, owing largely to its leadership in the fight against fascism. But the Soviets squandered these soft-power gains by invading Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. By 1989, they had little soft power left. The Berlin Wall did not collapse under a barrage of NATO artillery, but under the impact of hammers and bulldozers wielded by people who had changed their minds about Soviet ideology. Putin is now making the same mistake as his Soviet forebears. Despite his 2013 declaration that Russia should be focusing on the “literate use” of soft power, he failed to capitalize on the soft-power boost afforded to Russia by hosting the 2014 Winter Olympic Games in Sochi. Instead, even as the Games were proceeding, Putin launched a semi-covert military intervention in Ukraine, which, together with his talk of Russian nationalism, has induced severe anxiety, particularly among ex-Soviet countries. This has undermined Putin’s own stated objective of establishing a Russia-led Eurasian Union to compete with the European Union. With few foreigners watching Russian films, and only one Russian university ranked in the global top 100, Russia has few options for regaining its appeal. So Putin has turned to propaganda. Last year, Putin reorganized the RIA Novosti news agency, firing 40% of its staff, including its relatively independent management. The agency’s new leader, Dmitry Kiselyov, announced in November the creation of “Sputnik,” a government-funded network of news hubs in 34 countries, with 1,000 staff members producing radio, social media, and news-wire content in local languages. But one of the paradoxes of soft power is that propaganda is often counterproductive, owing to its lack of credibility.", "zh": "俄罗斯的问题是它手中没有多少软实力可用。 事实上，政治分析家谢尔盖·卡拉加诺夫（Sergei Karaganov）在2009年时指出，俄罗斯缺少软实力正是其激进行事的原因 — — 比如前年与格鲁吉亚的战争。 平心而论，历史上俄罗斯拥有相当可观的软实力，其文化为艺术、音乐和文学做出过巨大贡献。 此外，在二战结束后苏联还吸引了大量西欧人，这主要是因为它在抗击法西斯主义中起到了领导作用。 但1956年入侵匈牙利和1968年入侵捷克斯洛伐克将苏联的这些软实力挥霍殆尽。 到1989年，苏联已没有多少软实力了。 柏林墙不是被北约的密集炮火轰塌的，而是改变了对苏联意识形态看法的人民用锤子和推土机推倒的。 普京正在犯与其苏联前辈一样的错误。 尽管他在2013年宣布俄罗斯应该专注于“精于使用”软实力，但他并没有利用好主办2014年索契冬奥会给俄罗斯带来的提振软实力的机会。 相反，尽管冬奥会仍在进行，俄罗斯仍然发动了对乌克兰的半隐蔽军事干预，再加上他的俄罗斯民族主义言论，激发了各国特别是前苏联国家的严重关注。 这有悖于普京自己宣称的目标 — — 建立俄罗斯领导的欧亚联盟对抗欧洲联盟。 俄罗斯电影没有多少外国观众；进入世界大学排名100强的俄罗斯大学也只有一所，这令俄罗斯很难重新赢得吸引力。 因此普京转向了宣传战场。 去年，普京重组了俄罗斯新闻社（RIA Novosti ） ， 解雇了40%的员工，包括相对独立的管理层。 俄新社新领导人德米特里·基谢廖夫（Dmitry Kiselyov）在11月宣布成立“史普尼克 ” （ Sputnik ） ， 一个由政府出资的新闻枢纽网络，遍布34个国家，拥有1,000工作人员用当地语言制作广播、社交媒体和新闻节目。 但软实力的一个悖论是宣传常常起到反效果，因为宣传缺少可信度。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Already there is evidence that women are self-censoring and drawing back from writing about certain issues, specifically rights-based issues and those affecting marginalized communities. But, by doing this, the voices of the vulnerable are also silenced. To be sure, some women are fighting back against the violence and refusing to let the trolls win. Alexandra Pascalidou, a Swedish-Greek journalist who has experienced threats online and offline for her work covering human-rights issues, has spoken openly about her experiences and has even publicly forgiven one of the neo-Nazis who ran a campaign of abuse against her. Speaking at the News Xchange media conference late last year, Pascalidou described it as her “duty” to bring attention to the abuse she and other female journalists regularly endure. “What we need is more people like us,” she said. “As soon as we are few, it is easier for them to scare us.” Maria Ressa, a former CNN war correspondent, is equally outspoken. The founder and CEO of Rappler.com, an online news organization in the Philippines, she has been the target of a campaign of sexualized harassment since 2016. Ressa has lost count of the number of death threats she has received and says none of her previous experiences covering physical conflict could have prepared her for the scale of the violence directed toward her and her Rappler colleagues. But she is fighting back with a strategy that could well serve as a blueprint for media leaders who recognize the severity of online harassment.", "zh": "已经有证据表明，女记者开始自我审查，不再撰写某些问题的报道，特别是基于权利的问题和影响到边缘群体的问题。 但这样一来，弱势群体的声音也就听不到了。 诚然，有一些女性对暴力进行回击，拒绝向直男癌低头。 瑞典裔希腊记者亚力桑德拉·帕斯卡利都（Alexandra Pascalidou）因为其对人权问题的报道而受到线上线下威胁，她公开谈论自己的经验，甚至公开原谅了一位煽动对她采取暴力的新纳粹分子。 帕斯卡利都在去年年底举行的News Xchange媒体会议上发言，说任期人们对她和其他女记者经常会遇到的暴力的关注是她的“责任 ” 。 “我们需要跟多人像我们一样 ， ” 她说 ， “ 只要我们人数不够多，他们就更容易吓到我们 。 ” 前CNN战地记者玛利亚·雷萨（Maria Ressa）同样心直口快。 作为菲律宾在线新闻组织Rappler.com创始人兼首席执行官，自2016年 以来她成为语言性骚扰活动的目标。 雷萨已经记不清受到过多少次威胁，她说，她报道真刀真枪的冲突的经验都让她对针对她的她的Rappler同事的暴力规模之大措手不及。 但她的反击策略可以作为认识到在线羞辱的严重性的媒体领导者的蓝图。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Most farmland is acquired through hereditary or communal distribution systems, and when new plots are allocated, they are typically smaller than those provided to previous generations. To remain profitable, younger growers must produce larger crops from smaller spaces, which requires innovation. Our study found that in many cases, the best solutions for young farmers are already being designed by young people. For example, in Kenya, one vegetable grower turned her kitchen garden into a vertical farm to increase its output. Today, she runs her own business designing, fabricating, and installing similar structures for a variety of customers. Another interviewee created a mobile app to help farmers connect with local seed and fertilizer suppliers. Unfortunately, these types of youth-driven innovations rarely receive the necessary political or financial backing to make them viable and scalable. Despite having great ideas, most young agricultural innovators do not feel supported in their efforts. Young people can help solve Africa’s unemployment challenges, but those closest to the problem have yet to be made part of the solution. Our research suggests several strategies to achieve this outcome. For starters, young people need places to engage with like-minded innovators. Recognizing this, policymakers and the private sector should work together to create incubation centers and ideation hubs to help young people build, discuss, and access farm-related technologies. Moreover, those who promote new farm technologies should travel to the places where young people gather, to provide hands-on, audience-specific training. If the newest farm gadgets and tools are marketed only on social media, as is often the case, uptake in rural areas will remain weak. Next, young people need access to financial products and services to help them turn their ideas into marketable businesses. And, finally, countries must find ways to involve their youth in early stages of the technology-development pipeline. As the experience of the Kenyan gardener illustrates, young people are often the best judges of what will deliver long-term, practical results. Last year, I had the privilege of presenting these findings at the Global Youth Economic Opportunities Summit in Washington, DC. I spoke about the role young people play in Africa’s economy, and the importance of soliciting their views on the future of African agriculture. It was an important first step in bringing young peoples’ ideas to the table.", "zh": "大部分农地通过遗产或公共分配制度获得，而新分配农地往往大小不如此前所分的农地。 要保持盈利能力，年轻农民必须在更少的土地上种出更多庄稼，而这就需要创新。 我们的研究发现，在许多情况下，对年轻农民来说最好的办法已经在年轻人的开发之中。 比如，在肯尼亚，一位菜农把她的裁菜园改造为垂直农场以增加产出。 如今，她经营着自己的企业，为各种客户设计、制作和安装类似的结构。 另一位受访者开发了一个移动应用帮助农民与本地种子和肥料供应商联系。 不幸的是，这些年轻人推动的创新很少能够获得必要的政治和财务支持实现生存和扩张。 许多年轻农业创新者拥有了不起的想法，但难以获得支持。 年轻人能够助力解决非洲的失业问题，但最接近问题的人却无法成为解决方案的一部分。 我们的研究建议了一些实现这一结果的策略。 首先，年轻人需要与创新同道交流的场所。 认识到这一点，决策者和私人部门应该合作建立孵化中心和创意枢纽（ideation hub）帮助年轻人构建、讨论和接触与农场相关的技术。 此外，推进新农场技术的人应该亲身体验年轻人聚集的场所，提供亲身体验、为受众量身定制的培训。 如果最新农场技术和工具旨在社交媒体上兜售（通常正是如此 ） ， 农村地区对这些技术和工具的吸收便无法提高。 还有，年轻人需要得到金融产品和服务，以助他们将概念转化为可以在市场推广的业务。 最后，各国必须设法在技术发展的早期阶段就让年轻人参与进来。 前述肯尼亚菜农的经验表明，年轻人常常是哪些概念能带来长期切实效果的最佳评判者。 去年，我有幸在华盛顿的全球青年经济机会峰会（Global Youth Economic Opportunities Summit）上展示这些发现。 我谈到了年轻人在非洲经济中的作用，以及收集他们关于非洲农业的未来的观点的重要性。 这是将年轻人的概念摆上台面的重要的第一步。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "One major reason is that MENA governments fail to encourage – and, in some cases, actively discourage – innovation. While some countries worry that automation is resulting in job losses, the MENA region’s failure to adopt new technologies is impeding job creation. The problem is that MENA governments, seeking to protect incumbents – especially in sectors like banking and telecommunications – impose excessive and outdated regulations that deter new actors from entering the market. This short-circuits competition, undermines the diffusion of general-purpose technology, and blocks the type of adaptation and evolution that underpins a vibrant private sector. This is not the case in, say, Asia, a region that embraced new technologies in order to establish itself as a global manufacturing hub. In fact, thanks to automation, Asia is likely to retain its manufacturing dominance, even after wages rise above the traditional levels of manufacturing-intensive economies. Against this background, MENA countries cannot hope to pursue the traditional development path of reliance on manufacturing exports. Instead, they will have to develop a more sophisticated digital economy that takes advantage of young, educated workforces. This will require, first and foremost, the adoption of new technologies, and even the provision of “digital public goods” like fast and reliable broadband Internet and digital payment solutions. Although Internet connectivity and digital devices have become ubiquitous in the MENA region, they are used for accessing social media, rather than for launching new enterprises or employing people. This probably has something to do with the fact that the region rates the lowest in the world for bandwidth per subscriber.", "zh": "一个主要原因是中东和北非地区政府未能鼓励 — — 甚至在某些情况下积极阻挠 — — 创新活动。 尽管某些国家担心自动化会导致失业，但中东和北非地区未能采用新技术正妨碍就业机会的产生。 问题在于中东和北非政府为保护现有企业 — — 特别是银行和电信企业 — — 强制实施了陈旧而过度的法规，以阻止新主体进入市场。 这种做法扼杀竞争，破坏通用技术传播，并阻碍了支撑充满活力的私营部门的适应和发展类型。 亚洲的情况却并非如此，该地区主动拥抱新技术，以使自己成为全球制造业中心。 事实上，由于积极寻求自动化，亚洲很可能保持其制造业领域的主导地位，即使亚洲的薪酬已经高于传统制造业密集型经济体的水平。 在这种背景下，中东和北非国家寄希望于选择依赖制造业出口的传统发展道路已经不可能。 相反，它们必须发展出更加复杂的数字经济，充分利用那些受过教育的年轻人。 这首先需要采用新技术，甚至需要提供快速可靠的宽带互联网及数字支付方案等数字公共产品。 尽管网络接入和数字设备已经在中东和北非地区普遍存在，但它们被用于访问社交媒体，而不是开办新企业或雇用工人。 这种状况很可能部分因为该地区在全球单位用户中带宽最低。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "张宏纲，浙江大学信息与电子工程学院教授、博士生导师，法国大学联盟UEB（Université Européenne de Bretagne）暨法国高等电力学院（Supelec）杰出讲座教授（International Chair Professor of Excellence, 12/2012-12/2014），英国约克大学名誉客座教授（Honorary Visiting Professor, 08/2010-08/2018），英国约克大学-浙江大学认知网络与绿色通信联合实验室共同主任。 1989年7月毕业于华中科技大学（华中理工大学）电子与信息工程系，获学士学位。 1992年6月毕业于兰州理工大学自动控制系，获工学硕士学位。 1999年3月毕业于日本国立鹿儿岛大学 (Kagoshima University) 理工学研究科通信与信息工学专攻， 获工学博士学位。 自1999年9月至2002年3月，加入日本国立通信放送机构(TAO)新川崎研究中心， 担任TAO研究员。 自2002年4月至2002年11月，加入日本丰田汽车总公司东京IT研究中心，从事下一代软件无线电(SDR)在智能运输系统(ITS)中的应用研究与开发工作。", "en": "Honggang Zhang, Professor and Doctoral Supervisor of the School of Electronic Engineering of Zhejiang University, International Chair Professor of Excellence of French University Alliance UEB and French Higher School of Electric Power from December 2012 to December 2014, Honorary Visiting Professor of the University of York from August 2010 to August 2018, Co-Director of the Joint Laboratory of Cognitive Networks and Green Communication, York University-Zhejiang University. In July 1989, he graduated from the Department of Electronics and Information Engineering of Huazhong University of Science and Technology with a Bachelor's Degree. In June 1992, he graduated from the Department of Automatic Control of Lanzhou University of Technology with a Master's Degree in engineering. In March 1999, he graduated from Kagoshima University, Japan, majoring in communications and information engineering at the faculty of Science and Engineering, and received a Doctor Degree in engineering. From September 1999 to March 2002, he joined the New Kawasaki Research Center of Japan's National Telecommunications and Broadcasting Organization (TAO) as a TAO researcher. From April 2002 to November 2002, joined the Tokyo IT Research Center of Toyota Motor Corporation of Japan, engaged in the application research and development of the next generation software radio (SDR) in the intelligent transportation system (ITS)."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "But this definition, while forthright, leaves a large loophole for legislators. For example, it creates the possibility that, say, British MPs could legally trade shares on information acquired in the course of normal business, because they do not qualify as “insiders.” In 2004, a paper published in the Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis showed that US senators who traded stocks beat the market by 12% per year. Since even the best hedge-fund managers find it hard to achieve comparable results, we must conclude that these senators either are better than hedge-fund managers, or that they benefit from privileged information. Even more worrying than insider trading by elected representatives is the political-intelligence industry that now flourishes in Washington, Brussels, and other major global capitals. In the US, former US congressmen and their staffers collect privileged information and sell it to hedge-fund managers, raking in $100 million annually. A proposal to ban insider trading by US congressmen has languished in Congress since 2006. But it appears that the 60 Minutes program generated some attention; within four days of the broadcast, the number of cosponsors of the proposal increased from nine to 57, and a session was called to discuss the legislation next month. Yet the problem is not simply Congress’s exemption from insider-trading law. The real issue is that the US Congress – like many countries’ legislatures – lives by rules that are very different from those imposed on ordinary citizens. In particular, the accounting, transparency, and fraud rules that govern businesses do not apply to elected representatives. It is a problem that goes well beyond insider trading. If corporate executives lie during a conference call, they can be sued. Politicians, on the other hand, lie during electoral campaigns and once in office, with few or no consequences. If the US government had been compelled to abide by the same accounting rules as the private sector does, it would have been forced to consolidate Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac – the giant government-backed mortgage companies at the heart of the recent financial crisis – and to report all contingent liabilities at market value.", "zh": "但这个定义虽然明确，却给立法者留下了一个巨大的后门。 因为它忽视了一种可能性，比如英国议员们可以利用在自己日常工作中所获取的信息进行股票交易，因为他们显然不符合“内幕交易者”的定义。 在2004年，一篇发表在《金融和统计分析学报》上的论文显示那些投资股票的美国参议员年回报率都比市场高12 % 。 既然连最好的对冲基金经理都只能望其项背，我们只能得出两个结论：要么这些参议员比对冲基金经理更高明，要么这些人都从机密信息中捞到了好处。 而比民选代表内幕交易更令人担忧的则是当前在华盛顿，布鲁塞尔和各大国首都大行其道的政治情报行业。 在美国，前议员及其下属收集相关机密信息卖给基金经理，年交易金额竟达千万美元之巨。 一项旨在防止美国议员实施内幕交易的提案自2006年至今都未获国会关注。 但《60分钟时事杂志》的播出似乎已经引起了一些注意；在节目播出后的4天内，该提案的联名推荐人数量就从9个提高到54个，并决定在下月召开相关会议讨论相关立法问题。 但这个问题并不仅限于国会不受内幕交易法案管辖的问题，真正的要害其实是美国国会（跟许多其他国家的立法机构一样）并非基于那些适用于普通公民的法规而运作。 尤其是那些适用于企业的会计，信息透明和欺诈行为的法规都无法应用在民选代表身上。 这是个远超出内幕交易范围之外的问题。 如果企业主管人员在议会聆讯中撒谎，那么等待他的将是法律的制裁。 与此相反，政治家即使在竞选活动或者当选后撒谎也不会遭遇什么后果。 如果美国政府也要遵守与私人部门同样的会计监管法律，它��被迫将房地美和房利美这两个身处当前金融危机核心的巨型政府背景抵押贷款企业进行合并，并按市场价格公布所有可能产生的负债。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "完善标准化顶层设计。建立健全物联网标准体系，发布物联网标准化建设指南。进一步促进物联网国家标准、行业标准、团体标准的协调发展，以企业为主体开展标准制定，积极将创新成果纳入国际标准，加快建设技术标准试验验证环境，完善标准化信息服务。加强关键共性技术标准制定。加快制定传感器、仪器仪表、射频识别、多媒体采集、地理坐标定位等感知技术和设备标准。组织制定无线传感器网络、低功耗广域网、网络虚拟化和异构网络融合等网络技术标准。制定操作系统、中间件、数据管理与交换、数据分析与挖掘、服务支撑等信息处理标准。制定物联网标识与解析、网络与信息安全、参考模型与评估测试等基础共性标准。推动行业应用标准研制。大力开展车联网、健康服务、智能家居等产业急需应用标准的制定，持续推进工业、农业、公共安全、交通、环保等应用领域的标准化工作。加强组织协调，建立标准制定、实验验证和应用推广联合工作机制，加强信息交流和共享，推动标准化组织联合制定跨行业标准，鼓励发展团体标准。支持联盟和龙头企业牵头制定行业应用标准。", "en": "Improve standardized top-level design. Establish and improve the standard system for the Internet of Things, and publish guidelines for the standardization of the Internet of Things. Further promote the coordinated development of national standards, industry standards, and group standards for the Internet of Things, with enterprises as the main body for standard formulation, actively incorporating innovative achievements into international standards, accelerating the construction of technical standard testing and verification environments, and improving standardized information services. Strengthen the formulation of key common technology standards. Accelerate the formulation of perception technology and equipment standards such as sensors, instruments, radio frequency identification, multimedia collection, and geographic coordinate positioning. Organize the formulation of network technology standards such as wireless sensor networks, low-power wide area networks, network virtualization, and heterogeneous network integration. Formulate information processing standards such as operating systems, middleware, data management and exchange, data analysis and mining, and service support. Formulate basic common standards such as Internet of Things identification and resolution, network and information security, reference models and evaluation tests. Promote the development of industry application standards. Vigorously carry out the formulation of urgently needed application standards for industries such as connected vehicles, health services, and smart homes, and continue to promote standardization work in application areas such as industry, agriculture, public safety, transportation, and environmental protection. Strengthen organization and coordination, establish a joint working mechanism for standard formulation, experimental verification, and application promotion, strengthen information exchange and sharing, promote the joint formulation of cross-industry standards by standardization organizations, and encourage the development of group standards. Support alliances and leading enterprises in formulating industry application standards."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "csprd"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "While countries can be compensated for planting forests, they cannot be compensated for avoiding deforestation. Countries like PNG would thus be doubly better off if they cut down their ancient hardwood trees and replanted. But this makes no sense economically or socially. These countries should be given incentives to maintain their forests. (There are, as always, technical issues to be resolved, concerning monitoring and measurement, but these can be overcome easily with modern technologies.) At the very least, markets like ETS should credit emissions reductions that result from limiting deforestation. Without such a program, unfortunately, developing countries have neither the means nor incentives to underwrite conservation. There are some 2.7 billion people in over 60 developing countries that are home to the world’s tropical forests. Cutting down the hardwood forests – even when they presently receive just 5% of the final price in, say, New York – is the only way people can make ends meet. Some have suggested waiting to address this issue until 2012, when a revised protocol is supposed to come into effect. But, can we wait? At currents rates of deforestation, the combined contributions to greenhouse gas concentrations from Brazil and Indonesia alone would offset nearly 80% of the emission reductions gained from the Kyoto protocol. What is so impressive about the new rainforest initiative is that it comes from the developing countries themselves; it represents their creativity and social commitment. For the first time, developing countries seem willing to undertake the kinds of commitments that Europe, Japan, and the other advanced industrial countries (except the US) have made to avoid what could be a global disaster. Costa Rica, for example, has already shown that a system of paying for the provision of environmental services (like maintaining natural forests) can work in ways that preserve the environment and boost the economy. Compensating the developing countries for providing these environmental services would be one way of substantially increasing aid – and at the same time, providing these countries with the right market incentives. From a global point of view, the best use of these resources is to maintain the forests, which is even possible with managed cutting.", "zh": "虽然各国培植森林的行动可以获得补偿，但他们防止采伐森林的努力却不能得到补偿。 因此像巴布亚新几内亚这样的国家如果砍掉他们古老的硬木树林再重新种植也许还更划算。 但这样的做法是不符合经济和社会逻辑的。 应该有很好的激励机制以鼓励这些国家保全他们的森林资源。 （通常会遇到与监测和衡量标准有关的技术性问题，但是运用现代技术这些问题都可以迎刃而解。 ）至少像ETS这样的市场应该为限制采伐森林所带来的良性结果授予相应的信用。 有人建议等到2012年《议定书》的修正案出台时再应对这一问题。 但我们等得起吗？ 以现在森林消失的速度，仅由巴西和印度尼西亚两国所造成的温室气体集中就会抵消《京都议定书》所带来的排放削减量的近80 % 。 这项新的雨林动议之所以让人印象深刻就是因为它是由发展中国家自己提出的；它代表了提出国的创造性和社会承诺。 发展中国家似乎第一次愿意承担欧洲、日本和其他发达的工业化国家（除美国以外）为了避免一场全球性的灾难而已经承担的那种承诺。 例如，哥斯达黎加的经验已经表明一种环境服务（例如保全自然森林资源） 的支付体系能够既保持环境又支持经济发展。 为发展中国家提供的这些环境服务进行补偿可以成为一种切实增加援助的方式—而同时，也为这些国家提供了适宜的市场激励机制。 从全球性的观点来看，利用这些资源的最佳方式是保全森林，这甚至可以通过管理下的砍伐来实现。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Mine Your Digital Business BOSTON – Nearly everyone has a digital footprint – the trail of so-called “passive data” that is produced when you engage in any online interaction, such as with branded content on social media, or perform any digital transaction, like purchasing something with a credit card. A few seconds ago, you may have generated passive data by clicking on a link to read this article. Passive data, as the name suggests, are not generated consciously; they are by-products of our everyday technological existence. As a result, this information – and its intrinsic monetary value – often goes unnoticed by Internet users. But the potential of passive data is not lost on companies. They recognize that such information, like a raw material, can be mined and used in many different ways. For example, by analyzing users’ browser history, firms can predict what kinds of advertisements they might respond to or what kinds of products they are likely to purchase. Even health-care organizations are getting in on the action, using a community’s purchasing patterns to predict, say, an influenza outbreak. Indeed, an entire industry of businesses – which operate rather euphemistically as “data-management platforms” – now captures individual users’ passive data and extracts hundreds of billions of dollars from it. According to the Data-Driven Marketing Institute, the data-mining industry generated $156 billion in revenue in 2012 – roughly $60 for each of the world’s 2.5 billion Internet users. As impressive as this figure sounds, it is just the first step for the data economy. By 2020, the global Internet population will reach five billion; ten billion new machine-to-machine connections will be created; and mobile data traffic will rise 11-fold. Given the dramatic growth in the amount of data being generated, together with ever-expanding applications across industries, it is reasonable to expect that individual data will soon be worth more than $100 per Internet user. Within ten years, the data-capture industry can be expected to generate more than $500 billion annually. Based on these projections, one might wonder what kind of compensation the creators of this multibillion-dollar data can expect. As it stands, the answer is none at all. Individual users are at the bottom of a broken economy.", "zh": "挖掘你的数字生意 波士顿—几乎所有人都留下了数字足迹 — — 所谓的“消极数据 ” （ passive data）痕迹，在你参与在线互动时产生，比如社交媒体上的品牌活动或者用信用卡买东西之类的数字交易活动。 几秒钟前你点击鼠标链接到这个网页上阅读本文也会产生消极数据。 顾名思义，消极数据并非有意产生；而是日常科技存在的副产品。 因此，这类信息 — — 及其内在货币价值 — — 通常不为互联网用户所注意。 但公司并未放过消极数据的潜力。 它们意识到这类数据就像是新矿藏，可以挖掘并用于许多不同用途。 比如，通过分析用户的浏览历史，企业可以预测他们会响应怎样的广告、可能购买怎样的产品。 甚至医疗组织也加入其中，使用社区购买模式预测（比如）传染病的爆发。 事实上，一个全新的捕捉个体用户消极数据并从中挖掘数千亿美金的生意行当已经产生 — — 其中的企业被委婉地称为“数据管理平台 ” 。 根据数据驱动营销研究所（Data-Driven Marketing Institute）的数据，2012年数据挖掘行业实现收入1,560亿美元 — — 相当于全球25亿互联网用户每人贡献了60美元。 这一数字相当令人瞩目，而这只是数据经济的第一步。 到2020年，全球互联网人口将达到五十亿；创建十亿新机器对机器（machine-to-machine）连接；移动数据量将增长11倍。 数据的产生量将出现剧烈增长，再加上各行业不断扩张的应用，有理由期待个体数据价值很快就会超过100美元/互联网用户。 不出十年，数据捕捉行业年收入就有望突破5,000亿美元。 基于这样的预期，你可能会感兴趣这些价值成百上千亿美元的数据的额创造者能获得怎样的报偿。 目前的情况是没有任何报偿。 个体用户是破产经济的底层。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "zh", "tgt_lang": "en", "translation": {"zh": "赖永海，1949年7月生，福建漳州人，1985年毕业于南京大学，获哲学博士学位，1991年被国务院学位委员会评为“在工作中做出突出贡献的中国博士”，1993年被国务院学位委员会评为博士生导师，现为南京大学哲学教授，中华文化研究院院长。 研究方向为中国哲学。 2004年和2009年相继被国务院学位委员会聘为哲学学科评议组成员，2009年被人力资源与社会保障部聘为“全国博士后管委会专家组评审专家”。 近二十几年来，相继在《当代中国思潮》（美国，SSCI）、《中国社会科学》等刊物上发表论文数十篇，撰著、出版了《中国佛性论》、等18部著作，主编全球首部完整的《中国佛教通史》。 其中，《中国佛性论》2013年被新闻出版总署列入“经典中国国际出版工程”；《中国佛教通史》先后获国家“三个一百”原创图书奖、中国出版政府奖图书奖、教育部人文社科优秀成果一等奖。 2013年被评为“江苏省十大文化人物”。", "en": "Yonghai Lai, born in July 1949, a native of Zhangzhou, Fujian province. He graduated from Nanjing University in 1985 with a Ph.D. in philosophy. In 1991, he was appraised by the State Council Academic Degrees Committee as \"Chinese Doctorates who have made outstanding contributions to work\", and in 1993 as a Doctoral Supervisor by the State Council Academic Degrees Committee. Currently he serves as a Professor of philosophy at Nanjing University and the Dean of the Institute of Chinese Culture. His research direction is Chinese Philosophy. In 2004 and 2009, he was successively employed by the Academic Degrees Committee of the State Council as a member of the Philosophy Discipline Evaluation Group, and he was hired by the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security as the \"Expert Group Review Expert of the National Postdoctoral Management Committee\" in 2009. In the past two decades, he has successively published dozens of papers on journals such as Contemporary Chinese Thought, and Social Sciences in China, written and published 18 monographs including Chinese Buddhist Nature, and compiled General History of Chinese Buddhism, which is the first complete version all over the world. Among them, \"Chinese Buddhist Nature\" was included in the \"Classical China International Publishing Project\" by the General Administration of Press and Publication in 2013, and \"The General History of Chinese Buddhism\" has successively won the National \"Three Hundreds\" Original Book Award, the China Publishing Government Award Book Award, and the First Prize of Humanities and Social Sciences Outstanding Achievements of the Ministry of Education. Lai was selected into Top Ten Cultural Figures in Jiangsu Province in 2013."}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "mZPRT_Personal_Profile"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "They are tricks that work because they're based on some pretty basic principles about how our brains work. And you don't have to be building memory palaces or memorizing packs of playing cards to benefit from a little bit of insight about how your mind works. We often talk about people with great memories as though it were some sort of an innate gift, but that is not the case. Great memories are learned. At the most basic level, we remember when we pay attention. We remember when we are deeply engaged. We remember when we are able to take a piece of information and experience and figure out why it is meaningful to us, why it is significant, why it's colorful, when we're able to transform it in some way that it makes sense in the light of all of the other things floating around in our minds, when we're able to transform Bakers into bakers. The memory palace, these memory techniques, they're just shortcuts. In fact, they're not even really shortcuts. They work because they make you work. They force a kind of depth of processing, a kind of mindfulness, that most of us don't normally walk around exercising. But there actually are no shortcuts. This is how stuff is made memorable. And I think if there's one thing that I want to leave you with, it's what E.P., the amnesic who couldn't even remember that he had a memory problem, left me with, which is the notion that our lives are the sum of our memories.", "zh": "这些记忆伎俩之所以有效 是因为它们依仗人类大脑运转的 一些基本原理 并不用真的去建立记忆宫殿 或记下几副牌的顺序 你也完全可以从了解大脑运转原理中 获得一些益处 我们总会议论记忆力很好的人 总觉得那些人是天赋异禀 事实并不是这样 强大的记忆力是可以习得的 从最根本的说起 专心致志就能记住 全心投入时就能记住 只要能想办法把信息和经历 转化为有意义的事 就能记住 想它为何重要 为何多彩 当我们能把它转化成为 有前因后果的事 并跟我们脑海中繁杂琐碎的其他事产生联想时 当我们能把人名Baker转化为面包师baker时 记忆宫殿 或是那些记忆技巧 都只是捷径而已 其实 说到底它们都不能算捷径 这方法有效是因为它迫使你思考 它迫使你往更深层次去想 让你更加专注 大部分人平时并不会费力去训练这个 其实捷径并不存在 这一直就是我们能记住事物的原因 有一件事我希望你们能记住 就是E.P. 那个连自己患了健忘症都想不起来的人 让我深思 得出了一个感想 人生就是我们个人记忆的合集"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "iwslt14"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Gaza Prison GAZA CITY – It is easier to enter a maximum-security prison than it is to enter the strip of land – 45 kilometers long and maybe eight wide – that is home to Gaza’s 1.5 million Palestinians. Surrounded by a forbidding wall, watchtowers, and deadly buffer zones, I entered with a hard-to-obtain visa at the Erez crossing – iron gates, an interrogation by bored young immigration officers and scanners. On the other side is a kilometer-long caged walkway that leads into this part of Palestine, trapped between Israel, Egypt, the Mediterranean, and the general indifference of the international community. The view walking – in sweltering heat – through that long cage is apocalyptic. Small groups of Palestinians smash up the remains of Gaza’s bombed industrial infrastructure – the concrete blocks that litter the sandy landscape. They pummel the blocks for gravel and the steel bars inside. The result of their labor is hauled away in carts pulled by mangy horses or donkeys. This is much of what passes for industry in Gaza. The world periodically wakes up to the horrors of life in Gaza, and then goes back to watching the World Cup or planning summer holidays. We were awakened, for example, by the military assault of December 2008 and January 2009, when more than 1,300 Palestinians (including over 300 children) and 13 Israelis died. We noticed the long-running horror story again when the Israeli Defense Forces attacked a Turkish flotilla, carrying relief supplies, in May, with nine civilian fatalities. You have to be careful with language when discussing Israeli actions. Those who argue that there is a humanitarian crisis in Gaza should not compare the situation with Ethiopia or Sudan in the middle of a drought or a war. Conditions in Gaza are harsh and the population does suffer. Israel’s government has denied that people are starving and has relaxed its import restriction regime. But the siege was never intended to starve Gazans; as Dov Weissglass, a former aid to Ariel Sharon, famously observed, the aim was “to put the Palestinians on a diet.” The intention was collective punishment, imposed partly in response to Hamas’s political control of Gaza.", "zh": "加沙监狱 加沙城 — — 进入加沙地带比进入警戒级别最高的监狱还要难，这块地带只有45公里长、可能8公里宽，却是加沙150万巴勒斯坦人生活的家园。 在围墙、了望塔和致命的缓冲区的包围之下，我凭借一张好不容易得来的签证通过了埃雷兹过境点 — — 那里有铁门、百无聊赖的青年移民官和扫描设备的盘查。 铁门的另一端是进入这部分巴勒斯坦领土的被铁丝网包围的1公里长的通道，这块土地被以色列、埃及、地中海，还有国际社会的集体冷漠压得透不过气来。 在酷暑中走过那条狭长的铁笼通道感觉如同经历了世界末日一般。 小群的巴勒斯坦人正在破拆沙地上随处可见的混凝土块，这些混凝土块是加沙工业设施在轰炸后的残留物。 他们捶打这些混凝土块，收集里面的钢筋和沙砾。 他们的劳动成果被长满疥癣的驴和马拉车拖走。 这可以勉强算作加沙唯一的工业。 世界每隔一段时间就会注意到加沙生活的恐怖，而后又会回到看世界杯或计划消夏暑假中去。 比如，2008年12月和2009年1月发生的军事袭击将我们惊醒，1，300多名巴勒斯坦人（其中包括300多名儿童）和13名以色列人在这次袭击中丧生。 以色列国防军今年5月袭击运送救援物资的土耳其舰队让我们再次注意到这个似乎永远讲不完的恐怖故事，9名平民在这次袭击中丧生。 谈到以色列军事行动时你必须小心用词。 认为加沙存在人道主义危机的人不该将这里的局势与旱灾或战争中的埃塞俄比亚或苏丹相提并论。 加沙的条件的确艰苦，这里的民众也确实在受苦受难。 以色列政府已经否认加沙人正在挨饿，并且已经放松了进口限制制度。 但是封锁的目的从来不是要饿死加沙人，这一点曾任阿里埃勒·沙龙助理的多夫·魏斯格拉斯早就有过著名的论述，以色列的目标是“让巴勒斯坦人节食 ” 。 以色列人的部分目标是因为哈马斯政治控制加沙地带而对巴勒斯坦人实施集体惩罚。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Only those who spend more time talking to competent macroeconomists than is healthy know that they could be doing even better if the economy were rebalanced at full employment. So the absence of distress among America’s top 10% and its top 1% – and hence political pressure for measures to return the economy to its pre-2008 growth path – is understandable. But, for everyone else – roughly 90% of the US population – there has been no jump in income share relative to ten or 20 years ago to offset what now looks to be a permanent lost decade. On the contrary, the bottom 90% has continued to lose ground. When income inequality began to rise in the 1980’s and 1990’s, those of us who cut our teeth on the long march of North Atlantic history expected to see a political reaction. Democratic politics, we thought, would check the rising power of a largely parasitic economic over-class, especially if its influence caused governments to fail to live up to their commitments to provide full employment with increasing – and increasingly shared – prosperity. After all, in early-nineteenth-century Britain, growing inequality caused by the Industrial Revolution gave rise to movements for government regulation in the interests of the middle and working classes, and for a rebalancing of real incomes away from rich landlords. Similarly, the Great Depression produced enormous political pressure for reform and change (often for destructive and dangerous change, to be sure, but pressure nonetheless). Why can’t America launch similar movements today? To the extent that this has become a valid question, most Americans should be as worried today about the quality of their democracy as they are about the inequality of their incomes.", "zh": "只有把更多的时间花在与出色的宏观经济学家而不是交流而不是健康问题上的人才能知道，如果经济可以在充分就业水平上实现再平衡，他们还可以做得更好。 因此，美国顶层10%和顶尖1%人群丝毫没有紧迫感 — — 从而也不会有压力要求出台措施让经济回到2008年前的增长路径 — — 也不难理解了。 但是，对其他人来说 — — 他们要占美国人口的90 % — —收入占比比20年前丝毫没有提高，他们也无从抵消现在看起来将成为永久的失去的十年的损失。 相反，低层90%美国人将继续削弱。 20世纪八九十年代，当收入不平等性开始提高时，我们这些刚刚加入北大西洋历史进程的人期望看到政治反应。 我们认为，民主政治会制衡这一大多属于寄生阶层的人群的权力崛起，特别是他们的影响力导致政府无法兑现其提供充分就业和不断（惠及越来越多人的）繁荣的承诺时。 不经，在十九世纪初的英国，工业革命带来的不平等性的加剧掀起了让政府监管符合中产阶级和工人阶级利益的运动，实际收入迈向了不利于大地主的再平衡过程。 类似地，大萧条形成了巨大的改革和改变压力（诚然，这些改变通常是危险的，具有破坏力的，但总归存在压力 ） 。 为何美国不能在今天掀起类似的运动？ 这已经成为至关重要的问题，今天，大部分美国人应该像关注收入不平等那样关心民主的质量。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "The Enduring Egypt-Iran Divide WASHINGTON, DC – Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi may look besieged at home, but by brokering a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in November, he enhanced his diplomatic stature mightily across the entire Middle East. Indeed, as 2012 comes to a close, Egypt’s centrality to regional diplomacy has been restored. The big question for 2013 is whether Morsi will follow his achievement in Gaza by tackling another major diplomatic challenge: rebuilding relations with Iran after more than three decades of animosity. Initially, the Muslim Brotherhood’s ascent to power in the aftermath of the massive popular protests that toppled Morsi’s predecessor, Hosni Mubarak, inspired hope of renewed diplomatic ties with Iran. But, despite shared ideological principles, significant political obstacles continue to inhibit bilateral cooperation. Relations between the two countries collapsed in 1980, after Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini came to power in Iran’s Islamic Revolution and severed ties in response to Egypt’s formal recognition of Israel the previous year. Egypt’s then-president, Anwar El Sadat, granted the exiled Shah of Iran permission to live in Egypt, and supported Iraq in its eight-year war with the Islamic Republic. The Shah was ultimately buried in a mosque in Cairo. After Mubarak’s ouster last year, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei welcomed the prospect of Islamist rule, with delegations from both countries exchanging visits. For Khamenei, the “Arab Spring” was in fact an “Islamic Awakening.” Islamists in Iran and Egypt have a strong ideological connection. They share anti-Israel sentiment, and support Hamas against the secular-nationalist Fatah in the Palestinians’ internecine struggle. Committed to governance under Sharia (Islamic law), they both view Western culture as a threat. Iran has made some efforts to establish stronger economic relations with Egypt’s Islamist government and, in turn, cement a powerful anti-Israel front in the region. Iran’s attempt to strike a deal to sell Egypt crude oil would also help the Iranian government to cope with economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the European Union. But, although Iran’s oil minister, Rostam Qassemi, said in October that negotiations were underway, Egypt’s minister of petroleum and mineral resources, Osama Kamal, quickly disavowed any such deal. Beyond economics, Khamenei has an emotional attachment to Egypt.", "zh": "埃及和伊朗间的长期鸿沟 华盛顿 — — 埃及总统穆罕默德·穆尔西或许在国内政治中陷入重围，但由于11月促成以色列和哈马斯停火，他在整个中东地区大幅提高了自己的外交声誉。 事实上，在2012年即将结束之际，埃及已经恢复了在地区外交事务中的核心地位。 2013年的首要问题是穆尔西能否再续加沙辉煌，解决另一个重大的外交难题：结束超过30年的相互敌视并重塑与伊朗的关系。 起初，穆斯林兄弟会在推翻穆尔西前任胡斯尼·穆巴拉克的大规模民众抗议运动后上台执政点燃了重塑埃伊外交关系的希望。 但尽管具备共同的思想原则，重大政治障碍却继续阻碍着双边合作关系。 阿亚图拉·霍梅尼在伊朗伊斯兰革命后上台并因埃及在一年前正式承认以色列而在1980年断绝了两国关系。 埃及当时的总统安瓦尔·萨达特允许流亡国外的伊朗国王定居埃及，并在伊拉克与伊朗伊斯兰共和国的八年战争中对伊拉克予以支持。 国王最后被安葬在开罗的一所清真寺。 去年穆巴拉克下台后，伊朗最高领袖哈梅内伊表态欢迎伊斯兰统治，两国代表团也开始进行互访活动。 在哈梅内伊看来 ， “ 阿拉伯之春”和“伊斯兰觉醒”其实是一回事。 伊朗和埃及的伊斯兰教徒在意识形态领域一直联系密切。 他们同样表现出强烈的反以情绪，在巴勒斯坦内讧中支持哈马斯、反对奉行世俗民族主义的法塔赫。 两国同样信奉伊斯兰教法执政，同样将西方文化视为威胁。 伊朗努力同埃及伊斯兰政府加强经济联系，借以巩固该地区的反以同盟。 伊朗与埃及达成原油销售协议也有助于伊朗政府对抗美国和欧盟的经济制裁措施。 但尽管伊朗石油部长卡赛米10月公开表示谈判正在进行，埃及石油及矿产资源部长卡迈勒很快否认了签订类似协议。 除经济因素外，哈梅内伊与埃及还有感情联系。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Moreover, the smaller scale of shale wells makes them much more responsive to fluctuations in market prices. It is difficult to turn on and off the billion-dollar multiyear investments in traditional oil and gas fields; but shale wells are smaller, cheaper, and easier to start and stop as prices change. This means that the US has become the so-called swing producer capable of balancing supply and demand in global hydrocarbon markets. As Harvard’s Meghan O’Sullivan points out in her smart new book Windfall, the shale revolution has a number of implications for US foreign policy. She argues that the new energy abundance increases US power. Shale-energy production boosts the economy and creates more jobs. Reducing imports helps the balance of payments. New tax revenues ease government budgets. Cheaper power strengthens international competitiveness, particularly for energy-intensive industries like petrochemicals, aluminum, steel, and others. There are also domestic political effects. One is psychological. For some time, many people in the US and abroad have bought into the myth of American decline. Increasing dependence on energy imports was often cited as evidence. The shale revolution has changed that, demonstrating the combination of entrepreneurship, property rights, and capital markets that constitute the country’s underlying strength. In that sense, the shale revolution has also enhanced American soft power. Skeptics have argued that lower dependence on energy imports will cause the US to disengage from the Middle East. But this misreads the economics of energy. A major disruption such as a war or terrorist attack that stopped the flow of oil and gas through the Strait of Hormuz would drive prices to very high levels in America and among our allies in Europe and Japan. Besides, the US has many interests other than oil in the region, including nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, protection of Israel, human rights, and counterterrorism. The US may be cautious about overextending itself in the Middle East, but that reflects its experience with the costly invasion of Iraq and the general turmoil of the Arab Spring revolutions, rather than illusions that shale produces political “energy independence.” America’s ability to use oil sanctions to force Iran to negotiate an end to its nuclear-weapons program depended not only on Saudi willingness to make up Iran’s exports of a million barrels per day, but also on the general expectations that the shale revolution created.", "zh": "此外，页岩井的规模较小导致其更容易响应市场价格波动。 随意开关多年积累的对传统油气田10亿美元级别的投资难度非常大；但页岩井规模较小、投资较低、更容易随着价格的变化关闭和启动。 这意味着美国已经成为所谓的产量调节者，有能力平衡全球碳氢化合物的市场供求状况。 哈佛大学梅根·沙利文在其新著意外之财中指出，页岩革命会对美国外交政策产生一定的影响。 她认为这种新能源的富集增强了美国的影响力。 页岩能源生产推动了经济发展并创造出更多就业机会。 减少进口有助于平衡国际收支。 新的税收来源能减轻对政府预算的压力。 更廉价的能源加强了美国的国际竞争力，特别是在石油化工、铝、钢和其他能源密集型领域。 页岩能源的富集同样产生了国内政治影响。 其中一部分体现在心理层面。 一段时间以来，美国和国外许多人已经相信了美国衰落的神话，越来越依赖能源进口往往被视为美国衰落的证据。 页岩革命改变了这种局面，彰显了构成美国基础实力的企业家精神、产权和资本市场的完美结合。 从这个意义上讲，美国的软实力也通过页岩革命得到了增强。 怀疑论者还认为对能源进口依赖程度降低将导致美国加速脱离中东。 但这是对能源经济学的一种误读。 像战争或恐怖袭击这样的重大破坏会阻止石油和天然气通过霍尔木兹海峡并严重推高美国及其欧日盟国的油价。 不仅如此，美国在中东地区拥有除石油以外的诸多其他利益，包括核不扩散、保护以色列、人权及反恐。 美国或许会对在中东过度扩张持谨慎态度，但这是美国大费周章入侵伊拉克和历经阿拉伯之春革命后所做出的调整，而非来源于页岩能源生产带来政治“能源独立”的幻想。 美国能否利用石油制裁迫使伊朗谈判结束其核武器计划不仅取决于沙特是否愿意弥补伊朗每天一百万桶的石油出口能力，而且取决于页岩革命所带来的普遍期望。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Bubble CPAP delivered with the ultra-low cost apparatus was shown to be as effective as the standard low- and high-flow oxygen therapies. In fact, just 4% of infants died when treated with the improvised bubble CPAP device, compared with 15% of those receiving low-flow oxygen therapy. The case for further testing of Chisti’s alternative bubble CPAP delivery system – not to mention its implementation in places where alternative treatments are not available – is clear. If future trials demonstrate similar high efficacy, low-cost bubble CPAP could become the standard of care for pneumonia in resource-deprived settings, potentially saving thousands of lives every year. But Chisti’s research has implications far beyond the invention itself. It reinforces the idea, which has been a defining motivation of my own work leading the Maternal and Child Health Division at icddr,b, that innovators living and working in resource-poor settings are among the best equipped to develop and test cost-effective health solutions. After all, nobody understands the limitations of a weak health-care system better than someone who has to work in one. That is why globally networked, developing-country-based health research institutes like icddr,b are invaluable. They provide a platform for local researchers and innovators to recognize opportunities that an outsider may never see, and to develop and evaluate their ideas in the precise environment for which they are designed.", "zh": "结果显示这种超低成本设备提供的治疗与标准的低或高流量吸氧疗法有着同样的效果。 事实上，用简易持续气道正压通气设备治疗的婴儿死亡率仅有4 % ， 而接受低流量吸氧治疗的婴儿死亡率则为15 % 。 进一步测试契斯堤替代性持续气道正压通气疗法 — — 更不用说在无法提供常规疗法的地区进行应用 — — 的理由是十分清楚的。 如果未来的试验能表现出同样出色的疗效，那么低成本的气泡新生儿呼吸机可以成为资源匮乏地区治疗肺炎的标准疗法，从而每年可以因此挽救成千上万条生命。 但契斯堤研究的影响��远远不止其发明本身。 他进一步证明了一直在引领我本人在icddr,b妇幼保健司的工作的理论，即在资源匮乏地区生活和工作的创新人士最有可能完成高成本效益疗法的研发及测试工作。 毕竟，最了解脆弱的医疗系统本身限制的莫过于其中的工作者。 这也告诉我们为什么像icddr,b这样全球联网并植根于发展中国家的医疗研究机构是非常宝贵的。 它们为当地研究创新人士提供了了解外人可能永远无法了解的机遇的平台，并在完全切合设计目的的环境中设计和评估他们的想法。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "When German Chancellor Angela Merkel agreed to accept a million refugees into Germany, she was praised by many – and opposed by many others. But simply absorbing the refugee flows is not really an option either, at least not a complete one. What if Egypt were to explode in the way that Syria has? Developed countries – some of which have resisted accepting any refugees at all – would not simply accept 20 million newly displaced people. The only real option for tackling the refugee crisis is to address the causes of people’s displacement, including terrorism, hunger, disease, oppression, inadequate infrastructure, scarce vital resources, a lack of jobs and economic prospects, and falling standards of living. Seen in this light, supporting international development is not some discretionary act of generosity; it is a matter of mutual survival. To succeed, however, requires adapting development policies to economic reality. Rather than simply handing money from one state to another, as the world has done for the last 60 years, development funds must be used to mobilize the private sector – the real engine of economic growth and development. Indeed, in developing economies, the private sector accounts for 90% of jobs. With the right approach, the €20 billion ($21.9 billion) in annual development funding provided by the European Union could be leveraged to mobilize €300 billion of capital for the developing world, changing millions of people’s lives for the better.", "zh": "当德国总理默克尔同意接受一百万难民进入德国时，她受到了许多人的赞美 — — 也被许多人所反对。 但对难民流一收了之其实也不是一个选项，至少不是完整的选项。 如果埃及和叙利亚一样陷入动乱呢？ 发达国家 — — 其中一些拒绝接受任何难民 — — 是不可能一股脑儿接受2,000万新近流离失所的人的。 应对难民危机的唯一的现实选项是解决人们流离失所的根源，包括恐怖主义、饥饿、压迫、基础设施不足、重要资源稀缺、缺少就业机会和经济前景，以及生活水平下降。 从这个角度看，支持国际发展不只是出于慷慨的自发行为；而是事关共同生存的大事。 但是，要取得成功，发展政策必须适应经济现实。 发展基金不能简单地将钱由一国转移支付给另一国 — — 过去60年来一直是这么做的 — — 而必须用来动员私人部门，它们才是经济增长和发展的真正引擎。 事实上，在发展中经济体，私人部门贡献了90%的就业岗位。 有了正确的方针，每年由欧盟提供的200亿欧元发展资金可以为发展中世界撬动3,000亿欧元的资本，让数百万人的生活变得更好。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}
{"src_lang": "en", "tgt_lang": "zh", "translation": {"en": "Eco-Economic Development WASHINGTON, DC – The Earth’s biodiversity and the services provided by healthy ecosystems are under massive pressure from climate change and the challenge of supporting eight billion people in a sustainable way. Key ecosystem services – such as timber from forests, pollinators, and ocean fishing – must be conserved and cherished, yet they are being rapidly eroded. The 2022 United Nations Biodiversity Conference (COP15) in Montreal this month offers a chance to build on humanity’s shared vision of living in harmony with nature. Biodiversity is an important goal for World Bank Group programs. But to reverse its loss, economic decisions must take nature into account. That is why we are working to help countries integrate nature into their economic growth models, development plans, and climate agendas. Doing so means establishing policies that consider nature’s real economic value, building institutions that support nature, developing public-private partnerships to support that goal, and mobilizing finance from all sources to transform economies and policies – going well beyond isolated interventions. Fishing is a good example of why nature matters for growth and development. Globally, fish stocks are declining, owing to the triple threat of climate change, overfishing, and pollution. If business as usual continues, the world could lose up to 25% of fish catches by the end of the century. That should concern everyone, for several reasons. First, we are already facing one of the largest food-security crises in modern history. Since fish are an important dietary component for 3.3 billion people, a reduced supply will exacerbate food crises now and in the future. Fish are rich in nutrients that are particularly important for child development, and they are an especially valued source of protein for the poor, because they are easier to obtain and cheaper to preserve than other sources. Hence, fish contribute 50% or more of the total animal-protein intake in Ghana, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone. Moreover, a fish shortage will affect the entire food chain, because fish products are important components of other foods, including livestock feeds. Second, as fish become scarcer or migrate to colder and deeper waters because of climate change, many fishers will be forced to travel farther to catch them, to change the way they fish, or to find new jobs. Many will not be able to adapt.", "zh": "生态经济发展 发自华盛顿特区 — — 气候变化和以可持续方式支撑80亿人口的挑战正在给地球的生物多样性及其健康生态系统所提供的服务带来巨大压力。 一些必须得到保护和珍惜的关键生态系统服务 — — 如森林木材、授粉生物和海洋捕捞 — — 正被迅速侵蚀。 而本月在蒙特利尔举行的2022年联合国生物多样性大会则提供了一个构建人类与自然和谐相处之共同愿景的机会。 生物多样性是世界银行项目的一个重要目标。 而要扭转其损失就必须将自然因素纳入到经济决策中，也是我们努力协助各国将自然因素整合到其经济增长模式、发展计划和气候议程中的原因。 这样做意味着构建认同自然实际经济价值的政策，建立支持自然的机构，发展支持这一目标的公私伙伴关系，并从各处调动资金去实现经济和政策转型 — — 这些都远远超越孤立的干预行动。 渔业是一个体现自然的增长和发展重要性的绝佳例子。 在气候变化、过度捕捞和污染的三重威胁之下，全球范围内鱼类资源正在减少。 照这样发展下去世界可能会在本世纪末失去多达25%的鱼获量。 这应该引起每个人的关注，原因如下： 首先，我们已经面临着现代史上其中一个最大的粮食安全危机。 由于鱼是33亿人的重要食物组成部分，渔获减少将加剧当前和未来的粮食危机。 鱼类含有丰富的营养物质，对儿童发育特别重要，也是穷人特别重视的蛋白质来源，因为它们相对其他食物来源更容易获取，保存成本也更低。 因此在加纳、莫桑比克和塞拉利昂，鱼类占当地人口动物蛋白总摄入量的50%或以上。 此外渔获短缺将影响整个食物链，因为鱼类产品是其他食物的重要组成部分，包括牲畜饲料。 其次，随着鱼类因为气候变化而变得越来越少或迁移到更冷更深的水域，许多渔民将被迫到更遥远的海域捕鱼，改变自身捕捞方式，或是寻找新工作。 许多人将无法适应这些变化。"}, "task_type": "doc_trans", "data_name": "news-commentary_v18.1"}