Dataset Viewer
filename
stringlengths 5
10
| chunk_id
int64 0
6.49k
| text
stringlengths 49
7.25k
|
|---|---|---|
0.txt
| 0 |
---
title: Capturing Death in Animated Films: Can Films Stimulate Parent-Child Conversations about Death?
author: Corresponding Author David Menendez; Madison; WI
date: 2008-11-01
---
Abstract
We present three studies examining death in children's animated films. Study 1 is a content analysis of 49 films. We found that death is often portrayed in films, but many deaths occurred off-screen. Deaths were mostly portrayed in a biologically accurate manner, but some films portrayed biological misconceptions. Study 2 (n = 433) reports on parents' attitudes and parent-child conversations about death in films. Children's questions about death in animated films were similar to their questions about death more generally. Animated films may provide a context for parent-child conversations about death, as parents often watched these films with their children. However, it appeared that few parents took advantage of this opportunity to talk about death with their children.
Keywords: death, media, conceptual development, parent-child conversations
Children's understanding of death has received considerable attention in the cognitive developmental literature as it is critical for children's understanding of the biological world (Inagaki & Hatano, 1993). Focusing on this domain also enables researchers to examine how children's thinking varies as a function of cultural and religious practices (e.g., Bering et al., 2005; Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Panagiotaki et al., 2015). One potential manner in which cultural views on death may be conveyed to children is through animated media, and some researchers (Cox et al., 2005) have suggested that animated films may be a useful tool for parents to start conversations about death. The goal of the present research was to explore how death is portrayed in animated films targeted to children and whether parents actually use these films to talk about death.
Understanding of Death
To study children's understanding of death, researchers have focused on four biological sub-concepts (Speece & Brent, 1984): (1) finality/irreversibility (i.e., when something dies, it cannot come back to life), (2) universality (i.e., all living things die), (3) non-functionality (i.e., biological and psychological functions cease at death), and (4) causality (i.e., death can occur in many ways). Past research suggests that children's understanding of these sub-concepts increases with age, but that they have some understanding of universality
|
0.txt
| 1 |
life), (2) universality (i.e., all living things die), (3) non-functionality (i.e., biological and psychological functions cease at death), and (4) causality (i.e., death can occur in many ways). Past research suggests that children's understanding of these sub-concepts increases with age, but that they have some understanding of universality and finality by the age of 3 (Panagiotaki et al., 2018; Rosengren et al., 2014). A few researchers have examined religious/spiritual perspectives of death, such as the continued existence of the soul after death, which tend to appear later in life (e.g., Bering et al., 2005; Busch et al., 2017; Harris & Giménez, 2005; Rosengren et al., 2014). Researchers have also examined how these biological and spiritual models of death co-exist in the minds of children (Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Legare et al., 2012).
Researchers have identified differences in how children are socialized with respect to the concept of death. For example, parents in the United States often shield young children from information about death (Rosengren et al., 2014), while parents in Mexico talk openly about death and actively engage children in death rituals (Gutiérrez et al., 2015; Gutiérrez et al., 2020). Given the cultural similarities and differences in children's understanding of death, more recent research has focused on how children come to learn about death.
How Might Children Learn about Death?
Current theoretical accounts of children's understanding of death posit that children learn about death as they gain a richer understanding of biological phenomena, and more specifically through direct experiences with dead organisms. For example, teaching children about biological phenomena such as what functions are necessary for life promotes children's understanding of death, suggesting that advances in their understanding of death is related to advances in their biological reasoning (Slaughter & Lyons, 2003). Research has also examined how children's experiences with the death of a pet or a loved one influences their understanding of death (Panagiotaki et al., 2018; Rosengren et al., 2014). Children may also come to gain a better understanding of death from their experiences with representations of death in different forms of media, conversations with parents, and participation in cultural rituals (Longbottom & Slaughter, 2018; Men
|
0.txt
| 2 |
or a loved one influences their understanding of death (Panagiotaki et al., 2018; Rosengren et al., 2014). Children may also come to gain a better understanding of death from their experiences with representations of death in different forms of media, conversations with parents, and participation in cultural rituals (Longbottom & Slaughter, 2018; Menendez et al., 2020). In this paper, we focus on one factor that has received relatively little attention in empirical literature, namely children's experience with animated films.
Taking a sociocultural approach, we examine how representations of death in children's media might influence their understanding of death. Similar to how parents' attitudes towards talking to their children about death are reflective of broader cultural norms (Rosengren et al., 2014), children's animated films, as cultural products, likely reflect cultural norms and values about death. Therefore, children might be learning culturally appropriate information about death by watching these films. In addition, children likely do not watch animated films in isolation, but rather they might watch them with their parents. Thus, in this paper, we examine how death is represented in children's media and how parents and children interact in the context of these representations.
Death in Children's Media
There is a long history in developmental psychology of characterizing the information in children's environments as a way to understand child development within a specific context (e.g., Mix, 2009; Tomasello, 1992; Walsh & Leaper, 2020). The media produced within a culture often reflects the norms and values of that culture (Lee et al., 2014). One form of media, children's books, has received some attention with respect to how death is portrayed. In general, analyses of children's books produced in the United States have shown a lack of death portrayals. For example, Gutiérrez et al. (2014) analyzed US children's favorite books and Caldecott Medal winners and found that only 6 of 198 (3%) of the books contained deaths. This lack of deaths in mainstream children's books matches US parents' tendency to shield their children from death-related information, suggesting that parents and the larger culture implicitly and explicitly shield young children from images and experiences related to death.
Representations of death are more common in books designed to discuss death with children who have recently lost a loved one. However, there are interesting differences across cultures in these death-themed books. Death-themed books from countries like China display fewer
|
0.txt
| 3 |
to shield their children from death-related information, suggesting that parents and the larger culture implicitly and explicitly shield young children from images and experiences related to death.
Representations of death are more common in books designed to discuss death with children who have recently lost a loved one. However, there are interesting differences across cultures in these death-themed books. Death-themed books from countries like China display fewer supernatural aspects of death compared to books from countries like the United States (Lee et al., 2014). This matches the frequency of supernatural explanations of death provided by individuals in China and the United States (Lane et al., 2016). This research suggests that death representations in media reflect to some degree the prevalent cultural attitudes and beliefs towards how and what is discussed in parent-child conversations about death.
Given that parents in the United States often attempt to shield children from death under the assumption that children are too young to cognitively and emotionally cope with death, we might expect that this shielding of children from death would be reflected in few deaths being presented in animated films designed for young children.
Past research on animated films focused only on films that contain death scenes (Cox et al., 2005; Tenzek & Nickels, 2017). These studies found that the majority of deaths in animated films are implicit (i.e., they do not actually show the character dying and leave open whether the individual died or not) and occur to minor characters (Cox et al., 2005; Tenzek & Nickels, 2017). These two facts suggest that children might not realize a character died. Additionally, some films contained misconceptions about death such as presenting death as a deep sleep or having the deceased come back to life, either as the same person or in an altered form (Tenzek & Nickels, 2017). However, because Cox et al. (2005) and Tenzek and Nickels (2017) only focused on films that contained deaths, it is impossible to determine how prevalent deaths are in animated films. Additionally, the presence of misconceptions suggests that it is important to examine not only whether death is portrayed but how it is portrayed.
In order to examine how death is portrayed in animated films, we focused on dimensions that are most relevant to children's understanding of death. In particular, we examined how films represent the sub-concepts of death and whether they contain any spiritual or religious information. We also examined whether films display some common misconceptions about death such as equating death with sleep.
Parent-
|
0.txt
| 4 |
is portrayed.
In order to examine how death is portrayed in animated films, we focused on dimensions that are most relevant to children's understanding of death. In particular, we examined how films represent the sub-concepts of death and whether they contain any spiritual or religious information. We also examined whether films display some common misconceptions about death such as equating death with sleep.
Parent-Child Conversations
Parent-child interactions have been found to be critical in many areas of development. For example, Callanan et al. (2017), showed that parents' causal talk is related to their children's exploration of museum exhibits. Additionally, parents' correct responses to biology questions predicts their children's biological knowledge (Mills et al., 2020). Parents' beliefs are also important as parents often convey information to their children that is consistent with their own beliefs and broader cultural beliefs (Hernandez et al., 2020). Harris and Koenig (2006) have suggested that testimony from adults may help children learn about concepts such as death, which are partly unobservable. Therefore, how parents interact with their children might shape children's thinking and behavior in important ways.
Parent-child interactions are also critical in determining how much children will learn from media. Children younger than nine tend to focus on the concrete elements of a story and miss the bigger picture such as the moral of the story (Goldman et al., 1984). While children can understand broader messages contained in media, they require adult scaffolding to do so effectively (e.g., Mares & Acosta, 2010). Parents can provide this scaffolding and help children learn from media (Kirkorian et al., 2008; Sheehan et al., 2019; Valkenburg et al., 1998). This means that whether or not children learn about death from films might depend on whether parents watch the films with them and are willing to have discussions with their children.
Research on parent-child conversations about death has primarily focused on clinical outcomes. These studies suggest that open communication between children and parents aids children to cope with the death of a loved one (Field et al., 2014; Martinčeková et al., 2020). For this reason, parent-child conversations have been identified as a key mechanism in children's development of an understanding of death (Menendez et al., 2020; Rosengren et al., 2014). Indeed, past clinical work with bereaved families has identified parents as a key resource in helping children to cope
|
0.txt
| 5 |
4; Martinčeková et al., 2020). For this reason, parent-child conversations have been identified as a key mechanism in children's development of an understanding of death (Menendez et al., 2020; Rosengren et al., 2014). Indeed, past clinical work with bereaved families has identified parents as a key resource in helping children to cope with the emotional aspects of death (Grollman, 2011; Webb, 2010).
In the cognitive developmental literature, work on parent-child conversations about death has focused on children's questions and parents' responses (Renaud et al., 2015; Rosengren et al., 2014). This focus on question-asking assumes that children ask questions to fill conceptual gaps and promote their own conceptual development (Chouinard, 2007). As children acquire more domain knowledge, their ability to ask questions improves and they ask more focused questions to fill specific knowledge gaps (Ronfard et al., 2018; Ruggeri & Feufel, 2015). Children have been shown to tailor their questions to the person they are asking (e.g., asking other children about toys, but asking adults about causal relations; VanderBorght & Jaswal, 2009). Gutiérrez et al. (2020) reported that children tend to ask parents questions about the sub-concepts of death, particularly causality. Similarly, Christ (2000) found that grieving children asked questions regarding the individual who had died and whether this individual could return (i.e., finality). Therefore, it seems that children do ask questions about death, and their questions are often focused on the biological aspects of death. However, it is unclear whether children ask similar questions about deaths that occur in animated films.
Although prior work has examined when children start asking questions about death and the content of these questions, no study has yet examined how their questions might vary depending on the context. In this paper, we examined children's questions about death generally (similar to prior work by Gutiérrez et al., 2020 and Rosengren et al., 2014), but also their questions about death in the specific context of animated films. This allows us to examine how the content of death-related conversations might differ by context. Additionally, we examined parental responses in order to investigate how their responses to children's questions might vary in different contexts.
Parental Attitudes
Given the importance of parent-child conversations, it is necessary to
|
0.txt
| 6 |
., 2014), but also their questions about death in the specific context of animated films. This allows us to examine how the content of death-related conversations might differ by context. Additionally, we examined parental responses in order to investigate how their responses to children's questions might vary in different contexts.
Parental Attitudes
Given the importance of parent-child conversations, it is necessary to also examine when parents decide to engage in these conversations with their children. For example, parents who feel more efficacious are more likely to engage in educational activities with their children (Grolnick et al., 1997). Parents' own motivations and their awareness that an issue is important also increases the likelihood that they engage in these conversations with their children (Perry et al., 2019; Scott et al., 2020). Additionally, whether parents engage in conversations with their children also seems to depend on sociodemographic factors. For example, parents in affluent communities tend to shield their children from information about violence more than parents in low-income communities (e.g., Miller, 1994; Miller et al., 2011; Miller & Sperry, 1987; Wiley et al., 1998).
Parental attitudes might also be important in predicting which parents talk about death. Many parents in the United States report shielding their children from information about death because they think their children are too young to understand and cope with this information (Rosengren et al., 2014). Therefore, parents' willingness to engage in conversations about death with their children might depend on the age of their children. Additionally, some studies suggest that parents' religious beliefs influence the information they convey to their children during death-related conversations, with religious parents being more likely to mention themes such as "God's plans" (Zajac & Boyatzis, 2020). This research suggests that sociodemographic factors might affect both the likelihood that parents engage in conversations with their children and the content of the conversations they choose to engage in. Our study examined how parental attitudes towards death in animated films and factors such as parents' socioeconomic status and religiosity, and children's age, relate to parent-child conversations about death in animated films.
Current Studies
The current studies attempt to provide empirical support for theoretical accounts on how children come to understand death (e.g., Menendez et al., 2020). Study 1 examined what children might learn about death from children's media through a detailed analysis of children's animated films produced in the United States in order to characterize the frequency
|
0.txt
| 7 |
-child conversations about death in animated films.
Current Studies
The current studies attempt to provide empirical support for theoretical accounts on how children come to understand death (e.g., Menendez et al., 2020). Study 1 examined what children might learn about death from children's media through a detailed analysis of children's animated films produced in the United States in order to characterize the frequency and content of death-related information that is presented to children in these films.
Study 2 focused on how parents talk to their children about death both in general terms and in the context of viewing animated films. This research expands on previous accounts of how children learn about death, by considering the intersection of different sources of information, namely cultural products and parent-child conversations. Study 2 also examined how parental attitudes and sociodemographic factors relate to parent-child conversations about death. While previous studies have suggested that parent-child conversations about death are relatively common (Renaud et al., 2015) and that parents could use animated films to talk to their children about death (Tenzek & Nickels, 2017), to our knowledge, no research has explicitly examined whether parents actually use films as a starting point to foster death-related conversations, or what factors make some parents more likely to use films to talk to their children about death.
Study 1
We analyzed 50 top-grossing children's animated films from the past five decades to examine the prevalence of death scenes. Because previous research examining death in children's animated films has focused only on films that contain death (Cox et al., 2005; Tenzek & Nickels, 2017), it is not possible to determine whether death is typically present in animated films or if there are only a small number of animated films that contain deaths. In order to understand how often death is present in these films, we did not restrict our analysis to only films that contained a death. We also used research on children's conceptual development to perform a more in-depth analysis on how death is portrayed in animated films. Specifically, we explored whether the movies contained information related to the sub-concepts of death (i.e., finality, universality, non-functionality, and causality). We also examined whether these deaths were presented from a strictly biological perspective, included spiritual aspects of death (e.g., non-corporeal continuity), or involved misconceptions (e.g., death as sleep or reversible).
Method
Film Selection
Four criteria were used to select films:
Films had to be released between 197
|
0.txt
| 8 |
universality, non-functionality, and causality). We also examined whether these deaths were presented from a strictly biological perspective, included spiritual aspects of death (e.g., non-corporeal continuity), or involved misconceptions (e.g., death as sleep or reversible).
Method
Film Selection
Four criteria were used to select films:
Films had to be released between 1970 and 2016. Films produced before the 1970s were not included due to the relatively small number of animated films produced in the United States prior to this time (see point 2 below). This analysis was conducted in the summer of 2017, therefore we only included films that were released before this year.
Films had to be produced at least partially in the United States. As cultural products, films might reflect values of the culture they were created in. Because we were interested in the cultural context of the United States, we only included films produced in the United States.
Films had to have a rating of G or PG. Because we do not have clear information on what the target age was for each film, we used ratings given to the films by the Motion Picture Association (Dow, 2009). A film with a G rating suggests it is for a general audience, and a film with a PG rating suggests some parental supervision is suggested. Films with ratings higher than PG are considered inappropriate for children under the age of 13 to watch alone.
The film had to be one of the top 10 highest-grossing films in the U.S. based on box-office receipts (boxofficemojo.com) during the decade it was released. We focused on top-grossing films because of their popularity, making them more likely to have been viewed by parents and children.
There were 50 full-length children's animated films that met these criteria. However, we excluded the 1977 film Wizards. Although this film was rated PG, we felt that it was inappropriate for children due to its vulgar language, excessive violence, and the use of real film clips from Nazi Germany. Therefore, our content analysis included 49 of the 50 films. See Table 1 for the list of films.
Table 1.
| Name of the Film | Year | Number of children in Phase 1 |
Number of children in Phase 2 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Finding Dory | 2016 | 192 | 189 |
| The Secret Life of Pets | 2016 | 149 |
|
0.txt
| 9 |
Table 1 for the list of films.
Table 1.
| Name of the Film | Year | Number of children in Phase 1 |
Number of children in Phase 2 |
|---|---|---|---|
| Finding Dory | 2016 | 192 | 189 |
| The Secret Life of Pets | 2016 | 149 | 159 |
| Zootopia | 2016 | 160 | 160 |
| Sing | 2016 | 102 | 115 |
| Minions | 2015 | 163 | 166 |
| Inside Out | 2015 | 126 | 125 |
| Monsters University | 2013 | 120 | 134 |
| Frozen | 2013 | 194 | 193 |
| Despicable Me 2 | 2013 | 146 | 159 |
| Toy Story 3 | 2010 | 152 | 139 |
| Up | 2009 | 121 | 131 |
| WALL-E | 2008 | 122 | 114 |
| Kung Fu Panda | 2008 | 118 | 128 |
| Shrek the Third | 2007 | 95 | 97 |
| Cars | 2006 | 147 | 149 |
| Shrek 2 | 2004 | 108 | 116 |
| The Incredibles | 2004 | 112 | 132 |
| Finding Nemo | 2003 | 188 | 186 |
| Monsters, Inc. | 2001 | 146 | 149 |
| Shrek | 2001 | 138 | 145 |
| Toy Story 2 | 1999 | 148 | 154 |
| Tarzan | 1999 | 58 | 60 |
| A Bug's Life | 1998 | 97 | 98 |
| Mulan | 1998 | 86 | 94 |
| The Prince of Egypt | 1998 | 21 | 30 |
| Pocahontas | 1995 | 76 | 92 |
| Toy Story | 1995 | 158 | 159 |
| The Lion King | 1994 | 173 | 170 |
| Aladdin | 1992 | 120 | 130 |
| Beauty and the Beast | 1991 | 125 | 133 |
| The Little Mermaid | 1989 | 130 | 133 |
|
|
0.txt
| 10 |
| Toy Story | 1995 | 158 | 159 |
| The Lion King | 1994 | 173 | 170 |
| Aladdin | 1992 | 120 | 130 |
| Beauty and the Beast | 1991 | 125 | 133 |
| The Little Mermaid | 1989 | 130 | 133 |
| All Dogs Go to Heaven | 1989 | 65 | 66 |
| The Land Before Time | 1988 | 82 | 88 |
| Oliver & Company | 1988 | 22 | 24 |
| An American Tail | 1986 | 42 | 35 |
| The Great Mouse Detective | 1986 | 22 | 18 |
| The Care Bears Movie | 1985 | 35 | 31 |
| The Black Cauldron | 1985 | 10 | 10 |
| The Secret of NIMH | 1982 | 23 | 22 |
| The Fox and the Hound | 1981 | 69 | 52 |
| Watership Down | 1978 | 8 | 8 |
| The Lord of the Rings | 1978 | 11 | 18 |
| The Rescuers | 1977 | 24 | 38 |
| Oliver Twist | 1974 | 8 | 9 |
| Treasure Island | 1973 | 5 | 14 |
| Robin Hood | 1973 | 41 | 41 |
| Charlotte's Web | 1973 | 91 | 100 |
| Snoopy, Come Home | 1972 | 21 | 28 |
| The Aristocats | 1970 | 56 | 45 |
Note. The table also shows how many children from Study 2 have seen each film (based on their parent's report).
Coding Process
Coding categories were developed based on past content analyses of children's media (Cox et al., 2005; Tenzek & Nickels, 2017) and research investigating children's understanding of death (Rosengren et al., 2014; Speece & Brent, 1984). We coded films at two levels of analysis. First, we coded specific characteristics of each movie (e.g., was there at least one death, presence of magic, personification, and spirits). Second, we coded characteristics of each death portrayal including the character status (i.e., protagonist, antagonist, or
|
0.txt
| 11 |
al., 2014; Speece & Brent, 1984). We coded films at two levels of analysis. First, we coded specific characteristics of each movie (e.g., was there at least one death, presence of magic, personification, and spirits). Second, we coded characteristics of each death portrayal including the character status (i.e., protagonist, antagonist, or minor character) and how well the film represented the biological sub-concepts of death. In terms of sub-concepts, we coded the cause of death, whether the death was final, and whether psychological and physical functions stopped after the death. The sub-concept of universality was coded at the movie-level by examining whether there were statements within the film that suggested that not all living things must die (a violation of universality). See Tables 2 and 3 for the full coding scheme.
Table 2.
| Code | Explanation | % agreement |
Kappa |
|---|---|---|---|
| Presence of death | There was a death depicted or implied in the film. | 89% | 0.80 |
| Death as a central theme | Whether the death of any character contributes significantly to the plot of the film (e.g., if a character's death sets the basis for the movie). This death could occur at any point in the film. | 87% | 0.77 |
| Magical context | Whether magic is present in the film. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Personification | At any point during the movie where human characteristics were attributed to non-human characters such as cars, toys, animals, creatures, and monsters. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Non-Universality | The film conveyed the idea that not every living thing has to die. For example, it was explicitly mentioned that one character cannot die. | 89% | 0 |
| Pretend death | At any point during the movie, a character acted as if they were dead, but they were not. | 78% | 0 |
| Sleep death* | At any point during the movie, a dead character was portrayed as sleeping. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Death as a memory | At any point during the film, characters remembered and talked about a death that happened in their past, without using flashbacks. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Non-corporeal continuity | Spirits were present at any point during the film. |
|
0.txt
| 12 |
character was portrayed as sleeping. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Death as a memory | At any point during the film, characters remembered and talked about a death that happened in their past, without using flashbacks. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Non-corporeal continuity | Spirits were present at any point during the film. | 100% | 1.00 |
| Group death | At any point during the movie, two or more characters died at the same time. | 78% |.52 |
Note. Codes marked with an * represent themes used in prior studies (Cox et al., 2005).
Table 3.
| Code | Explanation | % agreement |
Kappa |
|---|---|---|---|
| Character status* | The role of the deceased character in the film: protagonist, antagonist, or minor character. A protagonist is a character who is seen as the hero/heroine of the movie or the "good guy" and is normally the main character whom the story revolves around. An antagonist is a character who is seen as the villain or "bad guy" and is generally the enemy of the protagonist. A minor character is a character that does not have as much screen time as the protagonist or antagonist. | 87% | 0.86 |
| Depiction of death* | Whether a death was portrayed in an implicit or explicit manner. An explicit death is when it is clear that a character is dead because the viewer can see how the individual died or their dead body is present in the scene. An implicit death is when the viewer has to assume that a character is dead because they are no longer seen in the movie after a certain point. | 73% | 0.61 |
| Character gender | The gender of the deceased character: man, woman, or gender was unidentified. | 73% | 0.61 |
| Physical form of the deceased | Whether the deceased character was human or non-human. | 80% | 0.82 |
| Age of the deceased | The age of a deceased character: child, adult, or age was unidentified. | 73% | 0.71 |
| Emotional reaction* | The reactions of characters when a death occurs: negative emotion, positive emotion, mixed emotion, or lack of emotional reaction. Negative emotion is when a character(s) reacts to a death by showing sadness, anger, frustration, or by crying. Positive emotion is when a character(s
|
0.txt
| 13 |
, or age was unidentified. | 73% | 0.71 |
| Emotional reaction* | The reactions of characters when a death occurs: negative emotion, positive emotion, mixed emotion, or lack of emotional reaction. Negative emotion is when a character(s) reacts to a death by showing sadness, anger, frustration, or by crying. Positive emotion is when a character(s) reacts to a death by showing relief or happiness. Mixed emotion is when some characters are angry, while others are happy, when a death occurs. Lacking emotion is when characters act as though the death is not important. | 87% | 0.75 |
| Biological functionality | When a character dies, their biological functions remain intact (e.g., they can still talk, eat, move around, etc.). | 87% | 0.88 |
| Psychological functionality | When a character dies, their psychological functions remain intact (e.g., they can still think, feel, dream, etc.). | 87% | 0.88 |
| Finality | The deceased character does not come back to life later in the film. | 87% | 0.88 |
| Cause of death | Was the death accidental, purposeful, or natural. An accidental death is when a character's death occurs unintentionally (e.g., a death as a result of an unplanned event). A purposeful death is when a character dies because of another character's intent to kill or harm them. A natural death is when a character dies of natural causes (e.g., as a result of an illness or an internal malfunction of the body). | 80% | 0.76 |
| Magical death | Was magic is involved in the character's death. | 93% | 1.00 |
Note. Codes marked with an * represent themes used in prior studies (Cox et al., 2005).
Intercoder Reliability
Five coders rated the films. All coders were trained using three animated movies (i.e., Anastasia, Lilo & Stitch, and Moana) from different decades (i.e., 1990s, 2000s, and 2010s). These practice films were not included in the final 49 films as they did not meet our inclusion criteria of being among the top-grossing films (Moana would later be one of the top-grossing films, but because it was released in late 2016, a portion of its sales were made in
|
0.txt
| 14 |
s, 2000s, and 2010s). These practice films were not included in the final 49 films as they did not meet our inclusion criteria of being among the top-grossing films (Moana would later be one of the top-grossing films, but because it was released in late 2016, a portion of its sales were made in 2017). A primary coder (first author) analyzed 25 films and the remaining films were assigned to the other four coders, with each coder analyzing eight or nine movies. Each of the coders overlapped with the primary coder on two different films included in the primary coder's original 25 films. All five coders coded their assigned films independently of each other as is standard practice for content analyses (Lacy et al., 2015).
Intercoder reliability was deemed acceptable as the percent agreement between each of the coders and the main coder was above 80% (average percent agreement = 88%, and the agreement for every category was above 70%). Individual reliabilities (average percent agreement and kappas between the main coder and the other coders) are presented in Tables 2 and 3. Overall, reliability estimates for individual categories were deemed acceptable. Three categories (i.e., non-universality, pretend death, and group death) did not have good kappas, however this was due to the low frequency of these categories, as the percent agreements were high and there was a maximum of two disagreements in these categories. Prevalence and bias adjusted kappas suggest there was good reliability (non-universality = 0.85, pretend death = 0.80, group death = 0.70). All disagreements were resolved through discussion between all the coders and the second and third authors. This ensured that there was consensus with the entire research team about the codes used in the analysis.
Results
We found that 37 of the 49 films (76%) contained death scenes, with 118 death scenes in total and an average of three death scenes per film (SD = 3.2). Twenty-eight of these 37 films had a death that was central to the plot (e.g., Mufasa's death in The Lion King). Minor characters died most frequently (n = 88), followed by antagonists (n = 24), and protagonists (n = 7). We found that, similarly to previous studies, about a third of the deaths (n = 41)
|
0.txt
| 15 |
37 films had a death that was central to the plot (e.g., Mufasa's death in The Lion King). Minor characters died most frequently (n = 88), followed by antagonists (n = 24), and protagonists (n = 7). We found that, similarly to previous studies, about a third of the deaths (n = 41) were implicit suggesting it was not clear whether the character had actually died. The number of implicit deaths did not differ by character type, χ2 (2, N = 118) = 3.11, p =.211.
Biological Depictions of Death
Of the 37 films that contained a death, 30 always depicted finality accurately, 32 always depicted physical non-functionality accurately, and 31 always depicted psychological non-functionality accurately. Additionally, only four of these films made any suggestion that death was not universal. Of the 118 death scenes, 110 portrayed finality accurately, 112 portrayed physical non-functionality accurately, and 111 portrayed psychological non-functionality accurately. Next, we explored how characteristics of the movies influenced the likelihood that a death was coded as biologically accurate. For this, we ran a generalized linear mixed-effects model, using a binomial function. We predicted the likelihood that a death was biologically accurate from the film release year, the presence of magic or personification in the movie, and whether it was mentioned that not all living things die. We also included a by-movie random intercept. We found that movies that had magic or personification were less likely to portray death in a biologically accurate manner; χ2 (2, N = 118) = 4.38, p =.036, and χ2 (2, N = 118) = 4.12, p =.042, respectively. Fourteen films portrayed some form of magic and 45 films had personification; in fact, only two films in our sample did not include either element.
Non-Biological Views of Death
We also analyzed whether any of the films portrayed misconceptions about the four sub-concepts of death. Only four films expressed the idea that not all living things die (i.e., universality), and seven films had at least one scene that portrayed death in a biologically inaccurate manner (i.e., portrayed violations of finality or non-functionality). Two films equated death with sleep, treating death as something one can wake up from (violating finality). Additionally, we explored whether
|
0.txt
| 16 |
films expressed the idea that not all living things die (i.e., universality), and seven films had at least one scene that portrayed death in a biologically inaccurate manner (i.e., portrayed violations of finality or non-functionality). Two films equated death with sleep, treating death as something one can wake up from (violating finality). Additionally, we explored whether death was expressed in terms of non-corporeal continuity. Eight films portrayed deceased individuals in a spiritual form, while six films contained the notion of continuity after death, but in the memories of individuals who were still living.
Discussion
In Study 1, we found that death was portrayed quite frequently in the children's animated films that we analyzed (76%), and death was generally portrayed in a biologically accurate manner. That is, death was treated as universal and final, and led to the cessation of psychological and biological processes. A large number of the death scenes depicted the concepts of finality and non-functionality in a biologically accurate manner. Few films treated death as not universal, and few films contained misconceptions, such as treating death as sleep. Although the majority of films included death scenes, many of them were conveyed implicitly, potentially leaving children unsure about whether the character actually died. We also replicated a previous finding that most of the deaths occurred to minor characters (Cox et al., 2005; Tenzek & Nickels, 2017). In contrast to children's books, children's animated films often display deaths.
We should acknowledge that although most of the death scenes we observed in these films involved minor characters, this does not mean that children were not paying attention to them. We determined character status based on how much screen time the character had. Therefore, the category of minor character is fairly heterogeneous. Minor characters could be companions or named characters that do not play a large role in the plot, unnamed characters in the background, or the parents of the protagonists who might play a big role in the plot but only in the beginning of the film. An analysis of 19 of the films (including 39 minor character deaths), showed that 7 parents died. These different types of minor characters might elicit different responses from children and parents. Parents might also be reluctant to discuss the death of the protagonists' parents, while both children and parents might ignore the death of an unnamed character that occurred in the background. To the extent that parents use these films to have conversations about death with their children, future research could investigate whether these different characters elicit different
|
0.txt
| 17 |
types of minor characters might elicit different responses from children and parents. Parents might also be reluctant to discuss the death of the protagonists' parents, while both children and parents might ignore the death of an unnamed character that occurred in the background. To the extent that parents use these films to have conversations about death with their children, future research could investigate whether these different characters elicit different reactions or conversations.
As mentioned in the introduction, children often have difficulties learning from media. Learning about death from animated films may be difficult as many of these films contain fantastical elements, such as magic, that could signal to children that the content of the film should not be generalized to real life. The likelihood that children learn from watching media is also increased if parents scaffold their understanding (Kirkorian et al., 2008; Sheehan et al., 2019). Therefore, it is important to not only consider animated films, but rather how animated films might create a socialization context for parents to talk to their children about death.
Examining the intersection of films and parent-child conversations is critical in order to interpret the findings of Study 1. For example, the finding that the majority of deaths in films occurred to minor characters could be a good thing as children might not feel emotionally connected to them, thus making it easier for parents to discuss these deaths. Conversely, parents and children might not attend to the death of minor characters given their relatively small role in the plot, and thus these deaths might not foster discussion. Additionally, a film displaying misconceptions about death (e.g., death as a deep sleep or death as reversible) might not be worrisome if parents correct these misconceptions.
Given the importance of parents in determining how much children will learn from watching deaths in animated films, it is also necessary to examine factors that make it more likely that parents engage in conversations with their children. Prior literature suggests that parents are more likely to engage in conversations if they find the topic important and are motivated (Perry et al., 2019; Scott et al., 2020). Thus, one important factor might be how much parents care about how death is represented in animated films. Parents who believe representing death accurately is important might be more likely to engage in conversations with their children or might be more likely to correct misconceptions when they appear. Additionally, factors like the age of the child and parental socioeconomic status might also influence how likely parents are to engage in these discussions (Rosengren et al., 2014; Wiley et al., 199
|
0.txt
| 18 |
films. Parents who believe representing death accurately is important might be more likely to engage in conversations with their children or might be more likely to correct misconceptions when they appear. Additionally, factors like the age of the child and parental socioeconomic status might also influence how likely parents are to engage in these discussions (Rosengren et al., 2014; Wiley et al., 1998).
Study 2
Study 2 (n = 433) reports the results of an online survey examining parental attitudes toward death in animated films and how parents and children talk about deaths in these films. First, we examined whether children actually watch the films we coded in our content analysis. Given that we selected the top-grossing films of each decade, we expected that many children had seen the films we coded. We also focused on whether parents allow children to watch animated films that contain death, and whether they co-view these films with their children. This data provides us with information on whether there might be opportunities for parent-child conversations about the deaths during co-viewing. We also examined parental attitudes toward the representations of death in animated films and their willingness to use these films to talk to their children about death. Finally, we examined children's questions and parental responses about death in animated films and death more generally. By doing so, this allows us to examine differences and commonalities in children's questions.
Study 2 was designed to examine the extent to which parents of young children (3- to 10-year-olds) use animated films to spark conversations about death. We chose this age range for three reasons. First, this is the age range where children's understanding of death undergoes significant development (Rosengren et al., 2014). Second, this is the target age range for a majority of children's animated films. Third, during this age range, children might be more likely to watch films along with their parents.
We had parents complete an online questionnaire that asked whether they and their children had watched any of the films that we analyzed in Study 1. We also asked whether animated films stimulated death-related conversations. If these conversations had occurred, we then asked parents to provide details about them including the questions that were asked and the responses that were given.
Study 2 was conducted in two phases. During the first phase, we did not ask about parents' gender for the first half of the participants due to an experimenter error. For the second phase of data collection, we added the gender question. Because we did not observe effects of parental
|
0.txt
| 19 |
provide details about them including the questions that were asked and the responses that were given.
Study 2 was conducted in two phases. During the first phase, we did not ask about parents' gender for the first half of the participants due to an experimenter error. For the second phase of data collection, we added the gender question. Because we did not observe effects of parental gender in phase 2, we report the two phases together. A separate write up of the two phases along with the data files and codebooks for all studies can be found here:
Method
Participants
We recruited 250 parents of children 3- to 10-years of age in phase 1 and 253 parents in phase 2 through Amazon's Mechanical Turk. This sample size is larger than previous studies that sampled between 100 and 150 parents. We excluded 32 respondents because they failed an attention check, and six parents because they did not have a child within the desired age range. Thirty-two parents completed the study in both phase 1 and 2, so we removed their second response. Our final sample included 433 parents (336 White, 29 Black/African American, 19 Hispanic/Latinx, 21 Asian/Pacific Islander, 3 Native American/American Indian, 1 Arab, and 23 Biracial) and parents/caregivers ranged in ages from 21 to 62 years old (M = 35.03, SD = 7.04). In phase 2, the parents were primarily mothers (63.2%). Parents reported having 204 daughters and 224 sons (five parents did not report the gender for their child). The average age of the children was 5.94 years (SD = 2.31 years). On an 11-point scale, parental subjective socioeconomic status (SES; Goodman et al., 2001) ranged from 2 to 10 (M = 5.49, SD = 1.64). On average, participants took 7.5 minutes to complete the questionnaire and received one dollar for their participation.
Two hundred and twelve of the parents (49.0%) considered themselves religious. Nine parents (2.1%) identified as spiritual, but not religious. However, when asked which religion they practiced, 256 parents (59.1%) identified a religion. One hundred and fifty-one (34.9%) parents identified as Protestants, 80 (18.5%) as Catholics, 4 (0.9%)
|
0.txt
| 20 |
.0%) considered themselves religious. Nine parents (2.1%) identified as spiritual, but not religious. However, when asked which religion they practiced, 256 parents (59.1%) identified a religion. One hundred and fifty-one (34.9%) parents identified as Protestants, 80 (18.5%) as Catholics, 4 (0.9%) as Muslim, 4 (0.9%) as Jewish, 4 (0.9%) as Mormon, 3 (0.7%) as Baptist, 3 (0.7%) as non-denominational Christian, 2 (0.5%) as Wiccan, 1 (0.2%) as Buddhist, 1 (0.2%) as Hindu, 1 (0.2%) as Pagan, 1 (0.2%) as Deist, and 1 (0.2%) as Orthodox Christian. Parents also completed sub-scale 3 of the Duke University Religion Index, which measures the extent to which an individual's religion permeates into their daily lives (Koenig & Büssing, 2010). We had parents spanning the full range of possible responses (M = 2.85, SD = 1.53).
Materials and Procedures
The survey was constructed using Qualtrics® (Provo, UT), an online survey software, with a link to the survey posted to Mechanical Turk. Before they could begin the questionnaire, parents completed screener questions designed to exclude anyone living outside of the United States or anyone who did not have at least one child between the ages of 3 and 10. Participants completed an online consent form after the screener. We included one attention check in the questionnaire and participants were dropped if they failed it.
Parents were asked to provide demographic information about their age, race/ethnicity, education level, and religious beliefs, as well as the age and gender of their children. If they had multiple children, we asked them to focus on their youngest child between the ages of 3 and 10. This is because most of the research on parent-child conversations about death has focused on the lower end of this age range (e.g., Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Renaud et al., 2015; Rosengren et al., 2014). We asked parents to report whether they had ever engaged in death-related conversations with their children and if so, how many times these conversations occurred. We also asked them to provide
|
0.txt
| 21 |
on the lower end of this age range (e.g., Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Renaud et al., 2015; Rosengren et al., 2014). We asked parents to report whether they had ever engaged in death-related conversations with their children and if so, how many times these conversations occurred. We also asked them to provide a list of questions their children had asked them about death and how they responded. Parents could report, at most, three questions with their respective answers. Those who indicated that they have talked to their children about death were then asked whether these questions were sparked by the recent death of a loved one.
In the next section, we asked parents to report whether they allowed their children to watch animated films that contained death scenes. Those who did were then asked whether they watched these movies with their children and how often they watched them together. Then, we asked parents to report whether their children had seen any of the 50 films included in Study 1 (even though one film was excluded from our coding, we still included it when asking parents which films their children had watched). Parents were then asked whether they believed that animated films portrayed death in an accurate manner, using a Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (not accurately at all) to 5 (extremely accurately). Following this, we asked participants to report whether their children had ever asked them questions about deaths portrayed in animated films. Then, parents had the opportunity to report up to three of the questions their child asked regarding deaths portrayed in the films and how they responded.
We also asked whether participants talked to their children about misconceptions regarding death present in these films (i.e., "Do you talk to your children about the misconceptions that may be presented in these death scenes?"), if they ever considered using animated films to talk to their children about death (i.e., "Have you ever considered using animated films to talk to your children about death?"), and the extent to which they cared about how death is portrayed in animated films (i.e., "How much do you care about how death is portrayed in animated films?") on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (a great deal) to 5 (not at all). The purpose of asking parents how much they care about how death is portrayed was to measure individual differences on how interested parents were about representations of death, as parents who care a great deal might be more likely to discuss these representations with their children compared to parents who do
|
0.txt
| 22 |
5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (a great deal) to 5 (not at all). The purpose of asking parents how much they care about how death is portrayed was to measure individual differences on how interested parents were about representations of death, as parents who care a great deal might be more likely to discuss these representations with their children compared to parents who do not care.
Coding Process
To analyze the death-related conversations between parents and their children, we started with a coding scheme developed by Gutiérrez et al. (2020). These codes included: general information about death, universality, finality, non-functionality, causality, emotion, non-corporeal continuity, religion, death rituals, and consequences of the death. A summary of all the codes can be seen in Table 4. However, through our analysis, it became clear that there were additional topics discussed, requiring us to add new codes. Two coders read through each child's questions and their parent's responses in order to identify recurring themes not captured by the codes used by Gutiérrez et al. (2020). This process was completed separately for each question and answer. We identified three additional themes: clarifying the scenes, the intentions of characters/reason for death, and reference to the scene being in a movie (see Table 5).
Table 4.
| Code | Description | Sample question |
Sample answer | Questions | Answers |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| General information | General details about a person's death. | Is he dead? | Yes, he is no longer with us. | 106 | 59 |
| Universality | Mentioning that everyone dies or that death is a natural part of life. | Will I die? | Yes, someday, a long time from now, after you've lived a wonderful, long life | 60 | 84 |
| Finality | Mentioning that when a person dies, they cannot come back to life. | Do they come back? | No, it's a permanent thing but it's best for them. | 47 | 20 |
| Non-functionality | Reference to functions, biological or psychological, that a person can no longer perform because they are dead. | Can you hear anything when you die? | No you can not. Your body stops working and all your senses and feelings go away. | 15 | 23 |
| Causality | Mentioning the cause of a person's
|
0.txt
| 23 |
20 |
| Non-functionality | Reference to functions, biological or psychological, that a person can no longer perform because they are dead. | Can you hear anything when you die? | No you can not. Your body stops working and all your senses and feelings go away. | 15 | 23 |
| Causality | Mentioning the cause of a person's death. | Do people die if nothing kills them? | Yes, if they get very old. | 205 | 68 |
| Noncorporeal continuity | Any mention that the person continues to exist after they die. | Where did Grandma go? | Grandma turned into the energy that creates things like the oceans and flowers. | 133 | 110 |
| Religion | Any mention of God, Heaven, or other religious references such as angels. | Where is heaven? | Heaven is far away where heavenly father lives. | 73 | 226 |
| Death rituals | Any reference to a ritual related to death. | Why do we put them in the ground? | That is where we put them to remember them and go talk to them whenever. | 11 | 24 |
| Emotions* | Any reference to the emotions experienced after a person dies. | Will everyone be sad when they die? | Yes very sad. | 34 | 43 |
| Consequences | Any mention of what happens to a person's material possessions or relationships after they die. | What would happen to their toys if I died? | They would be able to take their toys with them. | 4 | 2 |
Note. Under questions and answers are the frequency of occurrence of each coding category. Categories marked with an * are categories in which the example answer was not in response to the example question.
Table 5.
| Code | Description | Sample question |
Sample answer | Questions | Answers |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Clarification on scene | Mention that a movie scene was not clear. | What happened to the dog? | He passed away. | 100 | 52 |
| Intentions of characters | Mention of why a character performed an action. | Why did Scar kill Mufasa? | He wanted to be king so badly that he killed his brother. | 18 | 23 |
| Movie | Any reference to a situation occurring because it is a movie. | Why did so and so have to die? | I just tell her that that's the way the movie was written and
|
0.txt
| 24 |
a character performed an action. | Why did Scar kill Mufasa? | He wanted to be king so badly that he killed his brother. | 18 | 23 |
| Movie | Any reference to a situation occurring because it is a movie. | Why did so and so have to die? | I just tell her that that's the way the movie was written and it's not real. | 20 | 37 |
| Universality* | Mentioning that everyone dies or that death is a natural part of life. | Am I going to die? | We all are going to die; we just don't know when? | 6 | 17 |
| Finality | Mentioning that when a person dies, they cannot come back to life. | Will they, come back | They won't come back | 22 | 8 |
| Non-functionality* | Reference to functions, biological or psychological, that a person can no longer perform because they are dead. | Why they can't live more | They can't open their eyes anymore. | 2 | 3 |
| Causality* | Mentioning the cause of a person's death. | Why did Mufasa die. | He died when the animals in the stampede ran over him. | 70 | 26 |
| Non-corporeal continuity | Any mention that the person continues to exist after they die. | Where did that character go after they died. | There spirit went to another place & left there body behind. | 11 | 12 |
| Religion* | Any mention of God, Heaven, or other religious references such as angels. | Do dogs go to heaven | We join God if you believe in Jesus | 13 | 42 |
| Death rituals* | Any reference to a ritual related to death. | Are they going to be buried like Grandpa? | He was buried in the ground. | 2 | 1 |
| Consequences* | Any mention of what happens to a character's material possessions or relationships after they die. | How can Simba survive without his dad? | Now he has to live without her. | 4 | 1 |
| Emotions | Any reference to the emotions experienced after a person dies. | Why is he/she so sad? | They are sad because the person died. | 38 | 38 |
Note. Under questions and answers are the frequency of occurrence of each. Categories marked with an * are categories in which the example answer
|
0.txt
| 25 |
live without her. | 4 | 1 |
| Emotions | Any reference to the emotions experienced after a person dies. | Why is he/she so sad? | They are sad because the person died. | 38 | 38 |
Note. Under questions and answers are the frequency of occurrence of each. Categories marked with an * are categories in which the example answer was not in response to the example question.
The main coder (first author of the paper) coded all responses. Then, a second coder (second author) coded a portion of the responses to assess reliability. For the questions and answers about death in general, the second coder coded 25% of the responses. For the questions and answers about death in movies, the second coder coded 50% of the responses. The percentage of overlap was higher given that we identified additional themes and that this was the first study to examine questions about death in movies. The percent agreement between coders was above 80% for all codes. For phase 1, Cohen's Kappa was above 0.70 and thus considered acceptable; 0.83 for questions about death, 0.75 for answers about death, 0.75 for questions about film deaths, and 0.78 for answers about film deaths. For phase 2, Cohen's Kappa was also above 0.70; 0.76 for questions about death, 0.76 for answers about death, 0.77 for questions about film deaths, and 0.73 for answers about film deaths. Disagreements were resolved through discussion.
Results
We first discuss the extent to which children actually viewed the films that we analyzed in Study 1. Then, we present data on whether parents allow children to watch animated films that contain death, and if so, whether they watch the films with their children. Then, we explore details surrounding parental attitudes toward death in animated films. Finally, we present children's questions about death in general and in animated films and their parents' responses.
Children's Viewing of Animated Films
We asked parents whether their children had seen the movies coded in Study 1 and found that, on average, children had seen 20.38 (SD = 9.7) of the 50 films (even though one film was eliminated from the content analysis, we still included it in this parental survey). However, there was great variability, with one child having seen only one of the films and another child having seen 45 of the 50 films
|
0.txt
| 26 |
found that, on average, children had seen 20.38 (SD = 9.7) of the 50 films (even though one film was eliminated from the content analysis, we still included it in this parental survey). However, there was great variability, with one child having seen only one of the films and another child having seen 45 of the 50 films. Children's age was positively related to parents reporting their children having seen more films, F(1, 416) = 24.59, p <.001, η2 =.056. The child's gender, the parent's SES, and parental education were not related to the number of movies watched, p's >.10. In addition to the wide variability in the number of films children had seen, there was considerable variation in which films children watched, with more recent films being watched by more children, F(1, 47) = 69.16, p <.001, η2 =.595. However, all films were watched by at least 16 children in our sample, and films, on average, were watched by about 44% of children (SD = 26%) (See Table 1).
Do Parents and Children Watch Animated Films that Contain Death?
Thirty-eight parents in our sample (8.8%) said that they do not allow their children to watch animated films that contain death scenes. We examined whether parents allowing their children to watch movies that contain death scenes depended on child's age (as a continuous variable), child's gender, subjective SES, whether the parent is religious, or the parent's age. None of these factors were significantly related to whether parents allowed their children to view these films, all p's >.100. Of the 395 parents who allow their children to watch animated films containing death scenes, 265 (67%) responded that they always watched the films with their children and 123 parents (31%) said that they sometimes watched animated films that contain death with their children. Seven parents (2%) who allowed their children to watch these films said that they seldom or never watch these movies together. Overall, these results suggest that parents do generally co-view these films with their children, creating potential opportunities to discuss questions about death that may arise from watching these films.
Parental Attitudes towards Death in Animated Films
We explored parents' attitudes towards death in animated films and whether their attitudes depended on demographic factors such as child's age (as a continuous variable), child's gender, parent's
|
0.txt
| 27 |
these results suggest that parents do generally co-view these films with their children, creating potential opportunities to discuss questions about death that may arise from watching these films.
Parental Attitudes towards Death in Animated Films
We explored parents' attitudes towards death in animated films and whether their attitudes depended on demographic factors such as child's age (as a continuous variable), child's gender, parent's age, religiosity, and subjective SES. About half of the parents (n = 238, 55%) said they cared little or did not care at all about how death is portrayed in children's animated films. Religious parents cared more about how death is portrayed in films, when controlling for demographic factors, t(406) = 2.31, p =.022. The majority of parents (n = 365, 84%) responded that animated films portrayed death at least somewhat accurately. This aligns with Study 1 which shows that animated films tend to depict death in an accurate manner.
However, Study 1 also showed that animated films sometimes contain misconceptions about death. We examined whether parents ever talk to their children about these misconceptions. We found that 147 parents (34%) talked to their children about misconceptions present in the death scenes of animated films (at least sometimes). However, 283 parents (65%) said they do not correct these misconceptions. There was a positive relation between children's age and parents' likelihood of talking about misconceptions, when controlling for demographic factors and how much parents cared about how death is portrayed, t(406) = 2.13, p =.033.
Additionally, religious parents and parents who care more about how death is depicted in films were more likely to talk about misconceptions, when controlling for demographic factors and how much parents cared about how death is portrayed, t(406) = 2.57, p =.011, and t(406) = 4.74, p <.001 respectively. About a quarter of parents (105, 24%) had considered using animated films to talk to their children about death. Parents who cared more about how death is portrayed in animated films and parents who discuss misconceptions with their children were more likely to consider using animated films to talk about death with their children, when controlling for demographic factors, OR = 1.77, χ2(N = 412) = 20.94, p <.001 and OR = 2.30, χ2(N = 412) = 10.52, p =
|
0.txt
| 28 |
who discuss misconceptions with their children were more likely to consider using animated films to talk about death with their children, when controlling for demographic factors, OR = 1.77, χ2(N = 412) = 20.94, p <.001 and OR = 2.30, χ2(N = 412) = 10.52, p =.001, respectively.
Conversations about Death
Death in general.
The majority of parents (316, 73%) reported having conversations with their children about death in general. However, the frequency of these conversations varied. Ninety-four (22%) parents said they had one conversation, 177 (41%) said they had two to three conversations, and 51 (12%) said they had four or more death-related conversations with their children. Additionally, 299 parents (69%) reported that their children had asked them questions about death. One hundred and seventy (39%) parents reported that the questions were sparked by a death in the family. Two hundred and ninety-five parents reported at least one of the questions that their child had asked them about deaths in animated films.
Overall, the pattern of children's questions and parents' answers resembles prior research (Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Rosengren et al., 2014). As shown in Figure 1, children predominantly asked questions about the sub-concepts of death, particularly causality (n = 205). Parental responses, on the other hand, primarily focused on religious (n = 227) or afterlife-related beliefs (n = 110). For example, a 3-year-old girl asked their mother "what happens when we die?" and their parent answered, "Some people believe we go to another place that is better, where we never experience any pain again. While others say we come back as another person or an animal." However, many parents still conveyed information about the sub-concepts of death: universality (n = 84), finality (n = 20), biological/psychological non-functionality (n = 23), and causality (n = 68). For example, a 10-year-old boy asked, "Will I die, too?" and their mother responded, "Everyone will die, but usually people die when they are very old."
We also saw that parents provided both biological and spiritual information. One hundred and one parents (34.1%) provided details about the sub-concepts and religious information at least once across the three
|
0.txt
| 29 |
For example, a 10-year-old boy asked, "Will I die, too?" and their mother responded, "Everyone will die, but usually people die when they are very old."
We also saw that parents provided both biological and spiritual information. One hundred and one parents (34.1%) provided details about the sub-concepts and religious information at least once across the three questions. Eighteen parents answered questions with a combination of biological and spiritual information. In some of these answers, parents provided information about one of the biological sub-concepts and then added information about afterlife beliefs. For example, the parent of a 3-year-old girl wrote "… they are all feeling no pain now they are in heaven with god." This answer communicates information about non-functionality (dead people do not feel pain) but adds information about the continued existence of the soul in Heaven.
Other combinations used spiritual information to comfort the child. For example, the parent of a 3-year-old boy wrote "it is a part of life that is natural, just like the leaves fall off of the trees, and our flowers die. There is nothing to be scared of as a believer of Christ." In this case, the religious information does not communicate an afterlife belief but reassures the child that they should not feel scared as they believe in Christ. This suggests that parents communicate both biological and spiritual models of death to their children, either in the same answer or over time.
We examined whether the questions children asked varied in a systematic way. We fit a logistic regression predicting whether children ever asked about any of the topics we coded and included child's age (as a continuous variable) and gender, and parental subjective SES as predictors. We found that a year increase in children's age was related to an increased likelihood that children asked about causality, OR = 1.13, χ2(N = 291) = 5.74, p =.017. No other effects were significant.
We also examined whether parents' answers varied in a systematic way. We fit a logistic regression predicting whether parents ever mentioned any of the topics we coded in their answers and included child's age (as a continuous variable) and gender, whether parents are religious, and parental subjective SES as predictors. Religious parents were less likely to provide general information, OR = 0.47, χ2(N = 283) = 5.79, p =.016, and more likely to provide religious information, OR = 12.72, χ2(N =
|
0.txt
| 30 |
(as a continuous variable) and gender, whether parents are religious, and parental subjective SES as predictors. Religious parents were less likely to provide general information, OR = 0.47, χ2(N = 283) = 5.79, p =.016, and more likely to provide religious information, OR = 12.72, χ2(N = 283) = 90.66, p <.001. Parents with higher subjective SES were less likely to provide information about non-functionality, OR = 0.63, χ2(N = 283) = 9.79, p =.002. No other effects were significant.
Death in animated films.
About a third of the parents (n = 161, 37%) reported that their children had asked them questions about deaths in animated films. One hundred and fifty parents reported at least one of the questions that their child had asked them about deaths in animated films. The majority of the children's questions were centered on the content of the movie (see Figure 1). Several questions asked the parents to clarify the events that occurred in the movie (n = 100), asked about the intention of characters (n = 18), or why certain events happened (n = 20). A number of parents answered questions by clarifying the scene (n = 52), discussing the intentions of characters (n = 23), or by stating that the death occurred in a movie to explain details about the death (n = 37).
In some instances, children asked for clarification of the scene, and parents provided an answer related to the story. For example, when a 4-year-old girl asked, "What happened to Mufasa?" their parent answered, "He died when the animals in the stampede ran over him." However, other times, parents used the fact that the death happened in a movie to not answer the child's question. For example, when an 8-year-old girl asked, "Did [the character] really die?" their parent answered, "It's a movie." Although not incorrect, the parent's answer does not address the child's question directly. The same parent also reported that their child asked them "Are they coming back to life?" referring to whether the deceased character will come back to life. Rather than discuss with the child that entities do not come back to life after they die or give the child an answer related to the plot of the movie, this parent, once again, dismissed the question by answering
|
0.txt
| 31 |
's question directly. The same parent also reported that their child asked them "Are they coming back to life?" referring to whether the deceased character will come back to life. Rather than discuss with the child that entities do not come back to life after they die or give the child an answer related to the plot of the movie, this parent, once again, dismissed the question by answering "It's a movie."
When questions or answers did not focus on the movie-specific aspects of the deaths, we found similarities between the conversations about death in films and death more generally. Many non-movie questions were about causality (n = 70), emotions (n = 38), and finality (n = 22). Causality was also the most common topic of children's questions about death. Non-movie responses focused on religious beliefs (n = 42), emotions (n = 38), and causality (n = 26). Religious beliefs were also the most common topic in parents' answers about death. For example, the mother of a 10-year-old boy said, "They died and went to pet heaven" when their child asked, "What happened to them?" However, parents still conveyed biologically accurate information. For example, the parent of a 6-year-old boy reported that their child had asked them "why did the character die" to which they answered, "It was sad but it was his time to die". The child then asked questions not about the death scene but about death more generally, specifically "does it hurt to die" and "will I die". To this last question the parent answered, "Everyone dies but most people live a long time and I will do everything to keep you safe and healthy". As shown by this interaction, some children ask about biological aspects of death (causality and universality in the examples above) when discussing death in animated films. And some parents use these questions to provide biologically accurate information, such as "Everyone dies."
Additionally, 17 parents (11.3% of the parents who reported questions) provided details about the sub-concepts and religious information at least once across the three questions. As in the conversations about death more generally, four of the parents combined spiritual and biological information in the same answer. For example, when a 4-year-old girl asked "Why did his wife die? (Referring to the old man in Up)" their parent answered "We all get old and die. It's not something to be afraid of. It's
|
0.txt
| 32 |
three questions. As in the conversations about death more generally, four of the parents combined spiritual and biological information in the same answer. For example, when a 4-year-old girl asked "Why did his wife die? (Referring to the old man in Up)" their parent answered "We all get old and die. It's not something to be afraid of. It's natural. And it makes people sad to see us go, but we're going home to be with Jesus, so they shouldn't be too sad." In this example, the parent is using religious information to comfort the child by telling them that they should not be afraid of death because they will be united with Jesus. However, other parents integrated religious information with biological information as when a 4-year-old boy asked their mother "What happened to Simba's dad?" and their mother answered, "He got hurt and wasn't able to get help so he passed away and went to heaven." In this example, the parent used their child's request of clarification to make it clear that the character died and used biologically accurate information about the death (that the character got hurt and died because of it) and religious information (that the character is now in heaven).
We fit a logistic regression predicting whether children ever asked about any of the topics we coded and included child's age (as a continuous variable) and gender, and parental subjective SES as predictors. We found that girls were less likely to ask about universality than boys, OR < 0.001, χ2(N = 148) = 6.05, p =.014. No other effects were significant.
We also fit a logistic regression predicting whether parents ever mentioned any of the codes and included child's age (as a continuous variable), child's gender, whether parents were religious, parental subjective SES, how much parents cared about how death is portrayed in animated films, and whether parents talk about misconceptions about death present in films influenced the likelihood of parents providing a particular answer as predictors. We found that the more parents care about how death is portrayed in films, the less likely they were to say that the death is not real because it happened in a movie, OR = 0.58, χ2(N = 141) = 5.00, p =.025, and the more likely they were to talk about non-functionality, OR = 5.54, χ2(N = 141) = 6.20, p =.013. Parents who discussed misconceptions about
|
0.txt
| 33 |
because it happened in a movie, OR = 0.58, χ2(N = 141) = 5.00, p =.025, and the more likely they were to talk about non-functionality, OR = 5.54, χ2(N = 141) = 6.20, p =.013. Parents who discussed misconceptions about death with their children were more likely to say that the death is not real because it happened in a movie, OR = 7.35, χ2(N = 141) = 13.22, p <.001, and more likely to talk about the afterlife, OR = 7.80, χ2(N = 141) = 5.16, p =.023. Religious parents were less likely to offer clarifications than non-religious parents, OR = 0.38, χ2(N = 141) = 5.73, p =.017, and more likely to provide a religious answer, OR = 8.57, χ2(N = 141) = 20.59, p <.001. No other effects were significant.
Discussion
In Study 2, we found that many children and their parents had watched the animated films analyzed in Study 1 and that they watched these films together. This suggests that there is a co-viewing opportunity where children might be able to ask their parents about a death that occurs in the film. When initiating conversations, children often asked questions about the sub-concepts of death. In fact, children's questions about death in animated films (and their parents' responses) greatly resembled the questions and answers that parents provided about death more generally. This suggests that children's question-asking about death in animated films can elicit information about death more generally, and parents seem to be responding to these queries in a similar manner to questions about death in other contexts. This is important as some parents reported having considered using animated films to talk to their children about death.
We also found evidence that some parents are reluctant to discuss death in animated films with their children. Many parents (n = 126, 54%) said they did not care about how death was portrayed in children's films, and many (n = 283, 65%) expressed that they do not attempt to correct misconceptions when they are present. Thus, even if there is an opportunity for parents to use films to talk to their children about death, parents might not take advantage of it. These differences
|
0.txt
| 34 |
, 54%) said they did not care about how death was portrayed in children's films, and many (n = 283, 65%) expressed that they do not attempt to correct misconceptions when they are present. Thus, even if there is an opportunity for parents to use films to talk to their children about death, parents might not take advantage of it. These differences in attitudes seemed to be related to demographic factors such as religiosity and subjective SES.
The idea that parents' religiosity influences how they talk to their children about death has been supported in the literature (Zajac & Boyatzis, 2020), however, our study is the first to show that parents use religion when discussing death in domains such as animated films. We also found that religious parents cared more about how death is portrayed and in turn were more likely to discuss misconceptions that appeared in films. One possible explanation for this finding is that religious parents might be more interested in having their children watch media that aligns with their own beliefs and when this does not occur, they might be more motivated to discuss with their children these differences and state their religious views (as they were more likely to mention religious content when discussing death in movies).
We also found that parents' subjective socioeconomic status influenced the content of parent-child conversations. Parents with higher subjective SES were more likely to mention religious information and less likely to talk about non-functionality. Prior research has found differences in how U.S. parents socialize their children based on SES (Miller, 1994; Wiley et al. 1998), however, none of these studies have focused on death. Those studies generally find that parents with low SES are less likely to shield their children from information about topics such as aggression, as a way to prepare them for the reality of their communities. If death is more prevalent in communities with lower SES, then parents in these communities might similarly feel like they need to prepare their children and talk to them about death rather than shield them. Parents from higher SES communities might want to shield their children as they might think that their children are unlikely to experience the death of a loved one. However, more work is needed on how community-level factors might influence parental attitudes towards death.
These differences in attitudes might also be important predictors of how parents talk to their children about deaths in animated films. Parents who cared more about how death is portrayed tended to discuss misconceptions present in films, tended to provide more non-functionality information, and tended to not just say that the death is not real because
|
0.txt
| 35 |
is needed on how community-level factors might influence parental attitudes towards death.
These differences in attitudes might also be important predictors of how parents talk to their children about deaths in animated films. Parents who cared more about how death is portrayed tended to discuss misconceptions present in films, tended to provide more non-functionality information, and tended to not just say that the death is not real because it happened in a movie. This means that parents who thought representations of death in films are important were more likely to correct any misconceptions present in films, use films to convey biologically accurate information about death, and take children's questions about death in films seriously (rather than discounting them because "it is just a movie"). This suggests that conveying to parents that death scenes in films are a useful tool for talking to their children about death might lead them to engage in more conversations or make the most out of the questions that children are already asking with respect to deaths in films.
Additionally, parents who discussed misconceptions tended to talk more about afterlife beliefs and say that the death was just in the movie. Again, this suggests that parents who take the time to explain how the films may or may not be accurate also tend to engage with children's questions about death in films. It is interesting that parents who discuss misconceptions also tended to mention afterlife beliefs more. It is possible that some of the parents tended to explain misconceptions present in films in terms of the afterlife, or that they used afterlife beliefs to comfort their children when explaining misconceptions. Regardless of the reason, our data show that parental attitudes towards death in animated films might be important predictors not only of whether parents talk about death in animated films, but also of what topics they discuss when they do engage in these conversations.
We also found that many parents responded to their children's questions about death by making reference to the death being in a movie. Although this information is not incorrect, these answers avoid the child's question about death, by dismissing it as not relevant for the real world. For example, when an 8-year-old girl asked her parent "why did [the character] have to die?", the parent responded, "It's a movie", not providing any resolution to their daughter's question. More research is needed in order to determine when parents provide these answers. The example above shows how parents might use the fact that the death occurred in a movie to not have to discuss information about death. However, parents could also use it to explain why a misconception is present. Parents can say that
|
0.txt
| 36 |
, "It's a movie", not providing any resolution to their daughter's question. More research is needed in order to determine when parents provide these answers. The example above shows how parents might use the fact that the death occurred in a movie to not have to discuss information about death. However, parents could also use it to explain why a misconception is present. Parents can say that a character came back to life because it is a movie. This might be the reason why parents who discussed misconceptions in films were more likely to provide movie-related answers to their children.
We also found that some parents reported that they did not allow their children to watch animated films that contain death scenes. This suggests that some parents explicitly shield their children from death-related information by prohibiting them from viewing media that contains death. However, this shielding might change with age, as parents were more likely to discuss misconceptions present in films with older children.
General Discussion
Depictions of Death in Children's Media
Collectively, our two studies have shown that death is prevalent in many children's animated films, and that many children co-view these films with their parents. Additionally, most of the deaths that we coded in Study 1 were portrayed in a biologically accurate manner. This fact does not go unnoticed by parents, as many of the parents in Study 2 said that they thought animated films portrayed death somewhat accurately. The presence of biologically accurate information might be useful for parents when talking to their children about death, as the majority of children's death-related questions were about the biological sub-concepts. These findings suggest that films might serve as a vehicle for stimulating conversations about death.
We also found that some films included information about non-corporeal continuity, portraying deceased individuals as continuing to exist as spirits or in the memories of those who knew them. Given that parents often responded to children's questions about death with religious/spiritual information, the presence of this information might be useful for parents to initiate conversations about death from a religious or spiritual perspective. These results suggest that animated films might be a good source of death-related information for children as they contain both biological and non-biological information that both children and parents might want to discuss.
However, we also have data suggesting that animated films are a less than ideal source of information about death. First, many of the deaths were implicit, which creates some ambiguity about whether the death occurred and what actually happened to the character. This might be one reason why parents often responded to questions about death in animated films by clarifying what happened in the
|
0.txt
| 37 |
parents might want to discuss.
However, we also have data suggesting that animated films are a less than ideal source of information about death. First, many of the deaths were implicit, which creates some ambiguity about whether the death occurred and what actually happened to the character. This might be one reason why parents often responded to questions about death in animated films by clarifying what happened in the scene. Second, we found that a number of films contained misconceptions about death. In some instances, characters came back to life, while in other instances, death was portrayed as a deep sleep.
Our content analysis also revealed that death is quite prevalent in children's animated films and that this prevalence is much greater than in children's books (Gutierrez et al., 2014). One possibility for the difference in the prevalence of death in the two mediums might be related to implicit deaths. Implying that a character died might be easier to do in a movie, where the camera can focus on a different part of the scene, compared to in a book. It could also be related to how easy it is for parents to skip the death scene. When watching films at home, parents can often fast forward the film to skip the death scene. In books, it might be more complicated or obvious to skip a couple of pages, while maintaining continuity.
In line with the higher prevalence of death in animated films, we also found differences in parental attitudes towards shielding children from death across mediums. Previous work (e.g., Rosengren et al., 2014) has suggested that many parents in the United States attempt to shield their children from death, whereas our results suggest that most of the parents we sampled do not attempt to shield their children from death in animated films. One possibility for this difference might be due to the prevalence of death. Because death is much more common in films, parents might feel more comfortable with allowing children to watch films that contain death, but less comfortable with their children reading books that contain death (as this is rarer).
Another possibility might be related to the social context in which the two activities occur. We found that parents typically watch these films with their children, and so parents might be more comfortable with children being exposed to depictions of death because they can comfort them if the children have a negative reaction. Although shared book reading is a common activity among certain groups in the United States, reading can also be a solitary activity. Rosengren et al (2014) did not ask parents whether they are present when their children read books about death
|
0.txt
| 38 |
so parents might be more comfortable with children being exposed to depictions of death because they can comfort them if the children have a negative reaction. Although shared book reading is a common activity among certain groups in the United States, reading can also be a solitary activity. Rosengren et al (2014) did not ask parents whether they are present when their children read books about death, so it is possible that parents thought of their children reading these books without adult supervision, which might lead to more shielding. Finally, it could be that the difference in parental attitudes is also related to the number of implicit deaths. Because deaths in films are often implied rather than explicitly depicted, parents might be more comfortable with their children watching them. If deaths in books are often explicit, this might account for the different attitudes towards death in different mediums. Future work should examine why parents might treat death in different mediums (storybooks versus films) differently.
Learning about Death from Media
This study adds to our understanding of how sociocultural and experiential factors influence children's understanding of death. Animated films, as cultural tools, might transmit death-related information that is consistent with the cultural views of the country in which they were produced. Given that we found evidence that children view these films at high rates, children might be learning death-related information from these films.
Children, however, do not always learn from media. Several studies have shown that children's ability to learn from media depends on whether they think the events displayed are real (Mares & Sivakumar, 2014; Richert & Schlesinger, 2017), or the events are depicted in a realistic matter (Bonus, 2019). Given that magic and other fantasy elements are often included in animated films, children might not think the events are real, and therefore, might not learn from them. Parents might promote the view that events in animated films are fictional by saying that the events are not real because they occur in a film. This might be a double-edged sword as children might not learn the misconceptions nor the biologically accurate information. This could also be concerning if parents use this answer to dodge or disregard their children's questions about death.
Parental Attitudes
Another issue might be that parents think of animated films only as entertainment, rather than as providing potential educational opportunities. Many parents did not care about how deaths are portrayed in animated films, and sometimes provided evasive responses to their children's questions about deaths in films. Additionally, few parents reported they attempted to correct misconceptions
|
0.txt
| 39 |
disregard their children's questions about death.
Parental Attitudes
Another issue might be that parents think of animated films only as entertainment, rather than as providing potential educational opportunities. Many parents did not care about how deaths are portrayed in animated films, and sometimes provided evasive responses to their children's questions about deaths in films. Additionally, few parents reported they attempted to correct misconceptions presented in films. However, the parents who thought representations of death were important were more likely to engage with children's questions and correct misconceptions that were present. These parents were also more likely to use death in films to discuss biological and spiritual aspects of death. These parents might be scaffolding children to understand which aspects of death shown in the films can be generalized to real life and which are just fantasy or for entertainment purposes.
Our results suggest that animated films can serve as an effective tool for parents to talk to their children about death, as prior research has suggested (Cox et al., 2005), but clearly not all parents see the need to take advantage of this tool. One problem is to figure out how best to convey to parents that these films can be used to educate children about death and altering parents' attitudes, so that they care more about how information is portrayed in animated films and how this information maps onto real world events, such as death. Future research should examine in more detail how parental attitudes influence when parents decide to engage in conversations with their children about death (Grolnick et al., 1997).
We also found that sociodemographic factors such as religiosity and subjective SES influenced parental attitudes towards death in animated films and the content of conversations. Although never shown in the context of death in animated films, the religiosity finding replicates previous work on how religion influences how parents engage with death-related conversations (Gutiérrez et al., 2020; Zajac & Boyatzis, 2020). Religious parents appeared to correct more misconceptions and to provide more religious information to children. It is possible that religious parents are more motivated to have their children consume media that aligns with their beliefs, and when that does not occur, they attempt to correct the misconception. However, it is also possible that parents use religion to comfort their children after correcting a misconception or stating a biological model of death.
Additionally, we found that subjective SES is related to parental attitudes, with parents with lower SES being more likely to discuss biological aspects of death such as non-functionality, and less likely to mention religious information. It is possible that parents
|
0.txt
| 40 |
correct the misconception. However, it is also possible that parents use religion to comfort their children after correcting a misconception or stating a biological model of death.
Additionally, we found that subjective SES is related to parental attitudes, with parents with lower SES being more likely to discuss biological aspects of death such as non-functionality, and less likely to mention religious information. It is possible that parents with lower SES want to prepare their children to face negative experiences such as the death of a loved one. Because of this, instead of shieling their children, they might want to convey more biologically accurate information in order to prepare their children for death. Higher SES parents might believe that their children are not likely to experience the death of a loved one, and so they might want to shield their children and comfort them when they are exposed to death information.
It is important to note that this interpretation relies on the assumption that death is a more frequent occurrence in lower SES neighborhoods or families. There is evidence that economic adversity is related to premature death in the United States (Link & Phelan, 1995; Phelan et al., 2004). However, this might not be the case for all neighborhoods, suggesting that this relation between SES and attitudes towards death may vary by community. This finding does suggest that there needs to be more research on how neighborhood- or community-level factors shape parents' and children's attitudes towards death.
Our research on parental attitudes suggests some revisions to theoretical models of how children learn about death. First, it suggests that we need to consider how parent-child conversations and interactions about death may vary as a function of different forms of media, and that parents may have different attitudes towards what different media affords for learning about death. Second, it suggests that the effect of culture is not limited to the messages presented in media or the rituals that children engage in, but that cultural factors also shape parental attitudes towards when and how parents might socialize children with regards to death. Third, even within a cultural context, sociodemographic factors such as religion or SES may serve to create different circumstances that impact parental attitudes regarding the appropriate time and contexts in which to talk to their children about death. Finally, we found that children focus on different questions at different ages (with older children asking more about causality) and that parents were more willing to engage in activities such as discussing misconceptions as children develop. This suggests that the socialization context changes over a child's development in important ways. Taken together, our results suggest that it is important to consider a more
|
0.txt
| 41 |
about death. Finally, we found that children focus on different questions at different ages (with older children asking more about causality) and that parents were more willing to engage in activities such as discussing misconceptions as children develop. This suggests that the socialization context changes over a child's development in important ways. Taken together, our results suggest that it is important to consider a more complex view of how children are socialized about the concept of death that involves an interaction of factors at different levels of analysis.
Parent-Child Conversations
Our studies also emphasize the key role of parent-child conversations and children's question-asking in cognitive development (Chouinard, 2007). We found that many parents reported that their children had asked questions about death (both in the contexts of animated films and in general), which is consistent with previous parental reports of bereaving (Christ, 2000) and non-bereaving children (Renaud et al., 2015; Rosengren et al., 2014). If we think of children asking questions as a way to gain knowledge to advance their own development, then these questions should be targeted to particular issues, and we should see more questions for concepts that children find difficult to grasp.
We saw evidence for both of these points in our studies. First, although there were remarkable similarities between the questions that children asked about death in general and with respect to movies, when asking about deaths in movies, children often asked questions about the specific death scenes. This suggests that they are not simply asking questions at random but are asking questions to fill specific knowledge gaps. Second, we saw that children inquired about the causes of death more than other aspects of death, and that this increased with age. Prior research has shown that children learn about causality later than all other sub-concepts of death (Panagiotaki et al., 2018; Rosengren et al., 2014), which suggests that many of the children in our sample might have had trouble understanding the causes of death. This provides indirect evidence that children ask questions about the sub-concepts of death they do not understand as an active way to improve their conceptual knowledge.
In exploring parental responses to questions about death, we found that some parents talk about both biological and spiritual information. Sometimes parents used these different types of information to answer different questions, while at other times parents combined both biological and spiritual information in the same answer. There is evidence, from multiple cultural groups, that these two perspectives of death (biological and spiritual
|
0.txt
| 42 |
improve their conceptual knowledge.
In exploring parental responses to questions about death, we found that some parents talk about both biological and spiritual information. Sometimes parents used these different types of information to answer different questions, while at other times parents combined both biological and spiritual information in the same answer. There is evidence, from multiple cultural groups, that these two perspectives of death (biological and spiritual) co-exist in the minds of children and adults (Busch et al., 2017; Harris & Giménez, 2005; Lane et al., 2016). However, many of these studies treat them as two separate belief systems that are activated given the appropriate cue (Legare et al., 2012). Parents combining biological and spiritual/religious information about death suggests that at least some children are not learning two opposing views on death from their parents, but rather one view that unifies two belief systems.
Our study also highlights the multiple roles of parent-child conversations. Children did not only ask about the biological aspects of death, but also about the emotional, spiritual, and cultural aspects of death. For example, answers to questions such as "Why is everyone so sad?" (4-year-old boy) or "Will Simba be lonely?" (8-year-old girl), provide children with information about how one ought to feel after the death of a loved one. Talking about how people feel or should feel could be one of the reasons why parent-child conversations after the death of a loved one are related to better coping for the child (Christ, 2000; Field et al., 2014; Martinčeková et al., 2018). Additionally, answers to questions such as "Why do we put people in the ground when they die?" (4-year-old girl) might be an important part of socializing children into their culture's rituals surrounding death. Although prior research has focused on the importance of children's questions for their conceptual development (e.g., Chouinard, 2007; Gutiérrez et al., 2020), children's questions (and their parents' answers) might have a broader role in child development.
Limitations
It is important to understand these studies in light of their limitations. The primary limitation is that we did not examine actual parent-child conversations about death or parent-child co-viewing of films. Given the retrospective nature of our survey, it is possible that we are not capturing how parents actually respond to children's questions, but how they would have liked to respond. Since there are
|
0.txt
| 43 |
ations
It is important to understand these studies in light of their limitations. The primary limitation is that we did not examine actual parent-child conversations about death or parent-child co-viewing of films. Given the retrospective nature of our survey, it is possible that we are not capturing how parents actually respond to children's questions, but how they would have liked to respond. Since there are no studies, to our knowledge, that examine how animated films might promote parent-child conversations about death, we consider these studies an important first step. Future research should examine whether actual parent-child conversations are similar to parental reports of these questions and answers.
Additionally, we did not provide definitions to parents about what we meant by "caring about how death is portrayed in animated films." Our intention was that parents would answer the question based on how much they cared that death was depicted accurately, however, parents could have interpreted this question in other ways, such as caring if death was depicted explicitly or how death was personified. Our goal with this question was to examine whether parents who thought representing death accurately in children's media was important would show different responses (e.g., addressing misconceptions). Although this was broadly our finding, it is possible that heterogenous interpretations of the question influenced our results.
Finally, at least anecdotally, many children watch the same animated films multiple times. Although we asked parents to report whether their children had seen certain animated films, we did not ask how many times they had watched them. It is possible that questions about death do not occur in the first viewing, as children might be more focused on the larger story (unless death is a central theme). Although there is some research suggesting that children's understanding of the deeper meaning of a television show does not change with repeated viewing (Mares, 2006), repeated co-viewing with parents might lead to greater variation in the content of their conversations. It is possible that parents might not shield children from viewing movies that contain death the first time, when the parents might be unaware of the number of deaths, but that they discourage repeated viewings of movies that contain several deaths or maybe only explicit deaths. More research is needed to determine if this is the case.
Conclusion
These studies provide support for the idea that children can learn about death from multiple sources, including children's media and conversations with parents. We found that children's animated films often contain death scenes and that deaths are often portrayed in a biologically accurate manner. Parents report that children usually watch these films with their parents and ask about deaths that
|
0.txt
| 44 |
to determine if this is the case.
Conclusion
These studies provide support for the idea that children can learn about death from multiple sources, including children's media and conversations with parents. We found that children's animated films often contain death scenes and that deaths are often portrayed in a biologically accurate manner. Parents report that children usually watch these films with their parents and ask about deaths that occurred. Children's questions about deaths in films are very similar to their questions about death more generally. This suggests that films might be a good source of information for children to learn about death. However, most parents (55%) did not seem to be concerned about how deaths are depicted in animated films and might not correct misconceptions when they arise. Parental attitudes predicted whether they discussed misconceptions with their child, and how they discussed death in animated films. This suggests that even though films often contain accurate information for children to learn about death, there might not be a great deal of learning unless parents actively choose to focus on this topic.
Additionally, this research suggests that the different sources of information for children interact to implicitly and explicitly influence children's understanding about death. Theoretical models of how children acquire an understanding of death should consider the unique contribution of each source of information but go further and examine the interaction between factors at different levels of analysis that shape both parental attitudes about how and when they should have conversations about death with their children and child conceptions of death.
Highlights.
We examined the death-related information present in animated films and parent-child conversations about death in films.
Many animated films have information about death and conversations about death in films resemble conversations about death in other contexts.
Children can be learning about death by watching films and talking to their parents about what they see.
Acknowledgements
The research reported here was supported by the Institute of Education Sciences, U.S. Department of Education, through Awards #R305B150003 to the University of Wisconsin-Madison. The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not represent views of the U.S. Department of Education. This research was also supported in part by a core grant to the Waisman Center from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (U54 HD090256). We would like to thank Jamal Adams, Danielle Peters, Porter Pavalko, and Nicholas Haugstad for their help coding the films. We would like to thank Katharine Scott, James Alex Bonus, and Judy Watts for their comments on earlier versions of the manuscript.
Footnotes
Conflict of Interest Statement
There are no conflict of
|
0.txt
| 45 |
Human Development (U54 HD090256). We would like to thank Jamal Adams, Danielle Peters, Porter Pavalko, and Nicholas Haugstad for their help coding the films. We would like to thank Katharine Scott, James Alex Bonus, and Judy Watts for their comments on earlier versions of the manuscript.
Footnotes
Conflict of Interest Statement
There are no conflict of interest to report.
Publisher's Disclaimer: This is a PDF file of an unedited manuscript that has been accepted for publication. As a service to our customers we are providing this early version of the manuscript. The manuscript will undergo copyediting, typesetting, and review of the resulting proof before it is published in its final form. Please note that during the production process errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain.
Data availability statement
Data files and codebooks for all studies can be found here:
References
- Bering JM, Hernández Blasi C, & Bjorklund DF (2005). The development of afterlife beliefs in religiously and secularly schooled children. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 23, 587–607. 10.1348/026151005x36498 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Bonus JA (2019). The impact of pictorial realism in educational science television on US children's learning and transfer of biological facts. Journal of Children and Media, 13(4), 433–451. 10.1080/17482798.2019.1646295 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Busch JTA, Watson-Jones RE, & Legare CH (2017). The coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations within and across domains and development. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 35, 4–20. 10.1111/bjdp.12164 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Callanan MA, Castañeda CL, Luce MR, & Martin JL (2017). Family science talk in museums: Predicting children's engagement from variations in talk and activity. Child Development, 88(5), 1492–1504. 10.1111/cdev.12886 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Chouinard MM (2007). Children's questions: A mechanism for cognitive development. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development
|
0.txt
| 46 |
ing children's engagement from variations in talk and activity. Child Development, 88(5), 1492–1504. 10.1111/cdev.12886 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Chouinard MM (2007). Children's questions: A mechanism for cognitive development. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 72, 1–129. 10.1111/j.1540-5834.2007.00415.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Christ GH (2000). Healing children's grief: Surviving a parent's death from cancer. Oxford University Press. 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195105919.001.0001 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Cox M, Garrett E, & Graham JA (2005). Death in Disney films: Implications for children's understanding of death. Omega: The Journal of Death and Dying, 50, 267–280. 10.2190/q5vl-klf7-060f-w69v [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Dow DC (2009). Motion picture ratings. The First Amendment Encyclopedia. [Google Scholar]
- Field NP, Tzadikario E, Pel D, & Ret T (2014). Attachment and mother–child communication in adjustment to the death of a father among Cambodian adolescents. Journal of Loss and Trauma, 19, 314–330. 10.1080/15325024.2013.780411 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Goldman SR, Reyes M, & Varnhagen CK (1984). Understanding fables in first and second languages. NABE Journal, 8(2), 35–66. 10.1080/08855072.1984.10668465 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Goodman E, Adler NE, Kawachi I, Frazier AL, Huang B, & Colditz GA (2001). Adolescents' perceptions of social status: development and evaluation of a new indicator. Pediatrics, 108, E31. 10.1542/peds.108.2.e31 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Grollman EA (2011). Talking about death: A dialogue between parent and child (4th ed). Boston, MA: Beacon Press [Google Scholar]
- Grolnick WS,
|
0.txt
| 47 |
of a new indicator. Pediatrics, 108, E31. 10.1542/peds.108.2.e31 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Grollman EA (2011). Talking about death: A dialogue between parent and child (4th ed). Boston, MA: Beacon Press [Google Scholar]
- Grolnick WS, Benjet C, Kurowski CO, & Apostoleris NH (1997). Predictors of parent involvement in children's schooling. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, 538–548. 10.1037//0022-0663.89.3.538 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Gutiérrez IT, Menendez D, Jiang MJ, Hernandez I, Miller P, & Rosengren KS (2020). Embracing death: Mexican parent and child perspectives on death. Child Development, 91, e491–e511. 10.1111/cdev.13263 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Gutiérrez IT, Miller PJ, Rosengren KS, & Schein SS (2014). Affective dimensions of death: Children's books, questions, and understandings [Monograph], Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 79(1, Pt. 3), 43–61. 10.1111/mono.12078 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Gutiérrez IT, Rosengren KS, & Miller PJ (2015). Día de los muertos: Learning about death through observing and pitching in. Advances in child development and behavior, 49, 229–249. 10.1016/bs.acdb.2015.08.004 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Harris PL (2011). Conflicting thoughts about death. Human Development, 54(3), 160–168. 10.1159/000329133 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Harris PL, & Giménez M (2005). Children's acceptance of conflicting testimony: The case of death. Journal of Cognition and Culture, 5, 143–164. 10.1163/1568537054068606 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Harris PL, & Koenig MA (2006). Trust in testimony: How children learn about science and religion. Child Development
|
0.txt
| 48 |
2005). Children's acceptance of conflicting testimony: The case of death. Journal of Cognition and Culture, 5, 143–164. 10.1163/1568537054068606 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Harris PL, & Koenig MA (2006). Trust in testimony: How children learn about science and religion. Child Development, 77, 505–524. 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00886.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Hernandez IG, Menendez D, Seitz V, Pinto-Pro I, Zeitler MH, & Rosengren KS (2020). Parent-Child Conversations of Germ and Cold Weather Theories of the Common Cold in Two Cultures. PsyArxiv [Google Scholar]
- Inagaki K, & Hatano G (1993). Young children's understanding of the mind- body distinction. Child development, 64(5), 1534–1549. 10.1111/j.1467-8624.1993.tb02969.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Kirkorian HL, Wartella EA, & Anderson DR (2008). Media and young children's learning. The Future of Children, 18(1), 39–61. 10.1353/foc.0.0002 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Koenig HG, & Büssing A (2010). The Duke University religion index: A five-item measure for use in epidemiological studies. Religions, 1, 78–85. 10.3390/rel1010078 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Lacy S, Watson BR, Riffe D, & Lovejoy J (2015). Issues and best practices in content analysis. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 92(4), 791–811. 10.1177/1077699015607338 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Lane JD, Zhu L, Evans EM, & Wellman HM (2016). Developing concepts of the mind, body, and afterlife: Exploring the roles of narrative context and culture. Journal of Cognition and Culture, 16, 50–82. 10.1163/15685373-12342168 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Lee JS, Kim EY, Choi Y,
|
0.txt
| 49 |
& Wellman HM (2016). Developing concepts of the mind, body, and afterlife: Exploring the roles of narrative context and culture. Journal of Cognition and Culture, 16, 50–82. 10.1163/15685373-12342168 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Lee JS, Kim EY, Choi Y, & Koo JH (2014). Cultural variances in composition of biological and supernatural concepts of death: A content analysis of children's literature. Death Studies, 38, 538–545. 10.1080/07481187.2014.899653 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Legare CH, Evans EM, Rosengren KS, & Harris PL (2012). The coexistence of natural and supernatural explanations across cultures and development. Child Development, 83, 779–793. 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2012.01743.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Link BG, & Phelan J (1995). Social conditions as fundamental causes of disease. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 36, 80–94. 10.2307/2626958 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Longbottom S, & Slaughter V (2018). Sources of children's knowledge about death and dying. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 373(1754). 10.1098/rstb.2017.0267 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Mares ML (2006). Repetition increases children's comprehension of television content—up to a point. Communication Monographs, 73, 216–241. 10.1080/03637750600693464 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Mares ML, & Acosta EE (2010). Teaching inclusiveness via TV narratives in the US. Journal of Children and Media, 4(3), 231–247. 10.1080/17482798.2010.486127 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Mares ML, & Sivakumar G (2014). "Vámonos means go, but that's made up for the show": Reality confusions and learning from educational TV. Developmental psychology, 50, 2498–2511. 10
|
0.txt
| 50 |
1080/17482798.2010.486127 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Mares ML, & Sivakumar G (2014). "Vámonos means go, but that's made up for the show": Reality confusions and learning from educational TV. Developmental psychology, 50, 2498–2511. 10.1037/a0038041 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Martinčeková L, Jiang MJ, Adams JD, Menendez D, Hernandez IG, Barber G, & Rosengren KS (2020). Do you remember being told what happened to grandma? The role of early socialization on later coping with death. Death Studies, 44, 78–88. 10.1080/07481187.2018.1522386 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Menendez D, Hernandez IG, & Rosengren KS (2020). Children's emerging understanding of death. Child Development Perspectives, 14, 55–60. 10.1111/cdep.12357 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Miller PJ (1994). Narrative practices: Their role in socialization and self-construction. In Neisser U & Fivush R (Eds.), The remembering self: Construction and accuracy in the self-narrative (pp. 158–179). Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Miller PJ, & Sperry LL (1987). The socialization of anger and aggression. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 33, 1–31. [Google Scholar]
- Miller PL, Koven M, & Lin S (2011). Language socialization and narrative. In Duranti A, Ochs E, Schieffelin BB (Eds.), The handbook of language socialization (Vol. 72, pp. 190–208). West Sussex: John Wiley & Sons. [Google Scholar]
- Mills CM, Danovitch JH, Mugambi VN, Sands KR, & Fox CP (2020) "Why do dogs pant?": Characteristics of parental explanations about science predict children's knowledge. Child Development. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Mix KS (2009). How Spencer made number: First uses of the number words. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 102(4), 427–444. 10.1016
|
0.txt
| 51 |
"Why do dogs pant?": Characteristics of parental explanations about science predict children's knowledge. Child Development. [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Mix KS (2009). How Spencer made number: First uses of the number words. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 102(4), 427–444. 10.1016/j.jecp.2008.11.003 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Panagiotaki G, Hopkins M, Nobes G, Ward E, & Griffiths D (2018). Children's and adults' understanding of death: Cognitive, parental, and experiential influences. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 166, 96–115. 10.1016/j.jecp.2017.07.014 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Panagiotaki G, Nobes G, Ashraf A, & Aubby H (2015). British and Pakistani children's understanding of death: Cultural and developmental influences. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 33(1), 31–44. 10.1111/bjdp.12064 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Perry SP, Skinner AL, & Abaied JL (2019). Bias awareness predicts color conscious racial socialization methods among White parents. Journal of Social Issues, 75(4), 1035–1056. 10.1111/josi.12348 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Phelan J, Link BG, Diez-Roux A, Kawachi I, & Levin B (2004). "Fundamental causes" of social inequalities in mortality: A test of theory. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 45, 265–285. 10.1177/002214650404500303 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Renaud SJ, Engarhos P, Schleifer M, & Talwar V (2015). Children's earliest experiences with death: Circumstances, conversations, explanations, and parental satisfaction. Infant and Child Development, 24, 157–174. 10.1002/icd.1889 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Richert RA, & Schlesinger MA (2017). The role of fantasy–reality distinctions in preschoolers' learning from educational video. Infant and Child Development, 26, e2009.
|
0.txt
| 52 |
parental satisfaction. Infant and Child Development, 24, 157–174. 10.1002/icd.1889 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Richert RA, & Schlesinger MA (2017). The role of fantasy–reality distinctions in preschoolers' learning from educational video. Infant and Child Development, 26, e2009. 10.1002/icd.2009 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Richert RA, Shawber AB, Hoffman RE, & Taylor M (2009). Learning from fantasy and real characters in preschool and kindergarten. Journal of Cognition and Development, 10, 41–66. 10.1080/15248370902966594 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Ronfard S, Zambrana IM, Hermansen TK, & Kelemen D (2018). Question-asking in childhood: A review of the literature and a framework for understanding its development. Developmental Review, 49, 101–120. 10.1016/j.dr.2018.05.002 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Rosengren KS, Miller PJ, Gutiérrez IT, Chow PI, Schein S, & Anderson KN (2014). Children's understanding of death: Toward a contextualized and integrated account. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 79, 1–141. 10.1111/mono.12079 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Ruggeri A, & Feufel MA, (2015). How basic-level objects facilitate question-asking in a categorization task. Frontiers in Psychology, 6, 1–13. 10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00918 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Scott KE, Shutts K, & Devine PG (2020). Parents' Expectations for and Reactions to Children's Racial Biases. Child Development, 91, 769–783. 10.1111/cdev.13231 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Sheehan KJ, Pila S, Lauricella AR, & Wartella EA (2019). Parent-child interaction and children's learning from a coding application. Computers and Education, 140, 1–11. 10.1016/j.compedu.201
|
0.txt
| 53 |
31 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Sheehan KJ, Pila S, Lauricella AR, & Wartella EA (2019). Parent-child interaction and children's learning from a coding application. Computers and Education, 140, 1–11. 10.1016/j.compedu.2019.103601 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Slaughter V, & Lyons M (2003). Learning about life and death in early childhood. Cognitive Psychology, 46(1), 1–30. 10.1016/S0010-0285(02)00504-2 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Speece MW, & Brent SB (1984). Children's understanding of death: A review of three components of a death concept. Child Development, 55, 1671–1686. 10.1111/j.1467-8624.1984.tb00410.x [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Tenzek KE, & Nickels BM (2017). End-of-life in Disney and Pixar films: An opportunity for engaging in difficult conversation. Omega: The Journal of Death and Dying, 80(1), 49–68. 10.1177/0030222817726258 [DOI] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Tomasello M (1992). First verbs: A case study of early grammatical development. Cambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]
- Valkenburg PM, Krcmar M, & de Roos S (1998). The impact of a cultural children's program and adult mediation on children's knowledge of and attitudes towards opera. Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media, 42(3), 315–326. 10.1080/08838159809364452 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- VanderBorght M, & Jaswal VK (2009). Who knows best? Preschoolers sometimes prefer child informants over adult informants. Infant and Child Development, 18, 61–71. 10.1002/icd.591 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Walsh A, & Leaper C (2020). A content analysis of gender representations in preschool children's television. Mass Communication and Society, 23(3), 331–355. 10.1080/152054
|
0.txt
| 54 |
61–71. 10.1002/icd.591 [DOI] [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]
- Walsh A, & Leaper C (2020). A content analysis of gender representations in preschool children's television. Mass Communication and Society, 23(3), 331–355. 10.1080/15205436.2019.1664593 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Webb NB (2010). Helping bereaved children: A handbook for practitioners (3rd ed.). Guilford Press. [Google Scholar]
- Wiley AR, Rose AJ, Burger LK, & Miller PJ (1998). Constructing autonomous selves through narrative practices: A comparative study of working-class and middle-class families. Child Development, 69, 833–847. 10.1111/j.1467-8624.1998.tb06246.x [DOI] [Google Scholar]
- Zajac L, & Boyatzis CJ (2020). Mothers' perceptions of the role of religion in parent–child communication about a death in the family. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality. 10.1037/rel0000309 [DOI] [Google Scholar]
Associated Data
This section collects any data citations, data availability statements, or supplementary materials included in this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data files and codebooks for all studies can be found here:
|
1.txt
| 0 |
---
title: Soweto derby - Wikipedia
date: 2010-05-07
---
name: Soweto Derby
other names: "El Kasico"
team1: Kaizer Chiefs
team2: Orlando Pirates
city or region: Soweto, Johannesburg, South Africa
first contested: Orlando Pirates 1–0 Kaizer Chiefs(24 January 1970)
nextmeeting: TBA
teams involved: * Kaizer Chiefs * Orlando Pirates
most player appearances: Happy Jele (33)
mostrecent: Kaizer Chiefs 2-1 Orlando Pirates (10 May 2025) Nedbank Cup
stadiums: FNB Stadium (Chiefs) Orlando Stadium (Pirates)
top scorer: Patrick Ntsoelengoe (19)
total: 106
series: Chiefs: 37 Draw: 19 Pirates: 50
most wins: Orlando Pirates (50)
largestvictory: Pirates 51 Chiefs (1998)
currentstreak: Kaizer Chief 6 - 3 Orlando Pirates
The Soweto Derby is a football rivalry between Premiership teams Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates in South Africa. It was first contested on 24 January 1970. Matches between the two rivals attract a large fanbase. The rivalry is recognised as one of the biggest derbies in Africa.
The Soweto Derby is different to the Original Soweto Derby, which is contested between Pirates and Moroka Swallows.
Based in Soweto, Johannesburg, the rivalry stems from the fact that Kaizer Chiefs was formed by a former Orlando Pirates star Kaizer Motaung. Motaung had left Orlando Pirates to go play professional soccer in the now defunct North American Soccer League for a team called the Atlanta Chiefs. Upon returning home, he found a lot of infighting among the hierarchy at Pirates. He decided to form a Kaizer XI, which initially played friendly matches with various clubs in South Africa and then this entity evolved to the Kaizer Chiefs.
Overall record
**Table 1**
| Team | League | Nedbank Cup | Telkom bvbCup | MTN 8 | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Fixtures | 53 | 17 | 5 | 10 | 85 |
| Kaizer Chiefs | 20 | 8 | 1 | 2 | 28 |
| Orlando Pirates | 12 | 6 | 1 | 6 | 25
|
1.txt
| 1 |
N 8 | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Fixtures | 53 | 17 | 5 | 10 | 85 |
| Kaizer Chiefs | 20 | 8 | 1 | 2 | 28 |
| Orlando Pirates | 12 | 6 | 1 | 6 | 25 |
| Draw | 24 | 3 | 3 | | 32 |
Win percentage(%)
**Table 2**
| Teams | League | Cup | Total percentage(%) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Kaizer Chiefs | 52.08% | 34.34% | 32.94% |
| Orlando Pirates | 22.64% | 40.62% | 29.41% |
All-time results
League
**Table 3**
| Season | Division | Date | Venue | Score | Attendance | Date | Venue | Score | Attendance | None |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1996–97 | Premiership | 18 January 1997 | FNB Stadium | 0–1 | | 10 May 1997 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 1997–98 | Premiership | 22 November 1997 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | | 7 March 1998 | Orlando Stadium | 5–1 | | None |
| 1998–99 | Premiership | 9 October 1998 | FNB Stadium | 2–2 | | 13 February 1999 | Orlando Stadium | 1–2 | | None |
| 1999–2000 | Premiership | 13 June 2000 | FNB Stadium | 2–2 | | 20 November 1999 | Orlando Stadium | 1-0 | | None |
| 2000–01 | Premiership | 9 June 2001 | FNB Stadium | 1–0 | | 29 November 2000 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 2001–02 | Premiership | 15 December 2001 | FNB Stadium | 0–3 | | 4 May 2002 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 2002–03 | Premiership | 14 March 2003 | FNB Stadium | 2
|
1.txt
| 2 |
Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 2001–02 | Premiership | 15 December 2001 | FNB Stadium | 0–3 | | 4 May 2002 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 2002–03 | Premiership | 14 March 2003 | FNB Stadium | 2–0 | | 7 December 2002 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | | None |
| 2003–04 | Premiership | 13 December 2003 | FNB Stadium | 1–0 | | 1 May 2004 | Orlando Stadium | 1–0 | | None |
| 2004–05 | Premiership | 29 April 2005 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | | 29 October 2004 | Orlando Stadium | 2–1 | | None |
| 2005–06 | Premiership | 28 October 2005 | FNB Stadium | 2–0 | | 9 May 2006 | Orlando Stadium | 0–1 | | None |
| 2006–07 | Premiership | 9 December 2006 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 80,000 | 28 April 2007 | Orlando Stadium | 1–1 | 6,000 | None |
| 2007–08 | Premiership | 10 May 2008 | FNB Stadium | 1–0 | 50,000 | 24 November 2007 | Kings Park Stadium | 2–2 | 50,000 | None |
| 2008–09 | Premiership | 15 November 2008 | | 0–2 | 60,000 | 2 May 2009 | Orlando Stadium | 2–1 | 62,000 | None |
| 2009–10 | Premiership | 31 October 2009 | Loftus Versfeld Stadium | 0–0 | 40,000 | 20 February 2010 | Orlando Stadium | 0–0 | 14,000 | None |
| 2010–11 | Premiership | 26 February 2011 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 92,515 | 13 November 2010 | FNB Stadium | 1–3 | 74,875 | None |
| 2011–12 | Premiership | 17 September 2011 | FNB Stadium |
|
1.txt
| 3 |
None |
| 2010–11 | Premiership | 26 February 2011 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 92,515 | 13 November 2010 | FNB Stadium | 1–3 | 74,875 | None |
| 2011–12 | Premiership | 17 September 2011 | FNB Stadium | 2–0 | 25,000 | 17 March 2012 | FNB Stadium | 3–2 | 87,171 | None |
| 2012–13 | Premiership | 8 December 2012 | FNB Stadium | 0–0 | 84,000 | 9 March 2013 | FNB Stadium | 0–0 | 80,000 | None |
| 2013–14 | Premiership | 26 October 2013 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 80,000 | 15 March 2014 | FNB Stadium | 0–1 | 90,000 | None |
| 2014–15 | Premiership | 7 March 2015 | FNB Stadium | 0–0 | 88,000 | 6 December 2014 | FNB Stadium | 0–2 | 71,282 | None |
| 2015–16 | Premiership | 31 October 2015 | FNB Stadium | 1–3 | 90,000 | 30 January 2016 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 60,000 | None |
| 2016–17 | Premiership | 29 October 2016 | FNB Stadium | 0–0 | 60,000 | 4 March 2017 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 55,000 | None |
| 2017–18 | Premiership | 21 October 2017 | FNB Stadium | 0–0 | 75,000 | 3 March 2018 | FNB Stadium | 3–1 | 86,314 | None |
| 2018–19 | Premiership | 9 February 2019 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 86,000 | 27 October 2018 | FNB Stadium | 2–1 | 82,000 | None |
| 2019–20 | Premiership | 9 November 2019 | FNB Stadium | 3–2 | 88,000 | 29 February
|
1.txt
| 4 |
9 February 2019 | FNB Stadium | 1–1 | 86,000 | 27 October 2018 | FNB Stadium | 2–1 | 82,000 | None |
| 2019–20 | Premiership | 9 November 2019 | FNB Stadium | 3–2 | 88,000 | 29 February 2020 | FNB Stadium | 0–1 | 80,808 | None |
| 2020–21 | Premiership | 21 March 2021 | FNB Stadium | 1–0 | 0 | 30 January 2021 | Orlando Stadium | 2–1 | 0 | None |
| 2021-22 | Premiership | 6 November 2021 | FNB Stadium | 2-1 | 0 | 5 March 2022 | Orlando Stadium | 1-2 | 0 | None |
| 2022-23 | Premiership | 25 February 2023 | FNB Stadium | 1-0 | 90,000 | 29 October 2022 | FNB Stadium | 0-1 | 90,000 | None |
| 2023-24 | Premiership | 11 November 2023 | FNB Stadium | 0-1 | 90,000 | 9 March 2024 | FNB Stadium | 3-2 | 86,764 | None |
| 2024-25 | Premiership | 3 May 2025 | FNB Stadium | 1-2 | 90,000 | 1 February 2025 | FNB Stadium | 1-0 | 90,000 | None |
Cup results
**Table 4**
| Season | Competition | Round | Date | Stadium | Home team | Result | Away team | Attendance | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1970–71 | Life Challenge Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 2–2 (aet) | Kaizer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 2–1 after replay |
| 1970–71 | Life Challenge Cup | Final replay |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 2–1 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 2–1 after replay |
| 1971–72 | MTN 8 | Final |? | F
|
1.txt
| 5 |
izer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 2–1 after replay |
| 1970–71 | Life Challenge Cup | Final replay |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 2–1 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 2–1 after replay |
| 1971–72 | MTN 8 | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 10–1 (aet) | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1974–75 | Life Challenge Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 3–2 | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1974–75 | Life Challenge Cup | Final 1st leg |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 4–1 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 6–2 on aggregate |
| 1974–75 | Life Challenge Cup | Final 2 ng leg |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–2 | Kaizer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 6–2 on aggregate |
| 1975–76 | Benson & Hedges Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–0 | Orlando Pirates | | None |
| 1976–77 | Benson & Hedges Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–0 | Orlando Pirates | | None |
| 1980–81 | Nedbank Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–1 (aet) | Kaizer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 3 – 1 after replay |
| 1980–81 | Nedbank Cup | Final replay |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 3–1 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 3 – 1 after replay |
| 1983–84 | Nedbank Cup | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–0 | Orlando Pirates | | None |
| 1987–88 | Bob Save Super Bowl | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–0 | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1996 | Bob Save Super Bowl | Semi-final | 2 November 1996 |? | Orlando Pirates | 4–1 | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1997–98 | Bob Save Super Bowl | 2
|
1.txt
| 6 |
Bowl | Final |? | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–0 | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1996 | Bob Save Super Bowl | Semi-final | 2 November 1996 |? | Orlando Pirates | 4–1 | Kaizer Chiefs | | None |
| 1997–98 | Bob Save Super Bowl | 2nd round | 27 March 1998 |? | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–1 | Orlando Pirates | | None |
| 1998–99 | Bob Save Super Bowl | Semi-final 1st leg | 31 October 1998 |? | Kaizer Chiefs | 3–1 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 3–2 on aggregate |
| 1998–99 | Bob Save Super Bowl | Semi-final 2nd leg | 14 November 1998 |? | Orlando Pirates | 1–0 | Kaizer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 3–2 on aggregate |
| 2001–02 | MTN 8 | Semi-final | 25 August 2001 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–0 | Orlando Pirates | | None |
| 2005–06 | ABSA Cup | Final | 19 May 2006 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs * | 0–0 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 5–3 on penalties |
| 2009–10 | Telkom Knockout | Semi-final | 5 April 2010 | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates * | 0–0 | Kaizer Chiefs | | Kaizer Chiefs won 3–0 on penalties |
| 2010–11 | MTN 8 | Semi-final 1st leg | 11 September 2010 | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–1 | Kaizer Chiefs | 75,000 | Orlando Pirates won 2–1 on aggregate |
| 2010–11 | MTN 8 | Semi-final 2nd leg | 26 September 2010 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–1 | Orlando Pirates | 69,760 | Orlando Pirates won 2–1 on aggregate |
| 2010–11 | Telkom Knockout | Final | 4 December 2010 | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates * | 0–3 | Kaizer Chiefs | 90,000 | None |
| 2012–
|
1.txt
| 7 |
izer Chiefs | 0–1 | Orlando Pirates | 69,760 | Orlando Pirates won 2–1 on aggregate |
| 2010–11 | Telkom Knockout | Final | 4 December 2010 | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates * | 0–3 | Kaizer Chiefs | 90,000 | None |
| 2012–12 | MTN 8 | Final | 10 September 2011 | FNB Stadium | Orlando Pirates * | 1–0 (aet) | Kaizer Chiefs | 84,000 | None |
| 2012–13 | MTN 8 | Semi-final 1st leg | 24 August 2013 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–1 | Orlando Pirates | 83,000 | Orlando Pirates won 2–1 on aggregate |
| 2012–13 | MTN 8 | Semi-final 2nd leg | 24 September 2013 | Orlando Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 1–1 | Kaizer Chiefs | 40,000 | Orlando Pirates won 2–1 on aggregate |
| 2014–15 | MTN 8 | Final | 20 September 2014 | Moses Mabhida Stadium | Orlando Pirates * | 0–1 | Kaizer Chiefs | 50,000 | None |
| 2015–16 | Telkom Knockout | Semi-final | 7 November 2015 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–0 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 6–5 on penalties |
| 2015–16 | Nedbank Cup | Round 32 | 5 March 2016 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–2 | Orlando Pirates | 90,000 | |
| 2018–19 | Telkom Knockout | Semi-final | 24 November 2018 | Moses Mabhida Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–2 | Orlando Pirates | | |
| 2019–20 | Telkom Knockout | Semi-final | 24 November 2018 | Moses Mabhida Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 2–2 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 4–2 on penalties |
| 2020–21 | 2020 MTN 8 | Semi-final 1st leg | 31 October 2020 | Orlando Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 3–0 | Kaizer Chiefs |
|
1.txt
| 8 |
8 | Moses Mabhida Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 2–2 | Orlando Pirates | | Kaizer Chiefs won 4–2 on penalties |
| 2020–21 | 2020 MTN 8 | Semi-final 1st leg | 31 October 2020 | Orlando Stadium | Orlando Pirates | 3–0 | Kaizer Chiefs | 0 | Orlando Pirates won 5–0 on aggregate |
| 2020–21 | 2020 MTN 8 | Semi-final 2nd leg | 8 November 2020 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 0–2 | Orlando Pirates | 0 | Orlando Pirates won 5–0 on aggregate |
| 2022–23 | Nedbank Cup | Semi-final | 6 May 2023 | FNB Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 1–2 | Orlando Pirates | 90,000 | |
| 2024-25 | Nedbank Cup | Final | 10 May 2025 | Moses Mabhida Stadium | Kaizer Chiefs | 2-1 | Orlando Pirates | 57,000 | |
* Played as a neutral game with one side designated as the 'home team'.
Honours
**Table 5**
| Orlando Pirates | Competition | Kaizer Chiefs | None |
|---|---|---|---|
| Domestic | Domestic | Domestic | Domestic |
| 4 | South African Premiership (1996 - present) | 4 | None |
| 10 | Nedbank Cup | 14 | None |
| 13 | MTN 8 | 15 | None |
| 1 | Telkom Knockout | 13 | None |
| 1 | National Soccer League (South Africa) (1985 to 1996) | 3 | None |
| 4 | National Professional Soccer League (South Africa) (1971 to 1984) | 5 | None |
| 33 | Aggregate | 53 | None |
| Continental | Continental | Continental | Continental |
| 1 | CAF Champions League | 0 | None |
| 0 | African Cup Winners' Cup (defunct) | 1 | None |
| 1 | CAF Super Cup | 0 | None |
| 2 | Aggregate | 1 | None |
| 35 | Total aggregate | 54 | None |
Head-to-head ranking in the South African Premiership (1996–2024)
**Table 6**
| Pos
|
1.txt
| 9 |
| African Cup Winners' Cup (defunct) | 1 | None |
| 1 | CAF Super Cup | 0 | None |
| 2 | Aggregate | 1 | None |
| 35 | Total aggregate | 54 | None |
Head-to-head ranking in the South African Premiership (1996–2024)
**Table 6**
| Pos. | 97 | 98 | 99 | 00 | 01 | 02 | 03 | 04 | 05 | 06 | 07 | 08 | 09 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | | | | | 1 | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | | | | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | 1 | | | | | | | | | |
| 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 2 | | | | 2 | 2 | | | 2 | | | | | 2 | | | | 2 | 2 | 2 | | | 2 | 2 |
| 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | 3 | | 3 | | | | 3 | | | 3 | 3 | 3 | | 3 | | | | | 3 | | 3 | 3 | | | |
| 4 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 4 | 4 | | 4 | | | | | | | |
| 5 | | | | | | | | 5 | | | 5 | | | 5 | | 5 | | | | 5 | | | | | | 5 | 5 | |
| 6 | | | | | | | 6 | | | | | 6 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 6 | | |
| 7
|
1.txt
| 10 |
5 | | | 5 | | | 5 | | 5 | | | | 5 | | | | | | 5 | 5 | |
| 6 | | | | | | | 6 | | | | | 6 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 6 | | |
| 7 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 7 | | | | | | | | |
| 8 | | | | | | | | | | | | 8 | | | | | | | | | | | | | 8 | | | |
| 9 | | | | | | 9 | | | | | 9 | | | | | | | | | | | | 9 | | | | | |
| 10 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 10 |
| 11 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | 11 | | | | | | | |
| 12 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 13 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 14 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 15 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 16 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 17 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| 18 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
* Total: Kaizer Chiefs with 14 higher finishes, Orlando Pirates with 14 higher finishes (as of the end of the 2023–24 season).
* The biggest difference in positions
|
1.txt
| 11 |
| | | | |
| 18 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
* Total: Kaizer Chiefs with 14 higher finishes, Orlando Pirates with 14 higher finishes (as of the end of the 2023–24 season).
* The biggest difference in positions for Kaizer Chiefs from Orlando Pirates is 7 places (2016–17season), The biggest difference in positions for Orlando Pirates from Kaizer Chiefs is 8 places (2023–24 season).
References
Category:Association football rivalries
Category:Kaizer Chiefs F.C.
Category:Orlando Pirates F.C.
Category:1970 establishments in South Africa
Category:Recurring sporting events established in 1970
Lethabo Phakwago
|
10.txt
| 0 |
---
title: Lost towns of Lake Murray: How a town was flooded in South Carolina
date: 2025-01-01
---
this is a placeholder
this is a placeholder
this is a placeholder
About
Press
Copyright
Contact us
Creators
Advertise
Developers
Terms
Privacy
Policy & Safety
How YouTube works
Test new features
Accessibility
© 2025 Google LLC
|
100.txt
| 0 |
---
title: Movies / TV with a POC Lead
date: 2025-01-01
---
this is a placeholder7.2 (555)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
The adventures and misadventures of the always-smiling Kader Cherif, Captain of Lyons' Criminal Brigade with an eccentric way to solve the cases, and his by-the-book new partner, Adeline Briard.
this is a placeholder8.1 (362)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Abdullah Saeed and his team throw the world's most elaborate cannabis dinner parties, inviting notable chefs to come and create a meal in a kitchen stocked with the biggest selection of marijuana ingredients ever assembled.
this is a placeholder8.0 (82)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
'THE QUEST: Nepal' is like combining Werner Herzog with Anthony Bourdain and a bit of Bear Grylls on an extraordinary Quest to deeper understand and climb the most iconic mountain in the world, Everest, while unveiling the fascinating culture, history and nature of Nepal. >>> Become enthralled by the captivating past and present of the mysterious South Asian country of Nepal, before embarking on a spectacular 9 day trek up the sacred Khumbu Valley to reach Mt. Everest Base Camp. >>> The deep spirituality and serenity of the Sherpa people who call the Khumbu Valley home is evident everywhere, beautiful Buddhist shrines, hand-carved Mani stones and colorful Tibetan prayer flags are prominent centerpieces along the trek and throughout the region. >>> Discover what life is really like at Everest Base Camp, and what it takes to climb + survive for 43 more grueling days at 17,500 feet / 5334 meters and above as we continue our epic Quest upward to try to reach the daunting 29,032 foot / 8849 meter Summit of Planet Earth. >>> From experiencing Mt. Everest like never before to witnessing remarkable rarely seen stories from one of the most amazing countries in the world, 'THE QUEST: Nepal' is a one-of-a-kind cinematic journey like no other, and one which embodies the incredible human spirit of adventure that lives inside us all.
this is a placeholder5.4 (885)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
12 chefs will go head to head in the ultimate
|
100.txt
| 1 |
in the world, 'THE QUEST: Nepal' is a one-of-a-kind cinematic journey like no other, and one which embodies the incredible human spirit of adventure that lives inside us all.
this is a placeholder5.4 (885)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
12 chefs will go head to head in the ultimate snack showdown. Recreating some of the world's most iconic snacks, as well as inventing your own original snacks inspired by beloved classics. Only one will prevail and claim the $50,000 prize.
this is a placeholder6.3 (975)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
During the British Raj, Captain Carruthers works undercover to track smuggled shipments of arms on the restless North West Frontier of India. He fears a full-scale rebellion is brewing. To forestall this, the British governor signs a treaty with the friendly, peace-loving ruler of Tokot, a key kingdom in the region, which is described as four days' march northward from Peshawar. Meanwhile, the king's son, Prince Azim, befriends Carruthers and a British drummer boy, Bill Holder, who teaches him how to play the instrument.
this is a placeholder4.5 (217)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
A mob family shylock falls in love with the wrong woman during a turf war, and has to use his unique skills to rescue her from the same people he once called brothers.
this is a placeholder4.1 (1.1K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Adam and his bride, Sarah are about to embark on the romantic honeymoon of a lifetime in Venice. But when the trip is gatecrashed by Adam's best friend, Ed, it inadvertently turns their perfect lovers' holiday into a complete disaster.
this is a placeholder5.5 (273)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Leah is forced to travel to a small town to investigate its plans to break multiple holiday world records. Later, she discovers that she may be the person who can help them reach their true Christmas goal.
this is a placeholder6.7 (114K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
When an elite team of mercenaries breaks into a family
|
100.txt
| 2 |
to travel to a small town to investigate its plans to break multiple holiday world records. Later, she discovers that she may be the person who can help them reach their true Christmas goal.
this is a placeholder6.7 (114K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
When an elite team of mercenaries breaks into a family compound on Christmas Eve, a disgruntled Santa Claus must take them out to save both the hostages and his Holiday.
this is a placeholder5.9 (9.5K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
A classically-trained martial artist goes to work as a mob debt collector. The job seems easy enough, until a client drags him into a situation deeper than could ever be anticipated.
this is a placeholder5.5 (111)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
A young man is determined to give his life meaning outside of Kaimuki, the small Hawaiian town where he grew up, even if it means leaving everything he's ever known and loved behind.
this is a placeholder7.0 (75K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
In 18th-century France, the Chevalier de Fronsac and his Native American friend Mani are sent to the Gevaudan province at the king's behest to investigate the killings of hundreds by a mysterious beast.
this is a placeholder5.4 (1.9K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Originally shot in 1984 and not finished until 2021, New York Ninja is about a sound technician for a news station (John Liu) who becomes a vigilante ninja in New York City after his pregnant wife is murdered.
this is a placeholder4.9 (1.4K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Eight lost souls search for solutions to problems ranging from finding a better suicide method, to defeating creative block, to losing their virginity. As they wander through their dreary lives, they learn life isn't like it the movies.
this is a placeholder5.2 (35)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Young lovers Crystal and Grant dream of getting out of the Cape Flats. When they
|
100.txt
| 3 |
, to defeating creative block, to losing their virginity. As they wander through their dreary lives, they learn life isn't like it the movies.
this is a placeholder5.2 (35)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Young lovers Crystal and Grant dream of getting out of the Cape Flats. When they find Crystal's Mom's winning Lotto ticket, they see it as their ticket out of the Flats. Do they run away or do they stay?
this is a placeholder6.3 (1.3K)this is a placeholderRate
this is a placeholderMark as watched
this is a placeholder
Following the extraordinary story of one ordinary couple, as they fall in love and discover that the single greatest obstacle to finding happiness together might just be themselves.
|
1000.txt
| 0 |
---
title: The Borders of Colorado: From Kansas Territory to Statehood – Part 2
author: Olls
date: 2023-11-09
---
by Sarah Meisch
Colorado's State Lines
In Part 1 of this series, we explored how the US created its states, prioritizing geometric simplicity over geographical variance. Colorado stands uniquely symmetrical and rectangular among other states, and Part 2 of this series will examine how Colorado's shape and dimensions were placed – and why its borders have been so controversial.
Throughout its history, Colorado has been under the control of France, Spain, Mexico, the Republic of Texas, and the US. The Rocky Mountains formed a natural barrier between the American-owned Louisiana Purchase lands and the area belonging to Spanish Mexico. What would become the western and southern parts of Colorado were acquired by the US government through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Before the Anglo population grew in Colorado, the land was occupied by several indigenous tribes, including the Ute, Jicarilla Apache, Arapaho, Anasazi, Navajo, Comanche, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Pueblo, and Shoshone. Many of these tribes were forced to consolidate or give up their land when white settlers moved into the region. When Kansas Territory was created in 1854, most of central Colorado and the eastern plains were absorbed into Kansas; the parts of Colorado that lay west of the Rocky Mountains had become part of Utah Territory in 1850.
Following the Pike's Peak gold rush of 1858-1860, the Front Range and foothills of the Rocky Mountains became more heavily populated, with most of the growth attributed to young and single male miners. The population would diminish over the following years as the spoils of the gold rush faded and the lawlessness of the region made the area unsettling for young families.
With Kansas Territory's capital being in eastern Kansas, inhabitants of present-day Colorado began to wish for a closer form of government, as well as more locally-enforced law enforcement of the region. In November 1858, Denver residents elected a delegate to the US Congress to officially request that Congress create a new territory.
Colorado's request was particularly troublesome, as the territorial population was strongly Republican, and Southern Democrats were concerned they would not find support in the area. In the heat of deadlock over the slavery debate, Congress would refuse to act on this request until 1861.
In 1859, Colorado residents decided to take matters into their own hands
|
1000.txt
| 1 |
officially request that Congress create a new territory.
Colorado's request was particularly troublesome, as the territorial population was strongly Republican, and Southern Democrats were concerned they would not find support in the area. In the heat of deadlock over the slavery debate, Congress would refuse to act on this request until 1861.
In 1859, Colorado residents decided to take matters into their own hands and, without congressional approval, formed Jefferson Territory, named after the president who had overseen the Louisiana Purchase. For a year and a half, the territory illegitimately elected officials, created territorial boundaries, and established a legislature that adopted legislation related to personal and civil rights. The enlarged borders of Jefferson Territory would have made Colorado about 70% larger than it is today and would have included areas within Wyoming, Nebraska, Utah, and Kansas. This additional land would have contained much of the gold and silver of the region for mining and would also have brought the territory agricultural land, diversifying the economy of the territory from relying entirely on mineral resources. Geographically centering the Rocky Mountains within Jefferson Territory, rather than placing the mountains at the borders, would also "prevent disputes over profitable mining claims."[1]
Creating a provisional territory was not unusual. Other parts of the country had instituted provisional governments until Congress officially recognized territorial governments: Deseret became Utah and the State of Franklin became Tennessee. Jefferson Territory adopted a similar extralegal approach until Congress had established an official territory.
A census found that Colorado was occupied by only 34,277 residents in 1860, making it too small to be a state but large enough for another structure of government. And most Colorado voters refused to vote for statehood when they had the opportunity in 1864, due to the higher taxation associated with new statehood. As a territory, the federal government footed the bills; however, this made the extralegal entity of Jefferson Territory unable to collect taxes from residents.
Jefferson Territory ceased to exist when Congress and President Buchanan created the Colorado Territory on February 28, 1861. Members of Congress opposed naming states and territories after individuals, so the name Jefferson was dropped. Although some legislators favored naming the new territory "Idaho," the delegate from Colorado successfully convinced legislators that "Colorado" would be a more fitting name, as the Colorado River started within the territory. Jefferson County is the sole remaining county from Jefferson Territory.
In the 1860s, there were several attempts by residents to make Colorado a state, but with Civil War and Reconstruction era policies dividing up the
|
1000.txt
| 2 |
naming the new territory "Idaho," the delegate from Colorado successfully convinced legislators that "Colorado" would be a more fitting name, as the Colorado River started within the territory. Jefferson County is the sole remaining county from Jefferson Territory.
In the 1860s, there were several attempts by residents to make Colorado a state, but with Civil War and Reconstruction era policies dividing up the political scene in Washington, Colorado was not admitted as a state until 1876.[2]
The Borders of Colorado
The eastern border of Colorado was determined by Kansas' western border when Kansas achieved statehood in 1861, only a month before Colorado Territory was created. A contentious statehood debate raged over the possibility of a "Big Kansas," which would have included large swaths of Nebraska and possibly areas of Colorado that had already been part of Kansas Territory. Some Kansans raised concerns over how the population of the mining areas in Colorado would upset the balance of power in Kansas. During the 1859 Wyandotte constitutional convention in Kansas, some local delegates claimed that eastern and western Kansas Territory varied too widely in culture and politics or that the Kansas government was too far away from the mining areas of Colorado to provide much responsiveness; linking these areas permanently in statehood would raise the potential for conflict. Others were concerned with the cost of having such a large state, with Republican delegate and future Kansas congressman M.F. Conway stating, "Had we retained the Pike's Peak region, the mere mileage of the members of the Legislature and officers going to and returning from the State capital would more than exceed the cost of the whole State government." Political divisions were clear on the matter, as "many Democrats opposed the exclusion of the western territory, while many Republicans approved of the rejection."[3]
The arguments for keeping part of present-day Colorado with Kansas were resource-driven. Some wanted the wealth of the mining industry in the Rockies to flow to Kansas, and others believed that the railroad builders would look favorably upon investing in Kansas with its connections to Colorado mineral resources. A few members of the convention argued that cutting off the Rockies and their mining settlements would bring the population of Kansas down to a point where statehood would be off the table, as territories needed to cross a certain population threshold to become a state.
In 1859, the Wyandotte constitutional convention agreed with the "Little Kansas" proponents, which gave the state of Kansas its current size. Creating a homogenous Kansas and allowing the miners to create a government for their region was well-received in both Colorado
|
1000.txt
| 3 |
where statehood would be off the table, as territories needed to cross a certain population threshold to become a state.
In 1859, the Wyandotte constitutional convention agreed with the "Little Kansas" proponents, which gave the state of Kansas its current size. Creating a homogenous Kansas and allowing the miners to create a government for their region was well-received in both Colorado and Kansas.
When Colorado residents, including many miners, drew the boundaries for the extralegal Jefferson Territory, the same line was drawn with Kansas, exemplifying inhabitants' agreement with Kansas' proposed boundary line. Kansas became a state in 1861, solidifying the boundaries voted on in the Wyandotte constitution.
Congress drew Colorado's western borders according to the equitable principles outlined in Part 1, and with the western landscape largely open, Congress had a chance to make border divisions as equal as possible. The prairie states of North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, and Kansas all have three latitudinal degrees of height. Colorado, Wyoming, and Montana have four latitudinal degrees of height – the extra degree, given out of fairness, allows for the less arable agricultural land these states share. Colorado, Wyoming, the Dakotas, Oregon, and Washington also have nearly seven longitudinal degrees of width per state. This was intentionally done to promote border equality in the western states. Therefore, the western border Colorado shares with Utah was drawn to give the state seven longitudinal degrees of width from the border with Kansas.
The northern border of Colorado was initially proposed to be drawn at the 42nd parallel, aligning with a 1790 agreement called the Nootka Convention, which was signed between England and Spain as a way of dividing their interests in western North America. This line currently provides borders for Oregon, California, Idaho, Nevada, and Utah.
However, Congress wanted to ensure that four longitudinal degrees of height in Colorado were observed, so the northern border was lowered by a degree, as the southern border with New Mexico Territory had already been loosely planned in 1850. This allowed Wyoming and Montana to have four longitudinal degrees of height when they became states years later.
The northern border of Colorado was initially proposed to be drawn at the 42nd parallel, aligning with a 1790 agreement called the Nootka Convention, which was signed between England and Spain as a way of dividing their interests in western North America. This line currently provides borders for Oregon, California, Idaho, Nevada, and Utah. However, Congress wanted to ensure that four longitudinal
|
1000.txt
| 4 |
border of Colorado was initially proposed to be drawn at the 42nd parallel, aligning with a 1790 agreement called the Nootka Convention, which was signed between England and Spain as a way of dividing their interests in western North America. This line currently provides borders for Oregon, California, Idaho, Nevada, and Utah. However, Congress wanted to ensure that four longitudinal degrees of height in Colorado were observed, so the northern border was lowered by a degree, as the southern border with New Mexico Territory had already been loosely planned in 1850. This allowed Wyoming and Montana to have four longitudinal degrees of height when they became states years later.
Colorado's southern border with New Mexico was largely determined by the territorial acts of Utah and New Mexico in 1850 and has been rooted in controversy and violence. Colorado residents initially lobbied for Jefferson Territory to include northern New Mexico. There were several gold mines in the north central part of New Mexico Territory, and Coloradans wanted access to as much gold as possible to sustain its thriving mining industry. This expansion also unconstitutionally included a corner of Texas. When Congress set the southern border at the 37th parallel, it did so with the same logic that determined Colorado's northern border – a desire to create a column of states with the same height and width. Simplicity of shape and size were prioritized over geography, and the border setting truncated the Hispano population in the San Luis Valley of New Mexico Territory. This set off animosity at the local level and in Congress.
In May of 1862, the House of Representatives debated dividing New Mexico in order to create Arizona Territory, and New Mexico's delegates voiced anger over Colorado's border with New Mexico Territory. John S. Watts, the delegate from New Mexico, recalled how residents of the San Luis Valley were betrayed when Colorado Territory was made "merely for the purpose of beautifying the lines of the new Territory of Colorado." The following year, New Mexico's legislature expressed resentment at the loss of territory and memorialized Congress about the boundary with Colorado, which had been left unsurveyed. New Mexico claimed that Colorado had taken advantage of the unsurveyed land and had started exercising their authority much further south than they were entitled to.
In 1865, New Mexico delegate Francisco Perea spoke before the House Committee on the Territories in favor of bringing the San Luis Valley settlements back into New Mexico Territory. He derided the "evenness and symmetry" of Colorado's southern boundary, stating that the focus on a straight
|
1000.txt
| 5 |
unsurveyed land and had started exercising their authority much further south than they were entitled to.
In 1865, New Mexico delegate Francisco Perea spoke before the House Committee on the Territories in favor of bringing the San Luis Valley settlements back into New Mexico Territory. He derided the "evenness and symmetry" of Colorado's southern boundary, stating that the focus on a straight border cut off a fertile part of New Mexico and betrayed the long-standing interests of people who had always belonged to the rest of the New Mexico Hispano culture. His sentiments were echoed by the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, which wrote that although clean-cut borders were pleasing to the eye, the border setting between New Mexico and Colorado did a disservice to the local population of Hispanos. In the end, Congress refused to change Colorado's southern border, beyond addressing small surveying inaccuracies.
Surveying ambiguities over the exact location of the border were left unresolved by Congress over the years, despite mounting frustration from New Mexico. In 1925, the US Supreme Court deemed that although a more accurate survey of the border existed, the boundary in force took precedence over a later survey. This confirmed that New Mexico would officially lose thousands of acres to Colorado.
So it is that Colorado stretches from 37 degrees to 41 degrees latitude and 25 degrees to 32 degrees longitude. And you might be surprised to learn that it does not have four sides, but 697 – due to a large amount of small surveying errors. There have been attempts to change Colorado's borders; as recently as 2013, northeastern Colorado county commissioners encouraged a small movement for the area to become its own state, which would be known as North Colorado or New Colorado. This was mostly a symbolic discussion, as some Colorado counties wanted to make a statement against policies being made at the state level. The boundaries determined by the state constitution in 1876, however, have not changed since Colorado became a state.
Colorado's borders were influenced by a desire by the US government to create states of equitable size, placing a priority on geometric design instead of working around or with geographic barriers. Colorado's four borders are consistent with this policy and have given us a uniquely symmetrical shape and size on the nation's map.
[1] Everett, "Creating the American West," 14.
[2] To read more about Colorado's failed attempts at achieving statehood before 1876, please see the following article:
[3] Gower, "Kansas Territory and Its Boundary Question."
References
Abb
|
1000.txt
| 6 |
policy and have given us a uniquely symmetrical shape and size on the nation's map.
[1] Everett, "Creating the American West," 14.
[2] To read more about Colorado's failed attempts at achieving statehood before 1876, please see the following article:
[3] Gower, "Kansas Territory and Its Boundary Question."
References
Abbott, Carl, Stephen J Leonard, and Thomas J Noel. Colorado: A History of the Centennial State. Fifth. Boulder, Colorado: University Press of Colorado, 2013.
American Library Association. "Indigenous Tribes of Colorado." American Library Association, November 21, 2017.
"Articles of Confederation (1777)." National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed August 31, 2023.
Berwanger, Eugene H. The Rise of the Centennial State: Colorado Territory, 1861-76. Urbana, Illinois: University Of Illinois Press, 2007.
Cengage. "Jefferson Territory | Encyclopedia.com." Accessed June 6, 2023.
Everett, Derek R. Creating the American West: Boundaries and Borderlands. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 2014.
Frederic Logan Paxson. History of the American Frontier, 1763-1893. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Riverside Press, 1924.
Geurts, Jennie. 2014. "How Rivers Shaped the Shape of Colorado." Water Education Colorado. July 24, 2014.
Gower, Calvin. "Kansas Territory and Its Boundary Question, 1: 'Big Kansas' or 'Little Kansas.'" 33, no. 1 (1967): 1–12.
History, Art & Archives: United States House of Representatives. "Draft Bill for Colorado Territory | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives." history.house.gov. Accessed June 6, 2023.
History Colorado. "Carving up a Continent: State Boundaries in the American West, Feat. Dr. Derek Everett." October 5, 2021.
History Colorado, and Michael Troyer. "Colorado Territory | Articles | Colorado Encyclopedia." Coloradoencyclopedia.org, February 25, 2016.
Humeyumptewa, Aleks, and Tracie Etheredge. "An Inventory of the Records of Arapahoe County, Colorado." Denver, Colorado: The Colorado Historical Society,
|
1000.txt
| 7 |
5, 2021.
History Colorado, and Michael Troyer. "Colorado Territory | Articles | Colorado Encyclopedia." Coloradoencyclopedia.org, February 25, 2016.
Humeyumptewa, Aleks, and Tracie Etheredge. "An Inventory of the Records of Arapahoe County, Colorado." Denver, Colorado: The Colorado Historical Society, 1994.
"Is Colorado a Square State?" 2016. Denver Public Library History. August 1, 2016.
Jacobs, Frank. "Colorado Is Not a Rectangle—It Has 697 Sides." Atlas Obscura. Big Think, April 14, 2023.
Library Of Congress, and Sponsoring Body Library Of Congress. Center For The Book. How the States Got Their Shapes. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, -07-15, 2008. Video.
Maness, Jack. "When Colorado Was Kansas, and the Nation Was (Even More?) Divided." Denver Public Library, January 26, 2017.
Paxson, Frederic. "The Boundaries of Colorado." The University of Colorado Studies 2, no. 2 (July 1904).
Stein, Mark. How the States Got Their Shapes. New York: Smithsonian Books/Collins, 2008.
The U.S. Today, with Dates of Statehood Wall Map. Mapszu. Accessed June 6, 2023.
Trembath, Brian. "Jefferson Territory: The Renegade State That Almost Replaced Colorado." Denver Public Library, June 24, 2020.
"Colorado Indian Tribes and Languages." Native Languages of the Americas. Accessed June 6, 2023.
Wikipedia. "Colorado Territory," June 2, 2023.
Wikipedia. "Four Corners," May 7, 2023.
Zimmer, Amy. "Jefferson's Legacy in Colorado." Colorado Virtual Library, April 11, 2013.
|
10000.txt
| 0 |
---
title: These are the most recommended vacuum cleaners on Reddit (r/VacuumCleaners VS others) as of Jan 2025
date: 2025-06-09
---
These are the most recommended vacuum cleaners on Reddit (r/VacuumCleaners VS others) as of Jan 2025
I've been doing analysis on reddit data and was looking at the most recommended vacuum cleaners in r/VacuumCleaners VS other subs. Thought I'd share the results here.
Its part of a side project of mine to play with Reddit data and LLMs. The goal was to create something useful for the community while learning and improving my development skills.
The analysis aims to highlight the most well reviewed vacuum cleaners. It can be taken as a very rough proxy for what's widely considered the best vacuum cleaners. Hopefully it is a useful data point for anyone overwhelmed by the massive amount of fragmented information out there.
Methodology: For extraction and sentiment analysis, I used the Reddit's API to scour discussions on vacuum cleaners across all subreddits (filtered for the past year for freshness). I sampled 586 relevant threads and used LLMs to analyze, extract, and categorize opinions from the comments. To identify the product, I used the info in the comment to lookup Amazon. Unfortunately for now the list only shows models available on Amazon (for simplicity's sake).
For ranking, I calculated the normalized difference and ratio between the no. of positive and negative user sentiments, and used that to determine the final score for ranking.
Caveat: Handling and merging different descriptions, model numbers, abbreviations etc, and associating them with the right variation is non trivial, so its not 100% accurate. Let me know if you spot anything wrong or surprising.
Source: RedditRecs
|
100000.txt
| 0 |
---
author: Vernā Myers
date: 2021-01-13
---
Social Impact
13 January 2021Listen to the audio version here
Feb. 10, 2022 Update: We've updated our diversity numbers for the 2021 calendar year here.
Editor's note, Feb. 25, 2021: Indigenous representation is important, but absent from a previous version of this report. This updated version better reflects that.
The night before my eighth birthday, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated and I saw my father cry for the first time. My family and community were rocked, and I can trace back my calling to work on inclusion and equity to that night. I decided to live King's dream.
I eventually became a beneficiary of that dream, so I made sure it wasn't in vain. For decades, as a consultant, I helped companies remove barriers for people from underrepresented and excluded communities. That path finally led me here to Netflix in 2018, when I joined forces with a company that had so much influence on which stories get told and by who.
We started by listening to Netflix employees about how it was to work here. The company added inclusion as a cultural value in 2017, but here's what we found: we weren't as great as we thought we were, or aspired to be. And over these last two years, our inclusion team has been building a foundation, sowing the seeds for inclusion to take root within the company.
Today, we're sharing what we've been working on with Netflix's first inclusion report. Here, we'll provide a snapshot of representation within the company, how we plan to increase it, and how we cultivate a community of belonging and allyship.
What inclusion unlocks
Let's begin with why inclusion and diversity matter at Netflix. A lot has been written about our culture of freedom and responsibility. Yet the most important thing we've learned is that when you pair that culture with diversity and inclusion - it unlocks our ability to innovate, to be creative, to solve problems. It breaks up group think. It brings different lived experiences and perspectives to a problem, so that we're no longer solving them in old ways. And, we're able to better entertain our current and future members.
Our inclusion strategy team can't do this alone. We need everyone to contribute. Each employee needs to look at every issue, decision, and meeting, inside and outside the company with inclusion in mind. We call this an "inclusion
|
100000.txt
| 1 |
a problem, so that we're no longer solving them in old ways. And, we're able to better entertain our current and future members.
Our inclusion strategy team can't do this alone. We need everyone to contribute. Each employee needs to look at every issue, decision, and meeting, inside and outside the company with inclusion in mind. We call this an "inclusion lens," where employees ask questions like, whose voice is missing? Who is being excluded? Are we portraying this authentically?
When we get that right (more on that later), magic is possible. We're uplifting stories about Black British lives. We're chronicling the life of a gay man with cerebral palsy on TV, a first. We're moving some of our cash into Black banks. Inclusion is at the heart of so many of these moments, and we've asked employees to tell you how they came together in this video. Please take a look:
Illustrations by Ndubisi Okoye. Featured in order of appearance: Vernā Myers, vice president of inclusion strategy; Ted Sarandos, co-CEO and chief content officer; Bozoma Saint John, chief marketing officer; Kabi Gishuru, director of inclusion recruiting programs; Aaron Mitchell, HR director for Netflix Animation; Rochelle King, vice president of creative production; Aaron Lynch, creative marketing manager; Frances Abebreseh, communications manager; Haydn Palmer, creative assistant; Gena-mour Barrett, editorial and publishing manager; and Cole Gavin, director of content acquisition.
The examples in this video only scratch the surface. We'll create more of them if more of our employees come from different backgrounds. As our co-CEO and chief content officer Ted Sarandos explains: "inclusion on-screen starts with inclusion in our internal community." This report will cover the work we do internally at Netflix, and it starts with being transparent about the numbers.
Representation by the Numbers
Since 2013, we've published diversity data quarterly on our jobs site. Here's the current snapshot:
Women make up half of our workforce (47.1%), including at the leadership level: directors and above (47.8%), vice presidents (43.7%) and senior leadership (47.6%).
Nearly half of our U.S. workforce (46.4%) and leadership (42.0%, director level and above) are made up of people from one or more underrepresented racial and/or ethnic backgrounds, including Black, Latinx or Hispanic, Indigenous, Middle Eastern
|
100000.txt
| 2 |
and above (47.8%), vice presidents (43.7%) and senior leadership (47.6%).
Nearly half of our U.S. workforce (46.4%) and leadership (42.0%, director level and above) are made up of people from one or more underrepresented racial and/or ethnic backgrounds, including Black, Latinx or Hispanic, Indigenous, Middle Eastern, Asian, and Pacific Islander backgrounds.
The number of Black employees in the U.S. doubled in the last three years to 8% of our workforce and 9% of our leadership (director level and above).
Data as of October 2020, at approximately 8,000 full time streaming employees. Leadership is defined as employees in director, vice president, and executive officer roles. Illustration by Ndubisi Okoye.
We've made good progress over the last three years. You can dig into the trends in the footnotes. But let's be clear, we're not where we want to be and we need to do better. We have a lot of work to do to attract more underrepresented folks to our company. So we've created a team and plan to do that.
Increasing Representation
We rely on every recruiter, every leader, and every employee to invite more voices into Netflix. But it takes coordinated effort to do this well. Kabi Gishuru heads the inclusion recruiting programs team at Netflix, which helps us look at gaps in representation and find ways to narrow them now and in the long term. Some of the highlights of this work:
Hiring more inclusively: Recruiters play a vital role in finding candidates, interacting with them, and advising hiring managers. The inclusion recruiting programs team built a training curriculum to do this more inclusively, with topics like: spotting bias in the interview process, sourcing candidates in non-traditional ways, and helping hiring managers identify the perspectives missing on their teams. More than 200 people on our recruiting team have completed one or more courses in the program.
Creating access for emerging talent: Systemic issues have excluded certain groups from the entertainment and tech industry. We can dismantle those systems by creating access to people early on in their careers. For instance, there's low representation of Black folks in the tech industry. Our first technical bootcamp with HBCU Norfolk University hopes to improve that. If we open the door for people, they'll open the door for others. We're finding more ways to do that with different skills, industries and communities.
Building diverse networks: People tend
|
100000.txt
| 3 |
people early on in their careers. For instance, there's low representation of Black folks in the tech industry. Our first technical bootcamp with HBCU Norfolk University hopes to improve that. If we open the door for people, they'll open the door for others. We're finding more ways to do that with different skills, industries and communities.
Building diverse networks: People tend to hire people similar to themselves. The inclusion recruiting programs team helps managers break out of that mold by connecting them to networks outside of their own. Partnerships with organizations like /dev/color, techqueria, Ghetto Film School and TalentoTotal play a big role in that. But the team also loves to experiment. They've hosted events for Netflix executives like Greg Peters, Jessica Neal, and Spence Neumann to meet underrepresented senior leaders in their industries. And throughout the pandemic, they've hosted virtual events like the DJs and Discussions series to strengthen our bond with Black, Latinx, LGBTQ+, and Asian American candidates.
Netflix "DJs and Discussions" virtual event with African professionals who are redefining representation in African storytelling.
Once we get these folks in the door, we want Netflix to be the place they can build a great career. That's where the inclusion team comes in to guide the company, with the help of many employees along the way.
Inclusion and Belonging
We want employees to feel like they have a home here. That they belong. And that's possible when they feel reflected at work.
One way to feel reflected is for people to see themselves represented at different levels of the company, in different hallways and virtual meeting rooms. Our Employee Resource Groups (ERGs) are vital to creating this sense of inclusion and belonging. ERGs are communities of employees who create space to connect on their shared experiences. We have 15 ERGs serving Latinx, veteran, Indigenous, Black, and disability communities to name a few (see full list here).
Each community creates space for people to celebrate their shared cultures and histories - like Diwali, Juneteenth and Spirit Day. They offer employees mentoring, career development, and volunteering opportunities, supporting each other through challenges. They also provide the company with insight into the perspectives, needs and lived experiences of their communities. And for allies, they provide a place to forge bonds.
I remember my own ally moment at an event hosted by our Trans* ERG last year. I sat in a round meeting room in our Los Angeles office, connected to other offices around the world.
|
100000.txt
| 4 |
each other through challenges. They also provide the company with insight into the perspectives, needs and lived experiences of their communities. And for allies, they provide a place to forge bonds.
I remember my own ally moment at an event hosted by our Trans* ERG last year. I sat in a round meeting room in our Los Angeles office, connected to other offices around the world. One by one, different employees read the names of murdered trans women to commemorate the Trans Day of Remembrance. I wiped away tears hearing each name, seeing employees embrace and comfort each other, before reading the name of the woman assigned to me: Jazzaline Ware. My understanding and compassion for the magnitude of issues facing the trans community deepened powerfully that day.
SOMOS is an employee resource group for Netflix Latinx employees and allies.
Singapore-based employee Charlene Wee in a photo essay by the Asia-Pacific chapter of our Pride@ employee resource group, serving LGBTQ+ employees and allies. View the photo project here.
Feeling reflected also means employees recognize themselves in our company policies and practices (e.g., they reflect different religions, family responsibilities, gender identities, disabilities). Many teams work alongside us to make this happen.
Equitable Pay: We practice "open compensation," which means the top 1,000 leaders (directors and above) at the company can see how much any employee is paid. This encourages open discussions about pay disparities. Outside of the transparency, our talent team routinely analyzes pay across the company to look for disparities, including an annual compensation review. In both cases, when we find pay gaps, we rectify them.
Inclusive Benefits: We want our benefits to work for everyone. Our flexible parental leave policy is gender-blind. We offer a family forming benefit to support employees on their fertility, surrogacy, or adoption journey. It's available to employees regardless of marital status, gender, or sexual orientation. And we cover comprehensive transgender and non-binary care in our U.S. health plans. Outside of the U.S., we're exploring how we can expand transgender coverage.
The Inclusion Lens
My first year at Netflix, our team was pulled into meetings around the company, on different inclusion topics. What we contributed was an "inclusion lens." As I touched on earlier, it's a way to embrace difference, to look for bias, and to consider a decision's impact on marginalized or underrepresented groups.
But the inclusion team cannot physically be in every meeting. So for us to make lasting change in the company,
|
100000.txt
| 5 |
into meetings around the company, on different inclusion topics. What we contributed was an "inclusion lens." As I touched on earlier, it's a way to embrace difference, to look for bias, and to consider a decision's impact on marginalized or underrepresented groups.
But the inclusion team cannot physically be in every meeting. So for us to make lasting change in the company, and in our industry, we need to equip every employee with this lens. So we began building that foundation.
Building consciousness
First, we needed to get on the same page about concepts and language. We started that through in-person workshops in our first year, which we run ourselves. One of my first workshops was for Netflix vice presidents around the world in 2019. The topic was "Privilege" and we were in a big meeting room in Utah. Each vice president completed an exercise to locate themselves on the spectrum of privilege, be it cisgender, straight, White or someone without a disability. It was powerful to hear some of the most talented people in our industry be so vulnerable about their experiences being marginalized.
What's distinct about these workshops is that we ask employees to identify within themselves how they've personally experienced and perpetuated inequity. That takes a lot of courage and discomfort, but the impact can be profound. Participants walk away with not just concepts and language, but self-awareness and the tools to help put that awareness into action. To date, our team has held more than 120 workshops for teams and folks of all levels, on topics like privilege, bias and intersectionality.
In the last year, we've shifted our consciousness toward allyship. It can be uncomfortable to talk about privilege. But we don't think privilege is a dirty word. And once we've located our privilege, how can we use that privilege to offset inequities for others? While the early workshops were about self-reflection, allyship is about all of us coming together. Everyone has to do the work. And it became a critical practice in 2020.
The pandemic disproportionately impacted employees from Black, Brown, and Indigenous communities. Asian folks around the world endured xenophobic hate incidents. The killing of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and others brought inequality and allyship to the forefront of our minds. Throughout the year, we held space for employees going through these events to decompress. For others, it was an opportunity to listen and learn, energizing their allyship journey. We brought in experts like Dr. Robin DiAngelo, Kimberlé C
|
End of preview. Expand
in Data Studio
README.md exists but content is empty.
- Downloads last month
- 29