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On August 6, a depression formed northeast of Yap, which proceeded west-northwesterly. The system intensified into a typhoon as it passed east of the Philippines. On August 12, the typhoon moved through the Batanes islands, with a pressure of 995 mbar (29.34 inHg) reported at Basco. Turning westward, the storm moved across the South China Sea, crossing China's Hainan island into the Gulf of Tonkin on August 14. It soon moved ashore and dissipated.
Newspapers reported a typhoon in the South China Sea on August 7 that wrecked nine Japanese fishing vessels, killing 68 people, with 136 people rescued. However, the August MWR did not record a storm on that date in that location.
A depression originated on August 11 east-southeast of Yap, which moved to the west-northwest. The system quickly intensified, and was already at typhoon intensity by the time it passed 120 mi (195 km) south of Yap. After continuing northwestward, the typhoon brushed northeastern Luzon. On August 15, the Fathomer rode out the storm at Port San Vicente, recording a minimum pressure of 913 mbar (26.96 inHg). Curving northwestward, the typhoon eventually passed near northeastern Luzon on August 16, just four days after another storm in the region. Aparri in the Philippine province of Cagayan recorded a pressure of 948 mbar (28.01 inHg). Across the Philippines, the typhoon killed 11 people, and also destroyed 90% of the crops in the Cagayan Valley. Proceeding into the South China Sea, the typhoon made landfall in southern China near August 17 near Hong Kong, which recorded gusts of 131 mph (211 km/h) and a pressure of 984 mbar (29.07 inHg). Newspapers described it as the most severe typhoon since 1923. Across the region, the typhoon grounded, damaged, or destroyed 60 ships, while also wrecking houses and buildings. The Hong Kong Observatory ascribed 20 deaths to the typhoon.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
August
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On August 18, a depression formed southwest of Guam. It moved northwestward, and by August 25 was a "storm of considerable intensity", according to the MWR. Soon after, the typhoon moved through the Ryukyu Islands, passing about 100 mi (160 km) southwest of Okinawa. A day later, the typhoon recurved to the north and later northeast. On August 27, the typhoon struck what is now South Korea, and quickly crossed the Korean peninsula into the Sea of Japan. The typhoon continued northeastward across the Sea of Japan, crossing Sakhalin Island on September 1. The typhoon killed 1,516 people across the Korean peninsula, with another 1,183 people injured. The storm wrecked 36,000 houses, with thousands more inundated by floodwaters.
A depression was located over the South China Sea on August 24. Largely stationary, the system intensified slightly. On August 28, the storm moved across China's Hainan island, through the Gulf of Tonkin, and into what is now Vietnam.
On August 28, a depression formed northeast of Yap, which proceeded northwestward. On September 2, it moved through the Ryukyu Island as a typhoon. A day later, the typhoon brushed eastern China while recurving northward. It later crossed over the Korean peninsula on September 4, dissipating a day later.
On August 30, a depression developed over the Marianas Islands. The system moved generally northwestward until September 4, when it passed between Luzon and Taiwan and started moving to the west. Pratas Island recorded a pressure of 1002 mbar (29.60 inHg). The depression crossed China's Hainan island on September 6, and a day later moved ashore what is now northern Vietnam.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
August
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{
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"is_intro": false
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|
On September 7, the S.S. Malayan Prince encountered a typhoon in the open western Pacific Ocean, recording typhoon-force winds and a minimum pressure of 1007 mbar (29.74 mbar).
A depression formed on September 8 east of Luzon. It moved northwestward without developing, dissipating on September 11.
Another depression formed on September 10 northeast of Guam. The system moved westward, eventually dissipating on September 16 east of Taiwan.
On September 22, a depression formed between Luzon and Guam. For the next four days, the system meandered without much development, eventually taking a northwest path on September 27 toward the Ryukyu Islands. On October 1, the typhoon slowed and made its closest approach to Okinawa, where a pressure of 982 mbar (29.005 inHg) was recorded in Okinawa. The typhoon turned northeastward and brushed the coast of southern Honshu, passing south of Tokyo on October 3. The system was last observed on October 5 near the Kuril Islands. Across Japan, the typhoon killed 70 people, including 60 fatalities related to the sinking of the Kashima Maru. The typhoon also flooded about 4,000 houses.
A depression formed in the South China Sea on September 26. On the next day, the S.S. President Garfield recorded a pressure of 997 mbar (29.44 inHg). The depression did not move much, and it dissipated on September 30.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
September
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{
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"char_count": 1349,
"is_intro": false
}
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On October 7, a trough produced two depressions – one east of the Philippines, and the other forming between Yap and Guam. The western system moved toward Luzon and intensified into a typhoon. On October 9, it made landfall in Philippines' Isabela Province. Echague recorded a minimum pressure of 976 mbar (28.818 inHg) during the typhoon's passage. The storm weakened over land and re-emerged into the South China Sea on October 11. There, it became nearly stationary, influenced by a building anticyclone to the north. On October 13, the former typhoon struck western Luzon, "very much weakened" as described by the MWR. Continuing to the northeast, the system was last observed on October 15. While moving over Luzon, the typhoon dropped heavy rainfall that led to extensive river flooding, resulting in 546 fatalities. The heaviest damage was in Nueva Ecija and Zambales provinces. Across Luzon, the typhoon caused flooding along rivers, with five towns isolated and hundreds of houses destroyed. The typhoon also wrecked crops and drowned livestock.
The other depression that developed concurrently with the previous typhoon was first observed between Yap and Guam. It moved to the northwest and eventually intensified into a typhoon. Curving to the north, the typhoon passed southeast of Japan's Bonin Islands, before turning northeastward. It was last observed on October 14 crossing 150ºE.
On October 12, a depression formed northeast of Guam, which intensified into a typhoon as it west-northwestward. On October 15, a nearby ship recorded a minimum pressure of 989 mbar (29.20 inHg). On October 16, the trajectory turned to the northeast toward the Ryukyu Islands. Two days later, the typhoon recurved and accelerated northeastward, passing 60 mi (95 km) southeast of Okinawa. After passing southeast of Japan, the typhoon was last observed on October 21.
A depression was first observed on October 22 to the southeast of Guam. The depression moved northwestward until October 25, when it slowed and recurved to the northeast. The system was last observed on October 27 between the Bonin Islands and Honshu.
Another depression formed on October 25 to the northeast of the Philippines. It moved to the northwest before curving northeastward. The depression was last observed on October 28.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
October
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{
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"char_count": 2298,
"is_intro": false
}
|
A depression originated over the Caroline Islands on November 1. Moving westward, it slowly strengthened, reaching typhoon status by November 6. By the next day, it weakened as it moved through the central Philippines, crossing the Visayas. Turning northwestward, the system was last observed on November 8 in the South China Sea. One person drowned in Rizal province.
On November 2, the Thistlebrae encountered a typhoon east of the Marianas Islands, reporting a pressure of 980 hPa (28.94 inHg). On November 6, the typhoon moved through the Marianas, and three days later turned to the north. On November 11, the Bonin Islands encountered the storm, reporting a pressure of 1,006 hPa (29.71 inHg).
A depression formed on November 18 over the eastern Caroline Islands. Moving northwestward, it moved through the Marianas Islands on November 19 as a typhoon. After turning to the north, the typhoon passed near the Bonin Islands on November 22, where a nearby ship recorded a pressure of 991 hPa (29.26 inHg). The storm was last observed a day later.
On November 25, a depression originated east of Mindanao. Over the next few days, it moved through the Philippines, until it was last observed on November 30 near Palawan Island in the South China Sea.
A depression that developed on November 28 in the Caroline Islands. Moving to the west-northwest, the depression intensified into a typhoon on December 1. Two days later, the typhoon moved through the central Philippines, producing heavy rainfall that led to flooding. Camarines Sur recorded a pressure of 970 hPa (28.64 inHg). After passing south of Manila, the storm emerged into the South China Sea, dissipating on December 5. The typhoon killed 74 people across the Philippines, with the heaviest damage in Isabela province.
On December 16, a depression formed over the Caroline Islands. Moving west-northwestward, the depression failed to intensify much, and it moved through the Philippines on December 19. It dissipated by December 24.
Another depression formed on December 21 over the western Caroline Islands. Three days later, the depression moved through the central Philippines, producing heavy rainfall. It dissipated on December 26 over the South China Sea.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
November–December
|
{
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"char_count": 2224,
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}
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D refers to a depression. TC refers to a tropical cyclone. TY refers to a typhoon, which is a tropical cyclone that produces sustained winds of at least 119 km/h (74 mph). The two depressions that developed in December 1935 are included.
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wikipedia
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1936 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1936_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,411,959 |
Season effects
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{
"word_count": 42,
"char_count": 237,
"is_intro": false
}
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In 1937, there were 25 tropical cyclones across the northwestern Pacific Ocean, north of the equator and west of the International Date Line. There were at least 17 typhoons, which are tropical cyclones with sustained winds of at least 119 kilometres per hour (74 miles per hour). The year's strongest observed typhoon was in November, when a barometer in the eastern Philippines observed a barometric pressure of 951 mbar (28.1 inHg). The typhoon was the second in a series of three to make landfall in the eastern Philippines between November and December, resulting in a collective 289 fatalities, as well as causing an outbreak of dysentery. However, the deadliest storm of the season was a typhoon that struck Hong Kong in September, killing at least 11,000 people, mainly fishermen.
Tropical activity during the year began on May 10, when a tropical cyclone was observed in the South China Sea. In June, the season's first typhoon struck the Philippines, resulting in four fatalities, including three from a shipwreck. There were three tropical cyclones in July, the first of which hit China's Hainan island. The next typhoon moved through Japan, flooding thousands of houses. Another typhoon in July resulted in 28 deaths in the Philippines, before it weakened and struck eastern China near Shanghai. A series of eight tropical cyclones occurred in August, including one storm that dropped rainfall during the Battle of Shanghai amid the Second Sino-Japanese War, as well as a typhoon in the Korean peninsula that killed 130 people. Another typhoon moved across Japan in September, causing 70 fatalities. The final storm of the season dissipated on December 14 in the South China Sea.
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
Introduction
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{
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"char_count": 1691,
"is_intro": true
}
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A tropical cyclone was observed west of the Philippines on May 10 in the South China Sea, moving to the northeast. Two days later, the system passed through the Batanes islands, between the Philippines and Taiwan. The storm was last observed on May 13.
On June 26, a depression formed within a trough to the east of the Marianas Islands. The system moved to the southwest before curving to the west, moving through the Marianas Islands on June 29. Continuing toward the Philippines, the depression intensified into a typhoon on July 2. Turning slightly west-northwestward, the typhoon brushed the northern coast of Luzon and moved through the Babuyan Islands. A station in Calayan recorded a minimum pressure of 958 mbar (28.3 inHg) shortly before the island experienced a two-hour calm during the passage of the eye. The typhoon killed one person in the Philippines, located in Baguio. The typhoon also sank a ship near Cabugao, killing three people. After affecting the Philippines, the typhoon weakened as it moved northwestward toward China. On July 4, the storm made landfall east of Hong Kong. Continuing inland, the system dissipated on July 6.
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wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
May–June
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{
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On July 17, a tropical cyclone formed in the South China Sea. Moving west-northwestward, it struck China's Hainan island on July 19 and dissipated shortly thereafter.
Another low pressure area originated near Guam on July 17, which developed into a depression by July 19 while located about 360 miles (580 km) east of Philippine's Samar island. The depression intensified into a typhoon by July 20 as it moved northwestward, remaining east of the Philippines. After curving to the northeast, the typhoon turned back to the north, moving through Japan's Ryukyu Islands on July 23. Stations in Japan recorded a minimum pressure of 985 mbar (29.1 inHg). On July 25, the typhoon struck Kyushu, where it flooded about 5,000 houses. The storm subsequently moved northeastward through the Sea of Japan; it was tracked until July 27.
Around July 26, the monsoon trough was producing a developing low pressure area to the east of the Philippines, which coalesced into a depression on July 29. After remaining nearly stationary for another two days, the system began a northward movement, after days of producing heavy rainfall in the Philippines. There were at least 28 deaths in the country related to the floods. On August 3, the typhoon moved northwestward through the southern Ryukyu Islands, with a pressure of 979 mbar (28.9 inHg) recorded at Ishigaki Island. Crossing the East China Sea, the typhoon moved ashore eastern China near Shanghai, degenerating into a "mild disturbance" by August 5, as described by the Monthly Weather Review (MWR). The typhoon killed at least one person in China, with another 125 people injured, after the typhoon wrecked buildings across Shanghai.
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
July
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{
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A low-pressure area persisted between Guam and Yap on August 1 Over the next few days, the system moved slowly northwestward, remaining east of the Philippines, eventually intensifying into a typhoon. On August 12, the typhoon passed about 145 km (90 mi) west of Okinawa in Japan's Ryukyu Islands, where a pressure of 995 mbar (29.4 inHg) was recorded. Continuing northwestward, the storm passed near Shanghai, and was no longer identifiable by August 15.
On August 5, newspapers reported that a typhoon killed 130 people near what is now Seoul, South Korea, with another 18 people injured.
A typhoon was observed on August 11 to the southwest of Guam. Moving northwestward, the typhoon had a small region of strong winds. On August 16, it moved through Japan's Ryukyu Islands, and the storm dissipated late on August 17 offshore eastern China. Rains from the typhoon occurred during the Battle of Shanghai amid the Second Sino-Japanese War.
A depression formed over the eastern Caroline Islands on August 16. Moving westward at first, it later curved to the northwest, bringing it south of Guam. By August 18, the system was of typhoon intensity, which continued northwesterly for the next three days. On August 21, the typhoon recurved to the north, and was already weakening. By the next day, the storm dissipated.
On August 16, another depression formed, which moved westward into the East China Sea. Continuing westward, it moved ashore China on August 17 and dissipated.
On August 19, a depression formed in the South China Sea. It crossed over China's Hainan island on August 21. Continuing across the Gulf of Tonkin, the depression turned northward into southern China, dissipating on August 22.
A depression was first observed on August 22 to the west-southwest of Yap. By August 23, the system attained typhoon intensity at it moved quickly to the west-northwest. A day later, the typhoon moved through the Visayas in the central Philippines, later emerging into the South China Sea. The storm had weakened by August 27, although the MWR described "renewed activity" after that date. After brushing Hainan island, the storm turned westward and struck what is now Vinh in central Vietnam, dissipating by August 30. A station there recorded a pressure of 998 mbar (29.5 inHg).
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
August
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{
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A tropical cyclone originated south of Guam on August 24. For several days, there were little signs of development as the system moved generally to the west or northwest. On September 1, it moved through the Batanes islands in the far northern Philippines as a typhoon. A station in Basco recorded a pressure of 986 mbar (29.1 inHg). Thereafter, the typhoon moved toward southern China, passing just south of Hong Kong before making landfall on September 2 with estimated sustained winds of at least 201 km/h (125 mph). Wind gusts in Hong Kong reached at least 201 km/h (125 mph), although the true intensity was unknown, as the gusts surpassed the capacity of the anemometer. Unofficial nearby observations recorded gusts as high as 268 km/h (167 mph). At Victoria Harbour, the SS Shuntien observed a pressure of 953 mbar (28.1 inHg). The typhoon lashed the coast with high waves and tides. A high water mark at Tai Po was estimated at 6.2 metres (20.5 ft), with an entire village washed away. The typhoon was destructive and deadly, with at least 11,000 fatalities, most of them fishermen and sailors. The combination of high winds and floodwaters ruined entire villages, with houses wrecked, roads littered, and an estimated HK$1 million (US$300,000) worth of damages.
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wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
Hong Kong typhoon
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{
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|
A tropical cyclone originated south of Yap on September 1, which proceeded slowly northwestward for several days. On September 5, the storm turned sharply eastward, remaining east of the Philippines and Taiwan. Thereafter, it intensified as it moved slowly. By September 8, the storm intensified into a typhoon as it curved to the north-northwest toward Japan. A day later the typhoon turned back to the northeast as it passed about 95 km (59 mi) east of the Okinawa, where a pressure of 980 mbar (29 inHg) was recorded. Late on September 10, the typhoon struck the Japanese island of Shikoku and proceeded across Honshu. Crossing the Sea of Japan, the storm moved across Shikoku and was last observed on September 13, proceeding eastward toward the Aleutian islands. Across Japan, the typhoon killed at least 70 people. The storm swept away at least 25 boats and flooded thousands of houses. Train service was disrupted after the typhoon washed away track.
While the previous typhoon was active, a nearby secondary depression formed on September 7 off the northeast coast of Luzon, which lasted for two days before dissipating.
A depression formed southwest of Yap on September 15. It moved to the west-northwest toward the Philippines, moving across Luzon on September 18. After crossing the island, the storm entered the South China Sea, becoming a typhoon. It moved across China's Hainan Island on September 20 as it turned westward, making a final landfall in current-day Vietnam. Haiphong recorded winds of force 11 on the Beaufort scale, or winds of 103 km/h (64 mph). The storm dissipated on September 22.
A tropical cyclone was first observed on September 22 east of the Philippines. It tracked northeastward and was last observed on September 25.
Another tropical cyclone developed east of the Philippines on September 29. Moving northwestward, the system crossed the northeast coast of Luzon on October 2. The pressure in Calayan recorded a minimum pressure of 984 mbar (29.1 inHg), indicating it was of typhoon status. Subsequently, the typhoon moved across the South China Sea. Late on October 4, the storm moved ashore southern China, just east of Hong Kong. There, the storm delayed shipping. By October 6, the system dissipated.
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wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
September
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{
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"char_count": 2244,
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}
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A depression formed on October 8 over the open Pacific, north of the Caroline Islands, originating from a trough that extended from the Philippines to the Marianas Islands. Moving northwestward, it remained east of the Philippines, passing 195 km (121 mi) east of Luzon. The storm killed three people across Luzon. On October 16, the system turned northeastward, bringing it a short distance east of the Ryukyu Islands. Passing southeast of Japan, the storm mostly affected shipping routes. On October 17, the SS President Hoover recorded a pressure of 985 mbar (29.1 inHg). The storm was last observed a day later, moving toward the International Date Line.
The same trough that spawned the above system also generated another depression on October 10, located about 240 km (150 mi) east of Samar in the Philippines. The lowest pressure recorded in association with the system was about 1000 mbar (30 inHg), resulting in the MWR classifying the system as a typhoon. The cyclone moved westward until reaching the Lagonoy Gulf in southeastern Luzon. The typhoon failed to separate from the influence of the previous typhoon, and it dissipated by October 12.
A depression formed on October 15 to the south of Guam. It moved to the northwest without gaining much intensity. On October 23, it recurved to the northeast. After passing near Japan's Bonin Islands, the system was last observed on October 25.
On October 19, a typhoon was first observed in the South China Sea, east of what is now central Vietnam. That day, the S.S. Swartenhoudt recorded a pressure of 1003 mbar (29.6 inHg), as well as heavy rainfall, and typhoon-force winds. The system moved westward and moved ashore between Quy Nhon and Nha Trang. It dissipated by October 21.
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wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
October
|
{
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"char_count": 1740,
"is_intro": false
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|
A depression formed over the western Caroline Islands on November 8, which moved west-northwestward toward the Philippines. The storm was at typhoon intensity by the time it approached the Philippines, moving across Polillo Island before making landfall on November 12 along eastern Luzon near Infanta. A station there recorded a pressure of 961 mbar (28.4 inHg), along with an average hourly wind speed of 103 kilometres per hour (64 mph). The typhoon crossed Luzon, passing just north of the capital city of Manila. The typhoon killed 38 people across the archipelago, with many houses destroyed, leaving 40,000 people homeless. Several roads were washed, disrupting travel and communications. The damage was estimated at ₱2 million (US$1 million), of which about half was related to damaged crops. After weakening over land, the storm emerged into the South China Sea and failed to re-intensify to its former strength. On November 14, the storm struck what is now central Vietnam between Quy Nhon and Nha Trang. Following the storm, there was an outbreak of dysentery in Sorsogon province.
Another depression developed over the western Caroline Islands on November 15. Like the previous system, it intensified to typhoon status by the time it approached the Philippines. On November 18, it crossed the island of Leyte, passing just south of Ormoc on the west coast, which reported a minimum pressure of 959 mbar (28.3 inHg). The nearby island of Homonhon experienced the calm of the eyewall for about 15 minutes. On November 19, the SS Empress of Japan encountered the typhoon, recording a pressure of 951 mbar (28.1 inHg), the lowest recorded in association with the storm. The typhoon later crossed northern Cebu and northern Panay; in the latter island, Capiz reported a pressure of 967 mbar (28.6 inHg). After passing just south of Mindoro, the storm emerged into the South China Sea, as its motion turned to the northwest. On November 22, the storm recurved to the northeast and weakened, re-entering the Pacific Ocean on the next day. It was last observed on November 23 east of Taiwan. The MWR described the typhoon as "one of the worst typhoons to visit the Visayan Islands during recent years." Across the Philippines, the typhoon killed at least 247 people, with about 170,000 others left homeless. Damage was estimated at ₱8 million (US$4 million). The then-president of the Philippines, Manuel L. Quezon, declared a state of emergency for seven islands affected by the typhoon.
The final storm of the season originated from a low pressure area over the western Caroline Islands on November 30. Moving quickly west-northward toward the Philippines, it organized into a depression by December 2, while located east of Yap. The system intensified as its track shifted to the west-southwest, closely following the path of the previous typhoon. On December 5, the storm struck the eastern Philippines as a typhoon, crossing the southern portion of Samar. Borongan recorded a minimum pressure of 983 mbar (29.0 inHg). The typhoon weakened as it moved through the Visayas, emerging into the Sulu Sea as a weak low pressure area on December 8. While in the South China Sea, the system re-intensified. On December 12, the SS President Polk recorded a pressure of 1000 mbar (30 inHg). However, the strengthening was short-lived, and after progressing northward, the former typhoon dissipated on December 14.
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wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
November–December
|
{
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"char_count": 3412,
"is_intro": false
}
|
D refers to a depression. TC refers to a tropical cyclone. TY refers to a typhoon, which is a tropical cyclone that produces sustained winds of at least 119 km/h (74 mph).
|
wikipedia
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1937 Pacific typhoon season
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Pacific_typhoon_season
| 76,641,774 |
Season effects
|
{
"word_count": 32,
"char_count": 171,
"is_intro": false
}
|
On February 12, 1945, a devastating tornado outbreak occurred across the Southeastern United States. The storms killed 45 people and injured 427 others. The outbreak included a devastating tornado that struck Montgomery, Alabama, killing 26 people. The United States Weather Bureau described this tornado as "perhaps the most officially observed one in history" as it reached within five miles (8 km) of the U.S. Weather Bureau's office. The tornado expert Thomas P. Grazulis estimated the intensity of the Montgomery tornado to be F3 on the Fujita scale. The Montgomery storm destroyed around 100 houses, as well as two warehouses and a freight train. This is the deadliest tornado to ever impact the city of Montgomery.
Earlier that day, another tornado – also estimated to be F3 intensity – struck Meridian, Mississippi, killing five to seven people. Between the Meridian tornado and the Montgomery tornado, the strongest tornado of the day struck near York and Livingston, Alabama, killing 11 people. Grazulis estimated the intensity of the tornado to be F4 on the Fujita scale.
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wikipedia
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Tornado outbreak of February 12, 1945
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tornado_outbreak_of_February_12,_1945
| 73,899,209 |
Introduction
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{
"word_count": 173,
"char_count": 1082,
"is_intro": true
}
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All ratings on the Fujita scale were made by Thomas P. Grazulis and are classified as unofficial ratings since official ratings for tornadoes began in 1950. Grazulis only documented tornadoes he considered to be significant (F2+), so the true number of tornadoes for this outbreak is most likely higher. That said, the National Weather Service (NWS) office in Birmingham, Alabama, published a list of tornadoes, which occurred in Alabama, during 1945. In this list, NWS Birmingham assigned ratings from the Fujita scale to the tornadoes, lending official support to the ratings for these tornadoes.
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wikipedia
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Tornado outbreak of February 12, 1945
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tornado_outbreak_of_February_12,_1945
| 73,899,209 |
Confirmed tornadoes
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{
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The tornado started five miles (8.0 km) southwest of Montgomery, Alabama, and moved northeast, toward Montgomery, where it brushed the western edge of the city. The tornado leveled two government or U.S. army warehouses. A freight train was also struck, where, according to the Dothan Eagle, 50 cars "were ripped and tossed about like match boxes". Maxwell Air Force Base was plunged into hours of darkness from a blackout caused by the tornado, which passed extremely close to the base. After hitting Montgomery, the tornado struck Chisholm, Alabama, where it caused catastrophic damage. 35 homes were completely swept away in Chisholm. All the fatalities from this tornado occurred in 15 homes within a 20-block radius. Over 100 homes were completely destroyed by the tornado. In total, the tornado killed 26 people, injured 293 others, and caused $1.7 million (1945 USD) in damage along its 13-mile (21 km) path.
Grazulis has indicated the maximum width of this tornado was 100 yards (91 m). The United States Weather Bureau, in contrast, reported that the tornado was a uniform width of 100 yards (0.091 km) except near Union Station, where it momentarily grew to its peak width of 350 yards (320 m). This is one of three tornadoes marked by Grazulis that the United States Weather Bureau originally marked as a single tornado. The Bureau documented that this long-track tornado killed 40 people and injured 200 others. Modern research by Grazulis as well as a later publication from the U.S. Weather Bureau indicate that there were actually three separate tornadoes. The Tornado Project, headed by Grazulis, later listed this set of storms as one of the "worst tornadoes" in the history of Alabama.
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wikipedia
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Tornado outbreak of February 12, 1945
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tornado_outbreak_of_February_12,_1945
| 73,899,209 |
Montgomery–Chisholm, Alabama
|
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|
The entire city of Montgomery lost power for several hours following the tornado. Chauncey Sparks, then governor of Alabama, ordered three companies from the Alabama National Guard to the state capital to prevent looting. As news of the tornado's impact on Montgomery and Chisholm spread, curiosity set in as residents attempted to travel to the affected areas "by the thousands", causing traffic congestion and blocking the roads. Military police from Maxwell Air Force Base and Gunter Field, along with local law enforcement, eventually cleared the streets of onlookers. Cadets from both military bases were sent to clear away the debris while organizations like the Red Cross cared for those who were injured or left homeless by the tornado.
Floyd C. Pate, a forecaster at the United States Weather Bureau office in Montgomery, Alabama, undertook an extensive assessment on this tornado between 1945 and 1946. During this assessment, Pate called this tornado "perhaps the most officially observed one in history", as it passed 2 miles (3.2 km) away from four different government weather stations, including the U.S. Weather Bureau office in Montgomery. U.S. Weather Bureau meteorologist E. D. Emigh stated that he watched the tornado from his downtown observatory. The forward speed of the tornado was determined to have been 49 miles per hour (79 km/h) by the Maxwell Field radar, which was one of the government weather stations that was passed by the tornado. The radar also determined the height of the tornado to be 4,000 feet (1,200 m). The storm which produced the tornado was dry, with no documentable precipitation. It was noted that as the tornado dissipated, a rain shaft formed in place of the tornado, which dropped 0.3 inches (0.76 cm) of rain.
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wikipedia
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Tornado outbreak of February 12, 1945
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tornado_outbreak_of_February_12,_1945
| 73,899,209 |
Montgomery–Chisholm, Alabama
|
{
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"char_count": 1762,
"is_intro": false
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|
The 1958 Firuzabad earthquake affected Hamadan province, Iran, on 16 August at 22:43. The Mw 6.7 earthquake occurred at a depth of 15 km (9.3 mi), nine months after another severe earthquake struck the same area. It caused severe damage to over 170 villages in the province. Because of several strong foreshocks, most of the population had fled their homes: the death toll thus only reached 132, with 948 injured. A destructive aftershock on 21 September killed another 16 people.
The geological region where the earthquake occurred, the Zagros Mountains, is seismically active due to ongoing tectonic convergence. As a result, the mountains hosts active faults and a fold and thrust belt to accommodate the convergence. One of these active faults is the Main Recent Fault, a right-lateral strike-slip fault. The earthquake occurred along part of this fault and surface ruptures were reported on four segments.
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wikipedia
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1958 Firuzabad earthquake
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Firuzabad_earthquake
| 77,927,238 |
Introduction
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{
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|
The Zagros Mountains, stretching for 1,500 km (930 mi) from Turkey, through Iran and Iraq, to the Gulf of Oman, formed from continental collision involving the Arabian plate and Central Iran. Its formation occurred during the late-Triassic, late-Jurassic, late-Cretaceous, Oligocene and Pliocene epochs. During its early formation, some extensional tectonics may have occurred. The mountain range is still accommodating deformation, evident from present-day seismicity. Deformation is accommodated by thrust and strike-slip faulting within the range. Parallel to the major thrust faults of the mountains is the Main Recent Fault, an active right-lateral strike-slip fault. Convergence between the Arabian plate and Iran occurs obliquely along the Zagros Mountains, and approximately 30–50 percent of the ~25 cm (9.8 in) per year convergence between the two plates is accommodated along the range.
The Main Recent Fault delineates the northeastern boundary of the seismically active Zagros Mountains, having formed about five million years ago. It runs parallel to the Main Zagros Reverse Fault, a suture zone separating the metamorphic rocks of the Sanandaj-Sirjan Zone from the fold and thrust belt. The fault comprises several segments with lengths of more than 100 km (62 mi). Southwest of the Main Recent Fault lies the continental margin of Arabia, while the rocks to the northeast are of metamorphic and volcanic origin. Its southeastern segments end in a zone of north–northwest trending strike-slip faults that offset the series of mountainous features. The strike-slip component of this oblique convergence is accommodated along the Main Recent Fault. The southeastern segments are more seismically active in contrast to the northwestern segments.
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wikipedia
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1958 Firuzabad earthquake
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Firuzabad_earthquake
| 77,927,238 |
Tectonic setting
|
{
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|
Aftershock activity associated with the 13 December 1957 Farsinaj earthquake stopped in mid-February 1958. On 14 August, at 14:00 local time, a magnitude 5.7 earthquake was felt strongly in Asadabad, Nahavand and Tuyserkan, scaring residents. A magnitude 5.5 earthquake occurred at 19:30; described as violent, it damaged several nearby villages. These two shocks were accompanied by a series of smaller earthquakes; the largest measuring 4.7. There was also a magnitude 4.5 event two hours prior to the mainshock on 17 August, causing minor damage to villages. These earthquakes caused panic among the populations and the tourists of Hamadan fled the city because of the activity.
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wikipedia
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1958 Firuzabad earthquake
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Firuzabad_earthquake
| 77,927,238 |
Foreshocks
|
{
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|
The mainshock and its aftershocks occurred southeast of the 1957 earthquake epicenter. Both earthquakes occurred along different segments of the Main Recent Fault. Three sets of surface rupture occurred; all trending northwest–southeast on segments of the Main Recent Fault exhibited vertical offsets. One of these ran 15 km (9.3 mi) between Givaki and Cheshmeh Mahi produced up to 2 m (6 ft 7 in) of vertical offset. The rupture extended across the Garrin segment to the southeast and Sahneh segment to the northwest. The Nahavand segment was associated with another 20 km (12 mi) surface rupture that extended form Barreh Farakh to Leylan. The third surface rupture zone ran for 8 km (5.0 mi) and coincided with the southeastern part of the Sahneh segment.
The earthquake was felt for 80,000 km2 (31,000 sq mi); a significantly smaller extent in comparison with the 1957 shock (180,000 km2 (69,000 sq mi)). Modified Mercalli intensity VII (Very strong) was assigned in the meizoseismal area although there were plausibly isolated instances of IX (Violent) effects. However, this was impossible to confirm as these adobe buildings are easily destroyed in VI–VII (Strong–Very strong) conditions. In the meizoseismal zone, there was no clear distinction between infrastructure damaged by the 1957 shock and its aftershocks from damage during the 1958 earthquake.
The mainshock killed at least 132 people, injured hundreds and killed 3,000 livestock. Approximately 2,500 homes across 170 villages were levelled, rendering 10,000 homeless. The low death toll was partly the result of a foreshock that kept residents alert and a period of hot weather that compelled them to sleep on their roofs.
The earthquake devastated the Khezel, Solgi and Deh Now-e Sofla districts. The meizoseismal area encompassed a 1,100 km2 (420 sq mi) area along the Gamasiab River, and damage was greatest in the northwest. Four settlements, Leylas-Leylan, Jafarabad and Litagar, situated in the northwest meizoseismal zone, experienced the greatest devastation. Located some 10 km (6.2 mi) from Deh-e Bozorg-e Firuzabad, these villages were also affected by the 1957 earthquake and its aftershocks. All homes were razed, and in Leylas, cows were knocked off their feet and residents had difficulty maintaining their balance. About 200 people died or were injured in these villages.
The village of Rudbari was damaged by landslides and slumps. All homes in Hoseynabad and Sharifabad were flattened; the latter settlement reported heavy livestock loss and 16 injuries. In Firuzabad, two people died from toppled adobe walls. The village of Dehkuhneh was in the process of reuilding after the 1957 shock when it was completely devastated again; there were two deaths and 23 injuries. Slumping of a riverbank near Deh-e Bozorg-e Firuzabad damaged a bridge while the village experienced widespread damage and collapses. The shaking at Asadabad collapsed one home in the city and buried a person. Three people died and nine were injured in the flattened town of Barfaragh.
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wikipedia
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1958 Firuzabad earthquake
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Firuzabad_earthquake
| 77,927,238 |
Mainshock
|
{
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|
The mainshock was followed by three aftershocks exceeding magnitude 5.0; another thirty had magnitudes between 4.0 and 4.9. On 17 August, one damaged several homes in Kangavar and two in Karkhaneh. Several people died in Asadabad and Akbarabad when homes crumbled during an aftershock in the early morning of 19 August. The most destructive aftershock occurred in Dinavar District on 21 September, devastating a 100 km2 (39 sq mi) region northwest of the 1957 meizoseismal area. Preceded by a damaging sequence of earthquakes several hours earlier, this magnitude 5.2 shock killed 16 people and devastated Karkasar, Karaj, Balajub, Gamshah, and Kolehjub. Fifty-seven injuries were reported in the villages of Karkasar and Karaj. Some homes in Karaj sustained damage.
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wikipedia
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1958 Firuzabad earthquake
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1958_Firuzabad_earthquake
| 77,927,238 |
Aftershocks
|
{
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|
The 1961 Indonesian census was the first census of Indonesia as a sovereign state. With a total population of 97,018,829, Indonesia was the world's fifth-most populous country at the time. The census covered all territories in the country, but no enumeration was done in Indonesian-claimed Western New Guinea because it was under Dutch occupation. Instead, an estimated population for the region was included in the final census numbers. During the 1961 census, its population density was 50.9 inhabitants/km2.
As the first census since 1930, when Indonesia was still a colony of the Netherlands, the data was used for planning the nation's future development. One-third of the country's population was under the age of ten, and 65 percent of the population lived on the island of Java, which had been considered overpopulated as early as the 1930s. Demographers highlighted that the large proportion of young people presented a demographic challenge. Given that as many as one-fifth of rural youths were already unemployed, there was a question of whether Indonesia would be able to absorb a future surge of new workers. Agriculture was the dominant industry, employing 72 percent of workers. The census also collected data on school attendance to facilitate education planning. Just under half of the population aged ten and older could read and write in either Latin characters or a non-Latin script.
About 350,000 enumerators were enlisted at the provincial, regency, and district levels. Fields operations began in February 1961, with enumeration and final verification being conducted in October. Tabulation was conducted at the bureau and at the provincial level, but only data for three provinces were ever processed completely. Data for the rest of Indonesia were drawn from a 1 percent sample tabulation of census returns, and many of the original census results have since been lost.
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wikipedia
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Introduction
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|
The 1961 census was the first census in Indonesia after independence from the Netherlands. The 1930 Dutch East Indies census was the previous census completed and enumerated a total population of 60,727,233. A census had been planned for 1940, but it was canceled because of World War II. Based on the assumption of a constant rate of growth from the 1930 census, the official population estimate for 1940 was 70.4 million. A subsequent estimate in 1950—this time compiled from civil registration records held by local village heads—placed the population at 77.2 million. However, population records in parts of Java and in the rest of the country at the time were often deficient, and data compilation methods were inconsistent; therefore, the reliability of this estimate has come into question.
In 1953, the United Nations Statistical Commission and Population Commission began encouraging UN member countries to take and complete their national censuses in and around 1960 under a new set of statistical methods. In response, the Djuanda Cabinet created Indonesia's Central Bureau of Statistics (Biro Pusat Statistik, or BPS) through an ordinance in January 1958 and mandated it to prepare a census to be held in 1960 or 1961. The legislature, the People's Representative Council of Mutual Aid (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Gotong Royong), repealed a Dutch-era census law in the name of national planning and development, and Law No. 6 of 1960 on the Census became the new legal basis of the census.
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wikipedia
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Background
|
{
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|
Census day was officially designated as 31 October 1961. To facilitate operations, BPS established a census office in each province, and provincial governors were appointed ex officio directors of census operations. Provincial office staff were trained directly by the bureau, and they, in turn, trained census officials at the regency level. The chain continued down to the district level, where enumerators and their supervisors were trained. In total, the census enlisted about 350,000 enumerators and 50,000 supervisors.
Preparations began three years prior with the drawing of enumeration districts and conducting of experimental surveys to simulate the census. Field operations began in February 1961 with the listing and verification of households. Approximately 200,000 enumeration districts were set up, with each district containing about 100 households. These activities continued into October, and the actual population enumeration took place that same month. Enumerators canvassed households—about 57 households per enumerator—and verified their information. In South Sulawesi, enumeration was delayed until December because of security concerns during the Permesta Rebellion. Between 19 and 31 October, enumerators revisited all households to conduct a final check for new births, deaths, and other changes since the household was first canvassed. Individuals not present during canvassing because of their employment and those who had been away from home for less than three months were enumerated at their place of origin.
The census used an individual schedule and a household schedule. The individual schedule collected information on a person's name, relationship to the head of household, sex, age, marital status, nationality, religion, language, place of birth, education, and school attendance. For individuals aged ten or older, the schedule collected information on literacy, type of activity, primary occupation, industry, status in industry, secondary occupation, and the number of births to every married woman. The household scheduled contained separate topics for industrial establishments, institutional households, and private households. For private households, the schedule also captured the type of house and agricultural information.
Tabulation of schedules was done in two groups. Schedules from all urban regions and 10 percent of schedules from rural regions were processed mechanically by the bureau. The remaining 90 percent of rural schedules were tabulated manually at the provincial level. The first provisional results were released in December 1961. This was followed six months later by data on each regency and municipality throughout the country. Only data for three provinces (Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and East Java) were ever processed completely, and data for the rest of the country were drawn from a 1 percent sample tabulation of census returns. Many of the detailed results have since been lost.
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wikipedia
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Enumeration and tabulation
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{
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|
The census yielded a total population of 97,018,829, a nearly 60-percent increase from the 1930 census. This number made Indonesia the world's fifth-most populous country, behind the People's Republic of China (669 million in 1958), India (438 million in 1961), the Soviet Union (214 million in 1960), and the United States (182 million in 1961). The overall sex ratio was 95 males per 100 females. Although the census covered all territories of the country, no enumeration was done in Indonesian-claimed Western New Guinea, which remained under Dutch occupation. Instead, the results included an estimated population of 700,000 for that region. For comparison, Dutch officials reported to the UN in the same year as the census that the indigenous population of Western New Guinea was 717,055. This figure did not include an estimated 12,000 Dutch military soldiers.
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wikipedia
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Population data
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{
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A main feature of the population of Indonesia is the disparity of population density among its islands. Nearly 65 percent of the total population lived on the island of Java, which only accounts for 6.9 percent of the total area of the country. Java was already widely considered to be overpopulated as early as the 1930s. On the other hand, Kalimantan, which accounts for 28 percent of total area, was inhabited by only 4.2 percent of the total population. The ratio of Java's population to the total population decreased from the 1930 census, indicating a smaller rate of growth compared to other islands. Sumatra and Kalimantan, for example, nearly doubled their population from 1930.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Geographical distribution
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{
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|
The proportion of the population living in urban areas nearly doubled from the previous census, from 7.5 percent to almost 15 percent. In 1950s literature on Asian urbanization, Indonesia was commonly viewed as among Southeast Asia's less urbanized countries, although each country applied different criteria for an urban area. The Federation of Malaya, for example, used a numerical criterion of 1,000 inhabitants and above, resulting in an urbanization rate of 42.7 percent in 1957.
The 1961 census considered as urban areas the capital city of Jakarta, 48 autonomous urban entities granted municipality status, all regency capitals or seats of government (separate from municipalities), six areas of urban character with more than 20,000 inhabitants, and other areas arbitrarily judged as urban by a regency head. Because non-numerical criteria were used for this classification, not all towns above a population of 20,000 were counted as urban. Large industrial settlements were also excluded even if local residents considered them towns. By contrast, the 1930 census applied the uniform definition of all areas having "a more or less urban appearance" with more than 1,000 inhabitants as urban, comprising 32 municipalities and 146 non-municipalities.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Urbanization
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{
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"char_count": 1257,
"is_intro": false
}
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About two-thirds of Indonesia's urban population lived on Java. This proportion decreased from 1930, when Java's urban areas accounted for more than 78 percent of Indonesia's urban population. This trend suggests the growth rates of many municipalities outside Java exceeded those of older municipalities in Java, a reflection of the island's historical developments. Colonial exploitation of Java began in the 17th century, whereas resources on the outer islands were not harvested for large scale exports until the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In the 1961 census, 13 of the 23 largest cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants were located on Java. In contrast, only 1 out of 7 cities of this size in 1930 was located outside Java.
Two cities had more than 1 million inhabitants. Jakarta's population grew more than five times from 533,000 in 1930 to 2.97 million, in part because the city had its boundaries extended in 1950. Surabaya in East Java saw its population triple in the same time period to more than 1 million. A third city, Bandung in West Java, was in a close third place with a population of 972,556. Growth due to population movement from the countryside to the cities was a characteristic seen in most developing countries in the post-war period. However, in comparison to neighboring Burma (Myanmar), for example, where growth was largely concentrated in the capital city of Rangoon (Yangon), Indonesia had a more graduated distribution of city sizes that was similar to some developed countries. Of the cities with a population of more than 100,000, Bandung, along with Medan and Pematangsiantar in North Sumatra, grew at a faster rate than Jakarta. The fastest growing city, Pekanbaru in Riau, had an annual growth rate of 13.1 percent.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Urbanization
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{
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|
A very high percentage of the population (33.6 percent) were children under the age of ten, a reflection of declining infant and child mortality in the 1950s attributed to significant reductions in cases of yaws, tuberculosis, and malaria, and better food availability and nutrition compared to the 1940s. Of the total population, 55.3 percent were of working age (ages 15–64). This proportion was higher in Java (56.5 percent) and in urban areas (57.6 percent). Demographer Kurt Horstmann theorized that the flat population distribution between ages ten and thirty-five was an economic disadvantage for Indonesia in the 1950s. A more normal distribution would have provided the country with a larger working population. Overall, the dependency ratio was 81 dependent persons per 100 working individuals. Combining age data with urban–rural distribution data showed an influx of younger workers to urban centers. The 15–24 age group had greater representation in cities (20 percent of the urban population) than in the countryside (15 percent of the rural population).
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Age distribution
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{
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|
The labor force in 1961 accounted for approximately 54 percent of the population aged ten and older, about 34.6 million in total. They comprised individuals who worked at least two out of the six months preceding the census and those who were unemployed but seeking work. The average unemployment rate stood at 5.4 percent. Three-fourths of all employed persons were males. The female labor participation rate was less than half of the male population. Female unemployment was higher at 7.0 percent, compared to 4.8 percent for males. In Jakarta, the unemployment rate exceeded 7 percent. Although urban areas had a higher percentage of unemployment than rural areas, underemployment was a serious concern in rural areas. Among agricultural workers in rural areas of Java and Madura, as many as one-third were underemployed. At the same time, rural areas also saw a majority of females being engaged in both homemaking and another economic activity simultaneously.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Labor and economy
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{
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"char_count": 964,
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|
Agriculture (including forestry and fishing) was the dominant industry, employing nearly 72 percent of workers, whereas manufacturing employed less than 6 percent. The share of workers in agriculture showed little or no change relative to 1930. Java had the lowest percentage of workers in the agriculture sector, but it had the highest percentage employed in manufacturing, trade, and services. In urban areas, one-third workers were employed in the services sector, whereas manufacturing only employed one-sixth of urban workers. In rural areas, agriculture comprised 81 percent of workers. Although trade and services accounted for less than 5 percent and less than 6 percent of rural workers, respectively, those engaged in agriculture likely considered these their secondary economic activities. Approximately 1 million children aged 10–14 were in employment (3.4 percent of the employed labor force), with agriculture making up 87 percent of that group's economic activities.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Labor and economy
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{
"word_count": 144,
"char_count": 981,
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}
|
The literacy rate for persons aged ten and older was 46.7 percent. This figure included those who were able to read and write in either Latin characters or in a non-Latin script such as Javanese, Arabic, or Chinese. Individuals who could read but not write were categorized as illiterate. Literacy in Sumatra was higher, at 56.6 percent, than other geographic regions. Among males, this figure reached almost 70 percent. In Java, the overall literacy rate was 45.5 percent. In urban areas, two-thirds of persons aged ten and older were literate, whereas rural areas had a literacy rate of 43 percent. The introduction of literacy campaigns in years prior to the census resulted a smaller gap in literacy between males and females in the youngest age groups. About 72 percent of children aged 10–14 (76.2 percent of males and 67.7 percent of females) could read and write.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Literacy and education
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{
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"char_count": 871,
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}
|
In rural areas, almost 70 percent of those ten years and older have never completed primary school. This figure was 42 percent in urban areas. Sumatra had the highest percentage of population aged ten and older who completed primary education at almost 40 percent, as well as the highest percentage who finished some higher school at 4.2 percent. In Java, only 30.5 percent of persons aged ten and older had completed primary school, and 3.2 percent completed education at a higher school. The proportion of persons who completed primary school increased for younger age groups. Among all individuals who completed primary school, the 10–24 age group accounted for 56.1 percent.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Literacy and education
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{
"word_count": 110,
"char_count": 678,
"is_intro": false
}
|
Most Indonesian children started school at the age of seven or older. To facilitate education planning, BPS created a separate table of school attendance figures among children aged seven to thirteen. On average, school attendance in this group was about 55 percent, with three-fourths of children in urban areas and just over half of children in rural areas attending school. Although attendance rates for males and females did not differ greatly within each region, there was a larger discrepancy among females of different regions than among males.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Literacy and education
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{
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"char_count": 551,
"is_intro": false
}
|
Unlike the previous census completed in 1930, the 1961 census did not capture information on Indonesia's ethnic groups. No ethnicity data was collected by successive governments from independence through the 1990s because they believed that information about the country's ethnic composition could be used to incite social and political instability. Such data would not be collected until the 2000 census following democratization and reforms in 1998. As a result, analyses of ethnic groupings at the national level throughout most of the 20th century were either extrapolated from 1930 data or educated estimates.
Demographers have noted that this position on ethnicity differed from the government's attitude toward religion, whose information has been collected in all population censuses. Even so, religion was considered a sensitive topic that the complete 1961 data was never made public. BPS only released statistics on religion for Jakarta, while researchers later obtained unpublished data for Yogyakarta and East Java.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Gaps in ethnographic data
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{
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A post-enumeration survey was conducted in the same year as the census throughout Java, but only in the provincial capitals for other islands. It found that Java had a net underenumeration of 0.19 percent, whereas the other provincial capitals had a net underenumeration of 0.45 percent. In Jakarta, data on the distribution of population by single year of age showed a tendency of age heaping at ages ending with zero and five and at ages twelve and eighteen. There were also patterns of underenumeration of very young children, overestimation of the ages of old people, and understatements of ages by young females—all commonly seen in population censuses. Economist Widjojo Nitisastro, who headed National Development Planning Agency (Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional, or Bappenas), applied adjustments to the sex-age data to make population projections through 1991. Demographic surveys were also conducted in each of the subsequent three years. Census planners used information from the completed census and surveys to make improvements to the following census in 1971.
Given the large proportion of population aged 5–14, demographer Nathan Keyfitz estimated that the number of people entering the labor force would rise from 1.5 million annually in the mid-1960s to over 3 million annually in the early 1970s, raising the question of whether the Indonesian economy could absorb the surge of new workers. He highlighted that the census already showed that as much as one-fifth of young people in rural areas were already unemployed. He anticipated population pressures in land-scarce Java, which was three-quarters rural. Economist Alex Hunter noted that the former Dutch colonial government attempted to solve this problem by introducing a transmigration program to move landless people to less populous outer islands, but the program saw little success among the Javanese. Keyfitz predicted instead that rural-to-urban migration would accelerate, continuing the pattern of rapid growth in cities seen in the census. Demographer Gavin Jones agreed that rural-urban migration was more practical, but noted that "dismal economic performance" in the first half of the 1960s resulted in poor employment opportunities and living conditions in urban areas.
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1961 Indonesian census
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1961_Indonesian_census
| 72,501,743 |
Population projections
|
{
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Workers for the Scripto company in Atlanta, Georgia, United States, held a labor strike from November 27, 1964, to January 9, 1965. It ended when the company and union agreed to a three-year contract that included wage increases and improved employee benefits. The strike was an important event in the history of the civil rights movement, as both civil rights leaders and organized labor activists worked together to support the strike.
Scripto produced writing implements and lighters in the 1960s. Its main production facility was based in Sweet Auburn, an African-American neighborhood of Atlanta, and the company's workforce was primarily made up of black women. Since 1940, there had been various attempts to unionize the factory, including an effort by the United Steelworkers in the 1940s. By and large, unionization efforts were supported by members of Atlanta's black elite and by black church leaders in the area, who believed that a union could help improve the working conditions and wages for the workers. In 1963, the International Chemical Workers' Union (ICWU) was able to unionize the plant. This came during the civil rights movement, and union organizers succeeded in part by tying their union drive to the larger fight for civil rights that was occurring throughout the country and especially in the southern United States, where the plant was located. Following the unionization, the ICWU sought to secure a labor contract with Scripto, but the company instead challenged the union in court, arguing that the union election had been unfair. After the National Labor Relations Board ruled against the company, they remained reluctant to negotiate with the union, and negotiations continued into November 1964. The main point of contention regarded wage increases, as the union wanted an eight-percent raise across the board while the company pushed for a four-percent wage increase for "skilled" employees and a two-percent raise for "unskilled" employees. The union argued that this was racially discriminatory, as almost all of the factory's white employees were considered skilled and nearly all of the African American employees were considered unskilled.
On November 25, the day before Thanksgiving, many workers gathered and announced plans for a labor strike. Working over the holiday to prepare picket signs and coordinate logistics, they began their strike on November 27, with about 700 workers performing a walkout. From the onset, the strike had the support of several civil rights organizations, including the A. Philip Randolph Institute, Operation Breadbasket, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), the latter of which was led by Martin Luther King Jr. King was an avid supporter of the strike, as many of the strikers were congregants of his Ebenezer Baptist Church, and he helped coordinate a nationwide boycott of Scripto products. However, as the strike continued, both the union and company remained at an impasse in negotiations, and eventually, King began to negotiate in secret with company president Carl Singer over an agreement to end the strike. After several weeks of discussions, King agreed to call off the boycott if Singer agreed to give the striking employees their Christmas bonuses. This deal, which was made without the knowledge of the union, was announced on December 24 and saw an end to King or the SCLC's involvement in the strike. Union representatives were upset with King's actions, which some historians say may have constitute an unfair labor practice. However, by this time, the union's strike fund had been nearly depleted, and without the SCLC's support, they were willing to negotiate a compromise with the company. On January 9, 1965, the union and company signed a three-year labor contract that saw an across-the-board wage increase of $0.04 per hour for every year of the contract. Additionally, workers improved employee benefits, such as additional vacation days and increased pay for working afternoon shifts.
In the aftermath of the strike, King received criticism from many different groups for his involvement, including labor activists and business leaders, and as a result, King and the SCLC refrained from involvement in another major labor dispute until the Memphis sanitation strike in 1968. Meanwhile, the company and the union developed a better relationship and jointly worked on a replacement to the "skilled"/"unskilled" system that had been at the root of the labor dispute. However, in 1977, with the Sweet Auburn facility considered outdated and the company facing increased competition, Scripto closed the plant and relocated to another facility in the Atlanta metropolitan area. The plant was eventually demolished and today the site is a parking lot for the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historical Park. Discussing the strike in 2018, historian Joseph M. Thompson stated that, while it is primarily viewed by historians in the context of King's involvement and the larger civil rights movement, it also represents a longstanding history of labor organizing among African American women in Atlanta, comparing it to other events such as the 1881 Atlanta washerwomen strike and saying, "Within this broader context, the 1964 Scripto strike looks less like a product of the midcentury civil rights movements and more like a victory in the long fight for black women's economic rights in Atlanta".
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Introduction
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The company now known as Scripto can trace its history back to the establishment of the National Pencil Company in Atlanta in 1908. In 1913, a young girl named Mary Phagan was found dead in the company's factory, and in the ensuing firestorm that followed, Leo Frank, the factory's superintendent, was lynched. The company's reputation suffered immensely from this series of events, and by the late 1910s, it had declared bankruptcy. However, local businessman Monie Ferst, who was the son-in-law of National Pencil's owner Sigmund Montag, believed that the company's factory on Forsyth Street in downtown Atlanta was still valuable and purchased the company from Montag in 1919, renaming it Atlantic Pen. Ferst was already the owner of M. A. Ferst Ltd., the only manufacturer of pencil lead in the United States at that time, and Atlantic Pen became a manufacturer of mechanical pencils. The company changed its name to Scripto in the 1920s. In 1931, the company built a new production facility east of downtown. The new plant was located at 425 Houston Street (now known as John Wesley Dobbs Avenue) in Sweet Auburn, an African-American neighborhood of Atlanta. From the 1930s through the 1960s, Scripto significantly expanded its operations, becoming a manufacturer of not only mechanical pencils, but also of pens and lighters. Additionally, from 1951 to 1954, the company operated an ordnance plant that produced artillery shells for the United States Armed Forces during the Korean War. By the 1960s, Scripto was one of the largest pen manufacturers in the country and one of the largest employers in the city. The company was selling its products internationally and was the world's largest producer of writing implements.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Scripto
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Following the company's relocation to Sweet Auburn, Scripto began to recruit employees from the local African American community for low-wage positions. Many black women viewed a job at Scripto as preferable to being a domestic worker for white Americans, and the company began to employ hundreds of black women at the factory. By 1940, roughly 80 percent of the plant's workforce was made up of African Americans. However, despite the perception of Scripto as a better employer than other options in the city, workplace discrimination against African American workers there was still persistent, and the company's management was still made up entirely of white people. In light of these issues, starting in the 1940s, there were several unionization efforts among the plant employees. In 1940, the United Steelworkers (USW) became the first labor union to attempt to organize the Scripto workers. Their efforts ultimately failed, with union organizers accusing the few white employees who worked in the factory of undermining support for the union.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Unionization efforts in the 1940s and 1950s
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In 1946, the USW again tried to organize a union at the Scripto plant, and following a union vote, they began to officially represent the workers in February of that year. The USW's success was due in large part to support from local black church leaders in the area, such as Martin Luther King Sr. King's church, Ebenezer Baptist Church, was located only a few blocks from the Scripto plant, and many of the Scripto employees were congregants of the church. USW official W. H. Crawford later wrote to King to express his gratitude, saying that King's support of the unionization effort resulted in its success. However, Scripto disputed the results of the union election and refused to collectively bargain with the union. As a result, the USW called for a strike on October 7, and over 500 of the company's 600 African American workers took part in picketing. The union's demands included a union contract, increased wages, paid vacations, and eight-hour shifts. The strike lasted for about six months, during which time the strikers were subjected to harassment from members of the Atlanta Police Department, which at the time included known members of the Ku Klux Klan. However, on March 22, 1947, with little to no progress made on achieving their goals, the USW called off the strike. Of the 400 workers who had remained on strike until the end, only 19 were rehired by Scripto, prompting the USW to file charges against the company with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), though the board later found the company free of any legal wrongdoing.
In 1947, following the end of the USW strike, local businessman and former politician James V. Carmichael became the president of Scripto. As a politician, Carmichael had served in the Georgia General Assembly in the 1930s and was a candidate in the 1946 Georgia gubernatorial election against Eugene Talmadge. Despite winning a plurality of votes, Carmichael lost the election to Talmadge due to Georgia's county unit system that was used in elections. As a businessman, Carmichael is known for his role in aircraft manufacturing, as he was an assistant general manager of the Bell Bomber Plant in Marietta, Georgia, during World War II and later convinced the Lockheed Corporation to locate a plant in the city. He viewed himself as a benevolent employer and took a paternalistic approach to management. In 1952, before a speech at his alma mater of Emory University, he stated that workers had been exploited by business owners in the past and that unionization was one way that workers attempted to fight back against those abuses but also criticized workers for "blindly" following union leaders and advocated instead for an "enlightened management" that would eliminate the need for unions altogether. On issues regarding race, Carmichael was viewed as either a moderate, and in the 1946 election, he openly criticized Talmadge, a white supremacist, calling his previous administration a "ranting dictatorship" and saying, "No one is going to invest money in industry when you have in the governor’s office a man who is continually stirring up race and class hatred and creating unrest in labor’s ranks". Additionally, Carmichael took pride in Scripto's hiring policies, as it was one of the first companies in the city to employ African Americans in production roles. During the 1950s, when Sweet Auburn was experiencing an economic downturn, Scripto was one of the few companies to continue to grow. During this same time, Carmichael turned down several offers to relocate the plant outside of the city, and company executives made it a point to continue to hire black women. However, during a unionization effort at the company's ordnance plant in 1953, Carmichael fired several of the workers who were involved before the plant shut down the following year.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Unionization efforts in the 1940s and 1950s
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In late 1962, the International Chemical Workers Union (ICWU), an AFL–CIO-affiliated union that had had recent success in organizing smaller production facilities in the Atlanta metropolitan area, began a union drive at Scripto. The ICWU believed that the organization effort would be difficult, as the plant's overwhelmingly majority workforce of black women constituted a demographic that the union felt was not typically responsive to organized labor efforts. In an attempt to win support, the ICWU ensured that the drive focused not only on traditional labor activism topics but also on civil rights. The union called on James Hampton, an African American labor activist and Baptist preacher, to go to Atlanta and help with their organizing efforts. In discussions with the workers, Hampton compared his own work in labor organizing to the work of civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., drawing a connection between the ICWU's organizing efforts and the activities of the nationwide civil rights movement. 1963 had been a momentous year for the civil rights movement, as many landmark events had taken place around the time that the ICWU was organizing the Scripto workers, including the Birmingham campaign in nearby Alabama, the Stand in the Schoolhouse Door following the desegregation of the University of Alabama, and the assassination of NAACP field secretary Medgar Evers in Mississippi. Hampton also worked with black church leaders in Atlanta, such as King Sr., to get their support for the strike. Hampton was overall successful in getting African American clergy to support the ICWU's efforts, though one notable exception was William Holmes Borders, the pastor of Wheat Street Baptist Church, who declined to support the union drive because of his personal friendship with Carmichael.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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By August 1963, the ICWU had obtained enough authorization cards that they could petition for an NLRB election. The company agreed to an election in late September. In the meantime, hoping to prevent a successful union vote, the company instituted several changes, including the formation of an employee committee and the removal of racial segregation signs from the plant's bathrooms and water fountains. In the ensuing six weeks, the union focused on building solidarity among the employees and assuaging fears over company reprisals against those involved in the union efforts, while the company focused on appealing to the goodwill that they felt they had fostered with longtime employees. On September 11, about two weeks before the vote was scheduled to take place, Carmichael gathered about 1,000 employees and gave a speech wherein he highlighted his progressive stance on race and urged the employees to vote against unionization, saying in part that "a vote for the union [would be] a slap in the face of one of the truest friends the Negro ever had in Georgia or in the entire South". However, to many workers, support for the union drive was tied to the civil rights movement, and in the weeks leading up to the vote, other notable events, such as King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in Washington, D.C., and the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing in Birmingham, Alabama, contributed to an atmosphere of heightened racial partisanship among the workers. On September 27, the election was held, and of the 1,005 employees who were eligible to vote, 953, or approximately 95 percent, did. Of these 1,005, 855 were African American. In a 519–428 result, the union won and became the official representative of the workers. Scripto employees were grouped under the local union of ICWU Local 754, which was made up almost entirely of black women.
A week after the election had taken place, Thomas C. Shelton of the Atlanta-based law firm Kilpatrick, Cody, Rogers, McClatchey & Regenstein, Scripto's legal counsel, filed objections with the NLRB, arguing that the union's use of racial rhetoric and drawing connections to the larger civil rights movement had caused the "sober, informed exercise of the employees' vote" to be impossible, rendering the election null. While the Regional Director of the NLRB rejected the objection, Shelton continued to argue that the results of the election was unfair, citing previous NLRB rulings regarding the use of race-related issues in influencing union votes. For instance, in 1962, the NLRB ruled in an election involving the Sewell Manufacturing Company that "appeals to racial prejudice in matters unrelated to the election issues ... have no place in Board electoral campaigns". Additionally, in a 1957 case involving the Westinghouse Electric Corporation, the NLRB stated that "the consequences of injecting the racial issue where racial prejudices are likely to exist is to pit race against race and thereby distort a clear expression of choice on the issue of unionism". Shelton also argued that the characterization of Carmichael and Scripto by the union was unfair and inaccurate and collected testimony from several prominent individuals that highlighted Carmichael's and the company's stance on race. Benjamin Mays, president of Morehouse College and a longtime friend of Carmichael, spoke positively of his positions on racial issues, while former mayor of Atlanta William B. Hartsfield said that Scripto was well known for their progressive stance on hiring African Americans. Finally, on June 9, 1964, after about ten months of petitioning, the NLRB denied Shelton's requests and awarded the ICWU a certificate of representation for Scripto.
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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ICWU unionization
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Despite the NLRB's awarding of a certificate of representation, the ICWU expressed dismay over the negotiations they were having with the company over the terms of a new labor contract. Jerry Levine, a labor activist from New York City who had joined the ICWU in October 1963, served as the representative for the ICWU in their negotiations with Scripto. Levine said that the contract negotiations lasted for about six months, during which time he said the company was "going through the motions" of bargaining in good faith, often spending weeks at a time discussing the contents of a couple of paragraphs. Additionally, important issues such as wages and other economic policies were not being addressed. As the negotiations continued, Levine began to believe that strike action was the only way to convince the company to agree to a contract, and while negotiations were ongoing, the union sought to strengthen its ties and increase support in the local community. Also during this time, Carmichael had been removed from his position of president by Ferst and placed in the ceremonial role of chairman. The move came due to Carmichael's poor health and a steady decline in Scripto's sales. For two years leading up to 1964, Scripto had had declining profits, which were attributed to labor costs and increased competition. In his new role, Carmichael was not involved in the contract negotiations and functioned mostly as a spokesperson for the brand. Carl Singer, a businessman who had previously worked in Chicago for the Sealy Mattress Company, was brought in to replace Carmichael as Scripto's president and chief executive officer. At the time, Singer was aware that there were contract negotiations, but was not made aware of the issues the company was having with the union. This corporate shakeup was kept private from the general public.
By November 1964, the company's proposal to the union would have seen a four-percent wage increase for workers categorized as "skilled" and two-percent wage increases for "unskilled" workers. At the time, unskilled workers at the factory were earning between $1.25 and $1.30 per hour, and the two-percent wage increase would have amounted to about $0.03 more per hour. The union rebuffed with a proposal of an eight-percent wage increase across the board. The union also alleged that the company's proposed wage increase was not an actual pay increase, as the company was planning to offer the raises at the expense of its Christmas bonuses, which often amounted to about a week's pay. Additionally, the union called the company's proposal discriminatory, as only six African American workers at Scripto were considered skilled. The remainder of the company's skilled employees were white, while the rest of the African American employees were classified as unskilled. At the time, Scripto had about 700 African American employees, most of whom were women, and about 200 white workers. On average, these unskilled workers at Scripto earned $400 below the national poverty threshold.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Contract negotiations
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On November 25, 1964, the day before Thanksgiving, workers constituting almost the entirety of the first shift met at the ICWU union hall on Edgewood Avenue, near the factory, and demanded that a strike be commenced. The action caught Levine off guard, and he was unsure what had prompted the sudden movement, though he speculated that it stemmed from disappointment from the workers' bargaining unit that had spread to the rank-and-file employees. While Levine felt that the timing was not right for the strike, he nonetheless acquiesced to the workers' demands, and they began to prepare for a strike. The employees worked over the holiday in order to have picket signs made for when the plant reopened on November 27, the day after Thanksgiving. Company executives who were on holiday vacations were alerted to the strike preparations, and many returned to Atlanta early.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Move toward strike action
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The strike began on November 27, 1964, the day after Thanksgiving, with a walkout. Approximately 85 percent of the plant's workforce participated in the strike, made up primarily of about 700 black women. However, 117 skilled workers, which included six black men, did not participate in the strike. Under Georgia's right-to-work laws, the plant remained open during the strike, and according to the plant's general manager, the factory was continuing to operate under its three-shift schedule without interruption. Outside the plant, the striking employees carried picket signs with slogans such as "We're Human Beings — Not Machines" and "We Won't Be Slaves No More" and sang protest songs including "We Shall Not Be Moved" and "We Shall Overcome". In the first week of the strike, the Atlanta Daily World, the city's African-American newspaper, reported on the strike with front-page coverage. National news agencies also covered the strike, with their reporting focusing primarily on the racial issues at play. Through the course of the strike, Scripto hired replacement workers to keep the plant running, and they placed "Help Wanted" advertisements in many local newspapers, including the Daily World, which prompted controversy among the paper's primarily black readership. Meanwhile, strikers received a weekly strike pay of $57 from the union, in addition to fringe benefits. The ICWU did not initially have the provisions in place to fund the strike, and for the first two weeks, Levine met with local labor leaders and activist groups to help fund the strike. While labor leaders were largely supportive of the strike and offered financial support, rank-and-file union members were less supportive.
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Early strike activities
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A week after the strike began, representatives from the union and the company met with William S. Bradford, a mediator for the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, to attempt to resolve their issues. The main point of discussion in the meetings regarded the differences in pay increases between unskilled and skilled employees. The union viewed the issue as a racial one, as the company's proposal would have resulted in a vast majority of the African American workforce receiving a substantially lower raise than their white counterparts. Additionally, the union alleged that a reason for this was that the company did not offer training to African Americans that would have allowed them to be classified as skilled workers. The company rejected the union's view that the matter was primarily racial and instead argued that the dispute was a purely economic one. Throughout the strike, the company continued to downplay the racial aspect of the labor dispute. During these mediation sessions, both sides held to the same pay raise proposals that they had made before the strike. Additionally, the company's proposal would not have seen workers' union dues withheld from their paychecks. As a result, during the first few weeks of the strike, the two sides remained at an impasse in negotiations.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Initial attempts at mediation
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From the early days of the union drive, both King Jr. and King Sr., who were co-pastors at Ebenezer Baptist, voiced their support for the ICWU's efforts and kept up to date on the ongoings at Scripto. The younger King had grown up in the same neighborhood that the plant was in, which was only a few blocks from his house, and many of the employees who were involved in the union drive were church congregants, such as Mary Gurley, who was a leader of the strike and an influential member of the church. King Jr., who by this time was an internationally recognized leader in the civil rights movement, had returned to Atlanta in 1960 to pastor at Ebenezer. At that time, many members of Atlanta's black elite, which included Jesse Hill, Samuel Woodrow Williams, and the younger King's father, among others, did not want to see him engage in the same type of high-profile activism that he had been involved in elsewhere. The city's African American power brokers had spent years crafting agreements with the city's white power structure for racial progress, and many were fearful that the younger King's actions could jeopardize the status quo. While the younger King had kept a primarily low-profile during most of his time in Atlanta, he nonetheless engaged in civil rights activism within the city, such as his involvement in the Atlanta sit-ins in 1960. Early in the strike, The Wall Street Journal reported that the younger King was among several prominent African American leaders who supported the strike.
On November 29, the younger King, acting in his role as the president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), an Atlanta-based civil rights organization whose headquarters were only a few blocks from the plant, sent a telegram to Carmichael wherein he expressed his support for the strikers, criticized the company for being anti-union and racially discriminatory, and said that he would call for a boycott of Scripto products if the strike persisted. On December 1, King was scheduled to speak to a large group of strikers at a rally held across the street from the factory, but he was unable to attend the meeting due to a meeting he had with Federal Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover that same day in Washington, D.C. The Reverend C. T. Vivian, who had moved to Atlanta in 1963 to become an executive in the SCLC, took his place, while other speakers included the Reverend Joseph E. Boone, Georgia State Senator Leroy Johnson, and union negotiator Phil Whitehead. SCLC executive Ralph Abernathy also became involved in the strike effort at this time and participated in picketing with protesting workers.
Vivian had been the primary voice within the SCLC for supporting the strike, as he viewed unions as a way for African Americans to attain economic equality based on his previous work experience in civil rights organizing in Illinois. By contrast, King's view of organized labor was more mixed. While he was a vocal advocate for economic justice and often solicited unions for financial support, he was also often critical of unions as hindrances to economic mobility for African Americans, as many unions in the United States at the time discriminated against black people and barred them from membership. Additionally, while some unions had supported King's March on Washington the previous year, the AFL–CIO did not, and many of their associated unions were not active in organizing workers in the southern United States. Overall, most of the support for the strike from black clergy and civil rights leaders in the city stemmed less from their support for organized labor and more from the fact that many of the strikers were members of their congregations. However, in a December 4 television interview, King stated, "We have decided that now is the time to identify our movement very closely with labor". While Vivian viewed the strike as a way to strengthen the bond between organized labor and the civil rights movement, SCLC executive Hosea Williams saw the strike as a way for King to buck the local black leadership and lead a demonstration in Atlanta, which was viewed as a major center for African American culture in the United States.
On December 4, King left Atlanta to travel to Oslo to accept the Nobel Peace Prize. He spent about two weeks traveling during this time, including to London, New York City, and Washington, D.C., before returning to Atlanta on December 18. The next day, within 24 hours of returning, King marched in a picket line with several other protestors, including a union representative from the ICWU's international headquarters in Amsterdam. Coming so soon after his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance, the action helped to bring international attention to the strike. The following day, on December 20, King spoke to about 250 striking employees at a rally at Ebenezer Baptist. During the speech, he reiterated the SCLC's support for the strike and stressed the interconnectedness of the labor movement and the civil rights movement, saying, "Along with the struggle to desegregate, we must engage in the struggle for better jobs". Throughout the strike, King's involvement was highly criticized by many conservative groups. Local businessman and politician Lester Maddox placed an advertisement in The Atlanta Journal that called King and the SCLC activists "Communist inspired racial agitators", while Calvin Craig, a grand dragon of the United Klans of America, said that King was "overstepping the bounds of Christianity" by getting involved in the strike.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Involvement of Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference
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One of the biggest contributions that the SCLC had to the strike effort was in organizing a national boycott of Scripto products as a way to apply pressure to Scripto. Vivian contacted 2,500 SCLC affiliates to inform them of the boycott, and the organization made requests to merchants to remove Scripto displays from their stores. In addition, several other civil rights and labor organizations supported the boycott, including the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the A. Philip Randolph Institute, Operation Breadbasket, and the Atlanta Labor Council. Over 500,000 leaflets were printed and distributed to local unions across the United States asking them to respect the boycott. These leaflets featured a crying Santa Claus with a printed message reading, "Don't buy Scripto products". John Lewis, the chairman of the SNCC, wrote a letter to the General Services Administration (an independent agency of the United States government) urging them to also honor the boycott. At the time, Scripto held two contracts with the federal government of the United States, and Lewis stated in his letter that Scripto had been able to underbid other manufacturers for these contracts by engaging in "economic slavery" with their African American workers. The GSA responded that they would investigate the matter, specifically concerning whether Scripto was in violation of Executive Order 10925, which mandated equal opportunity in the workforce. However, nothing came of this investigation by the time the boycott ended.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Boycott
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At a meeting between union and company representatives on December 21, the company put forward a proposal that included a four-cent pay increase across the board. However, the union balked at the proposal, which would have still included the removal of the workers' Christmas bonuses. By this time, almost all parties involved in the strike were experiencing hardships caused by the labor dispute. Strikers were losing approximately $50 a day in lost wages, while the ICWU had exhausted almost all of their strike funds. Additionally, leaders within the SCLC were worried about the potential negative consequences that a failed strike could have on their organization, which they had helped to elevate from a local issue to a nationally known issue. Meanwhile, the company, despite reporting that their production levels and sales were comparable to pre-strike levels, had seen their reputation damaged by the strike. Despite this, picketing continued, with Levine leading about 200 strikers on a march through downtown on December 23.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
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Negotiations between Singer and King and the end of the strike
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Unbeknownst to Levine and others in the union, over the course of several weeks, Singer and King had been in contact with each other and had discussed ways to bring the strike to an end. Singer, who had been unwilling to negotiate with the union, had telephoned King directly to negotiate with him, despite King having no authorization from the ICWU to act as a negotiator. Over the course of several weeks, King and Singer had four meetings at Scripto's headquarters, with very few people on either side being made aware of these meetings. During the discussions, both sides came to an agreement wherein King would have the SCLC end its boycott if the company agreed to give the workers their Christmas bonuses. King may have been willing to accept this agreement in part because he and the SCLC were planning for a campaign in Selma, Alabama, that would later include the Selma to Montgomery marches, and their planning was behind schedule.
This tentative agreement was reached on the evening of December 23, with Levine being alerted to it while at the march in downtown. A meeting was swiftly set up at Ebenezer Baptist between ICWU and SCLC officials, including both Kings and Levine, and SCLC member Andrew Young was responsible for informing the union officials of the agreement. Vivian was not present and may not have been invited due to his strong union support, as SCLC members may have felt that he would have strongly opposed the agreement. Upon first hearing of the agreement, which he believed was only a proposal, Levine objected to it, as he said that the Christmas bonuses would have been guaranteed in any settlement since the workers were legally entitled to them. Despite Levine's objections, the agreement was made public the next day, and both the boycott and any involvement between the SCLC and the strike ended on December 24. The union felt that King's actions had undermined the strike, and the secret meetings between King and Singer may have constituted an unfair labor practice, as the ICWU was the only legally recognized representative for bargaining with the ICWU workers they represented. However, the ICWU never took legal action on the matter. With the agreement in place between the SCLC and Scripto, the union spent the rest of the year working on a formal proposal that would see an end to the strike. Negotiations resumed on December 29, and though there were still some disagreements regarding pay, an agreement was reached shortly thereafter. On January 9, 1965, the union and company announced in a joint statement that they had come to an agreement on a new labor contract, and the strike was called off that day.
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
| 71,850,856 |
Negotiations between Singer and King and the end of the strike
|
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The three-year contract signed between the ICWU and Scripto was the first in the company's history and affected about 900 workers. As part of the contract, Scripto's employees received across-the-board wage increases, with an annual raise of $0.04 every year for the three-year duration of the contract. In 1967, the minimum wage in the United States was increased from $1.25 to $1.40 per hour, and some of the workers who were making below this amount had their pay increases adjusted. Additionally, Scripto agreed to rehire 155 strikers whose positions had been taken over by replacements while also agreeing to retain the employees they had hired during the strike. Employees were also guaranteed an additional $0.21 per hour for afternoon shift work and five paid holidays, as well as two weeks of paid vacation after a year of working for the company and a paid day for attending funerals. The company also instituted a training program that would make it easier for unskilled employees to become skilled employees. The company also agreed to officially recognize the union and instituted a system where union dues were automatically collected from employees' paychecks. Following the strike, the company began to work with the union to address issues regarding racial discrimination, and eventually the company's system of skilled and unskilled workers was replaced with a system of 22 different job grades that had been established in a joint effort between the company and the union. Additionally, King and Singer began to develop a better relationship following the strike, and during King's funeral in 1968, Scripto paid for security for the King family and also closed their plant to allow workers to pay their respects.
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wikipedia
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
| 71,850,856 |
Terms of the contract
|
{
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|
King's involvement in the strike drew criticism from many people, including labor activists and business leaders. Among union organizers, King's secret negotiations with Singer were seen as an interference in the bargaining process. Meanwhile, both white business leaders and the black elite in Atlanta felt that King's actions had disturbed a system that they had in place that saw gradual civil rights progress in exchange for a deemphasis on overt protests. Additionally, some members of the city's African American community felt that Scripto had been an unfair target for civil rights activism, given the company's reputation in the community as a provider of stable jobs and their executives' commitment to hiring African American workers. On January 27, King was honored with a banquet in Atlanta to celebrate his winning the Nobel Peace Prize. However, many of the city's white business leaders voiced their displeasure with King's actions during the strike and initially threatened to not attend the event. In the immediate aftermath of the strike, King had vowed that there would be "more to come" with regards to working with labor activists, and in 1965, the SCLC considered training union organizers. However, given the poor reception of the Scripto strike, the SCLC and King generally refrained from involvement in labor issues. Additionally, Scripto and the ICWU excluded the SCLC from future negotiations after the initial three-year contract expired in the late 1960s. King would not become deeply involved in another labor strike until the Memphis sanitation strike of 1968.
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wikipedia
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
| 71,850,856 |
Martin Luther King Jr.
|
{
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|
Through the late 1960s and into the 1970s, Scripto faced increased competition from competitors such as Société Bic and Paper Mate. Additionally, the Sweet Auburn facility, which the company had operated for several decades, had become outdated. In December 1977, Scripto closed their Sweet Auburn facility and relocated their production to a plant in Doraville, Georgia. Through the later part of the 20th century, Scripto would be bought out by several larger conglomerates and their production facilities would be relocated out of Georgia, first to California and later to Mexico. The company continued to own the property in Sweet Auburn until the 1990s, by which point the property had been abandoned for many years and was listed as a toxic waste site. This was part of a larger downward trend for the neighborhood, which experienced a severe economic decline through the 1980s and 1990s. Around this same time, The Trust for Public Land, a nonprofit organization, began to focus its efforts on combating urban decay in the area. The organization purchased the industrial area and paid for their demolition and asbestos removal. This was done in part as preparations for the 1996 Summer Olympics, which were held in Atlanta. That same year, The Trust for Public Land turned over the property to the National Park Service, and today the land is home to a parking lot for the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historical Park.
Discussing the strike in 2018, historian Joseph M. Thompson of Mississippi State University said that, while the strike is primarily viewed by historians only in the context of King's involvement and the relationship between the civil rights movement and the labor movement, it also reflected a tradition of organized labor among black women in Atlanta. He points to the previous unionization attempts at the plant as evidence of this and ties the 1960s strike to other moments in the history of Atlanta, such as the 1881 Atlanta washerwomen strike. According to Thompson, "Within this broader context, the 1964 Scripto strike looks less like a product of the midcentury civil rights movements and more like a victory in the long fight for black women's economic rights in Atlanta."
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wikipedia
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1964–1965 Scripto strike
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964%E2%80%931965_Scripto_strike
| 71,850,856 |
Later history
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{
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The Los Angeles Rams played an American football game against the Green Bay Packers in Week 1 of the 1982 National Football League (NFL) season on September 12, 1982, at Milwaukee County Stadium in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. The recent history of each team differed greatly: the Rams had missed the playoffs in 1981 for the first time in eight seasons, while the Packers had not been to the playoffs since 1972 and had not won a playoff game since 1967. The Rams began the game strong, scoring 23 points in the first half, while shutting the Packers out. The Rams took advantage of five Packers' first half turnovers.
The game swung wildly towards the Packers in the second half though. Quarterback Lynn Dickey led the Packers to 35 unanswered points off of five touchdown drives. The Packers defense held the Rams to just four first downs in the second half, while intercepting the Rams twice and forcing a fumble. The 23-point comeback was the largest by the Packers up to that point, but was later matched in 2013 in a game against the Dallas Cowboys. The game has been mentioned multiple times as one of the best in the history of the Rams versus the Packers.
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wikipedia
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Introduction
|
{
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|
The Los Angeles Rams and Green Bay Packers entered the 1982 National Football League season under vastly different circumstances. Although the Rams missed the playoffs in 1981 for the first time in eight seasons, they had been perennial contenders for most of the 1970s. The Packers, on the other hand, had not made the playoffs since 1972 and had not won a playoff game since 1967, under Vince Lombardi. Bart Starr, who had quarterbacked the Packers during the Lombardi era, was brought in as head coach to try to revive the Packers' success of the 1960s. However, Starr accumulated a record of 39–65–2 in his first seven seasons, the worst record of any head coach in league history through their first seven seasons. In 1981, the Packers went 8–8, however they missed out on the playoffs by losing the last game of the season to the New York Jets, 28–3. Starr signed a contract extension in the offseason based on the team's strong finish, having gone 6–2 in their last eight games. Going into 1982, the Packers offense was led by Lynn Dickey, James Lofton, and John Jefferson. After missing the playoffs in 1981, the Rams brought in veteran players, signing quarterback Bert Jones and tight end Mike Barber. The Rams travelled to Milwaukee County Stadium in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for their Week 1 match-up against the Packers on September 12, 1982. The game was played in Milwaukee instead of Green Bay due to scheduling conflicts later in the year with the Milwaukee Brewers.
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Background
|
{
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|
The Rams dominated the first half of the game, taking advantage of three Packers' turnovers to take a commanding lead into halftime. In the first quarter, Gerry Ellis fumbled the ball on a short run, which was returned by the Rams to mid-field. After a 22-yard pass from Jones to Wendell Tyler moved the Rams close, Tyler took a short rush into the end zone to put the Rams up 7–0. Another Packers fumble, this time by Dickey while he was avoiding the Rams' pass rush, set-up another score. The Rams thought they scored a touchdown on the drive, but an offensive penalty forced them to accept a short field goal attempt, which was converted by Mike Lansford to increase the lead to 10–0. With the Packers still unable to do much on offense, the Rams scored again. After a 43-yard pass from Jones to Willie Miller put the Rams in scoring position, Jones completed an eight-yard pass to Barber for a touchdown, bringing the score to 17–0. The Rams had two more scoring drives, each ending in a Lansford field goal. The first was set-up by a long punt return, while the second came after Dickey threw an interception to Carl Ekern. The Rams took a 23–0 into halftime.
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wikipedia
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
First half
|
{
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|
The Packers returned the favor, dominating the Rams in the second half by scoring 35 unanswered points. The Packers had their first score on a short touchdown pass from Dickey to Paul Coffman. The Packers moved into scoring position after a defensive pass interference penalty gave the Packers 28 yards. The Packers struck again, this time on a short run from Eddie Lee Ivery for a touchdown. The key play of the drive was a 42-yard pass completion from Dickey to Coffman. By the end of the third quarter, the Packers had cut the Rams lead to 23–14. At the beginning of the fourth quarter, the Rams were stopped by the Packers defense and attempted a long field goal, which Lansford missed. On the ensuing drive, Dickey completed a 50-yard pass to Jefferson. A few plays later, Dickey threw his second touchdown pass, a 15-yard completion to Lofton. With the score now 23–21, the Packers kicked off to the Rams. However, on the kick-off return, Robert Alexander fumbled the ball, which the Packers recovered at the 10-yard line. On the next play, Dickey threw a 10-yard touchdown pass to Coffman to give the Packers their first lead, 28–23. The Packers sealed their comeback victory with a 27-yard rushing touchdown by Ivery with about three minutes left in the game. The Packers won 35–23.
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Second half
|
{
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|
Post-game analysis focused on the comeback by the Packers and the drastic change from the first half to the second half for both teams. The Packers had six total turnovers, including five in the first half, while the Rams had three. Starr noted that with Dickey's poor performance in the first half, it would have been understandable to replace him in the second half; Starr stuck with his quarterback though. A fumble on a kick-off return during the fourth quarter allowed the Packers to score 14 points in under a minute of game clock. Even though the Packers lost the turnover battle, they otherwise played clean football and avoided penalties (two penalties for 15 yards); the Rams, however, had 11 penalties for 88 yards. The Packers' defense was also able to stop the Rams' running game, especially in the second half. The Packers offense exploded in the second half, leading to solid performances across the board for their offensive skill players. Dickey threw three touchdowns, two to Coffman and one to Lofton, with Jefferson leading all receivers with six catches and 116 receiving yards. Ivery rushed for 109 yards and two touchdowns after Ellis left the game due to an injury. Even though they gave up 23 points in the first half, the Packers defense was able to force three field goals during this period, helping to keep the game within reach. The defense tightened down in the second half, only giving up four first downs to the Rams, forcing three turnovers, and shutting them out. In total, the Packers outgained the Rams in yardage and first downs, while scoring 35 unanswered points.
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Analysis
|
{
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|
The Packers continued their success, beating the New York Giants 27–19 the next week to start the season 2–0. The Rams, however, lost 19–14 to the Detroit Lions in Week 2 to start the season winless. On September 21, 1982, the NFL Players Association went on strike. The strike originated from the players demanding a greater share of revenue, although in the end the players settled for modest increases in salary and benefits. As a result, the season was shortened to nine games and the playoffs were expanded to the top eight teams from each conference, regardless of division. The Packers ended the season 5–3–1, making the playoffs for the first time since 1972. The Rams went 2–7 and missed out on a playoff berth. The Packers beat the St. Louis Cardinals 41–16 in the first round of the playoffs, their first postseason victory since 1967. The Packers lost in the second round of the playoffs to the Dallas Cowboys by a score of 37–26. The Rams fired head coach Ray Malavasi at the end of the season.
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wikipedia
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Aftermath
|
{
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|
The game marked the largest comeback in Packers' history at the time, besting the 18-point comeback during a 1965 regular season game against the Lions. This mark was matched 31 years later, with the Packers beating the Dallas Cowboys during a 2013 regular season game after falling behind by 23 points; multiple post-game articles referenced the Packers matching their comeback record from the Rams game. In a 2004 article, former Packers' team historian Lee Remmel identified the comeback as a key moment in the Packers history against the Rams. Two years later, in preparation for a Packers game against the Rams, Remmel provided an in-depth overview of the comeback as part of his historical coverage. In describing the game, Remmel noted the drastic change at halftime, with the Packers defense shutting the Rams out, while Dickey and the Packers offense exploded for five touchdowns. In his book chronicling the first 100 years of Packers history, Cliff Christl described the comeback against the Rams as "an inspiring and record-setting comeback" while highlighting the contributions of Dickey, Coffman, Jefferson, and Lofton. In his book Green Bay Packers: Trials, Triumphs, and Tradition, author William Povletich noted that the Packers "displayed their firepower with a spirited second-half comeback" because "their offense had found its stride, becoming as explosive as any in football". Povletich also discussed the atmosphere the game was played in revolving around the possibility of a player strike. Multiple football bloggers have also written extensively about the game.
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1982 Los Angeles Rams–Green Bay Packers game
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1982_Los_Angeles_Rams%E2%80%93Green_Bay_Packers_game
| 79,717,219 |
Legacy
|
{
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General elections were held in Serbia, a constituent federal unit of SFR Yugoslavia, on 12 November 1989, to elect the president of the presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia and delegates of the Assembly of SR Serbia. Voting for delegates also took place on 10 and 30 November 1989. In addition to the general elections, local elections were held simultaneously. These were the first direct elections conducted after the adoption of the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and the delegate electoral system, and the last elections conducted under a one-party system.
The election was preceded by the rise of Slobodan Milošević, who, after being elected president of the presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) in 1986, ousted his mentor Ivan Stambolić and his allies from key positions in 1987. The anti-bureaucratic revolution began and the constitution of Serbia was amended after Milošević came to power. After Milošević was appointed to the position of president of the presidency of SR Serbia in May 1989, presidential and parliamentary elections were announced for November 1989.
Milošević, Mihalj Kertes, Zoran Pjanić, and Miroslav Đorđević were the candidates in the presidential election; Milošević won the election in a landslide. SKS won 303 seats, a net loss of 20 seats in comparison with the 1986 election, and 37 individuals who were not members of SKS won the rest of the seats in the Assembly. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia ceased to exist in 1990, and after a referendum in July 1990, Serbia adopted a new constitution that implemented a multi-party system and reduced the powers of its autonomous provinces, Kosovo and Vojvodina. The first multi-party elections were then held in December 1990.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Introduction
|
{
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}
|
After World War II, the Communist Party consolidated power in Yugoslavia, transforming the country into a socialist state. Each constituent republic had its own branch of the Communist party, with Serbia having the Communist Party of Serbia. The federal Communist party renamed itself the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ) at its 6th Congress in 1952. Its branches did the same; the Communist Party of Serbia became the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS). Josip Broz Tito was the president of SKJ until his death in 1980.
After Tito's death, Yugoslavia was faced with issues related to the economy, constitutional problems, and a potential rise in ethnic nationalism. Yugoslavia initially implemented austerity measures to reduce its debt. A swift increase in debt, inflation, and unemployment was seen in the 1980s instead. According to publicist Zlatoje Martinov, the republics got "stronger and became de facto states with their own armed forces" (sve više jačaju i predstavljaju faktičke države sa sopstvenim oružanim snagama) because of the crises. Martinov also said that the gradual process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia was underway. Following the 1986 parliamentary election, Desimir Jevtić became the prime minister of Serbia.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Post-World War II
|
{
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"char_count": 1248,
"is_intro": false
}
|
Ivan Stambolić, the president of the City Committee of the League of Communists of Belgrade, was elected president of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS in 1984. Considered a political reformist within SKS, Stambolić was the mentor of Slobodan Milošević, his colleague from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law. After becoming the president of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS in 1984, Stambolić appointed Milošević as his successor to his previous role, despite opposition from older Communist officials. Milošević then began forming a faction of officials that were loyal to him.
Prior to the 1986 parliamentary election, Stambolić announced that he would step down from his position as the head of SKS. Despite receiving support from 84 municipal boards of SKS, Milošević was still met with strong opposition inside the party. There were proposals to have several candidates in the leadership election, although, the presidency voted 12–8 to propose Milošević as the sole candidate for the president of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS. Milošević was successfully elected president of SKS in May 1986, while Stambolić also began serving as president of Serbia after being elected by the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS. Dragiša Pavlović, a reformist and Stambolić's ally, also became the president of the City Committee of the League of Communists of Belgrade.
Milošević took a populist turn in April 1987. He began portraying himself as a supporter of Kosovo Serbs, and during one visit to Kosovo, he said to Serbs that "no one will dare to beat you" (ne sme niko da vas bije). During the same period, he became more critical of Stambolić and Pavlović, particularly due to their moderate stance on Kosovo. Milošević called for a session of the Central Committee of SKS to be held in September 1987. At the session, Stambolić tried to reconcile Pavlović and Milošević, but Milošević instead criticised Stambolić and Pavlović. Pavlović and Stambolić's other allies were then dismissed from their positions. Some political scientists have characterised the session as a coup d'état. Stambolić was isolated after the session and was removed from the position of president of Serbia in December 1987. He then retired from politics.
Beginning in 1988, protests, dubbed the anti-bureaucratic revolution, began in Serbia and Montenegro in support of Milošević's centralisation programme. Although Milošević denied that he was directly involved in the protests, he actually had direct contact with the organisers. In Montenegro, the leadership was forced to resign. It was replaced by the pro-Milošević faction, led by Momir Bulatović. This soon followed in Vojvodina and Kosovo. In Vojvodina, Mihalj Kertes particularly became a prominent figure due to his statement, "How can you Serbs be afraid of Serbia, when I, a Hungarian, am not afraid of Serbia?". The Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia (SSRNS), a popular front organisation subordinate to SKS, proposed Milošević to the position of president of the presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia and was successfully appointed on 8 May 1989.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Rise of Slobodan Milošević
|
{
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|
The aftermath of the 1988–1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution saw amendments to the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution. As part of the 1974 constitution, Kosovo was granted full autonomy and was given equal voting status like the other six constituent republics. Following the protests in March 1989, Milošević proposed amendments that were soon accepted by the Assembly of SAP Kosovo and the Assembly of SR Serbia. The amendment revoked the powers that autonomous provinces Kosovo and Vojvodina received in the 1974 constitution.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Constitutional changes
|
{
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|
At the time of the 1989 elections, Serbia's electoral system was in accordance with the 1974 constitution. Instead of directly electing members of the Assembly, citizens voted for the composition of delegation bodies. Members of these delegation bodies then elected delegates that served in the Assembly of SR Serbia. The voting system was complex; it combined elements of a direct, indirect, and first-past-the-post voting majoritarian system. Those who were 15 or older had the right to vote, and those who served in the army at the time of the elections were able to vote at their military stations. Invalid ballots were introduced with the 1989 elections; ballots that were blank or ballots that could not be used to determine who was voted for would be considered invalid.
The Assembly was divided into three councils. The Council of Associated Labour had 160 delegates, while the Council of Municipalities and Socio-Political Council each had 90 delegates. The delegates then elected members of the Presidency of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, the Council of the Republic, and a member of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. At the time of the 1989 elections, Serbia was still a one-party state but the 1989 elections were the first direct elections to be held since 1974.
The parliamentary election was conducted on three separate days: 10, 12, and 30 November 1989. Local elections were conducted on the same days as the parliamentary elections. The presidential election was only held on 12 November. Polling stations were opened from 07:00 (UTC+01:00) to 19:00.
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Electoral system
|
{
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|
The table below lists political parties elected to the Assembly of SR Serbia after the 1986 parliamentary election. In the Council of Associated Labour, there were 148 SKS delegates; in the Council of Municipalities, there were 88 SKS delegates; and in the Socio-Political Council, there were 87 SKS delegates. Most of the delegates were 50 years old or younger.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Political parties
|
{
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}
|
Following Milošević's appointment to the position of president of the presidency of SR Serbia, elections were called to dismiss any potential criticism on whether Milošević's appointment was "the wish of the people" (želja čitavog naroda). The presidential election thus served as a referendum on whether Milošević should retain his position as president of the presidency. SKS stated that these "elections should show that we believe in the policies of our leadership" (izbori treba da pokažu da verujemo u politiku svog rukovodstva). At the time of the election, Bogdan Trifunović was the president of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS. As part of the pre-election campaign, over 10,000 delegation body conferences were organised in Serbia. There were 19,478 delegation bodies that had 346,518 members in total.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Conduct
|
{
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|
At a SSRNS session on 1 November 1989, Milošević was officially proposed as a presidential candidate. So the presidential election would be perceived as democratic, multiple candidates were proposed for the election by SSRNS. However, no candidate initially wanted to risk running against Milošević. SSRNS then proposed the final four candidates, these being Milošević, Kertes, and professors Zoran Pjanić and Miroslav Đorđević.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Presidential candidates
|
{
"word_count": 62,
"char_count": 428,
"is_intro": false
}
|
According to a Politika report from November 1989, 14,855 polling stations were opened during the elections. The results of the elections were announced on 20 November, eight days after the election was held.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Results
|
{
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|
Beginning on 13 November, Radio-Television Belgrade and Politika reported turnouts and results. It was reported that in Kuršumlija that 99 percent of voters voted for Milošević, and that in some villages of the municipality of Kraljevo, Milošević won all votes. Similar results were reported in Kačanik, while in Vučitrn, Kertes won the most votes. In the Sandžak region, Milošević won the most votes. The turnout was later reported to be at 83 percent and Milošević won 80 percent of all votes cast. Milošević won most of his votes in Central Serbia, followed by Vojvodina, and then Kosovo, where he only won 25 percent of the popular vote. In Belgrade, Milošević received 93 percent of the popular vote. Pjanić placed second with 4 percent, Kertes third with 3.3 percent, and Đorđević fourth with 2.7 percent. Turnout in Belgrade was 80.3 percent.
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wikipedia
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1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Presidential election
|
{
"word_count": 140,
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|
For the parliamentary elections, there were 6,640,675 registered citizens who had the right to vote in total. 82 percent of the registered voters exercised their right to vote in the election. In the parliamentary election, SKS won 303 seats in the Assembly of SR Serbia, a decrease of 20 seats in comparison with the 1986 parliamentary election. 37 of those who were not affiliated with SKS were elected in the election. In the Council of Associated Labour, 134 SKS delegates were elected; in the Council of Municipalities, 84 SKS delegates were elected; and in the Socio-Political Council, 85 SKS delegates were elected.
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wikipedia
|
1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Parliamentary election
|
{
"word_count": 102,
"char_count": 622,
"is_intro": false
}
|
The Assembly of SR Serbia was constituted on 5 December 1989. Zoran Sokolović was elected president of the Assembly, while Vukašin Jokanović, Slobodan Janjić, and Đorđe Šćepančević were elected vice-presidents of the Assembly. Stanko Radmilović was elected prime minister of Serbia, while on 6 December, the Assembly of SR Serbia officially declared Milošević as the president of the presidency. Radmilović was a Milošević loyalist.
|
wikipedia
|
1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Assembly leadership
|
{
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}
|
Milošević proposed reforms to the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia in 1989. These proposals were opposed by the Slovene delegation, which favoured keeping the composition in accordance with the 1974 constitution. Because of the dispute, the first and only extraordinary congress was organised for 1990. The 14th congress, held in Sava Centar, Belgrade, was eventually organised for 20–23 January 1990. Presided over by Milan Pančevski, the congress was attended by over 1,600 delegates from all six constituent republics and two autonomous provinces.
The congress started with a polemic between Borut Pahor and Milomir Minić, and it continued with Milan Kučan saying that Slovenes reject Serbia's proposed centralisation policies. Ciril Ribičič and the Slovene delegation expressed their disappointment with the first plenary session of the 14th congress. The head of the Serbian delegation, Milošević, proposed to introduce a "one man–one vote" system but, this was also opposed by the Slovene delegation, which favoured the reconstruction of SKJ and Yugoslavia to a confederal system instead. With the help of Kosovo, Vojvodina, Montenegro, and Yugoslav People's Army delegates, all proposals from the Slovene and Bosnian delegations were rejected while Serbia's proposals were accepted.
At the second plenary session, the Slovene delegation left the Congress, stating that they did not want to be responsible "for the agony of LC of Yugoslavia into which the current impositions of will and the bearers of those impositions are leading it" (ne žele biti suodgovorni za agoniju SK Jugoslavije u koju je vode sadašnja nametanja volje i nosioci tih nametanja). Despite Milošević wanting to continue the congress without the Slovene delegation, the Croatian delegation, led by Ivica Račan, objected to this. The Croatian delegation, joined by the Macedonian and Bosnian and Herzegovinian delegations, left the congress soon after. Pančevski adjourned the session to 3 a.m. for 23 January; on 23 January, the rest of Serbia's proposals were accepted. The third plenary session of the 14th congress never occurred, and SKJ ceased to exist.
|
wikipedia
|
1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
Dissolution of SKJ
|
{
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"char_count": 2134,
"is_intro": false
}
|
While Serbia was still a one-party state, a referendum was organised in July 1990 on whether to adopt a new constitution or to hold multi-party elections first. A majority of voters voted in favour of adopting a new constitution despite Kosovo Albanians boycotting the referendum; the constitution was adopted in September 1990. The first multi-party elections were held in December 1990.
With the adoption of the 1990 constitution, the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina were renamed to Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija and Autonomous Province of Vojvodina, respectively, while the Socialist Republic of Serbia was renamed to the Republic of Serbia. The power of the provinces were greatly reduced. Serbia's electoral system was also changed; the delegate system was abolished, Assembly of SR Serbia was renamed to the National Assembly, and the number of seats was decreased to 250. The president of the National Assembly was also the one who would schedule parliamentary and presidential elections.
Serbia also became a multi-party state, meaning that under the Law on Political Organisations, political parties could be registered to take part in future elections. SKS merged with the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia to create the Socialist Party of Serbia, while opposition parties, like the Democratic Party, Serbian Renewal Movement, People's Radical Party, and People's Peasant Party also registered as political parties.
|
wikipedia
|
1989 Serbian general election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Serbian_general_election
| 74,596,949 |
1990 constitutional referendum
|
{
"word_count": 223,
"char_count": 1468,
"is_intro": false
}
|
A by-election in the Rakovica I constituency in Serbia was held in June 1991. The election was called after the death of representative Miodrag Bulatović of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), and was contested by Radoš Karaklajić of SPS, Vojislav Šešelj of the Serbian Radical Party, Borislav Pekić of the Democratic Party and ten other candidates. Šešelj's candidature was also supported by the Serbian National Renewal and Serb Democratic Party. The election resulted in Šešelj's victory, winning 80% of the popular vote in the second round of the election. He was sworn in to the National Assembly of Serbia on 8 July. In the following parliamentary election in 1992, his party went onto win 73 seats.
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wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Introduction
|
{
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"char_count": 706,
"is_intro": true
}
|
Following the 1990 Serbian constitutional referendum, a multi-party system was introduced in Serbia. This led to creation of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), led by Slobodan Milošević, Democratic Party (DS), and Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO). Shortly after the new constitution was adopted, general elections were called for 9 December 1990. The elections resulted in a landslide victory of Milošević's SPS, winning 194 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly of Serbia. Among the candidates elected on the SPS list was Miodrag Bulatović in the constituency of Rakovica I. The first convocation of the National Assembly was constituted on 11 January 1991, while Bulatović was sworn in at a 16 January session. However, he died on 15 March and his seat became vacant. The by-election was called by Slobodan Unković, the president of the National Assembly, on 9 May.
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wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Background
|
{
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|
With the adoption of a new constitution in September 1990, a new electoral system was introduced in Serbia. The 250 members of the National Assembly of Serbia were elected using a first-past-the-post, two-round voting system from 250 single-member constituencies. A constituency's territory could consist of multiple local communities (mesna zajednica), populated places (naseljena mesta), or a single municipality. Eligible voters were able to vote for only one candidate in their respective constituency. A campaign for an election can last 30 to 90 days.
A candidate could be nominated by one or more political parties or other registered political organisations with at least 100 valid signatures from constituency residents, or by a citizens group (grupa građana) instead. A citizens' group, under the law enacted in 1990, is a group of 100 citizens bound by an agreement willing to take part in an election. The candidate was submitted to Republic Electoral Commission (RIK) by its proposer. RIK could deny a candidate, after which the deficiencies had to be corrected within 48 hours if the candidate was to be re-submitted again. The symbol of a constituency, the name of the election, and a list of candidates that ran in the constituency were present on the voting ballot. In the first round, a candidate was elected if at least 50% of the voters came out to vote, while in the second round the candidate with the most votes wins.
RIK, the local election commission, and polling boards of the constituency oversaw the election in the Rakovica I constituency. Parliamentary elections were called by the president of the National Assembly, who also had to announce their dates. To vote, a person had to be a citizen, able to perform working duties, and at least 18 years old. Voting also took place in hospitals, nursing homes, and police barracks. During the election day, eligible voters can vote from 07:00 (UTC+01:00) to 20:00 at a voting station in their constituency. Voters who were either blind, disabled, or illiterate can bring a relative to vote on their behalf at a voting station.
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wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Electoral system
|
{
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|
The following list includes candidates who took part in the by-election.
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wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Participants
|
{
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"char_count": 72,
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}
|
According to newspaper Borba, the election reflected "the current state of the government and opposition". Despite nominating its own candidate, Milošević's SPS backed Šešelj in the election by giving him election infrastructure. SPS, however, denied this. According to Borba, out of all candidates, most voters attended Šešelj's campaign events. During the campaign, Radio Television Belgrade presented Karaklajić, Pekić, and Marjanović on television. Šešelj was also scheduled to appear, however, he was denied entrance into the building because he was armed.
Šešelj campaigned by organising election events, while Pekić presented his campaign at literary evening events, pubs, and cafés. At one of his events, Pekić was joined by all DS members of parliament (MP). They presented Pekić as "a person with a clear political past" (čovek čiste političke prošlosti). Šešelj campaigned on promoting privatisation, opposition to Yugoslavism, and support for Greater Serbia. His candidacy was supported by the Serbian National Renewal and Serb Democratic Party. On 12 June, SPS organised an event promoting Karaklajić's candidature. The event was attended by SPS officials Borisav Jović and Jovan Striković.
|
wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Campaign
|
{
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"char_count": 1203,
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}
|
The election was conducted at 19 voting stations. The results of the first round saw Šešelj winning 56% of the popular vote; he was followed by Karaklajić, who won 15% of the popular vote. In the early hours of the first round, about 20% of the voters voted in the election, while by the end of the day, the number of voters that turned out to vote rose up to 40%. After the election, DS objected to the electoral rules and filed a complaint to the local election commission, which eventually rejected their complaint. Considering that less than 50% of voters turned out to vote, the Election Commission called a second round for 30 June, featuring only Šešelj and Karaklajić as candidates. In the second round, Šešelj won 80% of the popular vote. According to Ivan Matić, the president of the local election commission, there were no complaints filed after the second round.
|
wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Results
|
{
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"char_count": 875,
"is_intro": false
}
|
After the election, Šešelj declared his victory as "the victory of the Serbian Radical Party and its economic, social, and political programme" (transl. pobeda Srpske radikalne stranke i njenog ekonomskog, socijalnog i političkog programa). Šešelj was sworn in as MP on 8 July. During his tenure in the National Assembly, he was known for engaging in physical fights with opposition politicians. In the 1992 Serbian general election, his party went onto win 73 seats in the National Assembly.
|
wikipedia
|
1991 Rakovica I by-election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1991_Rakovica_I_by-election
| 79,662,140 |
Aftermath
|
{
"word_count": 78,
"char_count": 492,
"is_intro": false
}
|
The 1997 National Football Conference (NFC) Championship Game was an American football game played between the Green Bay Packers and San Francisco 49ers on January 11, 1998, at 3Com Park in San Francisco, California. Both the Packers and 49ers finished the season with identical 13–3 records, each winning their respective divisions. The 49ers received the first seed in the playoffs due to tie-breakers: the 49ers had a better conference record than the Packers (11–1 versus 10–2, respectively). Both teams received first round byes during the Wild Card round. The Packers faced off against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in the Divisional Round, winning 21–7 and advancing to their third straight NFC Championship Game. The 49ers beat the Minnesota Vikings in the Divisional Round by a score of 38–22. With their higher seeding, the 49ers hosted the Packers in the NFC Championship Game.
The Packers took a 13–3 lead into halftime behind two field goals and a Brett Favre touchdown pass to Antonio Freeman. Ryan Longwell kicked another field goal in the fourth quarter before Dorsey Levens scored a touchdown with under four minutes left in the game. Even though the 49ers returned the ensuing kick off for a touchdown, the Packers were able to hold on for a 23–10 victory. The victory was the third straight year that the Packers beat the 49ers in the playoffs. The game continued the growing 49ers–Packers rivalry of the 1990s. The Packers advanced to Super Bowl XXXII, their second straight, where they lost 31–24 to the Denver Broncos. The two teams met again the next season in the playoffs, with the 49ers winning in dramatic fashion in what became known as The Catch II game.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Introduction
|
{
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"is_intro": true
}
|
The Green Bay Packers entered the 1997 NFL season as the defending champions after winning Super Bowl XXXI. The San Francisco 49ers had been defeated in the Divisional Round of the playoffs that season by the Packers 35–14, the second straight season the Packers beat the 49ers in the playoffs. The Packers began their season somewhat slowly, going 3–2 during their first five games. However they won their next five games before suffering a showing defeat to the Indianapolis Colts in Week 12, who at the time were 0–10. The Packers rebounded with another five game winning streak to finish the season with a record of 13–3. Brett Favre was named the AP NFL Most Valuable Player Award for the season, sharing the award with Barry Sanders.
The 49ers began the season with a loss against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers, but then went on an 11 game win streak. After losing 44–9 against the Kansas City Chiefs in Week 14, the 49ers won their next two games to secure the first seed in the playoffs. The 49ers lost to the Seattle Seahawks in the last game of the season, although they rested their starters, to finish with a record of 13–3. Because both teams finished with the same record, tie-breakers determined seeding. Since neither team played each other, the relevant tie-breaker was conference record, which the 49ers won after going 11–1 in interconference games (the Packers went 10–2).
Both teams were awarded bye weeks during the first round of the playoffs. The Packers hosted the Tampa Bay Buccaneers in the Divisional Round of the playoffs, while the 49ers hosted the Minnesota Vikings. Both teams won their playoff games, with the Packers winning 21–7 and the 49ers winning 38–22. With their higher seed, the 49ers earned the right to host the Packers in the NFC Championship Game, which would be played at 3Com Park on January 11, 1998. The Packers were 1.5 point favorites.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Background
|
{
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"char_count": 1882,
"is_intro": false
}
|
The 49ers began the game with the ball, moving to mid-field before being forced to punt. The Packers ensuing drive last 10 plays, going 76 yards before being stopped just short of the end zone. 49ers cornerback Rod Woodson was flagged for a 27-yard pass interference penalty on the drive. Ryan Longwell kicked a 19-yard field goal to give the Packers a 3–0 lead. Both teams traded three-and-outs before the 49ers took a six play, 60-yard drive into Packers' territory. However, Steve Young was intercepted by Eugene Robinson and returned 58 yards. The Packers scored two plays later on a 27-yard pass from Brett Favre to Antonio Freeman, increasing the Packers lead to 10–0. The 49ers punted on their ensuing drive. The Packers took over and drove 57 yards over 11 plays, although Longwell missed a 47-yard field goal attempt to give the ball back to the 49ers. The 49ers finally scored, with Gary Anderson converting a 28-yard field goal to cut into the Packers lead, 10–3. The drive was extended with a 48-yard catch from Young to J. J. Stokes on third-and-26. With less than a minute left in the half, the Packers drove 48 yards in 3 plays, including a 40-yard heave from Favre to Freeman, to give Longwell a shot at a 43-yard field goal, which he converted. The Packers took a 13–3 into halftime.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
First half
|
{
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"char_count": 1300,
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}
|
In the third quarter, neither team scored. The Packers and 49ers exchanged two punts each after drives that went less than 50 yards. The Packers and 49ers exchanged punts again at the beginning of the fourth quarter, before the Packers scored on a nine-play, 28 yard drive. Longwell converted a 25-yard field goal to put the Packers up 16–3. On the ensuing drive, the 49ers went for it on fourth down, although Young was sacked by Keith McKenzie, giving the ball to the Packers on their 11-yard line. Two plays later, Dorsey Levens ran in a five-yard touchdown to increase the Packers lead to 23–3. On the kickoff, Chuck Levy complete a 95-yard return for a touchdown, cutting the Packers lead to 23–10. The Packers went three-and-out on their next drive, punting the ball back to the 49ers. The 49ers moved the ball on their drive, but Young fumbled and the Packers recovered the ball. They ran one play to end the game, winning 23–10.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Second half
|
{
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|
Post-game analysis focused on the Packers defense, especially its pass defense in the second half. Although Young began the game completing his first 10 passes, the Packers shut him down in the second half. They sacked Young four times, forced three fumbles, and held him to just 52 yards passing in the half. Young also threw an interception that swung momentum over to the Packers and led to a short touchdown drive. The 49ers only gained three first downs in the second half, with two of those occurring during the last minute of the game. The Packers defense also did not allow an offensive touchdown during the game, the first time it did that since 1965. The 49ers only touchdown came on a 95-yard kick-off return by Levy, which was the longest return and the first return for a touchdown against the Packers in the playoffs. The Packers did a good job preventing Young from scrambling, while the rainy conditions were better managed by the Packers. The Packers had a productive running game, while the 49ers fell flat. Levens increased his Packers single playoff game rushing record to 114 yards, while the 49ers only managed 33 yards rushing as a team. The Packers also balanced their offense well, with Favre throwing for 222 yards and two touchdowns, with most of the damage going to Freeman and Robert Brooks.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Analysis
|
{
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"char_count": 1320,
"is_intro": false
}
|
The Packers advanced to Super Bowl XXXII against the Denver Broncos; it was the Packers second consecutive trip to the Super Bowl. In a back-and-forth affair, the Broncos beat the Packers 31–24 after giving up 157 rushing yards and 3 touchdowns to running back Terrell Davis. Both the Packers and 49ers returned to the playoffs in the 1998 NFL season, facing each other in the playoffs for the fourth straight season. The 49ers finally beat the Packers, securing a last-minute victory in what became known as The Catch II game.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Aftermath
|
{
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"char_count": 527,
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}
|
The game marked the third straight season the Packers beat the 49ers in the playoffs, continuing a a growing rivalry between the teams that has been maintained into the 21st century. It was also a part of a personal rivalry between quarterbacks Brett Favre and Steve Young that ended up including four playoff games in the 1990s. It was the first time in at least 17 years that a team beat the 49ers four straight times. The game also gave the Packers their second consecutive berth into the Super Bowl, continuing their strong level of performance that decade. The 49ers and Packers would not meet in another NFC Championship Game until 2019. In 2020, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel ranked the game as one of the greatest moments in Wisconsin sports history over the previous 50 years. In 2024, the newspaper also ranked it as one of the best games between the Packers and 49ers in their rivalry.
|
wikipedia
|
1997 NFC Championship Game
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1997_NFC_Championship_Game
| 78,648,176 |
Legacy
|
{
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"is_intro": false
}
|
The 1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election was held in August 1999 to elect the leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales. The election was triggered by the resignation of Rod Richards after the Welsh Conservative Party failed to endorse his appointment of David TC Davies as acting leader after Richards was charged for inflicting grievous bodily harm, which he was later cleared of in 2000. Nick Bourne, who the party had appointed as acting leader in Davies' place, was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly as the only candidate nominated for the leadership by group members.
Richards, seen as the more radical candidate, had defeated Bourne, seen as the more moderate candidate, at the previous leadership election in 1998. After Richards was charged for inflicting grievous bodily harm in August 1999, he stood down temporarily as leader and appointed Davies, who was seen as his protégé, as acting leader on 5 August. This appointment was overruled by a meeting of senior party figures with the other, more moderate group members on 10 August, with Bourne elected as acting leader of the group in Davies' place. Richards then resigned permanently, with Bourne elected unopposed as the new leader on 18 August. As leader, he moved the Welsh Conservative Party in a more moderate direction, changing its stance to accept devolution and developing a distinctly Welsh approach for the party. The next leadership election would be held in 2011 after he lost his seat at the 2011 National Assembly for Wales election. His successor Andrew RT Davies continued his strategy of making the party more supportive of devolution but also adopted a more populist approach as leader.
|
wikipedia
|
1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Introduction
|
{
"word_count": 289,
"char_count": 1768,
"is_intro": true
}
|
Before 1997, the Conservative Party in Wales had little independence from the UK party, both in the context of policy-making and identity. In the 1990s, the party campaigned against the Labour Party's proposals to introduce a devolved legislature for Wales, arguing that this would lead to the breakup of the United Kingdom. After Labour's landslide victory in the 1997 general election, the new Labour government decided to hold a devolution referendum in Wales in September 1997, which returned a narrow majority in favour of devolution. Following the referendum, UK Conservative party leader William Hague instituted constitutional reforms to democratize the party in 1998, reorganising the party in Wales as the Welsh Conservative Party and giving it limited autonomy from the wider UK party.
In October and November 1998, a leadership election was held in the Welsh Conservative Party to elect the leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales ahead of the first assembly election in 1999. Two candidates stood for the position. Academic Nick Bourne, the party's chief spokesman for Wales and a leader of the unsuccessful Just Say NO campaign in the 1997 Welsh devolution referendum, was widely seen as the preferred candidate of UK party leader William Hague and was considered the more moderate candidate, cautiously accepting the implementation of devolution. Former MP Rod Richards, known for his combative style of politics and anti-devolutionist views, was seen as the more radical right-wing Thatcherite candidate. Richards was elected leader of the Welsh Conservative Group by the Welsh party membership and became the first to serve in this position after the assembly's creation in 1999. However, his relationship with Bourne became strained as a result of the election.
Under Rod Richards' leadership, the Welsh Conservatives adopted a strategy of opposing devolution and emphasising British identity. Richards led the party into the first assembly election, where the Conservatives won enough seats to become the third-largest party behind Plaid Cymru. This was disappointing for the party, which won nine seats but had expected beforehand to become the second-largest party behind Labour instead. Richards announced his frontbench team shortly after. All nine Conservative assembly members (AMs) were given portfolios, with his campaign manager David TC Davies becoming his deputy leader and the party's chief whip and Bourne becoming the party's spokesperson for finance. As leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales, Richards eschewed the more collaborative and consensual style of politics envisioned for the assembly and instead adopted an oppositional approach toward its other parties.
|
wikipedia
|
1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Background
|
{
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"is_intro": false
}
|
Two months into his leadership in the assembly, Richards was arrested and charged for inflicting grievous bodily harm to a 22-year-old woman in Kew, London, on 22 July 1999. He was released on bail, pending a court hearing on 8 September. Richards denied the charges but left his role as leader of the Welsh Conservative Group on 5 August for a temporary period to focus on his defence, promising to return once he had proved his innocence. Richards appointed David TC Davies, who was his deputy leader, as acting leader to lead the group in his absence. Considered to be his protégé, Richards wanted Davies to serve as his successor should he officially resign from the leadership and he tried to prevent Bourne from succeeding him instead.
The appointment of Davies as acting leader, who was 29 years old at the time, proved controversial with other members of the Welsh Conservative Group, who claimed he was "too inexperienced" to lead the party. According to The Independent, some members of the group were thought to have preferred to install Bourne as acting leader instead. The other members of the group were more moderate than Davies and Richards, and Bourne's supporters in the group thought it was time for the party to move in a more moderate direction under Bourne as the new leader. A leadership election within the group to determine whether to re-elect Richards as leader had already been scheduled for November, but his premature temporary resignation meant that the UK party was now considering whether to push it forward to August.
Richards' decision to appoint Davies without consulting the other members of the group angered some of its members, who favoured choosing their own leader over Davies. On 6 August, these members convened a meeting of some of the group's members, including Bourne's supporters, to discuss Davies' appointment as acting leader. The members who attended this meeting included Bourne, Alun Cairns, Jonathan Morgan, Glyn Davies and David Melding. Although the attendees agreed to favour an alternative appointment to the leadership, they could not come to a final decision on the matter. It was decided to wait until the return of the other group members including Davies from their holidays so that another meeting could be held on the issue. Richards dismissed any suggestions of infighting within the Welsh Conservative Group and claimed to enjoy "a lot of support, not just from my own group but from throughout Wales".
Another meeting was held on 10 August to determine if the Welsh Conservatives should hold an early leadership election to elect a new leader. In attendance were senior members of the Welsh Conservatives, including all members of the Welsh Conservative Group and Nigel Evans, the UK party spokesperson on Welsh affairs. Richards appealed to the other attendees of the meeting to endorse Davies as his deputy leader and as acting leader. He then left the meeting, leaving them to decide whether to endorse Davies or not. In response to the allegations against Richards, the party leadership chose to endorse Bourne for the position of acting leader rather than Davies at the meeting. This move was backed by the other members of the group, who reiterated the claim that Davies was "too inexperienced" to lead the party. The other attendees of the meeting then elected Bourne as the new acting leader. In a statement published not long after Richards' departure from the meeting, the members declared that Bourne was now the new acting leader of the group. Richards then announced his permanent resignation as leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales, stating that his leadership and authority had been "undermined" by their decision to replace Davies with Bourne, and that as a result he had "no choice" but to step down.
|
wikipedia
|
1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Richards' resignation
|
{
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}
|
As a result of Richards' resignation, Conservative Central Office announced that a new leadership election would have to be held for the party in Wales to elect a new permanent leader of the Welsh Conservative Group. Bourne put forward his nomination for the leadership to Conservative Central Office on 11 August 1999. The party then opened the nominations process for other potential challengers to stand for the leadership. Under the nominations process, nominations had to be signed from at least three of the nine party AMs and submitted to the chief whip David TC Davies to be considered valid. According to a spokesman representing Bourne, five of the nine AMs in the Conservative Group had already signed his nomination. Henri Lloyd Davies, chair of the Welsh Conservative Party, announced that nominations would remain open for seven days. If only one candidate was nominated by the closure of nominations on 18 August, they had to have the support of at least two-thirds of party AMs before they could be elected unopposed as the new leader.
According to the South Wales Echo, Bourne was expected to be the only contender for the leadership, allowing him to be elected unopposed. The paper's political correspondent Richard Hazlewood said the nominations process was widely seen in the party as just a formality to install Bourne as the official leader of the Welsh Conservative Group. On 12 August, the South Wales Evening Post described him as the favourite to win the election. According to BBC News, he had secured the support of most of the Conservative AMs by 16 August, not including Richards or his deputy David TC Davies. On 13 August, Davies said he would support whoever was elected as the new leader, but added that he felt "disappointed" by his colleagues for claiming that he was inexperienced ahead of his dismissal as acting leader.
|
wikipedia
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1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Campaign
|
{
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After the closure of nominations on 18 August, Davies as chief whip announced that Bourne was the only person nominated for the leadership. He therefore declared that Bourne was elected unopposed as leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales. Bourne praised Davies for his conduct during the election and gave him a new role as the member of the Welsh Conservative frontbench responsible for policy presentation. Bourne pledged to hold the Labour administration to account and to focus his party in the assembly on issues relating to farming, the Welsh NHS and European aid. He also said the Conservatives would argue "for a distinctive Welsh policy ... on all sorts of issues". He reshuffled other posts in the Conservative frontbench in the assembly on 25 August, abolishing the deputy leadership post held by Davies while making him the new environment spokesperson. Richards was not given a post in Bourne's new frontbench team, making him the only Conservative AM to serve as a backbencher, though Bourne promised to appoint him to it at a later date once he was cleared of his allegations of assault.
|
wikipedia
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1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Results
|
{
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|
Richards was the first of several assembly party leaders who resigned within a year of the National Assembly for Wales' creation in 1999, followed by Labour's Alun Michael and Plaid Cymru's Dafydd Wigley. These resignations reflected the instability of the newly established institution in the first year of its existence. Richards continued to serve as a Conservative backbencher in the National Assembly until February 2000, when members of the Welsh Conservative Group decided to suspend the whip from him for abstaining in a vote on a draft budget for the assembly in December; Conservative AMs were whipped to vote against the draft budget. In response to his suspension, Richards called Bourne a "prat" during an assembly session and hosted a press conference where he accused most members of the Welsh Conservative Group of having taken part in a conspiracy to remove him as leader. He defended his former deputy David TC Davies, claiming that he was not involved in the alleged conspiracy, but denounced the seven other AMs in the group as Nick Bourne's "malevolent seven", describing the meeting where they voted to suspend him as a "kangaroo court". Richards continued to sit in the assembly as an Independent Conservative before retiring from the institution in 2002, and he was cleared of all charges related to the grievous bodily harm accusations in June 2000.
|
wikipedia
|
1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Aftermath
|
{
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"char_count": 1374,
"is_intro": false
}
|
Under Bourne's leadership the Conservatives in Wales, now under the control of a more moderate faction that generally accepted devolution, saw a significant change to their political strategy as compared to under Richards, with Bourne working with the Welsh Conservatives' main adviser on policy David Melding to make the party more distinctly Welsh in identity and generally supportive of devolution. The change in leadership also enabled the Welsh party to adopt a more moderate policy programme and become more collaborative with other parties in the assembly, in line with its more consensual system of politics. The party gradually moderated its policies on issues such as education and health, rejecting the calls for private outsourcing made by the Conservatives in England and calling for increased funding of public services, and came to commit itself to a distinctly Welsh approach different to that of the wider UK party. Richards opposed Bourne's reforms to the Welsh Conservatives and later criticised them in 2011 as having "achieved nothing in terms of taking the party forward. All it's about is sucking up to Plaid Cymru." Bourne continued to serve as the leader of the Welsh Conservative Group in the National Assembly for Wales until he lost his seat at the 2011 assembly election.
The events and aftermath of the leadership election led to a lasting enmity between Richards and Bourne which caused a factional split in the Welsh Conservative Group between those who supported Bourne and the more Eurosceptic AMs in the group; this spilled over into the 2001 UK Conservative Party leadership election, with Bourne's faction supporting the more pro-European candidate Kenneth Clarke and the other faction supporting the more Eurosceptic candidate Iain Duncan Smith. The next Welsh Conservatives leadership election would be held in 2011, with Andrew RT Davies defeating Nick Ramsay to succeed Bourne as leader of the Welsh Conservative Group. Davies continued Bourne's strategy of making the Welsh party more supportive of devolution but also took on a more populist approach.
|
wikipedia
|
1999 Welsh Conservatives leadership election
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1999_Welsh_Conservatives_leadership_election
| 76,997,132 |
Aftermath
|
{
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"char_count": 2094,
"is_intro": false
}
|
On the afternoon of April 27, 2011, a large, long-tracked, and violent high-end EF4 multi-vortex tornado, known by most as the Cullman–Arab tornado, moved across north-central Alabama, in the United States, striking numerous towns along its 47-mile (76 km) track, including Cullman, Fairview, Arab and Ruth. The tornado killed 6, injured over 40, and impacted hundreds of structures. It occurred as part of the largest tornado outbreak in modern history, and was the second violent tornado of the outbreak, touching down after the Philadelphia, Mississippi tornado.
The tornado first touched down in Cullman County before entering the city limits of Cullman, where EF4 damage was recorded to numerous buildings, including a large church in the downtown area. The tornado then left the Cullman area, moving through Fairview and heavily damaging multiple buildings located in the town. As the tornado tracked through Morgan and Marshall counties, it struck several smaller villages, including Ruth, where heavy damage was documented. Shortly after crossing the Tennessee River, the tornado dissipated.
The tornado devastated downtown Cullman, inflicting an estimated $13.5 million (2011 USD) to the city and causing widespread power outages throughout Cullman County. The tornado had maximum estimated windspeeds of 190 miles per hour (310 km/h), classifying it as violent. Several buildings, many made of brick, in downtown Cullman were leveled by these winds, and the tornado directly preceded several other violent tornadoes that would touch down shortly after, including the Hackleburg–Phil Campbell tornado 20 minutes before the Cullman tornado dissipated.
|
wikipedia
|
2011 Cullman–Arab tornado
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011_Cullman%E2%80%93Arab_tornado
| 78,306,134 |
Introduction
|
{
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"char_count": 1659,
"is_intro": true
}
|
The environmental conditions leading up to the 2011 Super Outbreak were among the "most conducive to violent tornadoes ever documented". On April 25, a vigorous upper-level shortwave trough moved into the Southern Plains states. Ample instability, low-level moisture, and wind shear all fueled a significant tornado outbreak from Texas to Tennessee; at least 64 tornadoes touched down on this day. An area of low pressure consolidated over Texas on April 26 and traveled east while the aforementioned shortwave trough traversed the Mississippi and Ohio River valleys. Another 50 tornadoes touched down on this day. The multi-day outbreak culminated on April 27 with the most violent day of tornadic activity since the 1974 Super Outbreak. Multiple episodes of tornadic activity ensued with two waves of mesoscale convective systems in the morning hours followed by a widespread outbreak of supercells from Mississippi to North Carolina during the afternoon into the evening.
Tornadic activity on April 27 was precipitated by a 995 mbar (hPa; 29.39 inHg) surface low situated over Kentucky and a deep, negatively tilted (aligned northwest to southeast) trough over Arkansas and Louisiana. A strong southwesterly surface jet intersected these systems at a 60° angle, an ageostrophic flow that led to storm-relative helicity values in excess of 500 m2s−2—indicative of extreme wind shear and a very high potential for rotating updrafts within supercells. Ample moisture from the Gulf of Mexico was brought north across the Deep South, leading to daytime high temperatures of 77 to 81 °F (25 to 27 °C) and dewpoints of 66 to 72 °F (19 to 22 °C). Furthermore, convective available potential energy (CAPE) values reached 2,500–3,000 J/kg−1.
|
wikipedia
|
2011 Cullman–Arab tornado
|
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011_Cullman%E2%80%93Arab_tornado
| 78,306,134 |
Setup
|
{
"word_count": 271,
"char_count": 1734,
"is_intro": false
}
|
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